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Frantz Fanons Call to Anti-Colonial Violence


By Erin L. McCoy Introduction Only three years before Martin Luther King Jr.s campaign of nonviolent dissent achieved the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act in the United States, psychiatrist and black Martinique native Frantz Fanon endorsed a very different method of rebelling against oppression. Fanon had served as a propagandist and subversive in the Algerian uprising against colonizing France, propelled by what years of research and observation had taught him about the psychological state of the colonized person. Fanon himself came from a territory of France, and through his interviews with colonized peoples he concluded they were often subjected to violence, physical and emotional, which led them to develop all varieties of neuroses, from inferiority complexes to the desire to be white. In his book The Wretched of the Earth (1961), Fanon outlined the cure to colonialism, which he believed induced mental illness in the colonized and colonizers alike and that cure was pure violence.

Frantz Fanon on the cover of an English translation of Les damns de la terre (The Wretched of the Earth) http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/f/fe/Frantz_Fanon_The_

Fanon described the colonialist system as a Manichean world built by the colonist, where all that is white is good and all that is black is bad and the colonized is helpless to battle this lack of reason with a reasoned argument in return. Instead, to throw off the shackles of colonialism, Fanon argued that colonized peoples have no other choice but to meet colonists physical and emotional acts of violence with a violence of the same magnitude, until the last become first (Wretched of the Earth, 10). Fanon further believed violent rebellion has the capacity to cure the ailments of the colonized while unifying a people as a basis for a new nation. Scholars today continue to find new applications for Fanons work whether in the study of the psychological effects of racism on minority groups (Sanders-Phillips) or in
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the analysis of Islamic militants justification for their violence (Zulfiqar). Fanons writings influenced the Black Power movement in America a country he detested for its poor treatment of blacks and were read by prisoners during South Africas Apartheid and impacted members of the Irish Liberation Army (7). Yet while Fanons ideas can be applied outside the context that incubated them, at least one scholar has warned that when speaking of violence, Fanon was very context specific (129) Therefore it is necessary to understand what experiences led Fanon to reject the colonialist system and how his work as a psychiatrist formed the foundation for his revolutionary message. The Life of Frantz Fanon Born in the French territory of Martinique in 1925, Fanons father was a customs inspector, while his mother was a proud French citizen. Their income enabled Fanon and his siblings to attend a lyce, a type of school few black Martiniquans were able to afford (Zulfiqar 16). There, Fanon was taught by Aim Csaire, a prominent poet in the Negritude movement whose 1955 Discourse on Colonialism declares that colonialism has led to the destruction of whole civilizations and must come to an end, along with its constant counterpart, racism (Csaire). Fanon would later work for Csaires campaign to become a parliamentary delegate (Zulfiqar 16). Fanon left Martinique in 1943 to fight with the French in World War II (Poulos). After three years, during which time he was stationed for a period in North Africa, Fanon went to France to study medicine at the University of Lyon (Martin 165). As a psychiatrist, Fanon came to realize the profound emotional and psychological toll colonialism can have on the psyche of the colonized a realization that led to the 1952 publication of his Black Skin, White Masks. The next year, Fanon moved to Algeria to head the psychiatry department at Blida-Joinville Hospital a post that profoundly impacted his outlook on what can, and what he felt must, be done about colonialism. During his tenure in Blida, the war for Algerian independence broke out, and Fanon was horrified by the stories of torture [about which] his patients both French torturers and Algerian torture victims told him. The Algerian War consolidated Fanon's alienation from the French imperial viewpoint, and in 1956 he formally resigned his post with the French government to work for the Algerian cause, states a biography of Fanon on Emory
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R.A. propaganda poster "Rvolution Algrienne" (The Algerian Revolution). http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/2/27/29-juin-1962-rocher-noiralgeria-propaganda.png

