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Religion and Social Thought: The Secularization of Postmillennialism Author(s): Jean B. Quandt Source: American Quarterly, Vol.

25, No. 4 (Oct., 1973), pp. 390-409 Published by: The Johns Hopkins University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2711630 . Accessed: 12/04/2013 00:14
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JEAN B. QUANDT N. J. Princeton,

Religionand Social Thought: of The Secularization Postmillennialism


increasing importance to the Americanculture,historians have attributed show role of religion in social thought. Studiesof academics and reformers of the pre-Darnot so much a sharp break withthe religiouscertainties ideas witholder Protestant sensiwinianage as a merging of new scientific In The Paradox of Progressive David Noble demonstrates Thought, bilities. elementsof beliefin moral absolutes,in spiritual progress the continuing and in theismwithin framework. Between1890 and 1919, an evolutionary history as menlikeH. D. Lloyd,Herbert Crolyand Simon Pattenvisualized and theprogressive realization of social solidarity through science,industry a religiously in inspired altruism.R. JacksonWilson'sstudyofintellectuals search of communityreveals the part played by religiousideas in the like JamesMark Baldwinand G. StanleyHall. of social scientists thought reProgressive Finally,Clyde Griffen has argued that what distinguished of a religiousor quasiformers fromothergroups was the combination religiousideal of democracywith a piecemeal attitudeto social change; he linksthissyndrome influence of an earlier moreover, withthecontinuing evangelical Protestantism.' of these thinkers. This kind of approach does not deny the modernity of social thought, such as the Rather,it puts some of the salientfeatures a largercultural within search for scientific solutionsto social problems, werestillpowerful. framework whereolderreligious impulses
'David Noble, The Paradox ofProgressive Thought (Minneapolis:Univ.of MinnesotaPress, 1958); R. JacksonWilson,In Quest of Community: Social Philosophy in the UnitedStates, 1860-1920(New York: JohnWiley,1968);Clyde Griffen, "The Progressive Ethos,"in The Development of an American Culture, eds. Stanley Coben and Lorman Ratner (Englewood N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Cliffs, 1970),pp. 120-49. IN THE PROCESS OF DEFINING LATE 19TH AND EARLY 20TH CENTURY

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Starting fromsimilar assumptions about thereligious dimension of much of modern American thought,this paper will explore one aspect of Protestantpietywhich,I would argue, had a considerableinfluence on social thoughtand reformfrom the 1880s to 1914. This aspect was a modernized versionof postmillennialism, a typeof religiousbeliefwhich prophesied the comingof God's kingdom to earth.In thelexiconof Christian doctrine,postmillennialism was the faiththat the kingdomof God would be graduallyrealized in this world;justice, peace and love would eventually reignsupreme. Unlike premillennialism, withits catastrophic notionof the second comingof Christ,postmillennialism believedin the gradualredemption of theworldundertheinfluence ofChrist'sspirit rather thanhisphysical presence.2 Now these perfectionist ideas are familiar enough to those acquainted withthe cultural landscape of the mid-19th century. Variationsof postmillennialist ideas enteredinto the founding of manyintentional communities; theywerealso associated,as Timothy Smithhas demonstrated, with the revivalism and reform of the 1850s.3But in the historiogmovements raphy of secularreform in thepost-Civil War period, postmillennialist ideas havebeenignored in favorof science,Darwinism and a naturalistic and evolutionary approach to social change.4This way of organizing intellectual history,however,overlooks the continuity which characterizesthe intellectuallifeof the 19thcentury. The conceptswhichhad earlierclustered arounda gradualist vision ofthemillennium in factpersisted untiltheendof the century and even beyond.Of course considerable changesoccurredin the configuration of ideas. What had once been defined solelyin termsof evangelicalProtestantism was later secularized in importantways. The process of secularizationentaileda partial transfer of redemptive power from religious to secularinstitutions. The neworderwouldnotbe thework of supernatural forcesalone,butof naturaland humanforcesas well.5 This
ofIdeas (New York: Holt, 1958),pp. 176-77. AmericanMinds:A History 2StowPersons, in America," in Socialism and American 3Stow Persons,"ChristianCommunitarianism Univ. Press, 1962),I, Life,eds. Stow Personsand Donald Drew Egbert(Princeton:Princeton on the and Social Reform:AmericanProtestantism 127-51; TimothyL. Smith,Revivalism see of millennialism, 1957). On thehistoriography Eve of theCivil War (Nashville:Abingdon, David E. Smith,"MillenarianScholarshipin America," AmericanQuarterly,17 (Fall 1965), 535-49. however.They includeWilliam G. McLoughlin,"Pietism and the 4Thereare exceptions, AmericanCharacter," American Quarterly,17 (Summer 1965), 163-86; JohnL. Thomas, EdwardBellamy,LookingBackward,2000-1887 (Cambridge:Harvard Univ. "Introduction," and the AmericanLabor MovePress, 1967),pp. 1-88; HerbertG. Gutman,"Protestantism Spiritin the GildedAge," AmericanHistoricalReview,72 (Oct. 1966), ment:The Christian 74-101. limit powertheyunnecessarily conceiveof Christas the sole redemptive 5Whenhistorians to broadentheidea, see GeorgeShepperdson, For an effort the conceptof postmillennialism. "The ComparativeStudy of MillenarianMovements,"in MillennialDreams in Action,ed. SylviaThrupp(The Hague: Moulton,1962),pp. 47-51.

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alike, was consistent shift in emphasis,common to clericaland lay figures Protestant culture;it also withthe growing moralismof late 19thcentury in the naturaland social confidence of intellectuals reflected theincreasing sciencesas agentsofprogress. Americanoptimism was muchtoo pervasive to be monopolized Although of the post-Civil the semireligious postmillennialism by any one tradition, to earlierevangelical hopes forthe resemblance War era bore a remarkable of thetransformation, of theworld:thebelief in theimminence redemption put in the total the relianceon providential agencies,and the confidence of society. In several ways, religiousthoughtand spiritualregeneration as to suggesta common originor, at social thoughtwere so interwoven attitudes. a of common least, sharing imof thepresent paper is thatthepostmillennial The centralargument itselfto whileaccommodating into the early 20th century, pulse persisted This can be and changedsocial conditions. influences modernintellectual between theevangelical Protestantism of a connection shown byestablishing of eschatologicalthemesafter the middledecades and variousexpressions the Civil War. The argumentcan also be demonstrated by analyzingthe ideas of such religiousleaders as WashingtonGladden, Josiah Strong, Gerald B. Smith and Lyman Abbott,as well as those of such leadingintellectualsas RichardT. Ely, JohnDewey,JohnR. Commons and Albion who of those reformers W. Small. Finally,it can be seen in the attitudes thinkers. to thoseofmoresystematic similar operatedon assumptions of postmillennialism The best starting thepermutations pointfortracing tradition in is the mid-l9th century. Although the postmillennialist than this,the midcentury verAmericanProtestantism goes back farther sion saw the emergenceof certainthemeswhichwould later become of of thesewas the forsocial thought. The mostsignificant centralimportance of civilinstitutions ofeschatological hopeswiththecelebration convergence One can see and technological advancesas agentsforthecomingkingdom.6 thisas earlyas 1835in LymanBeecher'sA Pleafor theWest."What nation withsuch of freeinstitutions, is blessedwithsuch experimental knowledge facilities and resourcesof communication, unobstructed by so fewobstacles in fifty as our own?Thereis nota nationuponearthwhich, years,can by all in circumstances so favorableas our own place itself possiblereformation theworld."7Beecher,a "Revivalistic ... to evangelize Calvinist,"President
H. Merritt, 6Raymond inA merican Engineering Society.1850-1875(Lexington:Univ.Press of Kentucky, 1969),pp. 23-24; PerryMiller,The Lifeof theMindinA merica:From theRevolutionto theCivil War (New York: Harcourt,Brace & World, 1965), pp. 52-58. Postmillennialismappeared as earlyas the colonial period,mostimportantly in Jonathan Edwards.See David E. Smith,"MillenarianScholarship,"pp. 539-41. A Pleafor the West(Cincinnati: 7Lyman Beecher, Truman& Smith,1835),p. 7.

