Opening the Gate of Verification: The Forgotten Arab-Islamic Florescence of the 17th Century Author(s): Khaled El-Rouayheb

Source: International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol. 38, No. 2 (May, 2006), pp. 263-281 Published by: Cambridge University Press Stable URL: . Accessed: 13/08/2013 13:06
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact


Cambridge University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to International Journal of Middle East Studies.

This content downloaded from on Tue, 13 Aug 2013 13:06:51 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Int. J. Middle East Stud. 38 (2006), 263-281. Printed in the United States of America DOI: 10.1017.S0020743806382050


Little research has been done on the intellectual life of the Arab-Islamic world between the 15th and 19th centuries.This scholarly neglect almost certainlyreflects the widespreadassumptionthat intellectual life in the Arab-Islamicworld entered a long period of stagnationor "sclerosis"after the 13th or 14th century.This state of affairs is often believed to have lasted until the 19th century, when Europeanmilitary and economic expansion awakenedthe Arab-Islamicworld from its dogmatic slumber,and or "renaissance"(nahda). An influential statement of inaugurateda "reawakening" this view of intellectual life in the Arab provinces of the OttomanEmpire before the 19th century is to be found in Gibb and Bowen's Islamic Society and the West. Although they noted that "the barrennessof the period has been greatly exaggerated," they still statedthatArabic scholarlyculturehad degenerated,on the whole, into a rote, unquestioningacquisition of a narrowand religiously dominated field of knowledge. No "quickeningbreathhad blown" on Arab-Islamicscholarshipfor centuries.Isolated even from Persianand Turkishinfluences, it was reducedto "living on its own past."' The intellectual "sclerosis"that has been thought to characterizethe Arab-Islamic world between the 15th and 18th century is often portrayedas one aspect of a more general decline. The period between 1516 and 1798 was also supposed to have been marked by economic decline andurbandecay,as a resultof Ottoman(mis)ruleand/orthe Europeandiscovery of the Cape of Good Hope and subsequentchanges in international trade routes. The research of economic historians,in particularAndr6 Raymond, has underminedthis view. Despite periodic crises and depressions, the Arab provinces of the OttomanEmpire seem, on the whole, to have experienced both economic and demographicgrowthin the period, and this is reflected in the substantialgrowthof the major Arab cities of the Empire. Cairo, Aleppo, and Damascus were all substantially largerand more populous in the late 18th centurythanthey were in the early sixteenth.2 This new view of the economic history of the Arabprovinces duringthis period should invite a reconsiderationof the thesis of intellectualdecline or sclerosis. Sadly, this has not yet happened.Raymondhimself contraststhe urbanand economic expansion with what he supposes was the prevalent"culturalapathy"in the Arabprovinces.3

KhaledEl-Rouayhebis BritishAcademy PostdoctoralResearchFellow at The Facultyof Divinity,University of Cambridge,CambridgeCB3 9BS, U.K.; e-mail: ? 2006 Cambridge University Press 0020-7438/06 $12.00

This content downloaded from on Tue, 13 Aug 2013 13:06:51 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

MarshallHodgson. therehas been some dissatisfactionamong historianswith this idea of intellectualstagnation. or arguethat the revivaldatesback to the 18th ratherthan the 19th century.2.semantics-rhetoric.4The second line of attack.One of these developmentswas the introductionof a range of new handbooksin the fields of grammar. insofar as they accuse the theory of or decline or stagnationof being "Arabocentric. One of their students.thus sparkingoff a westward exodus of Sunni Azeri and Kurdish 'Arabidoctrines. the Shi'ite Safavids under Shah 'Abbas (r.242 on Tue.and Khalwatiyya in the region. as in the case of two of the intellectualgiants of the 17thcentury. 1663-64).The two trendswere distinct. This developmentappearsto have had the effect of strengthening supportfor monist. or so it was believed. with an ethos of "verification.there seems to have been two majorlines of attack.5 Welcome as they are.Influencedby Hodgson.which had hithertobeen regardedwith suspicionby most Arab-Islamic scholars (ulama).They merely insist that this stagnationdid not extend to. argues that the 18th century witnessed an indigenous intellectualrevival or "Enlightenment. Safavid Persia or Moghul India. both approachespresupposeratherthanchallenge the received theory of stagnation. In the present article. who went on to teach in the city for around sixty years." Another major development was the spread of originally non-Arabicmystical orders such as the Shattariyya.mostly of eitherPersianor Maghribi origin.Naqshbandiyya.becausePersian Contemporary and Maghribischolars were imbued. andtheology. and several of his local students went on to Amin become prominentteachersin theirown right. I believe that these revisionist argumentsconcede too much." before the onset of westernizationin the 19th century. They typically do not contest the idea that the Arabic-speakingpartsof the Islamic world entered into a long period of stagnation after the 13th or 14th century. witnesses believed thatthis developmentwas significant. Peter Gran.176. in his influential The Ventureof Islam.Ibrahimal-Kurani(1616-90) and'Abd al-Ghanial-Nabulusi(1640-1731). say. I would like to challenge this idea of intellectual apathyand stagnationby drawing attention to some hitherto neglected intellectual developments in the Arabic-speakingparts of the OttomanEmpire in the 17th century. 13 Aug 2013 13:06:51 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . He seems to have gained a considerable reputationas a teacher.Hitherto. "THE WAY OF THE PERSIAN SCHOLARS" AND KURDISH VERIFYING In the first decade of the 17th century.and ReinhardtSchulze. EhsanYarshater that the theory of "decline"is "Arabocentric" in equating the decline of Arab-Islamic civilization with the decline of Islamic civilization as such.264 Khaled El-Rouayheb In recentdecades. and Moghul India. 1588- 1629) managedto wrest Azerbaijanand Shirwanfrom the Ottomans. representedby scholars such as John Voll." or insofaras they speak of a "revival" "enlightenment" (concepts which suggest a precedingperiod of dormantor benighted intellectuallife). argued that the traditional notion of a post-Mongol decline of Islamic civilization does not do justice to the intellectual and culturalflorescence in 16th and 17th century OttomanTurkey.Muhammad This content downloaded from 152. One Kurdishscholar who settled in Damascus at precisely this time was Mulla Mahmudal-Kurdi(d.but at times coalesced. logic.and was due to indigenous factors ratherthan to Europeaninfluences and challenges. Indeed.Safavid has arguedrecently Persia.

tahqTq If it is relatively straightforward to understandwhat al-Muhibbimeant by speaking it is somewhat more difficult to ascertainwhat he meant by "the books of of tahqTq. listing the works he had a certificateto teach. of Damascus students withthesebooks. As an Ottomancontemporary is to give the evidentialgrounds(dalTi) of a scientific proposition. and their works could easily be referredto as "the books of the Persians. If al-Muhibbi'scommentsaboutMullaMahmudal-Kurdiintroducing Damascenestudents to new worksareto be takenseriously.242 on Tue.6 The meaning of the word tahqTq in this context is clear from a story involving another Easternscholar who settled in Damascus in the 17th century. Kuranimentionedthe standardworks of al-Taftazani and al-Sayyid al-Sharifal-Jurjani(d.e. the Persians.For instance. the mentioned works were hardly unknown in Damascene scholarly circles in the 16th century. Al-Muhibbiwrote: He mostlytaught thebooksof thePersians andhe was thefirstto acquaint the (kutub al-a'ajim).10 the scholar: earliermentionedIsaghujiby al-Abhariwith its standard commentaries."'7 TahqTq of al-Kabuli contents of the handbookcommentedupon. 1265).and Talkhis a condensed manual on al-Dinal-Qazwini semantics-rhetoric Jamal al-miftah. 15911689 AD). Persian scholars. 1390).grammar. 1359).9Another Damascene well as al-Abhari'sIsaghuji with the commentaryof Husamal-Din al-Kati(d.thenhe musthavebeen referringto worksby other.2. by with commentaries on work the shorter and the (d.It is fromhimthatthegateof tahqTq in Damascus wasopened. 1699). The identity of at least some of these scholars may be gauged from a work by Ibrahim al-Kurani(d. 1338) longer by Sa'd al-Din alTaftazani(d. included an entry on Mulla Mahmudin his biographicaldictionary of Muslim notables who died in the 11th century of the Muslim era ( and al-Taftazani were all of Persianorigin. The Afghan scholar was once approachedby a local studentwho wished to of the EgyptianscholarZakariyyaal-Ansari(d. Abu al-Mawahibal-Hanbali (16351714). Thisis whatwe haveheard ourteachers say. and theology. the Damascene scholar Hasan al-Burini (d.176. in which it is statedthathe studiedlogic. Al-Kabuli had not seen this particularcommentarybefore and was reportedlyunimpressedwhen he discoveredthatZakariyyaal-Ansarihad merely explainedthe text. semantics-rhetoric('ilm al-ma'amn with Mulla wa-l-bay-in). also statedthathe studiedlogic andthe sciences of languagewith Mulla Mahmud He also mentioned some of the books that he had studied with the Kurdish al-Kurdi. 1413) on semantics-rhetoric. and presumablylater.'Abd al-Rahimal-Kabuli (d. 1615) studied the semantic-rhetoricalworks of al-Taftazanibefore the arrivalof Mulla Mahmud.logic. He then went on to mention other works in these fields by later Persian scholars such as This content downloaded from 152.andhe imparted to themthe abilityto readandteach them. Al-Abhari. another 17th century Kurdish scholar who settled in the Arabic-speakinglands.8 stated. 1723). 1690). 1519) on Isaghuji.'1 Al-Burinihimself went on to teach al-Taftazani's commentarieson Talkhisal-miftah."However.Opening the Gate of Verification 265 al-Muhibbi(d. "rather thangoing the obviouslymeantdoing morethanmerelyexplainingthe way of the muhaqqiqTn.. studythe commentary an introductory handbookon logic by Athir al-Din al-Abhari(d. 13 Aug 2013 13:06:51 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ."One clue is offered by an 18th century biography of the Damascene scholarand mystic 'Abd al-Ghanial-Nabulusi(1640-1731).and grammar Mahmud al-Kurdi.