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Universitys Postcolonial Studies Program website (Poulos). Fanon had already been collaborating with the Algerian resistance, the Front de Libration Nationale (FLN). After leaving the hospital, he was expelled from Algeria after participating in a strike led by doctors with FLN sympathies, but he continued to work as a propagandist and supporter for the FLN in Tunisia (Zulfiqar 18). In 1960, at the age of 35, Fanon was diagnosed with leukemia. He resisted doctors recommendations to go to the U.S. for treatment, disgusted as he was with American racism, until at last he flew to a hospital in Maryland, where he spent his last days. Earlier that year, in a feverish spurt between April and July of 1961 (Bhabha), Fanon had written his response to colonialism and the Algerian War, a call to the colonized people of the earth to take up arms in violent revolt against their oppressors: The Wretched of the Earth. Fanons Influences and Contemporaries Csaire remained a profound influence on Fanon throughout most of his life. His poetry is quoted at length in The Wretched of the Earth as evidence of the capacity of violence against the colonist to heal the colonized. The play-like excerpt of a poem depicts a rebel who kills a slave driver, his former master My family name: offended; my given name: humiliated; my profession: rebel; My race: the fallen race (Wretched of the Earth 44). Violence can thus be understood to be the perfect mediation, Fanon writes. The colonized man liberates himself in and through violence. This praxis enlightens the militant because it shows him the means and the end. Csaires poetry takes on a prophetic significance in this very prospect of violence (44). Fanons study of the colonized minoritys conflicted inner self in Black Skin, White Masks hearkens, too, to prominent American activist W.E.B. Du Bois writings on African Americans double consciousness (Reyes). Du Bois contended that despite their emancipation, African-Americans still faced so much oppression and racist viReleased October 2011

Cover of Aim Csaire's work, Moi, laminaire (1982) http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/1/16/Aim%C3%A9_C%C3%A 9saire_Moi_laminaire.jpg%A9saire_Moi_laminaire.jpg%A9saire_Moi_la minaire.jpg%A9saire_Moi_laminaire.jpg

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McCoy: Frantz Fanon

olence in the first half of the 20th century that the freedman has not yet found in freedom his promised land (56) an observation in line with Fanons later argument that freedom must be taken by force, not granted by a white benefactor. The Negro [who has been freed from slavery] knows nothing of the cost of freedom, for he has not fought for it, Fanon writes in Black Skin, White Masks (221). In his own time, Fanon was acquainted with two prominent French existential philosophers of the day, Simone de Beauvoir and Jean-Paul Sartre. Sartre, in fact, wrote the preface to The Wretched of the Earth, along with the controversial essay Black Orpheus, the preface to Negritude movement poet Lopold Sdar Senghors Anthologie de la nouvelle posie ngre et malgache. Though an avid proponent of decolonization, Sartre still sometimes found himself at odds with the black thinkers of his day: Senghor himself even rejected many of Sartres contentions in Black Orpheus, in which Sartre calls the Negritude movement an anti-racist racism and a means to an end, rather than how Senghor saw it, a cry for independence, revolution, the humanization of the black not just a negation of all that is white. Fanon, too, rejected Black Orpheus, in which, much to Fanons dismay, Sartre had reduced the assertion of Blackness in the work of Aim Csaire and Leopold Senghor to a minor (or particular) term in an unfolding dialectic that necessarily moved through labor (a universal) toward a new raceless synthesis (Reyes 123). The black man who rises up against his colonizers must make meaning for himself, build his own new nation, rather than adhering to pre-existing political systems, Fanon argues. Still, Sartres introduction to The Wretched of the Earth echoes Fanons call to violence, taking it even further, by some peoples estimations, than Fanon had intended. Hannah Arendt, who wrote a manifesto strongly rejecting much of Fanons violent prescription, readily acknowledged that it was really Sartres preface that glorified violence beyond Fanons words or wishes, and indeed, Homi K. Bhabha agrees in his own foreward to The Wretched, Sartre fanned the flames (xxi). Let us fight, Sartre declares. Failing other weapons, the patience of the knife will suffice (Sarte xlviii). Black Skin, White Masks Psychiatrist Fanon studied the neuroses colonialism induces in colonized peoples (as well as in colonizers, to a lesser extent) in his first significant publication, Black Skin, White Masks (1952). Colonialism, he contends, can produce all manner of problems including an inferiority complex that can lead to a desire to be white, a desire to marry a white person, passivity in the face of whites, extreme self-hatred, and a host of other debilitating mental states. The black man is in fact phobogenic inheriting phobias from generation to generation (154).
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In Black Skin, White Masks, Fanon recalls how he dealt with one black patient who was suffering from an inferiority complex. Ultimately, he concludes, the source of the illness was exterior to the man, and so to reassure the patient, to encourage him to be content with his life as it was, would be equivalent to the colonizers message of keep your place. If he is overwhelmed to such a degree by the wish to be white, it is because he lives in a society that makes his inferiority complex possible, in a society that derives its stability from the perpetuation of this complex, in a society that proclaims the superiority of one race, Fanon writes. Because that society creates difficulties for him, the patient, if he wants to be cured, must stand up in opposition to it (100). The argument remains that there are nonviolent methods of opposition: political action or peaceful opposition in the realm of Mahatma Gandhi or Martin Luther King, Jr. Fanon argues, even before his final call to violent rebellion, that these approaches do not work within the French colonialist structure, nor do they address the needs specific to African colonies. French colonial society is at its core Manichean, characterizing all that is white and European as good and all that is black, non-Christian, or African as evil, conflicted, and unintelligent a system of thought that shuts down every attempt at reason from the very beginning. Fanon describes his own struggle with this Manichean outlook at length in the chapter The Fact of Blackness in Black Skin, White Masks. His attempts to argue against racism were futile because racism as an institution or a mode of thought had no basis in reason: I had rationalized the world and the world had rejected me on the basis of color prejudice. Since no agreement was possible on the level of reason, I threw myself back toward unreason (123). Poets of the Negritude movement like Lopold Sdar Senghor and Aim Csaire urged the black, colonized person to overcome his inferiority complex and assert his place in the world of men. Black Skin, White Masks consolidated the words of these revolutionaries into a single manifesto, and left it to the revolutionaries of 1952 to decide how they might attain their goal: I have one right alone: That of demanding human behavior from the other. One duty alone: That of not renouncing my freedom through my choices (229). The them or us mentality is already at play: even choosing not to act is an act of siding against not only ones own freedom, but the freedom of ones entire nation.