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of Lane Theological Seminary and one of the leaders of the home missionary movement, was a forerunner of the kingdomtheologyof the 1850s.8This theologylooked to evangelicalChristianity as the means to usherin God's kingdomon earth.Cuttingacross denominational lines,it combined therevivalist belief in personalconversion withthesocial vision of a redeemed world.Revivalswereto resultin regenerated social institutions as well as regenerated individuals and thus bringin the age of peace and righteousness.9 This religious visiondid not exclude the use of secular instruments for hastening the new era. Althoughliberal clergymen like the New School Presbyterian AlbertBarnesdependedprimarily on theworkof thechurches and theChristian benevolent and societies, they welcomedscience, invention culture as God-given"agencies" of the kingdom.'0Pointingto the benevolent societiesand the applicationof steam to printing, Barnes rejoiced that men were "bringing the combinedinfluence of these agencieson the widestpossiblescale to bear on the unconverted portionsof the race."" LymanBeecher'sson, Edward,took a similarly optimistic attitude toward worldly instruments of thekingdom. He, too, saw art,science,civilgovernment and commerce as agents of the world's redemption. But Beecher He saw of regeneration. theseculturalforcesto the influence subordinated For themas tools whichtrueChristians woulduse to further thekingdom. the comingof the kingdom, Beecher argued,"can onlybe effected by the universalindwelling of whom human societyis of God in the individuals and enabling themto act on his principles composed,inclining ... in all de2 Midcentury of life."' like Barnes and Beecher repartments evangelists of the kingdom garded the steam engine and the press as instruments as theyenlargedthescope of the"great enterprises of Christian insofar benevolence"'3-the American Bible Society, AmericanTract Society and AmericanHome Missionary would Society.Secular forcesand institutions ofa latergeneration. playa muchlargerpartin theminds The apocalypticfrenzy reacheditsheight during the 1850s;theCivilWar
8Barbara M. Cross, "Introduction,"The Autobiography of Lyman Beecher (Cambridge: HarvardUniv.Press, 1961),pp. xi-xxvi. 9Smith, Revivalism. '0Smith, Revivalism, p. 230; AlbertBarnes,Lifeat Three-Score: A Sermon Delivered in the First PresbyterianChurch, Philadelphia, November 28, 1858 (Philadelphia: Parry & Errandon Earth,"Independent, McMillan, 1859),pp. 21-23. See also "The Christian July 26, 1855,p. 236 and "IndividualResponsibility," Independent, Aug. 23, 1855,p. 268, which gave a predominant place to Christian inbringing in thekingdom. piety "Life, p. 22. ofCongregationalism '2EdwardBeecher,"The ScripturalPhilosophy and ofCouncils,"BibliothecaSacra, 22 (Apr. 1865),287. ItalicsBeecher's. '3Barnrs, Life,p. 31. See also Beecher, "ScripturalPhilosophy," pp. 284-91.

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introduceda soberingnote, but the postmillennial impulse persisted.'4 war as a special testof America's theMany of its spokesmeninterpreted in thegoldenage. And severetrialsin its driveto bring ability to surmount resurthewar. JohnMotley,diplomatand historian, olderthemessurvived recteda familiar idea whenhe addressedthe New York HistoricalSociety because of oftheNew Jerusalem in 1868:Americawas thelogicalharbinger advanthe fortunate alliance of spiritual, geographicaland technological she aloneenjoyed.15 tageswhich like Edward Beecher,George Ladd, GilAmong the clergy, evangelists bertHaven and Samuel Harrisretained their hopesforthecoming kingdom during the 1860sand 70s. Haven,a leadingabolitionist, urgedall Methodists to speed the "Grand Sabbatic Year" by workingfor social equality and temperance.1In 1870,Harrisgave his lectureson The Kingdomof Christ on Earth at Andover Theological Seminary,in which he expressedhis confidence thatChrist'sspiritand man's activities would soon bringabout ofthekingdom.'7 thetriumph By the 1880s,theNew Theology, whoseheadits versionof postmillennial quarterswere at Andover,put forth expectations.The Andoverliberalswere more cautious about the imminence of Christ'sspiritualrule,but manyof themagreed that the "age to come is 8 seenagain . .. as a coming orderofthings on earth."' theevangelical interest in regenerating Although Andovermencontinued workedwithnewideas which society, they wouldgrowevenmoreimportant in the Social Gospel movement. The immanenceof God in natureand society,a conceptderivedin part fromthe doctrine of evolution, was one of these ideas. Anotherwas the nature of Christianconversion:conversion came more and more to mean thegradual moralimprovement of theindividual.19 Thus Andover'sidentification of God withall theregenerating and civilizing forcesin society,together withits Arminian emphasison man's moral achievements, pointed toward an increasingly secular versionof America'stransfiguration. Outside theologicalcircles,the postmillennial tradition appeared in the
'4Smith,Revivalism,pp. 230-35; Martin E. Marty, RighteousEmpire: The Protestant inAmerica(New York: Dial, 1970),p. 180. Experience 15ErnestLee Tuveson,RedeemerNation (Chicago: Univ.of Chicago Press, 1968),pp. 19296. pp. 235-37; CharlesHoward Hopkins,The Rise of theSocial Gospelin '6Smith, Revivalism, 1865-1915(New Haven: Yale Univ.Press, 1940),pp. 19-21;William AmericanProtestantism: A. Clebsch, From Sacred to ProfaneAmerica: The Role of Religionin American History (New York: Harper & Row, 1968),pp. 168-70. '7H. RichardNiebuhr,The Kingdomof God in America (New York: Harper's, 1937),pp. 160-61. (New York: '8Daniel Day Williams,The AndoverLiberals:A Studyin AmericanTheology King'sCrown,1941),p. 127. '9Ibid.,pp. 48, 68.

