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The Origins of Sociology as a Discipline Author(s): Arthur L. Stinchcombe Source: Acta Sociologica, Vol. 27, No. 1 (1984), pp.

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Stinchcombe Northwestern University. dull at parties. laughing. 1:51-61 Commentary The Origins of Sociology as a Discipline* Arthur L. No room for laughter or embarassing burps in the middle of a lecture here. that of Talcott Parsons. If we range theories from the prolix fashion of Herbert Blumer . Obviously this means that I think the subject matter of sociology is important and interesting. what the net * Prepared for the 'Polish American Conference on Qualitative and Quantitative Approaches to Social Theory'.to the lean and spare rational actors models that allow us to use maximization mathematical methods to specify at least one feature of the behavior exactly (e.54.Acta Sociologica 1984 (27). and leads us to study instead abstractions of people. Illinois Sociological and humans natural humans prestige and the distance between as sociological objects My general argument in this presentation will be that the origin of sociology as a discipline was a bad thing. much better to have people answering closed ended questions so that they fall neatly into cross classifications to be analyzed by loglinear methods.who knows how people will define the situation and consequently what they will do . or have warts on their noses. in that it led us systematically away from the study of humans acting in society.67. 1983. however. because surprising humans keep popping out and bewildering us by doing things we do not understand. ugly or pretty. planned for November 9-12. Similarly. the highest prestige theory for many years. diverts us from studying the people involved in a social system. people who are culturally shaped by our sociological mental operation into the sorts of things that fit better with our prestige system. 26 Aug 2013 10:20:03 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Field work is the lowest status in methodology. So the basic argument is that the higher prestige of a piece of sociological work. the less people in it are sweaty. At the presenttime it appearsthat Polish participation cancelled. at the University of in the conferencehas been Chicago.g. started off with its people and their actions reduced to a cross-classification of five pattern variables (or perhaps different numbers at different times).91 on Mon. I will argue that the internal prestige system of sociology as a discipline. 51 This content downloaded from 193.

We always have to forget.91 on Mon. This means that in order for a discipline to exist.method. especially universities. will be taken as authoritative. it is the theories that are most divorced from blood. Such messiness undermines the refereeing system. and evaluated for prestige in. has to be reduced to expressive rather than instrumental. in our case the sociological papers. to oversimplify the analysis of cultural objects. that the people who did not answer or who gave unclassifiable answers are equal in the sight of God to those that got into our tables. in our devotion to the best maximum likelihood estimates of loglinear parameters. particularistic rather than universalistic. the Reinhard Bendix or Hans Gerth or Ed Shils. the objects subject to the discipline. The dynamics of disciplines As a social structure. a fact is then in a position to be integrated into. I take a discipline to be a social system with the following features: 1. sweat. to be the one who gets his or her facts from the books rather than from the people. and tears that have highest prestige. When cleaned up of the 25 percent who did not answer or the 5 percent whose occupations could not be classified and given a prestige score. in order to be able to form the consensus on which the operation of a discipline works. such as scientific papers.67. will be found. At bitter points in methodological debates I have sometimes defined sociology as a science consisting of generalizations about the 75 percent of the people who will answer a survey questionnaire. It penetrates the administrative systems in which scholars or other producers of culture work. Cultural messiness would be illustrated by a loglinear analysis of a cross tabulation. 2. have to be sharply limited in their cultural characteristics in order to be judged consensually by the system. That is. and determines reward. that they are out there in nature in spite of our best efforts to construct analyses that exclude them. It distributes prestige to cultural objects. And if we admit that there are three elements to sociology as a discipline .we find also that the highest prestige books on substance are those that treat other books. 26 Aug 2013 10:20:03 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . with a list of nineteen answers at the bottom which didn't fit the classification criteria. My argument is that the dilemma any such social structure creates is that it has to render the process of cultural production regular and limited.54. in general. our scientific status system. formed in this consensual-debate way. It lays claim to a jurisdiction of cultural production within which its standards. and substance . and shapes them so that money and power are made dependent on the prestige derived from cultural production. by a set of standards which are maintained by debate and consensus rather than by an authoritative administrative or legal order. Similarly.profit will be). The most learned person in a Department of Sociology. theory. and so on before we know what to do with it in our structure of sociological theorizing (Parsons 52 This content downloaded from 193. such as Alyosha's dismay at the fact that the saintly Father Zossima's body stunk after he died in Dostoyevski's The Brothers Karamazou. 3. the prestige of the objects produced is applied to the work and the worker which produce them. an action that might appear in full feather in a novel.