Senegalese poet, politician, and cultural theorist Lopold Sdar Senghor http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/02/Leo pold_Sedar_Senghor_%281987%29_by_Erling_Mandelmann .jpg

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The stage is set for rebellion: the oppressed long ago ceased being ignorant of their own oppression, and now they have become the masters of their own dialectic. They know who oppresses them, they know the means by which they are oppressed, and they know why. For once [the colonized] are in tune with their time, writes Fanon nine years later in The Wretched of the Earth. People are sometimes surprised that, instead of buying a dress for their wife, the colonized buy a transistor radio. They shouldnt be. The colonized are convinced that their fate is in the balance (40). Once they are fully acquainted with their situation, independence seems the only option, and violence, Fanon believes, is the only viable means to attain it. The Necessity of Violence The first sentence of The Wretched of the Earth reads as follows: National liberation, national reawakening, restoration of the nation to the people or Commonwealth, whatever the name used, whatever the latest expression, decolonization is always a violent event (1). The colonizer is constantly inflicting violence upon the colonized, Fanon argued not only is colonization itself an act of violence, but for the colonizer to maintain his power over natives, he must constantly assert it through violent acts not only physical, but through the infliction of the neuroses Fanon described in Black Skin, White Masks, which Fanon also considered an act of violence.

Baricades set up during the Algerian War of Independence. January 1960. Street of Algier. http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/8/89/Semaine_des_barricades_Alger_1960 _Haute_Qualit%C3%A9.jpg