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utopiannovelsof Edward Bellamyand IgnatiusDonnelly,as well as in a As John numberof otherbooks whichbelongedin the utopiancategory.20 to LookingBackward in his new introduction Thomas arguesconvincingly (1887), the novel can be construed as a prophetic account of the of the of Americansociety,one paralleledby the conversion regeneration His secondnovel,Equality of solidarity.21 West,to thereligion hero,Julian (1897), was more explicitlyChristian and millennialin substance and looked "The Great Revival"of the20thcentury, Its centralevent, rhetoric. love of the kingdomof God on earth in brotherly to "the establishment of Bellamy's The affinity whichChristbade men hope and work for."22 themeswiththose of Christianeschatologyand evangelicalperfectionism on theorganizational concentration beenobscuredbyan excessive has often our attention and technological aspectsof his utopia,butThomas redirects War postwhichlinkBellamyto pre-Civil to those aspects of his thought millennialism. Anotherexample of thisgenrewas Ignatius Donnelly'sutopian novel, in the middleof a politicalcampaign,it The GoldenBottle(1892). Written who become President, was thestoryof EphraimBenezet,a Kansas farmer increasedthe nation's money supplyfor the economic and miraculously withtheresultsof eventhoroughof society.Dissatisfied moralbetterment thatonlya rebirth ofChrisBenezetfinally recognized goingsocial reform, thosethousandyearsof peace andjustice wouldbring to civilization tianity he thenproceededto uniteall the Christian whichthe Bible had foretold; the world.Since the novel's avowed churchesin the work of regenerating aim was to help Donnelly's Populist campaign in Minnesota, the esand evangelicalidiom were at the veryleast acchatologicalframework conventions.23 ceptableliterary
Jr.,American Dreams: A Study of American Utopias (New Louis Parrington 20Vernon withseveral to thisthemein connection York: Russell& Russell, 1964),p. 179,alludesbriefly othernovelsof the 1890s. Also see WilliamT. Stead, If ChristCame to Chicago (Chicago: theme. ofthemillennialist Laird and Lee, 1894),pp. 339, 343,444 fora statement 2lThomas, "Introduction," pp. 50-57. ComBellamy,Equality(New York: D. Appleton,1897), p. 340. The Christian 22Edward was postin 1897whosephilosophy founded community of Georgia,an intentional monwealth The of Bellamy,Bliss and Herron.JamesDombrowski, was based on thetheories millennialist, Socialism inA merica(New York: Octagon, 1936),pp. 132-139. EarlyDays of Christian 23Ignatius Donnelly,The Golden Bottle Or theStory of EphraimBenezetof Kansas (New was criticalof organizedrelithoughnot irreligious, York: Merrill,1892). Donnellyhimself, (Chicago: Univ.ofChicago of a Politician gion.MartinRidge,IgnatiusDonnelly:The Portrait Jaher, Frederic werecloserto premillennialism. otherwritings Press, 1962),p. 266. Donnelly's Doubters and Dissenters.Cataclysmic Thoughtin America, 1885-1918 (New York: Free as well as prePress, 1964), chap. 6. However,thereappear to have been postmillennialist "Pentecostal Politics in impulseswithinPopulism. See Peter H. Argersinger, millennialist Kansas: Religion,the Farmer's Alliance,and the Gospel of Populism,"Kansas Quarterly,1 (1969), 24-35.

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In the novels of Bellamy and Donnelly,the authorsused the utopian frameworkas a device for underscoring the crucial role of religious regeneration in bringing about thenewera. It was thisbelief in thespiritual revivalof societyas a wholewhichlinkedmen like Bellamyand Donnelly, who were theologically unorthodox and even anticlerical, to theexponents oftheNew Theology. A finalexampleof the continuation of thepostmillennial tradition in the postbellum periodwas theideologyof labor leadersin the GildedAge. Arguing that the perfectionism of prewar Protestantism persistedamong workers in the later 19th century,Herbert Gutman describes many instancesin whichlabor spokesmen used thehope forthekingdom of God on earthas a justification forstrenuous efforts towardeconomicjustice on thepartofworkingmen.24 If a measureof continuity existed between theevangelicalProtestantism of the midcentury War movements in theology and some of the post-Civil a decidedshift and social thought, within thepostmillennialist tradition was also takingplace. As an examination of certainkeyfigures willmake clear, theshift consisted of a secularization of theeschatological vision.The outof theHoly Spiritwhich wereto usherin thekingdom of the 1850s pourings were replaced,in the Gilded Age and the Progressive era, by advances in knowledge,culture and ethical Christianity. Whereas evangelical Protestantism had insisted that the kingdomwould come by the grace of God and notbyanynaturalprocess,thelaterversion actingin history often substituted the providential of scienceforredeeming gift grace. These changes towarda morenaturalistic viewof theworld'sprogress wereparalleledbya attitude towardtheagenciesof redemption. changing The churches and the benevolent societiesconnectedwiththemwere still consideredimportant of the coming kingdom, instruments but great significance was now attached to such impersonalmessianicagencies as the natural and social sciences.The spiritof love and brotherhood was stillgivena major role in theworld,butit was often as an achievement perfecting of human regarded evolution with onlytenuoustiesto a transcendent deity. This secularizationof the postmillennial in the late 19thand tradition early20th centuries cut across the lineswhichdividedtheology and social and intellectuals. It represented a blending of religious, science,clergymen social and scientific ideas into a teleologicalmodel of historical change in which,as RobertWiebe argues,theboundaries between utopianand pragmaticthinking wereconsiderably blurred.25 This process,as we shallsee,occurredwithin circlesas wellas outsidethem. theological
24"Protestantism and theLabor Movement," pp. 74-101. 25The Searchfor Order.1877-1920(New York: Hill & Wang, 1967),pp. 137-45.

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in the period and ministers to those who were theologians Lookingfirst at work between1880 and 1914, we can see the processof secularization One way to look at thisdeitself.26 of liberaltheology theframework within velopmentis to compare the views of two leading Social GospellersWashingtonGladden (1836-1918) and Josiah Strong (1847-1916). Both War post-Civil strainwithin men were spokesmenforthepostmillennialist viewsabout whatwould hastenthe in their but theydiffered Protestantism, In some ways Gladden in of the gloryof the kingdom."27 "fullerbringing alwaysretained His visionof thecomingkingdom figure. was a transitional the heartsof much of the earlierevangelicalemphasison God's changing in"the dawnof inushering roleof thechurches men,and on thepreeminent forall to see. His espousal thisnewday" whosesignsand traceswerevisible whichled him to supportthe American Economic of social Christianity, that his conviction Associationand the new social sciences,complemented of sotransformation was the total and imminent the goal of Christianity of on the conflict energies For Gladden,who focusedhis reformist ciety.28 realizedwhentheChristian capitaland labor,theGoldenAge wouldbe fully society. of an industrial law of love was appliedto thisand otherproblems was the church,whoseresponsiThe chiefagencyforthisChristianization in accordancewith laws and sentiments institutions, was to transform bility of cooperationand love. Secular agenciessuch as education, theprinciples withChristian iftheywereinfused wereefficacious scienceand government And Gladden agreed with the revivalistclergy of earlier sentiment.29 were in the best positionto transform individuals decades that regenerate ofGod on earth.Gladden's of menintothekingdom theorganizedactivities vision,then, clearly resembledin importantways the espostmillennial hopesof themiddledecades. chatological of Gladden to the fromthe evangelicalpostmillennialism The transition versionof Josiah Strong is apparent in several ways. more rationalistic in realizing influences of thenatureof Christian First,Strong'sconception or Gladden's.The needforpersonalregeneration from differed thekingdom
uses itin The Kingdom Niebuhr is used herein thesensein which termliberaltheology 26The to and friendly optimistic whichwas freewillist, to a theology of God in America,i.e., to refer scienceand modernculture. Law and IndustryUndertheChristian 27Washington Gladden,Tools and theMan: Property in his youthby 1893), p. 22. Gladden had been greatlyaffected (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, position. towarda postmillennial butby 1853he was moving WilliamMiller'spremillennialism, Gladden:Prophetof theSocial Gospel(Columbus:Ohio State JacobHenryDorn, Washington Univ.Press,1966),pp. 7, 9, 193-94. Moral Aspects of Social Questions(Boston: 28Tools,pp. 18, 20-23; Applied Christianity: 1886),p. 214. HoughtonMifflin, 1895),pp. pp. 19, 22; RulingIdeas of thePresentAge (Boston: HoughtonMifflin, 29Tools, 97-135; Social Facts and Forces (New York: Putnam's, 1897), pp. 199-204,223; Social Sal1902),pp. 207-37. vation (Boston: HoughtonMifflin,