1651) wrote glosses on the commentary of the Persian-born Transoxanian scholar 'Ubaydallah al-Khabisi (fl. This content downloaded from 152. 1488). Yasin al-'Ulaymi al-Himsi (d. 1704). 1355). 13 Aug 2013 13:06:51 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .'" Older Damascene scholars such as the previously mentioned Hasan al-Burini (1556-1615) and Najm al-Din Muhammad al-Ghazzi (1570-1651) do not seem to have studied such works. were well aware of the later Persian scholars' "useful works in all the disciplines. the works of al-Isfara'ini seem to have spread to Egypt. 3.242 on Tue. The commentaryof al-Dawanion the creed ('aqa'id) of 'Adud al-Din al-Iji (on theology).14 Younger Damascene scholars such as al-Muhibbi (1650-99) and Ibn al-'Imad al-Hanbali (162379). called al-Mutawwal. Qadi 'Ali al-'Isami (d. as attested by the bibliographer Katib Celebi (d. Al-Ghunaymi's student. al-mantiqby al-Taftazani The cited works were widely used handbooks in Ottoman scholarly circles from the 17th century. the works of al-Dawani and al-Isfara'ini may have become known at an earlier time than in Damascus. 1598-99) settled in the holy cities.2. 2. are known to have taught the works of al-Dawani and al-Isfara'ini.on Talkhis al-miftah(on semanticsrhetoric).176. 4.'6 In the somewhat more cosmopolitan atmosphere of the two Holy Cities of Mecca and Medina. 1627-28) are known to have taught the works of al-Isfara'ini there. These glosses reveal that al-'Ulaymi was acquainted with the commentary of al-Isfara'ini on the same work. 1634) and Ahmad al-Khafaji (d. 1680). on Talkhis al-miftah.266 KhaledEl-Rouayheb Jalal al-Din al-Dawani (d. and he and his nephew 'Abd al-Malik al-'Isami (d. 1501) and 'Isam al-Din al-Isfara'ini (d. 1492). A grandchild of 'Isam al-Din al-Isfara'ini.19 The Moroccan scholar 'Abdallah al-'Ayyashi (d. The commentaryof al-Isfara'inion Risalat al-wad' (on the theory of conventionalreference) by 'Adud al-Din al-Iji (d."7From western Arabia. The Egyptian scholars Ahmad al-Ghunaymi (d. The commentaryof al-Isfara'inion al-Risalafi al-isti'arat (on metaphors)by Abu-al-Qasim (fl.12 Some of these new works were the following: of al-Isfara'inion Sharh al-kafiya (on grammar)by the well-known 1. 6."'" There is thus some reason to believe that the works of the later Persian scholars were indeed introduced to the scholarly milieu of Damascus in the early 17th century by Mulla Mahmud al-Kurdi. 1688) and 'Uthman al-Qattan (d. by contrast. The supposition is strengthened by the fact that some of the Damascene pupils of Mulla Mahmud." For instance. 1659) both studied his works while they were in the Hijaz. al-Ghunaymi wrote glosses on al-Isfara'ini's commentary on al-Samarqandi's al-Risala fi al-isticarat. such as CAbd al-Qadir ibn 'Abd al-Hadi (d. 1537). but that there was now a more recent and longer commentary by 'Isam al-Din al-Isfara'ini. entitledal-Atwal. The Egyptian scholar replied that the standard handbook had long been al-Taftazani's longer commentary. The commentaryof al-Dawanion Tahdhib (on logic). 1540) on Tahdhib al-mantiq by al-Taftazani. asked a local specialist in semantics-rhetoric what handbooks he used to teach the subject. 1657).'8 Egyptian scholars of the 17th century went on to write commentaries and glosses on some of the "works of the Persians. who passed through Egypt on his way to the hajj. al-Samarqandi 5. The lengthycommentary of al-Isfara'ini. The supercommentary Persianscholarand poet 'Abd al-Rahmanal-Jami(d.

25 It seems clear. the Encyclopaediaof Islam has no entry on 'Isam al-Din al-Isfara'ini. in a work in which he consistently refers to al-Mallawi as "our teacher the commentator(shaykhunaal-sharih).29 This content downloaded from 152."26 exaggeration."also referredto the translatorof alIsfara'ini's work as "al-Mawlawi. The Egyptianhistorian'Abd al-Rahman al-Jabarti the translation (d. Even many of the authorsremainlargely unknown.. such as the correct understandingof the divine the argumentsof the Ash'aris and the Mu'tazilis were both inconclusive. 'Isam al-Din al-Isfara'iniwrote a work in Persianon figurativeuse of language (majaz)that was translatedinto Arabic in the 17th century.alDawani's widely studiedcommentaryon the creed of al-Iji is prefacedwith an emphasis on the need for tahqiq ratherthan taqlid in creedal matters. he emphasizedthat the latter should not be consideredunbelievers.24 of the new "booksof the Persians"in the Whatwas the significanceof the introduction late 16thandearly 17thcentury?Most of the worksmentionedhavenot receivedmodem scholarly attention. and a work on the medical propertiesof Europeanherbs. but this was not always the's commentaryrepeatedly adopted an irenic stance towardpoints that had traditionally divided Ash'aris from Mu'tazilis and Islamic philosophers.a student of al-Mallawi.e.27 Although explicitly writtenfrom an Ashcariperspective.e.e.22Furthermore.2..Its shortentry grammar. that the commentariesand supercommentaries did not simply consist of an explication of the meaning of the texts. not al-Mallawi (i. For his part.28 He also went out of his way to arguethatmany of the accusationsoften levied at the Islamic philosophers by theologians-for example. also known as MunajjimBashi (d. Survivingmanuscripts mention the translator'sname as Ahmad al-Mawlawi (i. he statedthat on many central theological points. theology. from the Egyptian town of Mallawi).For example.he was almostcertainlymistakenaboutthis.and it is thereforedifficult to answer the question with confidence. For instance.20 Most of the works alluded to by al-Muhibbi were written in Arabic.21 of thework However."23 The translatorseems ratherto have been Ahmad ibn Lutfallahal-Mawlawi.Opening the Gate of Verification 267 called al-Atwal. of al-Isfara'iniand al-Dawani however. al-Jami] on most were al-kafiya highly Even for some allowing points. ratherthan his Arabic theological.the EgyptianscholarAhmad al-Mallawi (1677-1767). a treatiseon logical predication(haml).such a comment would make no sense if al-Isfara'iniwere simply expoundingthe meaning of al-Jami'swork. 1825-26) attributed to one of his father'steachers. textbooksfor centuries. Ahmad al-Mawlawi served as court astronomer/astrologer (r. which offered a synthesis of the most importantscholia written on al-Taftazani's work. 1702). where he died.For instance.a commentaryon a work on ethics by 'Adud al-Din al-Iji. the Ottomanbibliographer KatibCelebi statedthatal-Isfara'ini'sglosses on al-Jami'sSharh critical and that "he argued against him [i.176. and logic remainedstandard on on Dawani focuses on his Persian work ethics (which has been translatedinto on English). and attributes.242 on Tue. For instance. His other works include a universalchronicle. 1648-87) in Istanbulbefore retiringto Cairo and Mecca.whose works on semantics-rhetoric. logical. Originally from for Mehmed IV Salonica.and a declarationthat the work will not merely catalogue views but pursue the trutheven when it goes against currentopinion. 13 Aug 2013 13:06:51 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .. of the Mawlawi mystical order). that they believed that God did not know particularsAl-Dawani was also sympatheticto the ideas of the were based on misunderstanding. and philosophical works that were much more influentialin scholarlycircles in the OttomanEmpire.

Thereis some evidence thatPersianand Kurdishscholarshad a distinctive mannerof teaching." To understandwhy he did so.workson dialectic (adaibal-bahth)were almostcertainlyamongthe new "books of the Persians"that came to be taught in Arab-Islamiccircles from the 17th century.30 Al-Muhibbi linked the teaching of the "books of the Persians"to the "opening of the gate of tahqTq. 1791)." and"Itseemsthatit is this. Apparently."34 The grammatical. Like al-Suyuti. it should be kept in mind that the full significance of the introductionof "the books of the Persians"may not become apparentmerely by looking at the contents of the works themselves."31 A 17th centuryMoroccan scholar has left a vivid descriptionof a contemporaryKurdish scholar'sway of conductingclasses: on a topicreminded one of discussion for he His lecture andparley(mufawada). the principles of jurisprudenceand grammar. like more with the comfortable al-Suyuti.242 on Tue. 1505) offer some further indication of the significance of the "books of the Persians. not according to the way of the Persians and philosophers. One of the numerousworks of al-Isfara'iniwas a commentaryon a tracton dialecticby 'Adud al-Din al-Iji.and rhetoric "accordingto the principles of the Arabs and the erudite. Al-Muhibbi described one of the scholars he met in Istanbulas "followingthe way of the PersianandKurdishverifyingscholars(muhaqqiqT al-'ajam wa-l-akraid) in adhering to the principles of dialectic (iadiib al-bahth)." Andif he wasquestioned on eventhe slightest understood pointhe wouldstopuntil thematter wasestablished.268 Khaled El-Rouayheb Andalusianmystic Ibn 'Arabi. 13 Aug 2013 13:06:51 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .and theological handbooksto which al-Muhibbialluded were writtenby Persianscholars who also wrote on logical and/orphilosophical topics. was (naqliyyah) sciences such tradition-relating as hadith. Indeed.and his argumentson this point were invoked by later supportersof Ibn 'Arabi's theory. MAGHRIBI SCHOLARS IN THE EAST The 18thcenturyEgyptian-basedscholarMuhammadMurtada al-Zabidi(d. The new works were not mere additions to librarycollections but were taught initially by scholars of Kurdishor Persianorigin.33 Remarksby the earlier Egyptianscholar Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti (d.32 Indeed.By were explicitly hostile to the contrast. He also condemned the-in his view mainly Persian-scholars who introducedlogical concepts and argumentforms into the study of theology. althoughhe was well aware that his view was far from being typical of the Islamic scholars of his time. and repeatedly condemned these disciplines as inimical to religious faith.grammar.semantic-rhetorical. as opposed to rational ('aqliyyah) sciences such as logic or philosophical theology.176.he regrettedwhat he saw as an inordinateenthusiasmfor logic amonghis This content downloaded from 152.He prided himself in mastering jurisprudence.the logically and philosophically informed methodology that alSuyuti despised received renewedimpetus in Arab-Islamic scholarlycircles in the 17th century." and"Doyou see thatthiscanbe like that?.2."Al-Suyuti was notoriously opposed to logic and philosophy. (mudha/kara) wouldsay:"Perhaps thisandthat. such as "theunity of existence" (wahdatal-wujfid).earliertheologians such as al-Iji and al-Taftazani idea of wahdat al-wujiid. he considered the latter fields to be pernicious.

