1. Non-Unique - No Chinese influence in Mexico – multiple obstacles The Economist 6/8/13 (“From pivot to twirl”,, CMR) There are big hurdles to overcome, though. The first is that the two countries do not see eye to eye on the size of the trade imbalance. Many Chinese exports to Mexico come indirectly, via America, so China does not count them, says Sergio Ley, a former Mexican ambassador in Beijing.¶ A second problem is a Mexican private sector that believes trade is unfairly stacked in China’s favour, and so keeps its eyes fixed on the American market. Third, Mexico is hitched to an American-led free-trade juggernaut, the Trans-Pacific Partnership, that has until now been anathema to China. For all the tequila that Mexico persuades China to buy, it will take more than fancy footwork by Mr Xi and Mr Peña to turn relations from rivalry to revelry.

2. Non-Unique - US influence in Latin America is still unchallenged – culture, proximity, and economic relations. Ben-Ami, 6/5 (Shlomo Ben-Ami, a former Israeli foreign minister and internal security minister, is Vice President of the Toledo International
Center for Peace. “Is the US Losing Latin America?” Jun. 5, 2013, it would be a mistake to regard Latin America’s broadening international relations as marking the end of US preeminence. Unlike in the bygone era of superpowers and captive nations, American influence can no longer be defined by the ability to install and depose leaders from the US embassy. To believe otherwise is to ignore how international politics has changed over the last quarter-century. A continent once afflicted by military takeovers has slowly but surely implanted stable democracies. Responsible economic management, poverty-reduction programs, structural reforms, and greater openness to foreign investment have all helped to generate years of low-inflation growth. As a result, the region was able to withstand the ravages of the global financial crisis. The US not only encouraged these changes, but has benefited hugely from them. More than 40% of US exports now go to Mexico and Central and South America, the US’s fastest-growing export destination. Mexico is America’s second-largest foreign market (valued at $215 billion in 2012). US exports to Central America have risen by 94% over the past six years; imports from the region have risen by 87%. And the US continues to be the largest foreign investor on the continent. American interests are evidently well served by having democratic, stable, and increasingly prosperous neighbors. This new reality also demands a different type of diplomacy – one that recognizes the diverse interests of the continent. For example, an emerging power such as Brazil wants more respect on the world stage. Obama blundered when he dismissed a 2010 deal on Iran’s nuclear program mediated by Brazil and Turkey (despite having earlier endorsed the talks). Ot her countries might benefit from US efforts to promote democracy and socioeconomic ties, as Obama’s recent trips to Mexico and Costa Rica show. Trade relations provide a nother allimportant lever. President Sebastian Piñera of Chile visited the White House earlier this week to discuss, among other things, the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), an ambitious trade agreement that might encompass New Zealand, Singapore, Australia, Mexico, Canada, and Japan. President Ollanta Humala of Peru is expected in the White House next week, while Vice President Joe Biden is scheduled to visit Latin America soon after. Language and culture matter, too. Given the extraordinary growth of Latinos’ influence in the US, it is almost inconceivable that America could lose its unique status in the region to China or Russia, let alone Iran. Gone are the days when military muscle and the politics of subversion could secure US influence – in Latin America or anywhere else. A world power today is one that can combine economic vigor and a popular culture with global outreach on the basis of shared interests. The US is better

positioned than any other power in this respect, particularly when it comes to applying these advantages in its immediate vicinity.


3 There’s no trade off or competition between China and the US in Latin America. Chunsi Wu 2013 Chunsi Wu is the executive director of the Institute of International Strategy Studies and research fellow at the Center for
American Studies, Shanghai Institutes for International Studies (SIIS). “U.S.-Mexico-China Relations in the Context of Regional Cooperation: A Chinese Perspective” In "China and the New Triangular Relationships in the Americas: China and the Future of US-Mexico Relations" 5-1-2013 Edited by: Enrique Dussel Peters, Adrian H. Hearn, Harley Shaiken (2013). University of Miami Center for Latin American Studies Publications. Secondly, although the U.S. pays close attention to China’s engagement with Latin American countries, it knows that

China does not really have the capability to challenge the position of the United States on the American continent. It is true that Chinese-Latin American relations have developed rapidly over the past ten years, especially in regards to three
aspects: Firstly, China has established connections with the entire American continent, not only developing economic relations with the major powers in the region, but also strengthening its cooperation with many medium-sized countries as well as regional organizations. Some countries in the region, however, do not maintain diplomatic relations with Mainland China, and do with Taiwan. Secondly, China has begun to pursue universal cooperation with Latin American nations, with more and more dimensions emerging in its various relationships including tourism, cultural exchange, security issues, climate change, etc. Thirdly, topics of interest between China and Latin American countries have gone beyond the bilateral and regional levels, with these nations exchanging views on the world order and global affairs. Thus, China believes that its relationship with Latin America has “strategic importance.”2 Certain Chinese scholars have pointed out that the Chinese-Latin American relationship has exhibited unprecedented growth in the new century (Zheng and Sun 2009). China’s increasing

reinforcement of its relationship with Latin American countries, however, does not imply any intention to enter into geopolitical competition with the United States. Economic development is the primary goal of China’s cooperation with Latin
American countries. Indeed, China wants to expand its exchange with Latin American countries to include other areas such as education, culture, politics, security, etc., given China’s belief that one-dimensional relationships are both unhealthy and unsustainable. Chinese-Latin

American economic cooperation needs to be both complemented and supported by diplomacy in other areas. Therefore, from the Chinese perspective, developing comprehensive relationships with Latin American countries has little to do with strategic or military competition.

4. No Impact - No war between the US and China—It’s in neither country’s best interest Ackerman 2011 (Robert Ackerman, May 10, 2011, “War Between China, U.S. Not Likely,” The United States and China are not likely to go to war with each other because neither country wants it and it would run counter to both nations’ best interests. That was the conclusion of a plenary panel session hosted by former Good Morning America host David Hartman at the 2011 Joint Warfighting Conference in Virginia Beach. Adm. Timothy J. Keating, USN (Ret.), former head of the U.S. Pacific Command, noted that China actually wants the United States to remain active in the Asia-Pacific region as a hedge against any other country’s adventurism. And, most of the other countries in that region want the United States to
remain active as a hedge against China. Among areas of concern for China is North Korea. Wallace “Chip” Gregson, former as sistant secretary of Defense for Asian and Pacific Security Affairs, said that above all China fears instability, and a North Korean collapse or war could send millions of refugees streaming into Manchuria, which has economic problems of its own.

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