But if you abstract from the other 25 percent of the population just because they do not answer survey questions. or love for the children. 58-60. passion. What we need in a conceptual system is not to pare human action down to five pattern variables. so that every aspect of the corporation as object is relevant to the cultural system of the law. Nor do I think that the fact that divorce is a matter of rage. rather than because it is scientifically justifiable to treat politics as consisting of the other 75 percent . tears. it demands a new achievement in scientific abstraction . control other rewards of the cultural workers on the basis of that disciplinary prestige. that the high prestige lawyers are those that deal with objects such as corporations that are created by the law itself. who keep spilling out of legal categories into rage. and love for children should keep us from abstracting certain parts of it out. so the lawyers who deal with it have low prestige within the legal profession (a more general theory with the same implication is Ortner 1974. to deal with in the courts. and no farther. 239).then this distorts the scientific value of the achievement. much of which is based on de Beauvoir 1953:24-27. you miss the main test of whether your conceptual scheme is any good.67. and before we know whether it is great social theory or merely great description.91 on Mon. see Stinchcombe. at least partially. If 'expressive and particularistic' does not seem to you to catch the essence of Alyosha's dismay at Father Zossima's body stinking. A similar observation to my characterization of sociology as a discipline was made about law as a profession in Andrew Abbott's paper in American Journal of Sociology (Abbott 1981) a couple of years ago. is not a maximum likelihood estimate of the relationship between alienation from politics and political behavior for the population who answer survey questions. In contrast. because they are both 'disciplines' in the sense I have defined above: they both give prestige to work and to workers by evaluating cultural productions and. abstracted by the law from all the messy human interaction that actually gets the things done that a corporation does.54. The damage caused by disciplinary structures Now let me specify some more specific features of the development of our under53 This content downloaded from 193. Jones & Sheatsley 1981:374-375).but if you exclude Alyosha's experience from sociology because it is a description rather than theory. I do not intend to do that. Now it sounds as if I am objecting to the abstraction as a scientific procedure. but any old non-optimal kind of estimate that takes into account that the people who refuse to answer survey questions are quite a lot more alienated than those who agree to answer (for example. What I am instead arguing is that the social process in the discipline of sociology tends to prevent us from developing a proper empirical groundwork for judging our abstractions. divorce is much too close to messy human beings. 26 Aug 2013 10:20:03 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . What we want. passion. for example. but to pare it down to enough so we can capture the social essence of Alyosha's dismay. I am arguing that we should expect the same dynamics in sociology as in the law.if you quit thinking about the other 25 percent just because it makes you feel uncomfortable and makes you realize that our cultural achievement rests in the shifting sands . A successful abstraction is a great achievement. tears.1951:58-67).