37 Many of these scholars were students of the prominent Moroccan theologian and logician al-Hasan al-Yusi (d. logic. often readin conjunctionwith al-Sanusi'sown commentary. and Ibn Marzuqal-Hafid(d. 1691). al-Mukhtasar fi al-mantiq. Algeria.a didacticpoem introducingthe basic principlesof Aristotelianlogic. 2.41 This content downloaded from 152. Yahya al-Shawi (d. along with the commentaries of the author and various glosses by later Maghribi scholars such as 'Isa al-Suktani (d. that is. and the need for tahqTq. fideist and literalist groups such as anti-Ash'ari Hanbalis. 1249). They do not heed the necessary truths of reason. and due to them it [logic] became popularin Egypt and they [i. They brought with them a number of logical handbooks that were of Maghribi provenance.. Like al-Dawani. by Afdal al-Din al-Khunaji(d.and the glosses of the Maliki mufti of Algiers. al-Jumal. had "delved into it [i.36 As I have shown elsewhere.and the glosses of al-Hasanal-Yusi. al-Sanusi-whose works have been described as marking the apogee of "intellectualism" in Muslim theology--evinced a firm confidence in the possibility of demonstrating the truth of the Ash'ari creed and relied heavily on the modal concepts and argument forms of Aristotelian logic in expounding and defending the principles of the Islamic faith.39 In al-Dawani's case. a yet more advancedwork commentedupon by various Maghribianscholars such as Muhammadal-Sharif al-Tilimsani (d. al-Sullamal-munawraq. 1651/52).38 In addition to these logical works. among other things. 1546). he argued. by 'Abd al-Rahmanal-Akhdari(d. This enthusiasm. the emphasis led to a more the claims of the Mu'tazilis and Islamic philosophers reconciliatory position vis-h-vis on several points. the students of al-Yusi taught the theological works of the earlier mentioned 15th century scholar Muhammad ibn Yusuf al-Sanusi. oblivious of the fact that to undermine reason is to undermine the basis for religious belief.. 1490). and taught logic. to local students. such as the following: 1.e. Such scholars. 13 Aug 2013 13:06:51 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . often read in conjunctionwith al-Akhdari'sown prose commentary. and al-Yusi. logic] until they became leaders in the field who are singled out for their proficiency. al-Sanusi was also disparaging of what he called the hashwiyya. locals] devoted themselves to studying it. and Tunisia.176. 1409). whereas before that time they had only occupied themselves with it occasionally to sharpentheir wits. Ibn al-Khatibal-Qusantini(d. al-Zabidi is in this passage referring to several Maghribi scholars who settled temporarily or permanently in Egypt toward the end of the 17th century and the beginning of the 18th. particularly his longer creed 'Aqidat ahl al-tawhid and the shorter Umm al-barahin. present-day Morocco.e.Opening the Gate of Verification 269 Egyptian contemporaries. a somewhat more advanced work by Muhammadibn Yusuf alSanusi (d. al-Zabidi described how Maghribi scholars coming to Egypt a few generations before his time had spread this enthusiasm for logic: Thus you see that those of them who came to Egypt in the times of the teachers of our teachers had few hadithto relate. and rhetoric."35 In an arresting passage. 3.242 on Tue. Such people. are led astray in theological matters by their ignorance of rational sciences such as semantics. that is. according to al-Zabidi. had been imparted by incoming scholars from the Maghrib.40 Although staunchly opposed to the Mu'tazilis and the Islamic philosophers. 1370). 1685). Sa'id Qadduraal-Tunisi (d. according to al-Zabidi. By contrast. 1439). 1656). al-Sanusi repeatedly emphasized the unsatisfactory nature of imitation (taqlTd)in matters of creed.2.

For instance. . the Hijaz.e.270 KhaledEl-Rouayheb Al-Sanusi's disparagement of taqlTdwas shared by his later Maghribi commentators.47There has been some interestrecentlyin the issue of whethertherewas a reinvigoration of hadithstudies in Mecca and Medina in the 18th century. 1209)]:Whatthe Prophethas said we acceptwholeheartedly. jurist. grammarian. and Damascus. 1632).. A number of Maghribi scholars went eastward during the 17th century.and heed the words of the Imam [Fakhral-Din al-Razi (d. astronomy. 1722).44 He was both a specialist in hadith and an accomplished logician.176. an extensive topical collation of hadith recognized by Sunni Muslims.otherscholarsknowingonly the preliminaries of these sciences. ratherthan the advancedissues. and what his companions have said we accept partially.. And he was proficient in the sciences of mathematics: and Euclid. was no less intent on "going the way of the muhaqqiqTn"than his Persian and Kurdish colleagues. Nafh al-tib fi ghusn al-Andalus al-ratib.who earnedthe epithet"themuhaddithof the Hijaz.. O reader. and astronomer. Turkey. Sa'id Qaddura al-Tunisi. 'Abdallahibn Salim al-Basri (d. being misled by those who take it upon themselvesto relate whatothers have said andpiece it together. essential attributes. 1683). in his extended treatise on the difference between the proprium (i.And in the philosophicalsciences: logic. so do not hastento disapproveof it. like rationality to man). who settled in Damascus and is significantthat al-Rudani.In this regard. For thereis no differencebetween an imitator(muqallid) of being led and an animalbeing led.find elsewhere. he is the ultimate authority. physics andmetaphysics. mathematics and logic.. A Damascene scholar who studied with al-Rudani is quoted as saying the following: His knowledge of hadith and of the principles of jurisprudenceis unequalled by anyone we have met. he wrote: There will occasionally be things we write that you will not.43 Another Maghribi scholar who was no less renowned in his day was the polymath Muhammad ibn Sulayman al-Rudani (d. many presumably seeking to escape the political turmoil that had engulfed Morocco after the break-up of the Sa'dian dynasty in 1603. particularly those who could impart anything relating to the philosophical sciences (al-'ult-m al-hikmiyyah). His knowledge of these fields was unique. Al-Rudani's search eventually took him to Algiers..45 He then traveled further East.cartography.he was the teacherwhose knowledgecould not be acquiredthroughnaturalmeans. so know O readerthatI have only includedin my treatment this and othertopics what I believe to be true. The scholar and belletrist Ahmad al-Maqqari al-Tilimsani (d.Almagest.242 on Tue. for which al-Rudani had a particular aptitude.42 The Maghribi students of al-Yusi were not the first scholars from that region to make an impact on the Arabic-speaking parts of the Ottoman Empire. As for the science of belles-lettres (adab). to Egypt. Al-Yusi. calculus. who wrote influential supercommentaries on al-Sanusi's theological and logical works."was the principalteacherof one of the central revival.46 Some of al-Rudani's major works include the following: 1.2. based on two earlier partialcollections. where he to what others have said: they are men and we are men. geodesy.48 figures in this purported This content downloaded from 152. Jamc al-fawa'id min jamic al-usul wa-majmac al-fawa'id. 13 Aug 2013 13:06:51 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .and for whom the ultimatein knowledge and mentalexertionis to say: so and so has said. harmony. like laughter to man) and the differentia (i. No by God! . is well known for his literary history of Islamic Spain. A contemporary Moroccan scholar wrote that al-Rudani traveled far and wide in search of prominent teachers.arithmetic. where he studied with the earlier-mentioned supercommentator on alAkhdari's didactic poem on logic. distinct but nonessential attributes.geometry.. such as astronomy.e. algebra.