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still presentin Gladden, was eclipsed by the notion of spiritualrebirth, moral improvement. Secondly, the balance betweensacred and secular agenciesof social salvationhad shifted. The churchesstillplayeda central role for Strong,but he was also convincedthat science,communications and industry had theirown redemptive power.The increasing moralismof theChristian and the increasing faithin culturalinstitutions experience as the means to progress, both typicalof the late 19thcentury, helpedpush He Strong toward the secularizationof the postmillennial tradition.30 tendedto invest humaninstitutions and humannaturewiththeredemptive had earlierbelonged powerwhich to Christ'sspiritual influence. was Strong's move toward a moralisticand culturalpostmillennialism made against the backgroundof the evangelical and missionaryProtestantismin whichhe began his work. A graduate of Lane Theological one of the evangelizing Seminary, collegesof the West, his first important of one of the manytractsput out book, Our Country (1885), was a rewrite in 1826, by theAmericanHome Missionary Society.The Society,founded was devotedto evangelizing theWest and thereby speeding theworldtoward the millennium.3' Strong's book was dedicated to this same mission:it describedthe perils to the West, and therefore to the nation,of immigration, intemperance, socialism,wealthand especially thecity, forthecity all theotherproblems. magnified And Our Countrystressed thechurches' need to overcome these perilsif theywere "to hasten ... the comingof Christ'skingdom in theworld."32 Here and inhislaterwritings, he conveyed a sense of urgency, of the imminence of the kingdomand of the special responsibility ofhisgeneration to usherin thenewera.33 Strong's millennialist expectationswere closely tied to the missionary work of the churches. Secretary of the revivalist-oriented Evangelical Alliance until 1898,he workedout a plan forthe systematic personalvisitationof all cityresidents to convert theunchurched in theurbanwilderness to a Christian lifeand to influence publicopinionon social issues. In these he had thecooperation efforts, of Gladdenas wellas otherprominent Social and lay reformers. WhentheAlliancewithdrew Gospel ministers itssupport fromthis program,Strong foundedthe League for Social Service, and later,the AmericanInstitute forSocial Service,to carryon his work.For
30Niebuhr, Kingdomof God inAmerica,pp. 179-84. Herbst,"Introduction," JosiahStrong,Our Country: 3'Jurgen Its PossibleFutureand Its Present Crisis (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1963), pp. ix-xxvi;Tuveson, Redeemer Nation,pp. 83-84.
320ur

330urCountry, p. 179; The New Era or theComingKingdom(New York: Baker & Taylor, 1893),pp. 11,20, 354-55; The Twentieth Century City(New York: Baker & Taylor, 1898),pp. 123, 158, 180-81; Our World:The New World-Life (New York: Doubleday,Page, 1913),pp. 79-81.

Country, p. 180.

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he was convinced of fraternity that the spirit createdby economicinterdependence,thoughpowerful, had to be nourishedby a Christianethic if brotherhood were to be achieved.He therefore criticized socialismforits obsessionwiththeenvironment to theneglectof thespiritual improvement of society. Society could not be regenerated,he argued, without regenerating theindividuals init.34 So far,Strongdoes not sound much different fromhis evangelicalpredecessors,but the resemblancestops here. When he spoke of the need to regenerate individuals, he meanttheneed to improve their moralcharacter. Christ as the giver of grace and the lord of history became Christ the teacherand example. Conversionwas replacedby moral effort.35 And the way to the kingdomwas throughthe efforts of men ennobledby AngloSaxon culture, and organizational Christian morality genius. in his Strong also moved towarda more naturalistic postmillennialism reliance on secular agencies for the redemption of the world. This dependenceon secular culturewas not new; it was a midcentury evangelist whoproclaimed that"Christianity has. . . securedthepress.... It nowemploysit in theworkof diffusing thetruths of revelation."36 Strongagreed, buthe also attributed to steamand electricity an efficacy which was all their own:theadvancesin transportation, and industry communication increased social solidarity by makingmen more consciousof the commongood. Insofaras they theseculturaldevelopments increasedsympathy, werecrucial ofthekingdom.37 fortherealization were particularly for hastening Technologicaldevelopments significant the arrivalof the new era. Man's progresstowardthe kingdom had heretoforebeen slow because individual and social solidarity aldevelopment waysworkedat cross-purposes. Withthe comingof steam and electricity, Strongargued,both ideals were fostered Thus far,he exsimultaneously. plained,therace "has hobbledalongnowon one footand nowon theother. It shall yet run in the way of God's commandments, whichis the path of swiftest progress."38 Thus the imminence of God's kingdomon earth was assuredthrough oftechnology. thebeneficence
34New Era, pp. 39, 117-31,296-317, 342-63; Twentieth Century City,pp. 117-22, 161; Our World,pp. 14, 79-81; Dorothea A. Muller,"Josiah Strongand the Social Gospel: A Christian's Responseto theChallengeof theCity,"Journalof thePresbyterian HistoricalSociety, 34(Sept. 1961), 150-74. 35New Era,pp. 117-19. 36AlbertBarnes,Lectureson theEvidencesof Christianity in theNineteenth Century (New York: Harper's, 1868),p. 395. 37NewEra, pp. 1-3, 135-63, 342-63; Twentieth CenturyCity,pp. 117-22; Our World,pp. 11-17; ExpansionUnderNew World-Conditions (New York: Baker & Taylor, 1900),pp. 27172. 38New Era, pp. 27-28. ItalicsStrong's.