Goodman 1969:34-37). or whatnot. for example (in fact.that the most fundamental empirical criticisms of our main theories have developed out of historical sociology. collectively oriented. Similarly. if a woman's labor starts during the day. is the underevaluation of learning in sociology. without having been culturally processed. I think my criticism of sociology as a discipline is supported by the fact .one of these influences might be the obstetrician's hope to have an evening free for non-collectivity oriented activities . presumably because there are influences on doctors' and hospitals' decision processes during the day that are more nearly absent during the night . To take a very simple. and theory. historical sociology.see Entwisle & Doering (1981:86) for data on the determinants of Cesarian sections). in either the sense of mathematical treatments of oversimplified people or the sense of analyses of historically important books in the development of the discipline. The two subdisciplines of sociology which would be predicted to have the highest prestige according to the above analysis are methodology. after all. seems to me to support the analysis of the source of our difficulties. Historical sociology is defined mainly by its method. descriptions of a bunch of real doctors being universalistic. we find out that our conceptual schemes are unsatisfactory when various facts about the French and Russian revolutions do not fit in very well. But. I believe that the reason facts get into sociology. The hint that this is a possibility does not appear in Goodman's analysis of the table. might have shown Talcott Parsons that there was something more involved .it seems to be quite possible to me that disciplined lower class Danes do answer survey questions while English lower classes are more resistant and rebellious to survey interviews.taking the baby out by Cesarian section so the obstetrician can get home for dinner. The first. without being too much culturally shaped before a sociologist gets to look at them. so that the whole set of ingeniously estimated differences between the Danish and English mobility table are fictional (for example. achievement oriented.67. To a considerable extent. Is the obstetrician getting home in time for dinner universalistic achievement oriented? The substantive field that seems to have the highest prestige. 26 Aug 2013 10:20:03 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . It seems to me that the result of making methods and theory into high prestige subdisciplines is that they tend to close themselves off from sources of information that would tell them that they are wrong. the purpose of the methodology and of the theory is to understand social behavior like that of families of criminals. in a sufficiently unrefined form 54 This content downloaded from 193. such as the substantive study of the family. or of criminals and crime. she is more likely to be delivered by Cesarian section than if it starts during the night. in particular. but it seems to me telling. The subdisciplines that we would expect to be lowest in prestige are those in which people come to us in raw form. and the like.I believe it to be a fact . learning about societies and social action. in the sense of the study of statistics and of abstractions such as a mobility table.54. indicator of this.standing of society that seem to me to be undermined by these features of the prestige system of the discipline of sociology. that it gets its facts from books. I believe that one could not find the percentage of nonresponse in the original survey from which the social mobility table came in any of Leo Goodman's articles analyzing such tables .91 on Mon. and I believe the most serious. But at least that way there is some method for errant facts to get into the discipline.

Why are generalizations forgotten? Let me also mention a sub-varietyof the distortion-by-prestige process that I have been analyzingabove. a secondarysource. Similarly.the historicalsociologist can be a high prestigeperson in the discipline.the metric regressionor structuralequation literature does not cite the path analysisliterature. We don't actually have to recreate the substantiveknowledge. Now what happensin fact is that the loglinearliteraturehardlyever cites metric regression or structuralequation literature. it is somewhatpre-shapedby the predelictionsof that discipline which actuallydeals with the documents. tabulations)is still our causalknowledgethroughout to structuralequations with metric coefficients.the originaldocuments. the path analysis literaturemust 55 This content downloaded from 193. and certainlydoes not convert coefficients to be comparable. By being a book reader. 26 Aug 2013 10:20:03 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .withouttherebyhavinghis factstoo muchshapedby the theoretical and methodologicalpurisms that keep the rest of us from looking at unformed unprocessedfacts. in turn. the big relations in loglinear analysisare almost alwaysthe same ones that have big metric regressioncoefficients. And then. you still get a larger partialrelationshipfor the big one.history. the disappearance of previouslyestablishedknowledgewhen new methodologiesor theories become turn.but at least it is not pre-shaped by the predelictionsof sociologicaltheory.nor provideevidence about whether the variancesof the variablesvary between the situationsthey analyze in such a way as to undermine the old results. from history rather than quantitative research is that the historicalsociologist need not actuallydeal with all the messy humansthat make up his or her empiricalmaterial. and I would rather not. to loglinear analysis.but the resultswill look prettymuchthe same.because throughoutmost of its range the logistic curve is pretty nearly linear. a book about the historyin which the facts are almost all cases. What this means is that almost all our causal knowledge from the time we were using correlationcoefficients (or even eyeballing crossthe transitions to pathanalysis. because when you control a big correlationby a small one. finally.91 on Mon. We may get more exact or robustresultswith the new methods. The main exceptions are for variables which are badly 'skewed' in the sense of having a proportionnear 0 or 1.I will sound a good deal like Sorokin at his most madly iconoclastic moments. The main exceptionto this is that occasionally you can control for a lot of small influencesand.54. depending.wipeout a big modify theories. the metric coefficients in a regressionequation will be biggest relativeto variationsin causalforces when the path coefficientis largest.the tool of researchfor the historicalsociologist is. It is in the nature of path analysisthat the biggest correlationcoefficientsin a body of empiricalmaterialwill ordinarilygive rise to the biggest path coefficients. in general. And. in the sense that the big variablescausing somethingwill be the same ones with all the methods. on books whichuse as their rawmaterialsomewhatprocessedculturalobjects .67. Thus.The main exception is when the varianceof the causal variablesitself varies a lot between different situations. but I believe it is an importantpoint so I will take the risk.