and user's guide to.a shorttreatiseon the astrolabe. Qala'id al-la'alifi 'amal al-ayyamwa-l-layali. and which spreadto India and the Yemen and the Hijaz. al-Kurani. made at the observatory on the basis of which al-Rudani correctedthe informationcontainedin earlierworks on chronology. ratherhe inventedit with his acute mind and sophisticated skills. such mystics defended Ibn 'Arabi against the charge of heresy.""'The Damascenebiographer al-Muhibbi. 1690). 1693) translated from Persian into Arabic a work by the Persian mystic Abu al-Fath Muhammad al-Kazaruni. 1619-20) defending the idea of wahdat al-wujtid. associated with Ibn 'Arabi and his followers. who in turn was succeeded by the Kurdish-born Ibrahim al-Kurani (d.Opening the Gate of Verification 271 2.2. a work by the Indian Shattari mystic Muhammad al-Burhanpuri (d. Bahjat al-tullabfi al-'amal bi-l-asturlab. Ibrahim al-Kurani wrote a commentary on Burhanpuri's work and also several independent treatises expounding and defending wahdat al-wujuid. Al-Kurani's student and disciple Muhammad ibn 'Abd al-Rasul al-Barzinji (d. the Egyptian-born Ahmad al-Shinnawi (d.1518). Al-Rudani was a skilled craftsmanas well as an astronomerand made copies of the instrumenthimself and sold it to interestedbuyers. 1661). noted: "he inventeda sphere (kura) that was superiorto previous spheres and Charles Pellat. a didacticpoem on chronology('ilm al-awqa-t).'57 The attitude of aland seems to have been much bolder and Shinnawi. Accordal-Rudani'swork was based on the "new"astronomicalobservations ing to a contemporary. 1622). AND KHALWATIS A few years before Mulla Mahmud al-Kurdi came to Damascus and started teaching "the books of the Persians. also known as Shaykh Makki (fl. All of these writers seem to have been uneasy with the idea of wahdat al-wujiid. of Ulugh Beg (d. and tended to explain away the claims of earlier monist mystics as excusable ecstatic utterances (shatahait).has noted that his astronomicalinstrumentwas an armillarysphere adaptedto also allow topographicalmeasurements. 13 Aug 2013 13:06:51 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . with a lengthy commentaryin prose.who visited al-Rudaniwhen the lattersettled in Damascus. but they did so apologetically. Al-Nafi'a 'ala al-'ala al-jami'a. entitled Maqasid al-'awali bi-qala'id al-la'ali. Indeed one of the major Shattari texts studied in their circle was al-Tuhfa al-mursala ila al-nabi. NAQSHBANDIS. 1562). and a commentary on it was later written by his leading disciple. Al-Barwaji translated this work from Persian into Arabic. 1565). wrote that "the like has not previously been made. Al-Shinnawi became the successor of al-Barwaji and was in turn succeeded by Ahmad al-Qushashi (d.50 4. al-Barzinji This content downloaded from 152. and 'Abd al-Ra'uf al-Munawi (d. claiming that the Greatest Master's language was difficult to decipher for the uninitiated and should not be judged at face value and that many heretical statements had been interpolated into his works. The Moroccan scholar 'Abdallah al-'Ayyashi.242 on Tue. Sibghatallah al-Barwaji (d. al-Qushashi and al-Kurani were all outspoken adherents of the controversial idea of the "unity of existence" (wahdat al-wujfid). 1606) quickly gained renown as a Sufi master and initiated several local scholars into his order. 1585). an astronomicalinstrumentinvented by al-Rudanihimself. 1619).55 Al-Shinnawi. defending this and other controversial ideas of Ibn 'Arabi.176."52 has edited and translatedRudani'streatise. To be sure. Muhammad ibn Abi-l-Hasan al-Bakri (d.49 3. al-Qushashi.56 This open adherence to monism marks a contrast with the Arab mystics of the 16th century whose works have come down to us. who astrolabes. who met al-Rudani in Medina. a description of. 1449) in Samarqand. such as 'Abd al-Wahhab al-Sha'rani (d." an Indian mystic of the Shattariyya order settled in Medina.53 SHATTARIS.54He brought with him several books written by Indian Shattari mystics such as al-Jawahir al-Khams by Muhammad Ghawth Gwaliori (d.

242 on Tue. Rather. It was introduced into the city by a Kurdish immigrant. 1636)] and Shaykh Ahmad al-Shinnawi. and regularly read the works of Ibn 'Arabi and followed his way. and included a on whose authorityhe related separatesection in which he gave the chain of transmitters the works of Ibn 'Arabi. 1578). For instance. preferredto remain uncommitted.Ibn 'Arabi should be interpreted allegorically.thus related that al-Kuranirepeatedly would urge him to accept the ideas of Ibn 'Arabi.6' The passage suggests that al-Habashi's enthusiasm for Ibn 'Arabi and his ensuing problematicstatementswas a resultof his coming into contact with Sibghatallahandhis Medinan disciples. including the previously mentioned scholars Muhammad Amin al-Muhibbi and Abu al-Mawahib al-Hanbali.176. A similar outspoken adherence to the theories of Ibn 'Arabi seems also to have been characteristic of a branch of the Khalwati order that spread in Damascus in the 17th century.59 In the second volume of his commentary. The latter wrote a work enumerating the scholars with whom he had studied. such as Jalal al-Din alDawani and Muhammad ibn 'Abd al-Rasul al-Barzinji in his translation of Kazaruni's Persian treatise. Al-'Ayyashi. 1642): He was preoccupiedwith the works of [the uncontroversially orthodox Abu Hamid] al-Ghazali Then he left for the two Holy Cities and [(d.62 Al-'Usali's Damascene disciples went on to initiate a substantial number of local scholars. however.Pharaohbeing a symbol of the human soul.2. and would at times make ecstatic statementsand some jurists would censure him. Ibn 'Arabi had never meant to maintainthe thesis of Imanfir'awn.63 One of the most prominentlocal disciples of al-'Usali was Ayyub al-'Adawi al-Khalwati(d. This straightforward espousal of the more controversial ideas of Ibn 'Arabi was apparently not received with enthusiasm by all local scholars. some indication of resentment may be gauged from the following biographical entry on the Yemeni mystic Muhammad al-Habashi (d. He then informed the reader that there were nevertheless scholars who defended Ibn 'Arabi's thesis understood literally. Ahmad al-'Usali (d. 1791) on Ghazali's al-Zabidiwrotethat Ihya' 'ulumal-din. who left behindseveralmystical works." frequented al-Sayyid Sibghatallah and [Sibghatallah's disciples] al-Sayyid As'ad [al-Balkhi (d.arguingthat this position was in accord with the Shadhili order into which he had first been initiated. The Moroccanpilgrim 'Abdallahal'Ayyashi.60 It is clear that the position of al-Dawani and al-Barzinji on the issue was much bolder and less apologetic than Sha'rani's.58 Another example of the new boldness of the Shattarimystics of Medina is evinced in the famous commentaryby MuhammadMurtadaal-Zabidi (d. Al-Zabidi had since looked at Ibn 'Arabi's works and came to the conclusion that the allegorical explanation was untenable.272 Khaled El-Rouayheb to have consisted of an open espousal of controversialideas associatedwith Ibn 'Arabi and his school. his earlierinterpretation however. In the firstvolume of his extensive that-he wrote-was inspired by the interpretation of 16th century Egyptian mystics such as 'Abd al-Wahhab al-Sha'rani and 'Abd al-Karim al-Khalwati (d. 13 Aug 2013 13:06:51 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . who studied with al-Kuraniin Medina. Ayyub This content downloaded from 152. 1639). such as wahdat al-wujiid and the idea that the Pharaohwhom Moses had challenged died as a believer (Tma n fir'awn). and hence was nicknamed "al-Ghazali. a disciple of a Khalwati master from Gaziantep. 1111)]. 1660).

2. a second-generation disciple of the prominentCentralAsian-bornIndian-based NaqshbandiMahmudKhawand(d. but this view has been shown to be simplistic.73Before his initiationinto had been trainedin philosophy and philosophicaltheology the Shattariorder. 1624).veneratingthe tombs of saints. Although some Naqshbandis. and the metaphysicalsections of Sharh al-Mawaqif fi 'ilm al-kalam by al-Sayyid al-Sharif al-Jurjani(d.Openingthe Gate of Verification 273 al-Khalwatiwas an outspokenand controversialadherent of the views of Ibn 'Arabi.242 on his Kurdish teacher Muhammad al-Sharif al-Kurani( often did cite other works. In his major apology for wahdat al-wujiid.were criticalof the idea of wahdat al-wujuid.176.was perhapsthe best-known defender of the ideas of Ibn cArabi in his time. adoringhandsomebeardlessyouths.The Naqshbandiorderhas often been portrayedas hostile or lukewarmto the monism of Ibn 'Arabi. 1191). This deliberatereliance on inspirationratherthan books was a recurrentfeature of the mystical and illuminationisttraditionsand was also referredto as tahqTq. entitled al-Wujudal-haqq wa-l-khitabal-sidq. 1492) andRashahat the hagiographical particular 'ayn al-hayat by 'Ali Kashifi (d.67 Another Naqshbandiwho openly espoused the more controversialaspects of the teachings of Ibn 'Arabi was the Damascene scholar cAbd al-Ghani al-Nabulusi (d. 1731).64 Another Indian mystic who settled in the Hijaz in the early 17th century was Taj al-Din al-Naqshbandi(d.and was on good termswith the Shattaridisciples of Sibghatallahal-Barwajiin Medina.66This seems to have been the case with Taj al-Din and his disciples. who areknownto have taughtIbn cArabi'scontroversialworkFusus al-hikam in the holy cities. he his position by citing passages from al-Dawani'sSharhal-caqa'id repeatedlysupported work was presumablyfirsttaughtin Damascusby Nabulusi'steacher a that al-'adudiyya. 1642). Al-Nabulusiwas initiatedinto the Naqshbandiorderby a certainAbu SacidalBalkhi. although in this case the "verification" was affordedby mystical experience ratherthan reason.Taj alDin translatedsome of the influential works of his orderfrom Persian into Arabic. 1434-35) on Hidayat alhikmaby al-Abhari(d. Mulla Mahmudal-Kurdi. yet anotherNaqshbandirival of Ahmad alSirhindi. 1413). He wrote influential commentarieson the classics of monist mysticism. He also wrote a treatise in Arabic on the principles of the Naqshbandiorder. such as the Diwan of Ibn al-Faridand the Fusus al-hikamof Ibn cArabi. in collectionsNafahat al-Uns by Jami(d.70 In these exoteric writings. 1532-33).65Like his contemporarySibghatallahal-Barwaji. 1265).The first task Nabulusi was set by his masterwas to write a commentaryon treatiseon the principlesof the order. and wahdatal-wujiid.69 Al-Nabulusi also wrote a series of polemical works defending controversialmystical practicesandideas suchas listeningto music. among by This content downloaded from 152.72 He also taught such straightforwardly philosophical works supercommentary as the commentaryof Muhammadibn al-Sharifal-Jurjani (d. 1676).Hikmatal-Ishraqby the illuminationist philosopherYahya al-Suhrawardi al-Maqtul(d. a rival of the more famous IndianNaqshbandimystic Ahmad al-Sirhindi(d.He prefaced these mystical commentarieswith the remarkthat he had not consulted any other work while writing them.68 Al-Nabulusi. 1640). either to criticize them or to buttresshis own views. and instead relied entirely on divine inspiration(fath). along Taj al-Din al-Naqshbandi's with al-Qushashiand al-Kurani.71 Ibrahimal-Kuraniwas also well acquaintedwith this work by Dawani and wrote a on it.most famously Taj al-Din's rival Ahmad alotherprominentmembersof the Sirhindi. 13 Aug 2013 13:06:51 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . orderexplicitly defendedit. who wrote.