Any colony tends to become one vast farmyard, one vast concentration camp where the only law is that of the knife, Fanon writes in The Wretched of the Earth. In a context of oppression like that of Algeria, for the colonized, living does not mean embodying a set of values, does not mean integrating oneself into the coherent, constructive development of a world. To live simply means not to die (232).
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Meanwhile, as the colonizer turns the colonized toward self-hatred, his forced poverty in a hardscrabble world where survival is success turns him against his fellows, who are oppressed like himself. Exposed to daily incitement to murder resulting from famine, eviction from his room for unpaid rent, a mothers withered breast, children who are nothing but skin and bone, the closure of a worksite and the jobless who hang around the foreman like crows, the colonized subject comes to see his fellow man as a relentless enemy, Fanon writes (231). It is the violence of the colonizer that has created the colonized, explains Alvaro Andrs Reyes in his paper, Cant Go Home Again. It is through their bayonets and cannon fire that they have destroyed the very the social fabric of native life, i.e. economy, lifestyle, and modes of dress. If the colonists can say that the native is an animal it is because their violence has reduced him to an animal-like existence (108). Though Fanon has sometimes been criticized for romanticizing the peasantry, it is the peasant class he calls to action in the battle to end colonialism. In fact, he argues that peasants the impoverished natives who have borne the brunt of the colonists heavyhanded control are the only group that can truly create a new nation, because many of their bourgeois counterparts have managed to benefit from the colonial system through government stations or by being placed in positions of authority over their fellow natives. Therefore, this peasantry has a total distaste for the compromises of the native cosmopolitans. Rather, for them, the struggle can never stop short of taking back the land from the foreigners, a feat that they have always understood necessitates armed revolt, Reyes explains (108). Violence is not only a means of throwing off the colonists shackles: Fanon believed it is also a cure to many of the neuroses he describes in Black Skin, White Masks. At the individual level, violence is a cleansing force. It rids the colonized of their inferiority complex, of their passive and despairing attitude. It emboldens them, and restores their self-confidence, Fanon writes (Wretched of the Earth 51). Being one member of a powerful and life-changing force allows the individual to feel at last that he is not only master of his own fate, but powerful enough to improve the fate of his comrades through his contribution: the dedication of his life to the cause. He has seized the source of his illness and ripped it from society he is cured, and healthy with the exhilaration of action. Fanon further argued that there is evidence of the improved mental state of a colonized person in rebellion in the decline in crime once the revolution has begun: It is common knowledge that significant social upheavals lessen the occurrence of misdemeanors and social disorders (230). This, Fanon concluded, is because the colonized has redirected his feelings of anger and dissatisfaction into a single cohesive force: an anticolonial movement, wherein the colonizers are now openly incriminated as the source of all grievances, whose elimination coincides with the reparation of those grievances. Certainly,
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life is an unending struggle, but now the European colonist has been identified in the most black-and-white terms (a colonists tool) as the source of all strife (51). However, Reyes warns, Fanons violence cannot be taken as an end in itself. Fanon does not argue that unmediated violence is a legitimate tool in any circumstance even in any circumstance of racist oppression. Instead, he characterized violence as a weapon of the colonizer that must be turned against him, but ultimately abandoned when it comes time to form a new nation, built on the ideals and the culture of the native. Having cleared a path away from the pre-determined future imposed on the Black slave through colonization, Fanon is now ready to ask his readers to take leave [of] Europe and instead turn toward the unforeseeable, which makes the production of the new possible, Reyes writes (137). Violence can only be seen as one step on the path to a new nation, Elizabeth Frazer and Kimberly Hutchings agree in their article, On Politics and Violence: Arendt Contra Fanon. The redemptive aspect of Fanons reading of violence is the possibility that violence may be educated. The violence of the colonized is a reactive violence, but it cannot be solely fed by resentment and anger. It must recognize itself as the source of a new world, a new order it must become strategic and positively instrumental, they state (96). Manichaeism is one of the colonizers most violent weapons and Fanon wanted the colonized to use this weapon, too, and turn all that is white into an enemy. But this is only for a time. The ultimate goal for Fanon is to create a new man from the ashes of the old worlds destruction, and through the healing powers of violent uprising. The world of this new man, he argued, cannot be built in pure opposition to the white and European ideal, because in so doing it still defines itself by Europe. In other words, Reyes writes, for Fanon, Black consciousness is not the negative element in the face of Europe, but rather a new beginning that in itself contains the capacity to face the third space of the unforeseeable. Black consciousness is thus for Fanon this capacity to turn toward the unforeseeable (133). Fanons Description of the Violent Revolution Perhaps because Fanon was writing in the context of a specific revolution the Algerian uprising against the French he offers a description of the violent uprising of the colonized, either as he imagines it or as he has seen it first-hand. The individual works for the sake of the group in a violent revolution, Fanon said, and offers himself as part of a single will. Fanon discussed the necessity of this mentality of unity, and abandonment of individualism, in Black Skin, White Masks, but elaborated on it in The Wretched of the Earth. Each individual represents a violent link in the great
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chain, in the almighty body of violence rearing up in reaction to the primary violence of the colonizer. The armed struggle mobilizes the people, i.e., it pitches them in a single direction (50). This unidirectional flow toward independence engulfs all factions, absorbs European influences as well as the much older chieftainships and alliances that previously defined the nation. It engulfs all of this and creates a new entity, one of an indestructible national unity. Casualties are a necessary evil; each person is willing to sacrifice his life to strengthen the unifying force that will thrust the colonist out in one blow (49). This unity is nurtured by the Manichean them or us mentality that originally brought the Europeans to Africa. Violence forges among the oppressed the consciousness of a shared condition and the habit of solidarity (Sekyi-Otu 98). In many cases, the loyalty required of the revolutionaries is so absolute that they are required to prove it through a violent act; a revolutionary with colonist blood on his hands is all the more tied to the cause (Wretched of the Earth 44). Anyone who is not willing to kill is incapable of contributing, for the means to independence is violence. This sense of a national unity survives long after independence has been attained, Fanon further states, and continues to characterize the nation, influencing the form that it eventually takes and its lawmaking thereafter. The revolutionary vocabulary of struggle persists in new applications, being used to describe issues of illiteracy and poverty (51). The notion of being all in it together precludes the championing of any single revolutionary or political leader as particularly outstanding; everyone contributed equally to the revolution. And although the native bourgeoisie has acquired the connections to rise to a significant level of power once the colonists have cleared out, they are met with suspicion by Fanons peasantry, all too wary of powerful individuals (51). For this reason, Fanon saw socialism as the best fit for young nations. Capitalism, he believed, is the enemy of underdeveloped nations, refusing to invest in their development and preferring to exploit them whenever the opportunity arises. Socialism in the traditional sense may not be the best system for postcolonial nations The Third World must not be content to define itself in relation to values which preceded it. But a redistribution of wealth is in order, Fanon insisted, no matter how devastating the consequences may be (55). Fanon recognized that underdeveloped nations must build new governments based on the values that define them, but this often happens simultaneously with the birth of those values. Postcolonial Algeria was certainly not wholly European, nor could it be defined any longer in terms of traditional tribal affiliations and racial, ethnic, or religious affiliations. The revolution birthed a new people out of the mire of an oppressive existence. Fanon offered no substantive blueprint for the type of government such a nation would need he left that decision to his generation and the next.