the Marxist literature on segmentation of labor markets had to struggle through a stage of core-periphery dichotomy. This process of destroying our factual knowledge in order to use the most prestigious facts possible may be analogous to Schumpeter's account of how economic development takes place under capitalism: what he called 'creative destruction'. so as never to appear in the moder literature unclothed with nineteenth century radical legitimacy. first by specifying internal labor markets within some kinds of firms. to keep up with most modern methods. This was Sorokin's forte. without actually discovering anything except that our old knowledge was more robust than we might have feared. but very often by the prestige dynamic due to the fact that sociology is now a discipline. and certainly did not have the more or less theological connection that has recently been built to a nineteenth century German radical.91 on Mon. for example. 56 This content downloaded from 193. I believe that it is not usually driven by the actual competitive advantage of the new methods and new theories in establishing and analyzing facts. for every observed institution. and so on. something that people might be optimizing to create that institution. however. and so the old facts were usually just as true as the new ones. A rather similar activity is going on now in economics. The simple method of developing a Marxist theory of labor markets by reading Kerr was impossible. The same social causes show up over an over again in our various methods. is a prestige grading of facts which does not have anything much to do with whether the facts are true or not. and the like.67. But since one's professional reputation depends on the prestige of the facts one uses. as they reinvent the complexity of structural-functionalism by going around trying to find. The consequence of methodological advance. Consequently. Clark Kerr many years ago wrote a fine paper entitled 'The Balkanization of Labor Markets' (1954) in which he anticipated approximately the level of complexity of the present Marxist literature on internal labor markets. In our case. then.rediscover anew what coefficients are big because they do not know anything less pure methodologically than their own level. The facts had to be painfully redeveloped. we have to reinvent substantive sociology approximately every ten years. 26 Aug 2013 10:20:03 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .the sociologists do not have any differentials and never mention Cobb-Douglas production functions. Gary Becker (1981). so their ideas are not of nearly as high prestige. so I will just give one example.54. could have the complexity of his mind increased greatly without violating any of his assumptions by reading an elementary treatment by Kingsley Davis on the family (such as his treatment of jealousy in 1949:175-194). as well. and then in a more qualitative branch noticing professional societies' conspiracies to get a monopoly control over certain parts of the market for services. Because one has to have equations with differentials (usually of empirically undefined variables) that people are maximizing in order to be reputable in the modern version of structural-functionalism in economics. Kerr's own theory of all this was rather empiricist and ad hoc. Something like the same thing goes on with theories. one cannot as a reputable economist merely read Merton and Parsons and Kingsley Davis . union-controlled craft markets.