moribundcharacter of intellectual life in the Arabic-speakingparts of the Ottoman Empire in the 17th century.for his part.expounding.242 on Tue. treatedal-Kuranias a thinkerof the same statureas the now better-knownPersian philosophersMir Damad (d. and"Doyou see thatthiscanbe Andif he was questioned on eventhe slightest understood like that?. intervenedin the debate concerning the religious permissibilityof tobacco.78 The Moroccanpilgrim 'Abdallahal-'Ayyashi. 1791) wrote that students from all cornersof the Islamicworld.83 moralist vigilantism of the violently puritanKadizadeli movement that spread in the OttomanEmpirein the 17thcentury. he was strongly opposed by of al-Sanusi.76 Some of al-Kurani's came to studywith al-Kurani treatiseswere explicitly writtenat the request of scholarsand studentsfrom Fez in the west to Javain the east."80 With scholars such as al-Nabulusi and al-Kuranithe 17th century trends toward tahqlq and toward an open espousal of wahdat al-wujaidcoincided.such as al-Hasanal-Yusi contemporary Maghribitheologiansin the tradition These scholarly disputes have yet to be studied thoroughly. He also arguedagainst the introducedinto the Middle East in the early 17th century.for example.75 The Damascene scholarMuhammadKhalil al-Muradi(d. to be sure.274 Khaled El-Rouayheb on the commentaryof Nasir al-Din al-Tusi (d. 1631) and Mulla Sadra(d.77Other18thcenturyscholarsin TurkeyandEgypt. 1390). 13 Aug 2013 13:06:51 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .74Al-Kurani's works in defense of wahdat al-wujfid tend to be more philosophically involved than those of al-Nabulusi. and"Itseemsthatit is this". For instance.anddevelopingtheoriesthathadbeen articulated centuriesearlierby Ibn 'Arabiand his followers.who in general seems to have representeda more fideist strandof mystical thought.2. Al-Nabulusi.79 the biographer al-Muhibbidescribedal-Kurani Al-'Ayyashi's Damascenecontemporary. On both issues. This characteristic correspondsto what of the 17th MarshallHodgsonhas describedas the "conservative centurycultural spirit" and intellectual florescence in Persia and India. both had to address the metaphysical objections to the idea of wahdat althathad been formulatedby Sa'd al-Din al-Taftazani (d.176. as "the Imam of tahqTq. were conservative thinkers in the sense that they were to a large extent concernedwith involved in a dispute with the followers of the controversialIndian Naqshbandimystic Ahmad al-Sirhindi in Medina.who studied with al-Kurani in Medina. perhapsthe most wujuid Both influentialSunnitheologianof the "post-classical" of themalso responded period.85He also got involved in scholarly disputes because of his acceptance of the historicity of the Satanic verses and of his elaborationand defense of a nonAsh'ari position on the issue of free will. it is important to emphasize that both scholars did much more than merely repeat old maxims. Both scholars. This content downloaded from 152." pointhe wouldstopuntil thematter wasestablished. writingbefore the notion of pre-19thcenturydecadencetook root. (mudhakara) wouldsay:"Perhaps thisandthat". 1640/41).has left a description-already quotedearlier-of al-Kurani's teaching style: His lectureon a topicreminded one of discussion forhe andparley(mufdwada)."' Having said this. 1274) other things.86 their very existence belies the predominantimage of the lethargic.82 to problems and currentsof thoughtthat were peculiarto their times.but and Yahya al-Shawi. a supercommentary on Avicenna's condensed epitome of philosophy al-Isharat.14Al-Kurani.

13 Aug 2013 13:06:51 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .and it has not been my intentmerely to quibble aboutthe date at which it came to an end."prerevival" period. The point of the presentarticle has not been to suggest that the new intellectualtrends formed a united front sharing common ideas that may be capturedby a single term Such termsare problematicand or "enlightenment. the call for renewed ijtih-d in the 18th and 19th centuriestendedto go hand in hand. On the contrary." The sources of the period do not supporta picture of unmitigatedintellectual stagnationor "culturalapathy"that stands in contrastto the economic and urban expansion of the period. I should emphasize that I do not claim to have presented a full account of each of these developments." scripturalistand antischolastic stance. 1792). Formany of the "revivalists" in the sense of rational or mystical-experiential verification of ratherthan on tahqTq received scholarly opinions.logical or Aristoteliandialectic in scholastic culturedid not necessarily lead to demonstration.Mystics of the Ibn 'Arabitradition.176. of the 18thand 19thcentury. could at times strike a fideist note and criticize excessive preoccupation with rational sciences such as logic.the emphasisfell on ijtihad.88The prevalent scholastic traditionwas found or "flexible.unencumbered by preconceived ideas of an Islamic "darkage."but precisely because wanting. 1834). the same conclusions. This idea of centuries of intellectual darkness needs.the figures usually presented such as MuhammadMurtadaal-Zabidi as 18th century "revivalists"and "reformers" (d. I believe. WhatI have triedto do in this articleis to questionthe received pictureof intellectual life in the Arabic provinces of the OttomanEmpire in what is often assumed to be a dormant. without adequatesupportin the sources.andpartlybecause-as statedat the outsetof the presentarticlethey suggest. a previousperiod of dormantand benighted intellectual and culturallife. and Muhammadal-Shawkani(d. and philosophical theology.My aim has ratherbeen to drawattention to them and to suggest some lines for furtherresearch. all shared a much dimmer view of the value of the rational sciences than Maghribi and scholarsin the traditionsof al-Sanusiandal-Dawani. wholesale questioning. Maghribitheologians in the traditionof al-Sanusi. An emphasison verification.242 on Tue. Muhammadibn 'Abd al-Wahhab(d. but with "fundamentalism. despite their differences.Opening the Gate of Verification 275 CONCLUSION The fact that al-Kuraniand prominentMaghribitheologians were at loggerheads is a salutaryreminderthatthe scholarlytrendspresentedin the presentarticle were distinct and did not necessarily agree on substantialissues. Nor is it true that scholarly culturewas mired in rote acquisitionof the religious sciences. Peters. not with "rationalism" that is. 1791). semantics. for example.87 Persian-Kurdish They can indeed sciences to such of be seen as revertingto the tradition hostility representedby earlier and scholarssuch as Ibn Taymiyya al-Suyuti. Shah Wali Allah al-Dihlawi (d. andIslamicphilosopherscharacteristic such as al-Nabulusi." or "reawakening" such as "revival" best avoided. There is also no basis for saying that Arabic scholarly culture was isolated from more general trends in the Islamic world and feeding off its own classical past.2. 1762). were staunchAsh'aritesandtendednot to sharethe moreirenicattitudetowardMu'tazilis of al-Dawani. a radically or "modernism"as is often supposed. partly because they tend to elide significant differences between various thinkersandtraditions. As has been pointed out by R.not because it was insufficiently"rational" it was believed to have been too flexible and rationalthroughthe ages and had ceased This content downloaded from 152.