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In visualizing towardthemillennium, progress Strongalso gave a central role to modernscience.Scientific methods ofgathering suchas information, social policy census statistics, could help men deviserationaland effective of society.But thispracticalattitude towardsciencewas forthebetterment a only part of the story.For Strong,sciencewas an agent of providence, form ofrevelation and a guaranteeofprogress. As a providential agent,sciencewas partof God's plan fortheperfection of theworld.The laws of science,he believed, "are God's laws,as truly as if written on tablesof stoneand delivered to us bya second Moses. And all of God's laws, physicalas well as spiritual... are laws of the Kingdom,and wereundoubtedly intended to minister to the perfection and blessedness of itscitizens."39 For Strong,thepracticalutility of sciencerestedas muchon as on theprovenusefulness of thescientific such metaphysical assumptions method. of his millennialist was also apparentin The secularization expectations the meaninggiven to terms like revelation.Strong spoke of science as anotherrevelation, anothertable of divinelaws because it revealedGod's of the universe. In so doing,he obliterated ordering the traditional linebetweenwhat God disclosesand whatman's reasoncan discoverbyitself. He also encouragedan optimism about thefuture based on theconviction that so thatall men theguidelines to the holyutopia wereembeddedin reality, neededto do was "fall intohis [God's] plansintentionally and to co-operate withhim intelligently for the perfecting of mankind."40 Such a confident of man's efforts and history's so typicalof muchpostmerger momentum, Darwinianand evolutionary thought, characterized Strong'seschatological scheme. was shared by other liberal Strong's cultural postmillennialism like Gerald B. Smith(1868-1929). Smithwas one of a groupof clergymen liberal and Social Gospel theologiansat Chicago University's Divinity School who allied themselves withAlbionW. Small and othersociologists to developtheimplications of social Christianity.4' Like Strong,Smithsaw of 'secular' meansfortheestablishment of greatvalue "in theemployment the Kingdom" on earth.42 Withthe Among thesesciencewas preeminent. "natural means" of salvationat theirdisposal,Christianscould abandon fortheheavenly their ofthemoretangible age-oldlonging satiscityinfavor factionsof a transformed earthlycity. Despite thesenaturalistic predilec30New Era, p. 230. See also pp. 37, 285. 40Ibid., p. 30. See also pp. 12,37. 4'Darnell Rucker,The Chicago Pragmatists (Minneapolis:Univ.of MinnesotaPress, 1969), pp. 130-33. 42Gerald Social Idealismand theChanging Birney Smith, Theology (New York: Macmillan, 1913),p. 132.

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Science and in thekingdom. inbringing tions, Smithkepta role forreligion legislationalone were not quite up to the task. A "moral heroism," a was necessary ifmenwere vaguelydefined, "strongreligious life,"however the blessingsof God's to consecrate their newfoundpower to bringing righteousness to earth.43 within A finaland extremeexample of a semisecularpostmillennialism the Protestantchurcheswas the positionof Lyman Abbott(1835-1922), and leadingSocial Gospeller.Thoughhe worked minister Congregationalist withGladden and shared many of his social views,Abbott's postmillennialism was far removed from an evangelicalvision of the kingdom." thatthe was Abbott'sconviction signof theshift Perhapsthemost striking the actionof "residentforces"within kingdom would come solelythrough institutions such as the historicalprocess. These forcesincludedcivilizing the schools,the sciences,legislation, publicopinionand the churches.Abinin all good and progressive bottdid notbanishGod; God was immanent as well as in thesoul of man.45 But such a thoroughgoing immastitutions, If into the natural,God into history. nentism swallowedthe supernatural it wouldnothave mattered theChristian vocabulary Abbotthad eliminated withIdealismor theseculardoctrine much,forhisviewswereas compatible ofprogress as they werewith Christianity. If we recognizeGladden's position as a way station toward a quasiwe can see how muchStrong,Smithand Abbotthad religious eschatology, was Christianbut moved toward a culturalutopianismwhose inspiration was ocwhosesubstancewas in large part secular. A similardevelopment we mustnow outsideof clericalcircles,and it is to thismilieuwhich curring inintellectual life. turninorderto assess theplace ofpostmillennialism at the turnof The Protestant moralismof manyacademic intellectuals the centuryhas been remarked on more than once.46 In some cases,
in America,"inReligious 43SocialIdealism,pp. 110, 113-23, 145-54;"TheologicalThinking ed. Gerald BirneySmith (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Thoughtin the Last Quarter-Century, Press,1927),p. 109. to ground in its effort modernism"also wentbeyondliberaltheology 44Abbott's "scientific and reason,to thenearlycompleteexclusionof theBible. RobertT. evolution faith in history, Handy, "Fundamentalismand Modernismin Perspective,"Religion in Life, 24 (Summer 1955),385-87. 1892),pp. 182(Boston: HoughtonMifflin, Abbott,The Evolutionof Christianity 45Lyman A Study in Evolutionist: 86, 193, 199-200,246, 254; Ira V. Brown,LymanAbbott:Christian (Cambridge:HarvardUniv.Press,1953),pp. 100, 108-9. ReligiousLiberalism ofModernSociology:Its Nature C. Hinkleand Gisela J.Hinkle,The Development 46Roscoe moin the United States (GardenCity,N.Y.: Doubleday,1954),p. 3. The religious and Growth investigation. The extentto whichsome tivations of academics in this period bear further is demonstrated by BenjaminG. environment concernsto theirscholarly transferred religious of Richard T. Ely in AmericanLife Rader, The Academic Mind and Reform.The Influence (Lexington:Univ. of KentuckyPress, 1966); Daniel M. Fox, The Discoveryof Abundance:

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however, thethrust oftheir was notonly ethical andreligious, but thought also postmillennialist. The social thought of Ely,Dewey, and Commons in waysnot unlikethoseof their clerical Small exhibited thisimpulse contemporaries. T. Ely(1854-1943) closetieswith theclerical Richard had particularly spokesmen forthekingdom Whileteaching at Johns theology. economics Hopkins, and then at theUniversity ofWisconsin, he helped Gladden and Abbott introduce theconcepts of socialChristianity intotheChautauqua In 1885,assisted movement. J. B. Clark and others, by Gladden, Ely the AmericanEconomicAssociation in order to enlistthe founded andofscience cooperation ofthechurch, ofthestate insolving socialproblems.47 theInstitute ofChrisShortly thereafter, ElyandStrong organized "to present tianSociology, ... [God's]kingdom as thecomplete pledged idealofhuman tobe realized society onearth."48 In hiswritings oneconomics andsocialpolicy, outtheways in Elyworked which religion andsocialscience couldhelp"bring to passthegolden agein thefuture for weall hopeandpray."49 were which For Ely,thechurches of crucial in thewarfare on evil.Theirmission "a importance was to mount until theearth never-ceasing attackon every wrong becomes a institution, newearth,and all its cities, citiesof God."50 In orderto succeed,the churches mustput more weight behind God's injunction "to love thy neighbor," forChristianity's primary concern was notthefuture stateof thesoul but thefuture of society. Thiskindof exhortation, I perfection wouldargue,was not the use of a resonant but outgrown language to a secular in progress. belief convey Rhetoric and meaning were reclosely latedin Ely'sthought. Moreover, Elyshared with Strong theconventional postmillennialist view wasat a turning that history thekingdom point, that was rapidly comingcloser.51 Not surprisingly, however, Ely attributed more somewhat didStrong. efficacy tothesecular sources ofsalvation than Sometimes thestateas thegreatest in soElyviewed force redemptive
Simon N. Pattenand theTransformation ofSocial Theory (Ithaca, N.Y.: CornellUniv.Press, 1967); A. W. Coats, "Henry Carter Adams: A Case Study in the Emergenceof the Social Sciencesin the UnitedStates," Journalof AmericanStudies,2 (Oct. 1968), 177-97; Dorothy Ross, G. StanleyHall: The Psychologist as Prophet (Chicago: Univ.ofChicago Press, 1972). 47Rader, Ely, pp. 35-39, 58-59, 62, 64, 121; RichardT. Ely, Ground UnderOur Feet: An Autobiography (New York: Macmillan,1938),pp. 135-40. 48"Note on The American Instituteof ChristianSociology," Annals of the American A cademyofPoliticaland Social Science,4 (1894), 491. 49The Labor Movement inAmerica(New York: Crowell,1886),p. 319. 50The Social Aspectsof Christianity and OtherEssays(New York, Crowell,1889),p. 73. See also, Labor Movement, pp. 319-26. 5"LaborMovement,p. 319; "The Studyof Social Science and theChristianMinister,"The Northwestern 5 (Oct. 7, 1892),4-5; "Christianity Congregationalist, as a Social Force," in The World'sParliamentof Religions,ed. JohnHenryBarrows(Chicago: ParliamentPublishing,