what are the compensatingforces? While no one today would publisha book as chock full of human beings and human action as. (1) 'Applied' interests:One can have either narrowlypracticalor broadlyideoa given empiricalreality. That humancomplexityis likely to get into the courtroom. and (5) teaching. Similarlyif one has an ideological convictionthat some affirmative publicpolicy would be necessary (e. A sociologisthiredto findout aboutsuchmatters. can lead to empiricalcommitment. For logical purposeswhichcommit one to understanding lead the professionto deal with the humanreality ratherthan only its cleaned up version in corporatelaw. People get committed to empiricalrealities through a number of 'non-disciplinary' sources.Havingto deal with the whole reality.or otherwisedealingwith rawfactsthat are not pre-shaped to our disciplinary taste. say. clearly there is a lot of empiricalcommitmentin sociology. (4) sectariancommitmentsin sociology. What I will argue is that each of these is likely to produce an impulse in individual sociologistsor groupsof sociologists which make them psychologicallycommitted to explaining.How do facts get into sociology in spite of the discipline? If the basic dynamicof the discipline as a structureis to lead us away from the humanrealityin the directionof talmudicelaborationof theory and method. or a sociologist with a consulting practice providing expert testimony on such questionsfor plaintiffsor defendantsin such cases. 26 Aug 2013 10:20:03 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .for example. in an applied situation. at Michigan State. has good reason to understand the humancomplexityof the scientificarea. Let me mentionbrieflyand elaborateon a few of these: (1) appliedinterests.54.g.either or of an 'ideological'sort.and what effects of various public policies with respect to ethnic segregationwould be on that attainment. (2) generalintellectualism.For example.thoughsuch trainedincapacity may lead him to gain methodologicalprestigein the discipline. and the rest of us learneda lot more about what kind of governmentswere created in former French colonies in Southeast Asia than we would otherwisehave had reason to know. If it doesn't come from sociology's structureas a discipline. ratherthan a cleaned up version of it.67.where does it come from? I would arguethat the sources of empiricalcommitmentare various.91 on Mon.They may want these facts in order to decide court cases brought by ethnicminorities. Thomas and Znaniecki's Polish Peasant (1918). These are the sortsof thingswhichserve for us the function that the flow of couples wanting divorces. governmentswant to know (or have reasonfor pretendingthat they want to know) what effect ethnic segregationhas on educationalattainment. social scientists learned a lot more about police administrativeproblems in Vietnam than they would otherwise have become committedto in the 60's and 70's.sociologists'commitment to explanationof revolutionaryactivitiesover the years have been sustained 57 This content downloaded from 193. might be writing essays for The New York Review or some other more or less ideological journal about how desegregationby court does not touch the essence of the matter.reporting.and not knowingabout it or not being able to deal with it will cause the sociologistto lose esteem in the situation. serves for the legal profession. enough to pay a lawyer to get them.(3) reflections of a 'practical' on one's own life. that one must interfere with the boundariesbetween school districtsin order to effect adequate desegregation). Either kind of interest can lead one to develop an empiricalcommitment.