was a personalacquaintance.2.our relative. tendedto portraytheiropponentsas rigid andunthinking a host of modernhistorians. the multiplicationof anomaliesputs additionalpressure on the guiding assumptions-what he calls the dominant"paradigm"-of a community This content downloaded from 152. The Damascene biographeral-Muhibbi would hardly have recognized the picture of pervasive intellectual apathy and unthinkingimitationin the 17th century. but he also included contemporaryTurkishand AlPersian poets in his survey and he translatedseveral of their poems into Arabic.92 Muhibbi also wrote one of the most extensive premodernworks on foreign loanwords in Arabic:Qasd al-sabil fimafi lughat al-'arab min dakhil. gained popularity with Damascene scholars and promoted a bolder and more enthusiastic espousal of the theories of Ibn 'Arabi."He was also personally acquaintedwith a host of intellectualluminaries.both Westernand Eastern."91 Indeed al-Muhibbihimself was a considerable scholar. the authorof a still esteemed compendiumof early Arabic poetry Khizanat al-adab. The 18th and 19th century "revivalists. Al-Muhibbi's anthology of contemporarypoets.As Kuhnpointed out.translated on figurative language by Isfara'ini. Consequently. 13 Aug 2013 13:06:51 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .the very existence of an alternativeto both scripturalistijtihad and unthinkingimitationwas lost to sight. have uncritically adopted this partisanview." thatis.93 For some time.95 More recently."94 a a recent Arab historian as a lone in civilization that had passed genius portrayedby its prime and descended into "ignorance"(jahl wa-ghafla) and "resignation" (ya's). thus "opening the gate of verification. an acknowledgedfact thatdoes not fit comfortablywith the overall assumptionsguiding a community of scientists or scholars."had also reached him from Medina. Not only did al-Muhibbigo to great lengths to gatherpoems from all corners of the Arab world.Less understandably.The polymathAhmadibn LutfallahalfromPersianinto Arabicthe treatise Mawlawi.the "imam of tahqtq.He was initiated into the Khalwati order that.176. it has been conceded that a scholar like al-Nabulusiwas a luminous Al-Rudani has also been "exception"in a dark age of "imitationand compilation. and wrote a work on the medical propertiesof When the MoroccanscholarMuhammad Europeanherbs. and our blessing.89 Al-Muhibbialso met the renownedliteraryscholar 'Abd al-Qadir al-Baghdadi (d."our teacher. Nafhat al-rayhana is an impressive testimony to the opposite. 1550)." naturallyenough.90The towering reputation of the mystic and scholar Ibrahimal-Kurani. imitators.242 on Tue. al-Rudanisettled in Damascus. The age before the 18th and 19th century "revivalist"ijtihatdmovements was accordingly viewed as marredby rigid and unthinkingimitation. apparentlyfor the first time. 1682). and he was well aware of the intellectual standing of his fellow Damascene 'Abd al-Ghani al-Nabulusi. and of an Arabic commentaryon the versified Persian-Turkishdictionaryof Ibrahimal-Shahidi (d. whose writings belie the idea that Arab-Islamic scholars were parochial and feeding off their own classical past. His teacherstold him that a Kurdishscholar who settled in Damascusin the firstdecadeof the 17thcenturyhadintroduced new scholarlyhandbooks by Persian scholars."96 It is tempting at this point to make use of the historianof science ThomasKuhn'sconceptof an "anomaly. Ibrahim al-Kuranihas been presented as a "revivalist"in a century otherwisemarkedby "extremist" Sufism and a "trivialized ulema discourse"that"could no longer go any further. al-Muhibbiand al-Mawlawivisited him and noted the strong impression he made on local scholars with the breadthof his knowledge and his new astronomicalinstrument. who wrote a universalhistory.276 KhaledEl-Rouayheb to be sufficiently grounded in the Qur'an and the Sunna.

242 on Tue. 1328H). 13 Aug 2013 13:06:51 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .Mashyakha. 5See N.Khulasat al-athar fi a'yan al-qarn al-hadi 'ashar (Cairo: al-Matba'a al-wahbiyya. as more and more "exceptions"are conceded. Abdel Nour."The OttomanConquest.: Universityof Texas Press. P. J. 1982). al-Amam li-iqaz al-himam (Hyderabad: Matba'at majlis da'irat al-ma'arif alnizamiyya. Brill. scholarssuch as al-Hasanal-Yusi.1284H).TheGreatArab Cities in the 16th-18th Centuries: An Introduction(New York:New YorkUniversityPress. This content downloaded from 152. Introductiona l'histoire urbaine de la Syrie ottomane. 3:10. 1578).ed. 1H.97It may perhaps be plausible to representa single scholar as an "exception. Muhammad 86-87. Tex.TheIslamicRoots of Capitalism:Egypt 1760-1840 (Austin. Salah al-Din al-Munajjid (Damascus: al-Majma' al-'ilmi al-'Arabi.and the anonymousreferees of IJMESfor their helpful remarkson earlierdraftsof this paper.Avicennaand the AristotelianTradition tahqfqas "verification. Bowen. Raymond. see D. ProfessorRob Wisnovsky. O. Tarajim al-a'yan min abna' al-zaman. Matbaa-iAmire 1258H).and 'Abd al-Ghanial-Nabulusiappear."in The OxfordHistory of SyracuseUniversityPress. Gran. A.XVIe-XVIIIe(Beirut:Publicationsde l'Universit6Libanaise. 1997).it may be morefruitfulto ask whetherthe culturalandintellectualflorescence that is often thoughtto have occurredin the Safavid and Moghul Empires in the 17th century was a more general phenomenonin the Islamic world. For the translationof 8KaraHalil (d.). Esposito (Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress. 97-98. 1999). 1. 9Kamal al-Din al-Ghazzi. Kate A.: HarvardUniversity Press. 12Ibrahim al-Kurani. Sabbagh(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress. 3.Muhammadal-Rudani. 5-9. 1988). Khalil al-Muradi.Dr. 7. 1978)." 4M. Reinhardt Jahrhundert. Voll (eds. see Hasan al-Burini. "ThePersianPresence in the Islamic World. 3Raymond.Mass. 6MuhammadAmin al-Muhibbi.11862) 54a-b.Ahmad al-Sirhindi. Mulla Sadra al-Shirazi. "Das islamische achtzehnte WeltdesIslams 30 (1990): 140-59. A. 4:329-30. Levtzion and J. A. "The OttomanConquest and the Development of the Great Arab Towns. Yarshater. Eighteenth-Century Renewal and Reform in Islam (Syracuse: for Renewal andReform.2. 1959-63)."International Journal of Turkish Studies 1 (1980): 84-101. ed. "Foundations Islam." (Leiden:E.176. From this perspective. Basim Musallam. The Ventureof Islam (Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1984). 10Abu-al-Mawahib Muti' al-Hafiz (Damascus:Dar al-fikr. R. 1957). "Wasistdie islamische Aufklhrung?". Rather than increasing the list of interpretation exceptions. Hovanissianand G. Die Weltdes Islams 36 (1996): 276-325. 2:65. not as "exceptions" but as contemporaries andcounterparts of 17thcenturyPersianand Indianscholarssuch as Baha' al-Din al-'Amili. the standard of the period comes under pressure. 1291H-1301H). 1987). O. al-Hanbali." in The Persian Presence in the Islamic World.Ibrahimal-Kurani."However. See also A. Raymond."Die Schulze.Cairo (Cambridge. vol. 2:303. vol. MehmedEminHagiyasi (Istanbul: and its juxtapositionto taqlfd.Reinhardt Schulze. NOTES Author'snote: I thankProfessorMichael Cook. 159-64. R. 1990). 2000). partII. Bennison for kindly takingthe time to teach me how to readMaghribiscript.Opening the Gate of Verification 277 of scholars. 2A. 104-10. 1711). Silkal-durarfi a'yan al-qarnal-thani 'ashar (Istanbul& Cairo:al-Matba'a 7Muhammad al-miriyyaal-'amira. 188-91. Voll. 216-25. ed. Raymond. See also well as Dr. Gibb and H. Islamic Society and the West(London: Oxford University Press. Gutas. J.and 'Abd al-Hakimal-Siyalkuti. and may well lead to a "revolutionary" situation in which this paradigm is widely challenged.I also thankthe BritishAcademy for fundingmy research. J. 1585) and 'Imad al-Din al-Hanafi (d. Hodgson. al-Wirdal-unsi wa-l-warid al-qudsifi tarjamatal-'arif bi-llah 'Abd al-Ghani al-Nabulusi (MS: BritishLibrary:Or. " Al-Burini studied the semantic-rhetorical works of al-Taftazani and al-Jurjani with Isma'il al-Nabulusi (d.ed. 1974).