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ciety. Speaking on The Needs of the Cityin 1889,he pointed out the ineffectuality of muchof thework which Christian voluntary associations did."Tractdistribution andrevivals inthenarrow arenotenough; sense, environment mustbe changed,"52 he insisted. And environment could be changed mosteffectively by thegovernment. Although LymanBeecher's generation put their faith in exactly whatEly'sgeneration labeledinadequate,bothsought theregeneration, theChristianization, ofthewhole soIn Ely's eyes,government ciety. was theGod-given instrument through which wehadto work. Its preeminence as a divine instrument wasbasedon thepost-Reformation abolition of thedivision between thesacredand the secular and on theState'spower to implement ethical solutions to public problems. The sameidentification of sacredand secular which tookplace amongliberalclergy enabledEly to bothdivinize thestateand socialize he thought Christianity: of government as God's maininstrument of redemption; and he defined theneeded "religious revival" in thecitiesas a deepening sense ofethical obligation onthepart ofthecitizenry.53 Another in Ely's aspectofa semisecularized postmillennialism appeared views on theevolution ofsociety andon theroleofthesocialsciences. Like hesawtheindustrial as part ofthe theliberal revolution evoluclergy, great and solidarity would tionary drama,which byincreasing interdependence inthekingdom. wasthedomain soonusher Becausehistorical evolution of thesocialsciences, to teach thecomplexiitwasthetaskofthese disciplines consciousness tiesoftheChristian ofbrotherhood whose of to a world duty wasnotyetfully ThusElycouldyoke interdependence developed.54 together we are thenewlearning oftheuniversities and theNewJerusalem "which all eagerly In an address on TheComing awaiting."55 City (1902),Elycalled menin municipal foruniversity trained to makethecity"a government a workof art,and a religious in the well-ordered household, institution "56 truest sense oftheword 'religious.' hisviews ontheimportance ofreligion for reform came Elyoncesaidthat as a socialscientist."57 Ifnothing to him route "byan independent else,this
1893), II, 1061; The ComingCity(New York: Crowell, 1902),pp. 15, 72; Studies in theEvolutionof an Industrial Society (New York: Macmillan, 1903), pp. 429-30. In The Social Asto Strong'spostmillennialist pectsof Christianity, p. 147,Ely refers enthusiastically hopes. 52The Needs of theCity:An AddressDeliveredBejore theBoston Conference of theEvanAlliancefortheUnitedStates,Dec. 4, 1889),p. 8. gelicalAlliance(New York: Evangelical 53Ibid:,pp. 3-5; TheSocial Law ofService(New York: Eaton & Mains, 1896),pp. 162-71. 54LaborMovement,pp. 312-13, 331; Social Aspectsof Christianity, pp. 8-9, 19,21, 24-25; Social Law of Service, pp. 139, 162; An Introductionto Political Economy (New York: Chautauqua Press, 1889),pp. 50, 68, 430-31: 55The ComingCity,p. 56. 56Ibid., p. 72. 57Labor Movement, p. 321.

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of a ideas to thecategories of his religious statement showstheaffinity andsecular discipline. seemingly autonomous version of postmillennialism a social scientist's WhileEly expounded John theyoung similar to thatof theSocial Gospel, within a framework however, was position. The earlyDewey, Dewey tooka moreunorthodox become after the1890s. Though which hewould pragmatist notthesecular ideas he was stilla theist, mixing Christian Protestant, nota conventional that shaped thesemisecumixture philosophy. Anditwasthis with Idealistic before Chriswhich he expounded theStudents' larized postmillennialism the1890s. ofMichigan Association at theUniversity during tian begroup is thesimilarity addresses to this in Dewey's Whatis striking discussed. ofthemenalready For era andthose hisvision ofthenew tween of Deweyin terms of hislaternaturalistic to thinking thoseaccustomed with butforthosefamiliar his mayseembizarre, philosophy theparallel deintellectual it should notbe. His early development early philosophical and dialogue between religious a continuous in fact, exhibited velopment, categories.58 philosophical where he was a professor of at Michigan, Dewey'stalks on religion inwhich show hecombined Idealistic theway from 1884to 1894, philosophy intohisownversion andliberal Protestantism modern science philosophy, notionof the of the coming Deweyarguedthatthe biblical kingdom. which had truth was a valuable cometo earth kingdom ofGod eventually hadnotbeenready to turn it beenlargely because history lostto theworld inmodern times, ofscience thegrowth Butwith from an ideaintoa reality. more conditions ofways to distribute truth widely, theinvention alongwith ofGod,"the realization ofthe"Kingdom thetemporal were finally ripefor whole ofsympathy."59 menandbinding them into oneharmonious together menfree, then "thespiritual unification IfGodis truth andthetruth makes of man,all thatChrist of humanity, the realization of thebrotherhood ofthis freedom of calledtheKingdom ofGod is butthefurther expression was freed when it broke he said.Andthetruth loose,as modern truth,"60 andthe custom realm science therestraints oforganized religion, had,from exthehonors with Dewey ofthemetaphysical. shared science, Democracy this between men:"through becauseit brokedownthebarriers plained,
Dewey: The Early Works, 1882-1898, eds. Jo Ann Boydstonet al. (Carbondale: 58John SouthernIllinoisUniv. Press, 1969-71),II, 227-49; III, 155-73. This aspect of Dewey's early S.J.,"Democracy as Religion:Unity See JohnBlewett, established. has beengenerally thought ed. Blewett(New York: in Human Relations," in JohnDewey: His Thoughtand Influence, FordhamUniv.Press, 1960),pp. 33-58. 59"Reconstruction," Monthly Bulletin of the Students' Christian Association of the of Michigan,15(June1894), 152.See also pp. 149-56. University IV, 8. Early Works, 60Dewey,