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Reactions to Fanon Movements throughout the world have drawn inspiration and justification from Fanons oeuvre since The Wretched of the Earth, Year Five of the Algerian Revolution (1959), and the posthumously published collection of Fanons revolutionary writings from his time with the FLN, Toward the African Revolution (1964). Former Black Panther Eldridge Cleaver declared that every brother on a rooftop can quote Fanon (Zulfiqar 7). Fanon also influenced the thought of Huey P. Newton, founder of the Black Panther Party for Self Defense in the 1960s, while the American Civil Rights Movement was underway (Reyes 5). But also among those who first responded to Fanon was Hannah Arendt, whose answer to Fanon, On Violence (1969), was a response to the events in the universities in 1968 but also to increasing violence both for and against civil rights for black people, and to rising levels of terrorism in Europe and the US (Frazer 98). Arendt argued that violence is not a legitimate tool to achieve political ends because of its inherent unpredictability, and because it is just as likely to engender a more violent world as to achieve the ends Fanon envisioned (100).

Hannah Arendt in German stamp issued in 1988 in the Women in German history series http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/8/86/Hannah_Are ndt.jpg

However, Arendt cannot help but acknowledge that violence can sometimes be justified, and Frazer and Hutchings ultimately conclude that Arendts understanding of the embodied nature of violence is less insightful than Fanons (90). Meanwhile, Fanons texts were being consumed by revolutionaries worldwide. His works were secretly read and passed around in the jails of apartheid South Africa so that eventually they became part of a new lexicon of strategy for resisting. The bookshelves of the Irish Republican Army are said to have housed many copies of Fanons books and influenced many key republican leaders including Bobby Sands, Adnan Ahmad Zulfiqar writes in a paper that examines how Fanonian thought applies to Islamic militancy movements in the world today (7). The rhetoric of oppressor and oppressed was translated into Koranic terms and eventually adopted by the leader of the Iranian Revolution, Ayatollah Khomeini (Bhabha xxix). South African anti-apartheid activist Steve Biko recommended The Wretched of
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the Earth to his colleagues and friends (xxviii). And eight days after the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, former U.S. assistant secretary of defense Richard Perle wrote that the Wretched of the Earth (to use the title of Frantz Fanons famous anti-colonial tract) are so desperate that they would not fear honorable death at the hands of what they see as the Great Satan, stating the Free World faces a totally new kind of war (xxx). Whether Colonial Violence Persists Today, the worlds former colonial powers have been greatly diminished. Yet that is not to say that Fanons theories on oppression and racism and the proper response to each have lost their relevance. His evaluation of the emotional and sociological impact of racism is still reflected in psychological studies today as is his definition of racism as a form of violence. Exposure to racial discrimination should be considered as a form of violence that can significantly impact child outcomes and limit the ability of parents and communities to provide support that promotes resiliency and optimal child development, writes Kathy Sanders-Phillips in a study of childrens exposure to racism published in the Clinical Child and Family Psychology Review in 2009.