1:333. to the biographeral-Muhibbi.'Aja'ib al-athar fi al-tarajim wa-l-akhbar (Bulaq: al-MatbaCa 1297H). edition of 1316H]). S. 15Ibnal-'Imadal-Hanbali. as shown by Bakri Aladdin in the introduction to his edition of 'Abd al-Ghanial-Nabulusi. al-Kawakibal-sa'ira fi acyan al-mi'a al-'ashira. 1438).Hashiya cala Sharh al-Khabisi [printed on the lower marginsof Hasanal-'Attar. n. in the preambleof which the translator's name is given as Ahmad al-Mawlawi (fol.1941-43).1994).and is attestedby his other works. 1:287.242 on Tue. ed. 1351H). 14Thisis of course an argument thatis difficultto proveconclusively. Sharh al-Caqa'id 28A1-Dawani. 1308-15H).2:1144 (al-Iji's 'Aqa'id and its commentaryby al-Dawani).278 Khaled El-Rouayheb 13 KatibCelebi.3:87.Najm al-DinalGhazzi. 1290H)]. J. in his biographicaldictionaryof Muslimnotablesof the tenthcenturyof the Muslim era (1494-1591). 13 Aug 2013 13:06:51 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . However. 25Encyclopaedia of lslam.Sharh al-'aqa'id al-Cadudiyya.see 16IbncAbd al-Hadi taught al-Isfara'ini'sSharh al-risala al-wadCiyya al-Muhibbi. 1316H).See also al-Muhibbi.see Ibn Sa'id al-Tunisi. 3:87-88. 1995). 141-65. Brill. 30See A. Khulasatal-athar. 'Ali Sami alNashshar (Cairo: Maktabat al-Khanji.Sharhal-'aqa'id al-Cadudiyya (Istanbul:'Arif Efendi.and his dates of deathare wrong. 8:291 (on al-Isfara'ini)and 8:160 (on al-Dawani). It should be noted. Carl Brockelmann. He was accused by a later scholar of plagiarizingfrom al-Isfara'ini'scommentary.Khulasatal-athar.Geschichteder ArabischenLiteratur(Leiden:E. that Knysh relies heavily on the tract Fadihat al-mulhidinthat has been falsely attributed to al-Taftazani. 18Al-Muhibbi. see al-Muhibbi. Brill. 1333-42H). al-'adudiyya.1:845 (al-Samarqandi's Risalat al-isti'ara and its commentaryby al-Isfara'ini).d. 221 have consultedthe manuscript of the translationin the Berlin Staatsbibliothek (MS: Sprenger1093). "Al-Dawani"(A. 1:898 (al-Iji's Risalat al-wad' and the commentaryof al-Isfara'ini).Kashfal-zununCanasami al-kutubwa-l-funun(Istanbul: MaarifMatbaasi. however.2:1372.Rihla (Rabat:Dar al-Maghrib. Lambton). page lam of editor's introduction. did not provide an entry on either scholar. 33See Carl Brockelmann. 31Al-Muhibbi.3. 2:438. Sawn al-mantiq wa-l-kalam 'Can fannay al-mantiq wa-l-kalam. 4429. 27Jalalal-Din al-Dawani. 190n al-'Ulaymi. AkramHasanal-'Ulabi (Damascus:Dar al-Tabbac. s. Brill. 2:208-9. ed. lhbn 'Arabi in the Later Islamic Tradition(Albany.176.Kashf al-zunun.Y. 1740). see Najm al-Din Muhammadal-Ghazzi. Al-Qattantaughtal-Dawani'scommentaryon the creed of al-Iji to the chronicler Ibn Kannanal-Salihi (d. 1:232. 2a). see Ibn Kannanal-Salihi.andthe worksof al-Dawaniandal-Isfara'iniarenot mentionedin thiscontext. Mehmed TahirBursali. Khulasatal-athar. al-Hawadith al-yawmiyya min tarikh ihda 'ashar wa-alf wa-mi'a. 1999). 2. 4:189-200.: SUNY Press. see al-Muhibbi. 3:142. The authorof the tractis rather'Ala' al-Din al-Bukhari(d.1945-58).v. citing Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti. 10 (lines 3-4).1319H). however. 1954).also give this as the translator's name.see the references above. 84. Jabbur (Beirut:AmericanUniversityof BeirutPublications. Catalogue des Manuscritsarabes (Paris:Imprimeries Nationale. al-haqq (Damascus:Institut Francaisde Damas.Shadharatal-dhahab fi akhbarman dhahab (Cairo:Maktabat al-qudsi. J. which show him to have studied the rhetoricalworks of al-Taftazani and al-Jurjani. see M. J. Rihla. 24MehmedStireyya. (Leiden:E. On al-Ghazzi. 1883-95). Osmanl Miiellifleri (Istanbul:Matbaa-iAmire. 32Al-Ayyashi.1977 [reprintof lithographed 1:140. This content downloaded from 152. On al-Burini. 20'Abdallahal-'Ayyashi. 1937-49).2:174. 16-30. 21'Abd al-Rahman al-Jabarti. 1:313 (on al-Ghunaymi)and 1:332 (on al-Khafaji). 28 ff.). 4:491-92.Hashiya 'ala Sharhal-Sullam (Cairo:al-Matba'aal-azhariyya. The hostility of al-Taftazanito the theory of wahdat al-wujtd is not in doubt. extant in the BiblothequeNationalein Paris.1:477 (Talkhisal-miftahandits commentary (al-Jami'scommentary by Isfara'ini). Supplement2:637.Hashiya cala sharh al-Khabisi (Cairo:MatbaCat Bulaq. Geschichte der Arabische Literatur [henceforth GALJ (Leiden: E. 29Al-Dawani. 193749). Khulasat al-athar. Ibn al-'Imad's biographicalinformationon al-Isfara'iniand al-Dawaniis scanty. Knysh. it is significantthathe still felt the need to include a referenceto the two scholars.2. al-'amira. 2nd ed. Sicill-i Osmani (Istanbul:Matbaa-iAmire.By contrast. 1:516 (al-Taftazani'sTahdhibal-mantiq and its commentaryby al-Dawani). 23Muhammad al-Sabban. 26HajjiKhalifa. ed.Khulasatal-athar. Le Baron de Slane. K. Anothermanuscript of the work. Khulasatal-athar. 2:242 (line 5). J. Khulasatal-athar. 34Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti. 3:147-48.but we have quitedetailedinformation on the educationof both scholars. N. 2:1372 on al-Kafiyaandthe glosses of Isfara'ini).

1954).The MuslimCreed (Cambridge: CambridgeUniversityPress.1311H). Pellat (trans.).N. 4:206. 13. 1316H). see J.. al-Simt al-majid (Hyderabad: Da'iratal-ma'arifal-nizamiyya. Copty.Ithaf al-sada al-muttaqinbi-sharhIhya' 'ulumal-din (Cairo:al-Matba'a al-muyammaniyya. On al-Kurani. 40See M." (A. see J.Opening the Gate of Verification 279 Husn al-muhadarafi akhbar Misr wa-l-Qahira." Bulletin d'etudes orientales 53SeeC. 1685). 4:204-8. Muhammad 'Umdatahl al-tawfiq bi sharh 'aqidat ahl al-tawhid (Cairo:Matba'atjaridatal-Islam. Trimingham.: PrincetonUniversityPress. both of whom settled in the easternArab lands. C.'Umdat ahl al-tawfiq. al-I'lam bi-man halla Marrakushwa-aghmat min al-a'lam. into the Naqshbandiorder. 2:38. and A. Muhammad Hajji (Beirut:Dar al-Gharbal-Islami. 2:25-27. 1:5-6.Silk al-durar.2.his primaryallegiance seems-pace Copty--to have been to the Shattariyya He was a disciple of Wajihal-Din al-'Alawi (d. Khulasatal-athar. 50Al-'Ayyashi. On al-Qushashi. 2:30. Encyclopaediaoflslam. Sharh ummal-barahin [printedwith the Hashiya of Muhammadibn ibn Yusufal-Sanusi.242 on Tue. 51Al-'Ayyashi. 4:486-88. 'Abdallahibn Salim al-Basri'sson wrote thathis fatherstudied"all the sciences" with al-Rudani. 67.see al-Muradi. 4:207. 39Muhammad ibn Yusuf al-Sanusi. Khulasat al-athar.: University of North Carolina Press. 1328H)." Die Weltdes Islams 43 (2003): in the Haramayn the Naqshbandiyya-Mujaddidiya. 2:42. Pellat (ed. 5017.J. 5:432-33. 47Thiswork was printedin 1961 in Medina (Matba'atal-Sayyid 'AbdallahHashim al-Yamani). 1975).1:179-80.see al-Muhibbi. Mystical Dimensions of Islam (Chapel Hill. For an extantmanuscriptof the work. al-athar. A. 1:408 (lines 23-24). Horten. 9. Jones). 49SeeR. 2001)."especially the science of Hadith. 54A1-Muhibbi. "Ibrahimal-Kurani(d. Khulasatal-athar. see al-Jabarti. were taughtby Yusi'sstudent'Abdallahal-Kinaksito Ahmad 38Thefirsttwo works(andtheircommentaries) al-Damanhuri (d. "Sanusi und die griechische Philosophie. The Naqshbandichain is given much later. 11 ff. Al-Rudaniis describedas muhaddithal-Hijaz in Muradi.Rihla. "L'astrolabespherique d'al-Rudani. 70 ff. 1101/1690).Die Weltdes Islams 45 (2005): 1-19.Princeton UniversityLibrary(Princeton." des Islams 42 (2002): 356-72. see al-Muhibbi. "Tasawwufand Reform in (Leiden: E.Rihla. In giving the Sufi chains into which he was initiated. 1:243-46.. See also A.Rihla. H. S. Nafi. 2:243-44. 276-77. 36Al-Zabidi."see Salim ibn 'Abdallah al-Basri. Khulasatal-athar. 37See my "Wasthere a Revival of Logical Studies in Eighteenth-Century Egypt?". 1:302-11. "Muhammad 26 (1973): 7-82. see Mach. Rihla. 4:27.Barwaji'ssecond-generation disciple Ahmad al-Qushashi gives the Shattarichain first.v. 4950. 97-98.Khulasat 55Onal-Shinnawi. ed. 248. The vocalization al-Qushashi is given in al-'Ayyashi. 68. 44A1-Muhibbi. 1778). Ithaf al-sada al-muttaqin. 1:343-46. The thirdwork (and its commentaries)was taughtby Maghribischolars such as 'Isa al-Tha'alibi(d.Khulasatal-athar. 1:179. 43A1-Muhibbi. 41Al-Sanusi. Khulasatal-athar. see Muhammadal-Rudani. ed.ibid. 1932). and A. 'Arafaal-Dasuqi (d. Islamic Culture:In Searchof Ibrahimal-Kurani. 1669) and Yahyaal-Shawi (d.176. Die Welt 48OnBasri. al-Imdadbi-ma'rifat'uluww al-isnad (Hyderabad: Matba'atmajlis da'iratal-ma'arifal-nizamiyya. n. 1815)] (Beirut:Dar al-kutubal-'ilmiyya. Wensinck. was also initiated order. J. 2:243 (line 19-20).. al-Rudani:al-Naqi'a calaal-'ala al-naficah. Schimmel. MuhammadAbu al-Fadl Ibrahim(Cairo: 'Isa al-Babi al-Halabi. Catalogue. J. 46A1-Muhibbi. B.). Khulasatal-athar. 1609). 2:240-43. N.vocalization given in al-Muhibbi.see al-Muhibbi. 1998)." Pre-Modern This content downloaded from 152. 1977). 321-48. "'Abdallahibn Salim al-Basri and 18th century Hadith Scholarship. 355. ed. for wahdatal-wujud. Voll.C.2001). 1967-68). 1988)." Der Islam 6 (1915): 178-88. "Al-Kurani" Die Weltdes Islams 42 (2002): 307-55. 45Al-'Ayyashi.on page 78. 2nd ed. Although al-Barwaji. 'Aja'ib al-athar. 140 ff. 1:338. 1327H). 'Abd alWahhabibn Mansur(Rabat:al-Matba'aal-malakiyya. Knysh. 52Al-Muhibbi. I follow MuhammadHajji in amendingthe title of al-Rudani'stract given by Pellat on the basis of manuscriptsnot availableto Pellat. an apologist Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 5 (1995): 39-47.Silat al-khalafbi-mawsulal-salaf. 13 Aug 2013 13:06:51 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . 42Quotedin 'Abbas al-Samlali. a disciple of the prominentShattarimystic Muhammad The Sufi Orders in Islam (Oxford:Oxford UniversityPress. "The Naqshbandiyyaand its offspring. Brill.O."Bulletin d'etudes orientales 28 (1975): 83-165. s. 35Muhammad Murtadaal-Zabidi. Catalogue of the ArabicManuscripts(Yahuda Section) in the GarrettCollection. in the 1lth/17th Century.Silk al-durar. Mach. GhawthGwaliori. See Ahmad al-Qushashi. 3:162.