all realizationof the "common incarnateLife,the purpose . . . animating

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there is in reality whatever truth, whatever restrictions, doingawaywith must be reconstructed to fit Religion itself.'"61 to express is freed man'slife he argued in 1894, for then itcould ofscience anddemocracy, therealities ofGod to helpon theKingdom striving "whoaresincerely all those inspire onearth."62 putgreat Dewey theearly postmillennialists, other latter-day Along with Thereconstrucworld. aboutthenew forces tobring onhistorical emphasis of Christheabsorption meant he talkedof really which tionof religion whosupplemented theliberal theologians science. Going beyond tianity into Dewey in man's history, revelation withcontinuous biblicalrevelation rather, that He argued, to reveal. truths had anyspecial thatJesus denied was that truth evident overtime, hadbecome to what Jesus pointed simply to all men.Therefore, thatit was accessible in theindividual, incarnate of the discovery it, was man'sprogressive as Deweydefined revelation, but"inhim."63 tohim wasnotrevealed Thetruth meaning oflife. belief from Strong's of Dewey's this notion separated distance No great that conviction or fromAbbott's that sciencewas the new revelation inman'scaa growth known through became what wasprimarily revelation man's In each case, reasonbecamemodern forunderstanding. pacities inthe bringing for instrument wasa primary ineachcase,reason revelation; thatof theothers from Dewey'steachings Whatdifferentiated kingdom. Christianity madehistorical religion a reconstructed that washisinsistence in he wrote is to universalize itself," "The function ofthechurch obsolete. beyond soonmoved And Dewey thuspass out ofexistence."64 1893,"tand no part. theism played one in which thisposition to an evenmoresecular 1900 after andon socialphilosophy thathe didon education Butthework intoa vestigial vision postmillennial ofhisearlier a translation represented andaneducation Science, socialharmony. toward inprogress faith religious Andfor community. the idealofdemocratic to serve were inscience, rooted linked aurawhich hada sacred always science andcommunity both Dewey, them vision ofthekingdom.65 tohisearly a semisecularized postwerenottheonlyonesto carry Elyand Dewey
See also pp. 3-10. 6"Ibid. p. 156. 62"Reconstruction," p. 153. IV, 5. Italics Dewey's.See also "Reconstruction," Works, 63Early to Theology,"MonthlyBulletinof the Students'Christian 64"TheRelation of Philosophy Association,14(Jan. 1893),67. The Social Thought of B. Quandt, From theSmall Town to the Great Community: 65Jpan N.J.: RutgersUniv. Press, 1970), pp. 108-16. For Intellectuals(New Brunswick, Progressive examples,see JohnDewey, "Religion and Our Schools," Charactersand Events: Popular ed. JosephRatner(New York: Holt, 1929), II, 515; Essays in Social and PoliticalPhilosophy, Democracy and Education: An Introductionto the Philosophyof Education (New York: Macmillan,1916),p. 100;A Common Faith(New Haven: Yale Univ.Press, 1934),pp. 26, 8387.

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Sociology, ofChristian oftheInstitute he was theSecretary written when basedon it were and a government argued thatsocialscience Commons inGod'skingdom. Together they couldteachmanhow crucial for bringing thatlovein in modern and howto implement terms to lovehisneighbor Commons ofthecities, theproblem When he confronted socialrelations.66 "If wecould andpolitical terms. inboth religious defined theproblem again as of salvation instruments onlysee thatcitiescan be madeas powerful in 1898.But he argued would be imminent,"67 their reform churches, then spirit ofbrotherhood. bythe Christian must beinspired first thecitizenry at department ofthesociology chairman W. Small(1854-1926), Albion postmillennialist with marked academic from 1895to 1925,was another seen his workas have generally Sociologists overtones to his thought. theresolution ofsocialconflict.68 concerning andoptimistic reform minded in was expressed But it was not onlythat;at timeshis social thought World's In an address at the andpostmillennial terms. Christian specifically as a in 1893, Small spoke of the churches of Religions Parliament healsoequated ofthecity; influence onthe transformation great potentially of social science. the social aspectsof Christianity withthe principles
JournalofSociology the University of Chicago and editorof theA merican

In Social Reformand the Church(1894), thisviewpoint. also represented

R. Commons (1862John ofthechurches. beyond thesphere millennialism layProtestant, a colleague ofEly'sandan active 1945), a laboreconomist,

hiseschatological explicitly with converged ofsociety views on theevolution in andcommunication interdependence Noting theincreasing expectations. Christian also heightened thatthese tendencies he argued modern society, who moreand more theranksof Christians, consciousness and unified the Smallconcluded oftheworld.69 defined mission as theredemption their
66SocialReform and theChurch(New York: Crowell,1894),pp. 13-26,39, 78, 83. The book is mainlya collectionof talksgivento Protestant groups.In his autobiography, Myself(New York: Macmillan,1934),pp. 8-16, 51-52, Commonsconnects hisreligious upbringing withhis laterwork.SidneyFine,Laissez Faire and the General Welfare State: A Study of Conflict in American Thought(Ann Arbor: Univ. of MichiganPress, 1956),pp. 170-71, 181-82,briefly discusses hisreligious approachto social problems. 67The Co-operative City(New York: TruthsfortheTimes, 1898),p. 9. 68Lewis A. Coser, The FunctionsofSocial Conflict (Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press, 1956),pp. 1520; Hinkles,Modern Sociology, pp. 7-8. See Albion W. Small, GeneralSociology: An Exposition of the Main Developmentin Sociological Theoryfrom Spencer to Ratzenhofer (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1905), pp. 361-62, 369; "Points of Agreement among Sociologists," Publications of theA merican SociologicalSociety,1 (1907), 71. 69Albion W. Small, "The Churchesand CityProblems,"in The World'sParliament of Religions,ed. JohnHenryBarrows(Chicago: ParliamentPublishing, 1893), II, 1080-82; "Christianity and Industry," A merican JournalofSociology,25 (May 1920),673-94. This paperwas originally part of a lectureserieson Christianity at the University of Chicago in whichSmall participated.

Writing in theAmericanJournalofSociologyin 1920,Small's professional

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essay by appealingto all men of Christian conscienceto applythe knowledge of factsand thespirit of love to the".settlement of thoseissuesofeconomicrighteousness whichstandbetween our generation and the kingdom ofGod."70 These comments on Small and Commons,together withthe analysisof Ely and Dewey,are meantto suggestthewaysin whichreligious elements sometimes became intertwined withthe substanceof academic thought in thelate 19thand early20thcentury. The tendency to divinize was a society strongone, and it oftenrestedon the assumptionthat the sacred and the secular were one. The work of the sociologistCharles H. Cooley, the philosopher JosiahRoyce and the psychologist G. StanleyHall, also come to mindin thisconnection. But just how extensive such a processwas is a matter forfurther investigation. In addition to forming partofa pattern ofthought, thepostmillennial impulse also influenced theactionsof variousgroupsand individuals engaged indifferent kindsof reform, muchof it centered aroundthecity.The cityas the subjectof redemption was, of course,just one aspect of the municipal reformmovement, but it revealed the religiousdimensionand cultural anxietyof some urban reformers who faced the challengeof the modern city.71 The groupswhichwereorganizedby JosiahStrongand otherexponents of the comingkingdommade up one category.In 1897, the Evangelical Alliance adopted Strong's plan for converting and purifying the cities, thereby savingthe nationand realizingGod's kingdomon earth.72 Among the seriesof leafletsput out by the Alliance was one by Commons on The Co-operative City(1898), in which he called foran urban"religiousrevival" to be represented in housing,education,labor and utilities.73 by reforms Here theevangelizing programof thechurches, the millennial expectations
70"Christianity and Industry," p. 694. 71RoyLubove, "The Twentieth CenturyCity: The Progressive as Municipal Reformer," Mid-America, 41 (Oct. 1959), 195-209; Maxwell H. Bloomfield, Alarms and Diversions.The American Mind ThroughAmerican Magazines, 1900-1914 (The Hague: Moulton, 1967). WarrenSusman, "The Humanistand the City," CarnegieReview,22 (Apr. 1970), 3-6, discusses the several religious imagesof the cityin 19thcentury thought. For examplesof postmillennialist in connection expectations withurbanreform, see Hudson Maxim, "Man's Machine-MadeMillennium," 45 (Nov. 1908),572, 576, and Ray StannardBaker, Cosmopolitan, "The FaithoftheUnchurched," AmericanMagazine,68 (Sept. 1909),439-49. 72Muller, "Josiah Strong," p. 159. On the workof the Alliance,see Winthrop S. Hudson, AmericanProtestantism (Chicago: Univ.ofChicago Press,1961),p. 115. 73The Co-operativeCity,pp. 3-16. By the 90s, summerschools as well as seminaries had begunto studytherelation of religion to social philosophy, and Commonsdirected one ofthese summerinstitutes in 1894. LafayetteG. Harter Jr.,John R. Commons: His Assault on Laissez-Faire(Corvallis:OregonState Univ.Press, 1962),p. 39.