World map of colonialism at the end of the Second World War in 1945, only a little over 60 years ago. http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/4/45/World_1914_empires_colonies_territory.PNG

Zulfiqar argues that an anti-colonial mentality persists among Islamic militants, including those who commit violent acts against the West or others they perceive are attempting an economic or cultural dominance over Islamic tradition. The perceived attempts at dominance may be very current or decades old. Fast forwarding to our current age, we find that although territorial colonialism has largely disappeared, the embers of this anti-colonial resistance continue to persist against different enemies, both real and imagined. Often times, the reasons for Islamic militancy arise out of violence itself, which was committed, directly or indirectly, against an
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aggrieved population. Many instances of militancy are examples of a cycle of violence that may have been unbroken for decades (1, 6). Religion is the glue that unites Islamic militants against their perceived oppressors and in this way they diverge from Fanons description, Zulfiqar writes. Apart from symbolic references to religious vocabulary (i.e. jihad or mujahid) that proved helpful in waging an independence struggle, the Algerian movement against the French, unlike, say, the Libyan movement against the Italians, was devoid of the religious motivations that define contemporary Islamic militancy, Zulfiqar states (9). However, violence also serves as that glue, and this echoes Fanons prescription for an anti-colonial uprising. It may seem strange to suggest that these militants consider themselves colonized since the nations where they reside achieved independence many years ago. However, although the same type of foreign presence does not exist in their lands as it did during colonialism, the anxiety over what foreign presence exists, both physical and psychological, results in a reaction similar to anti-colonial resistance from native populations, Zulfiqar explains. Meanwhile, some believe the old guard has been replaced by a new breed of colonizer. As Bhabha writes, There is an immediate argument to be made that suggests that the economic solutions to inequality and poverty subscribed by the IMF [International Monetary Fund] and the World Bank, for instance, have the feel of the colonial ruler, according to Joseph Stiglitz, once senior vice president and chief economist of the World Bank. Bhabha adds that Fanons demand for a fair distribution of rights and resources has justified movements that insist upon peoples right to affordable treatment for such diseases as HIV and AIDS, and has fueled calls for debt forgiveness or relief for third-world countries (xviii). Conclusion Frantz Fanons argument that violence is sometimes the only means for a colonized people to free itself from a colonizer is in many ways irrefutable. Unimaginable pain, genocide and dehumanizing acts have been inflicted upon native peoples throughout the earth and throughout history by dominating forces who do not afford natives even the basic humanity that could appeal to colonizers better selves. Yet it is also essential to remember that Fanons post-colonial solution is an ethical and political project in which violence is only a necessary means to a better life, not a universally justifiable act for the foreseeable future (Bhabha xvi). It is in the context of Fanons discussion of violence that we can ask where the line is really drawn, where pacifism meets its limits, and when violence has gone too far. This is why Fanons work remains relevant, and why, in a world where racism is still very much alive and systems
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of domination and oppression will always have their victims, Fanons work is still a revelation.

Key Citations Bhabha, Homi K. Foreward: Framing Fanon. The Wretched of the Earth. By Frantz Fanon. New York, New York: Grove Press, 2004. vii-xli. Print. Csaire, Aim. Discourse on Colonialism. New York, New York: Monthly Review Press, 2000. Print. Fanon, Frantz. Black Skin, White Masks. New York, New York: Grove Press, 1967. Print. ---. The Wretched of the Earth. New York, New York: Grove Press, 2004. Print. Frazer, Elizabeth, and Kimberly Hutchings. On Politics and Violence: Arendt Contra Fanon. Contemporary Political Theory. 7.1 (2008): 90-108. Print. Martin, Guy. Revisiting Fanons Life, Times and Thought. African Studies Review. 47.3 (2004): 165-171. Print. Poulos, Jennifer. Frantz Fanon. Postcolonial Studies at Emory. Emory University, Spring 1996. Web. 10 Sept. 2011. Reyes, Alvaro Andrs (2009). Cant go home again: Sovereign entanglements and the Black Radical tradition in the twentieth century. Diss. Duke University, 2009. Ann Arbor MI: ProQuest, 2010. Print. Sanders-Phillips, Kathy. Racial discrimination: A continuum of violence exposure for children of color. Clinical Child and Family Psychology Review. 12.2 (2009): 174195. Print. Sartre, Jean-Paul. Preface. The Wretched of the Earth. By Frantz Fanon. New York, New York: Grove Press, 2004. Print. Sekyi-Otu, Ato. Fanons Dialectic of Experience. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1996. Print. Zulfiqar, Adnan Ahmad. Jihad of the wretched: Examining Islamic militancy through the thought of Frantz Fanon. Diss. Georgetown University, 2009. Ann Arbor MI: ProQuest, 2010. Print.

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