62A1-Muhibbi. 81Hodgson. Winter. 75Thisis suggested by comparingal-Nabulusi'sal-Wujudal-haqq and al-Kurani'sMatla' al-jud bi-tahqiq al-tanzihfi wahdatal-wujud(MS: ChesterBeatty4443). Al-'Ayyashi studiedthe three works with al-Kuraniin Medina. 339.: TransactionBooks.J.Khulasatal-athar.N.1939). and O. Jala'al-'aynaynfi muhakamat al-Ahmadayn(Beirut:Dar al-kutubal-'ilmiyya. 65Al-Muhibbi. Kohlberg. This content downloaded from 152. Khulasatal-athar. 24. 73Al-'Ayyashi. 1:333.Histoireet classification de l'oeuvre d'Ibn 'Arabi(Damascus:Institut Francaisde Damas. Khulasatal-athar. Safinat al-raghib (Beirut: MaktabatLubnan).The Venture of lslam 3:14-15. 166-68. Levtzion and Voll. (Paris:EditionsIsis. 13. 1776). Khulasatal-athar. Ithaf al-sada al-muttaqin. S. 7. 1990). as opposed to scholastic rational knowledge.p.2:245-46.: SUNY Press.J. 34. Pagani(Rome: Bardi. 157-66. 4:203-4 (a studentof Taj al-Din teaches the works of Ibn 'Arabi) and 67A1-Muhibbi. 71Al-Nabulusi. On the Persianoriginal. Yahia. Hammush(Damascus:Dar al-Fikr. 1:333-36. 60A1-Zabidi. 74Al-Muhibbi. 1924). Khulasat al-athar. 106-7. al-Kawakib al-durriyafi tarajimal-sada al-sufiyya.Rihla. 1989). Al-Muhibbigives the vocalizational-'Usali on 1:249 (line 16). 76A1-Muradi.see Brockelmann.176. Rihla. Thoughtin the Seventeenthand EighteenthCenturies. On al-Sha'rani'sapologetic attitudeto the work of Ibn 'Arabi. Secondarysources usually give the vocalizational-Barzanji. 'Abd al-Ra'uf al-Munawi. 1999) 2:421.Supplement1:794.2. 45b-46a. Commanding the Right and Forbidding the Wrong in Islamic Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. al-Wirdal-unsi. 2000). Khulasatal-athar. 1981). N.279. ed. 1982). 857.Society and Religion in Early OttomanEgypt (New Brunswick. 121-48. M." ed. 57See Muhammad ibn Abi-al-Hasan al-Bakri. 15-39. 69. MS: Berlin Staatsbibliothek: Wetzstein II 227: 3b-4a. Chittick. 69For the use of the word tahqTqin the mystical and illuminationisttraditionsto denote inspirational knowledge or gnosis. Silk al-durar.Mashyakha. 63Abual-Mawahibal-Hanbali. 296.ed. counteredthe argumentsof al-Taftazaniin his al-Wujudal-haqq. 79Al-'Ayyashi.1:256. The Sufi Path of Knowledge: Ibn 'Arabi's Metaphysics of Imagination( bayan 'aqa'id al-akabir (Cairo: Mustafa al-Babi al-Halabi. Ithaf al-sada al-muttaqin. 58A1-Ayyashi.242 on Tue. 1995). Ayyub's admirationfor al-Qushashiis apparentfrom a letter 64A1-Muhibbi. 77For example. 57.. 1959). 54. 98. 21. 1763). see also M. oAl1-Muhibbi. MuhammadAdib al-Jadir(Beirut:Dar Sadir. 140. 1:248-50. 4:80. 1:417. 339. 25. al-Lumca fi tahqiq mabahithal-wujud wa-l-huduthwa-l-qadar wa-af'al al-'ibad (Cairo:Matba'atal-anwar. W. 68A1-Ghazzi. 56a. 1:244-45. 66HamidAlgar. 59Al-Zabidi. 'Abd al-Wahhabal-Sha'rani. 165-72.Rihla. partlyreproducedin Ibid. "A Brief History of the Naqshbandiorder. Ibrahimal-Madhari(d. 2:515.9039). 13 Aug 2013 13:06:51 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . his al-Jawabat al-ghurrawiyyaCanal-as'ila al-Jawiyya (mentioned by al-Muradi)and Nibras al-inas bi-ajwibatsu'alan li-ahl Fas (MS: SuleymaniyeLaleli 3744). 1:119. 36-8. 325-28. 72Passagesfrom these glosses are quoted in Khayral-Din Nu'man ed.Y. 1:5. 1964). Idah al-dalalatfi sama' al-alat. A. 4:442 (a scholarfrom Hadramawt studies the Fusus with Tajal-Din). 83Al-Sulh bayna al-ikhwanfi hukm ibahat al-dukhkhan (Damascus: al-Matba'a al-salafiyya. Tarjuman al-asrar wa-diwan al-abrar. Khulasatal-athar 2:122 (line 33). 2:503. 78See for example Raghib Pasha (d. 84Michael Cook.N. 139-45. Kashfal-nur 'an ashab al-qubur(Princeton. 61Quotedin al-Muhibbi."Aspects of Akhbari in Eighteenth-Century Renewaland Revival in Islam.ed. but I presume the scholarhailed from the present-dayIraqiKurdishtown of Barzinja. GAL. no date). 4:280-81. see E. 1:464-70. Al-Kurani 82A1-Nabulusi in his commentary on al-Tuhfaal-mursala-at least this is whathe states in another arguedagainstal-Taftazani work Tanbih al-'uqul 'ala tanzih al-sufiyya 'an i'tiqad al-tajsim wa-l-'Cayniyya wa-l-ittihad wa-l-hulul (MS: Chester Beatty 4443).: MS: PrincetonUniversityLibraryYahuda3977). Gaborieau. 70See his Ghayatal-matlubfi mahabbatal-mahbub.280 Khaled El-Rouayheb 56Thetranslation is extantin the BritishLibrary(MS: Or. 1:428-33."in Naqshbandis: cheminementset situations actuelle d'une ordremystiquemusulman.

Hittiet al. Haykal. 2003). 4:204 (line 21).2nd ed. 460-61. (Chicago:Universityof Chicago Press.: PrincetonUniversityPress."TheNaqshbandiyya. "Idjtihad Khulasatal-athar. 1. 331-45. 1971).N. Khulasatal-athar. 88R.2. Kuhn. respectively. ed. and Taqlidin 18th and 19th CenturyIslam. 1970).ShaykhAhmadSirhindi(Montreal:McGill Instituteof Islamic Studies."Die Weltdes Islams 20 (1980): 132-45. Metcalf. 1994). 95See Muhammadal-Hajji's comments in the introductionto his edition of al-Rudani's Silat al-khalaf bi-mawsulal-salaf. see. oppositionto logic has been noted above.Opening the Gate of Verification 281 85Al-'Ayyashi. 1860-1900 (Princeton.: PrincetonUniversityPress. partII. 96Nafi. see his "al-Lum'at 86A1-Kurani's in Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies. Friedmann. 1:404. Amin al-Muhibbi.includingal-Hasanal-Yusi.Peters. 86. DescriptiveCatalogof the GarrettCollectionofArabicManuscriptsin thePrinceton University Library(Princeton.242 on Tue.K. 38.Revival and Reformin Islam: TheLegacy of Muhammad al-Shawkani(Cambridge: CambridgeUniversityPress.see Y.Rihla. 1982). MuhammadHajji and Ahmad Tawfiq(Rabat: Maktabatal-matalib. and B. chap.S. 13880). This content downloaded from 152. 3:9-10.N.D. 97-99. 89Al-Muhibbi.) (Riyad:Maktabatal-tawba. For the lukewarmattitudeof al-Shawkaniand Shah 87A1-Zabidi's Wali Allah to the rationalsciences. Copty.vol.Islamic Revival in India: Deoband. 3:3-138 (Turkish poets) and 3:214-38 (Persian poets). 1938). 104." 97T. It provokeda virulent attackby Yahya al-Shawi."Tasawwufand Reformin Pre-ModernIslamic Culture. 20 (1957): 291al-saniya by Ibrahimal-Kurani" 303.J. LibraryMS: Or.4:453. 91Al-Muhibbi." tracton the Satanicverses has been studied and edited by A. from severalMaghribischolars.B.see Muhammad rejoinders Nashr al-mathanili-ahl al-qarn al-hadi cashar wa-l-thani.. Al-Kurani'spupil and disciple al-Barzinjiwrote a tractdenouncingthe ideas of Sirhindi.1986). Guillaume. 6. 164. 1:52 (lines 13-14). Islamic Society and the West. 13 Aug 2013 13:06:51 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .176. 93'UthmanMahmudal-Sini (ed.see P. Al-Baghdadi'scommentaryon Tuhfatal-Shahidi is extant(British 90A1-Muhibbi. Al-Kurani'sworks on free will provoked ibn al-Tayyibal-Qadiri. 94Gibband Bowen. ed. Khulasatal-athar. 13. and a defense by al-Kurani'sstudent al-Barzinji.J.TheStructureof ScientificRevolutions.Nafhat al-rayhana wa-rashhattila' al-hana. 'Abd al-FattahMuham92Muhammad mad al-Hilu(Cairo:Darihya' al-kutubal-'Arabiyya1967-69).

Sign up to vote on this title
UsefulNot useful