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aims of the municipal of clergymenand laymen,and the conventional converged. temporarily reform movement WhentheAlliancepulledout of thisprogramin 1898,Strongwenton to organizeothergroupsto carryout his purposes.One of thesewas The Religious CitizenshipLeague, foundedin 1913 by Strong,Gladden, Walter program JaneAddams and W. D. P. Bliss.The legislative Rauschenbusch, of the comingkingdom, of the League, whichwas based on the philosophy reformand the abolabor laws, temperance includedmunicipalreforms, ofprinciples, theLeague soughtto mobiIn itsstatement lition of poverty.74 of a behindthe enactment lize "the forceswhichmake forrighteousness" stateand local level.75 widevariety oflaws at thenational, who fitted reformers therewere many individual Besides organizations of latter-day Among thesewas Graham the description postmillennialists. of theChicago Commonssettlement founder Taylor(185 1-1938),minister, To all of his activitieshe and labor arbitrator.76 house, civic reformer of and the overlapping of the kingdom, broughta sense of the imminence that sacredand secularagenciesin working towardthisend.Taylorinsisted was at last substicould finally be realizedbecauseChristianity thekingdom And like many forits traditional otherworldliness. social betterment tuting that"the withwhomhe associated,he was convinced of thesocial scientists gospel of the Kingdomis sociologywithGod leftin it, withthe Messianic Spirit as the bond of unity";sociology,in turn,was "the scienceof 'the kingdom.' 77 Anotheractivistwas R. Fulton Cutting(1852-1934), civic in 1907 of the New York Bureau of Municipal Rereformer and founder his In hisbook, The Churchand Society(1912), Cutting expressed search.78 verypractical programof social reformin termsof the "spread of the Kingdom of God" and the "evangelizationof the world in this gen74"A New Step Forward: The ReligiousCitizenship League for Social Progressthrough PoliticalAction," The Gospel of the Kingdom,Jan. 1914, pp. 11-15. Similar organizations werethe League forSocial Service(1898) and its successor,the AmericanInstitute of Social Service(1902). Muller,"JosiahStrong,"pp. 162-63. 75"ANew Step Forward,"p. 12. 76Louise C. Wade, Graham Taylor:Pioneer forSocial Justice: 1851-1938(Chicago: Univ.of Chicago Press,1964),pp. 10-18,28-30, 100, 126,204. 77Graham Taylor,Religion inSocial A ction(New York: Dodd, Mead, 1913),p. 104.See also pp. 100, 104, 110-11,224, 236-38. Allen F. Davis, Spearheadsfor Reform:The Social Settlementsand theProgressive Movement(New York: OxfordUniv.Press, 1967),pp. 27-28, 17071, demonstrates the close connection betweenthe settlement movement, the Social Gospel, urbansociology and economics.For example,inTaylor's case, theboardofhisChicago School ofCivics and Philanthropy includedEly,Charles H. Cooley and JaneAddams. Wade, Taylor, pp. 161, 166-69. R. Fulton," National Cyclopedia of American Biography(1962), XLV, 459. 78"Cutting, Cuttingwas also associatedwiththe Men and ReligionForwardMovement, an evangelizing and reformist group. R. Fulton Cutting,The Church and Society (New York: Macmillan, 1912),p. iv.

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eration."79This evangelizationwould occur throughthe now familiar A finalexamplewill churches and secularinstitutions. cooperation between of Dewey's,was a utilities suffice. Delos Wilcox(1873-1928),once a student in Grand Rapids,Detroit reformer and municipal expert, cityadministrator of thecoming kingdom Wilcoxdid notspeak in terms and New York City.80 in hisAmericanCity.A Problemin Democracy(1904), buthe did attribute of theChris"the ultimatesalvationof society"to thepracticalapplication Though tianlaw oflove,whileendorsing JosiahStrong'svisionof thecity.8' obviouslydiluted and pragmatic in comparisonwith Strong's or Ely's Wilcox's viewof the cityhad passionatediscussionof the New Jerusalem, him enoughin commonwiththatof theothermendiscussedhereto qualify postmillennialists. as a borderline figure in thecamp ofthemodern in some formofprogress shared whobelieved Certainly not all reformers Therewere of a religious or secularizedpostmillennialism. in theoptimism and Progressive, Edgar GardnerMurphey, some,liketheSouthernminister by his viewson human was so qualified whosebeliefin social improvement Brand Whitlock,the nature that his hopes for progresswere minimal.82 but was mayor of Toledo, also advocated social Christianity, Progressive A perfectionism. of as the typicalreformer's skepticalof what he thought believerin small gains, Whitlockwas convincedthat "this is a world of There were also nonreligious advocates of social progress, relativities."83 E. A. Ross, whosepessimism and RooseveltProgressive, likethesociologist But theydid not belongto about the resultsof changewas considerable.84 the in the decades whichsurrounded the mainstream of reformthought The believers in a this-worldly utopiadidbelongto startof the20thcentury. lent to reform the mainstream.And these modern postmillennialists in theability of and itsfaith its perfectionism muchofitsoptimism, thought to conquer all theevils spirit, brotherhood, unitedto the modernscientific oftheworld.
79The Churchand Society,pp. 10,69. See also pp. 12,26, 35, 60-61, 171. influence 80Wilcox, who graduatedfromMichiganin 1894,said thatDewey had a profound ofAmericanBiography (1936), XX, 202-3. His on him."Wilcox, Delos Franklin,"Dictionary Associayearstherewere thosein whichDeweygave his addressesto the Students'Christian tion,of whichWilcox was a member, on democracy,scienceand the kingdom.See Monthly Bulletin oftheStudents'Christian Association,14 (Jan. 1893),89-90. "The AmericanCity:A Problemin Democracy(New York: Macmillan,1904),pp. 16-19. 82DanielLevine, Varieties of ReformThought(Madison: State HistoricalSociety of Wisconsin,1964),pp. 84-86. 83Whitlock, FortyYears of It (New York: Appleton,1913),p. 313. See also pp. 41, 48, 23839, 314-19; Jack Tager, The IntellectualAs Urban Reformer:Brand Whitlockand the Progressive Movement(Cleveland: Press of Case WesternReserve Univ., 1968), pp. 67-69, 106-7. 84Edward AlsworthRoss, SeventyYears of It: An Autobiography (New York: Appletonof Order,eds. Julius Century, 1936),pp. 115-19;Social Control.A Surveyof theFoundations Weinberg et al. (Cleveland: Press of Case WesternReserveUniv., 1969), pp. 205-12, 237. On Ross, see Wilson,In Quest of Community, pp. 87-113.

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