intellectualsrecentlyhave had to be interestedin the public policy problem of how to make the Social Securityaccountsbalance. driftof manyof our best mindsinto the sociologyof science suggeststhe same sort of fascinationwith what shapes our own experiences.S.S. And one does not know 58 This content downloaded from 193.91 on Mon. The can model of decision-making). At any rate. is a source which pulls againstthe pull of sociologicalprestige. whose eyes stray at the breakfasttable to anythingin sight that has print on it. Of course. while faddish itself. is not committed to the same system for determiningthe prestigeof facts or of theoriesas the sociologicalcommunity.The generalintellectualcommunitysimplywill not read Talcott Parsonsor Leo Goodman. I suppose the centrallong rundeterminant of whatis of interestto the general intellectualcommunityin the U. or The low prestige of such activitiesis embedded in callingthem 'journalism'. and sociologists'own ideological commitmentto values that are sometimesrepresentedmore by the revolutionary side than by the conservative in an internalwar.A sociologistled to read novels in order to be an intellectualdoes eventually realize that Alyosha's dismay at the stink of Father Zossima'sbody is a social production. The low prestige of such activitiesis sufficientlycommunicated by callingthem or 'ideological'.54. 'applied' A good manysociologistsare folks who like to read (2) General intellectualism: books. came into sociologybecausewe had difficulties sort or another managingsocial relations.and that we do not really understandit. and Olsen (1972) on the garbage which is surelypart of most of our dailylives. a fact about the currentsituationin El Salvadoris unlikely to appearin AmericanJournal of Sociology until it is cleaned up and made into theory or method. as alleged by some quantitativeeconomic historians. I suppose the reasonswhy people interestedin generalintellectualquestions are quite often recruitedinto sociology are fairly obvious. of one (3) Manyof us. calling the person 'a Commentary sociologist'.all respectableU. one gets exposed to facts as reported by novelists because the novelists have prestige as elegant writersif one is in the generalintellectualcommunity. But knowingabout it does producea penumbraof a sense of socialreality in a largesegmentof the some combinationof CIA and Defense Department applied interestsin controllingrevolutions.67. March. But the generalintellectual culture. or whether the black slaves in the pre-Civil War American South were really economically better off than wage laborersin the North at the same time. but I may be confusing an indicatorwith a cause. Some of the most interestingrecent work in organization theory has been about university organization(especially that by Cohen. Similarly. hidden injuriesof class sustainour interestin the realityof stratification.thatkeeps the disciplinary dynamicfromhaving its full force.I suppose that a lot of the troubleswere of the general form that one's prestigerankingin the intellectualstatus systemof secondaryschool was much higher than one's rank in the social-classdominated informalsocial life of the school: this partly explains why we cannot get really Ourown interestedin any social processthat doesn't have to do with stratification. I suppose. is whetherthe topic appearsin The New York Times. then.The commitmentto facts as reported in books read by general intellectuals. 26 Aug 2013 10:20:03 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . or what is really happeningin El Salvador.

Insofar as they sometimes win this war. Our MBA students do not want a cleaned up social mobility table. The low prestige of such activities is sufficiently communicated by my own pejorative.91 on Mon. at least in the limited environment of the classroom. There does not seem to be a general pejorative for such activities. The average dissertation in the symbolic interactionism style takes longer to do than average in other styles of sociology. though I have heard 'narcissistic' and 'self indulgent'. (5) Teaching: Teaching undergraduates or Masters of Business Adminstration students is a personal war over who gets to define what is interesting. 'sectarian'. as far as I know.67. There is no way to do a 'routine science' dissertation in the symbolic interactionist tradition. The marginal value of the commitment is that people are willing to pay two revisions for it. which contains in itself implications about the conduct of research that entail incorporating undisciplined social facts. or occasionally historical sociology. but it seems to have to do with a passionate concern with a sufficiently high level and prestigious methodological principle. and Herbert Blumer published very little of his. but even then there is a general tone of sloppiness and disciplinary inappropriateness. Similarly. This shows the author's difficulties in starting with undisciplined facts and having to turn them in to disciplinary product. without losing the flavor of being about people interacting in natural settings. (4) 'Sectarian' commitments: By sectarian commitments. ethnomethodology. because it has to be turned into a culturally acceptable (theoretical or methodological) argument. especially interactions in which the people themselves define the purposes and meaning of the attached to the actions.thinking about how to get ahead undermines the commitment to loglinear modeling of the table. but it also shows the power of the commitment. If the average survey research dissertation goes through two revisions before it gets a degree. there is not much way that one can have a commitment to the ordinary psychiatric interview as a basic source of data without getting all sorts of messy facts about sex and misery and delusion. The mechanism of commitment in such sociological sects to empirical materials regardless of their degree of preprocessing is somewhat obscure to me. their abstract methodological arguments implied that one could not get at the essence of social life without observing interactions.54. We are likely to remember too much that Erikson says about Martin Luther. I mean loyalty to such social movements in sociology as symbolic interactionism. facts that fit uneasily into received social theory (what pattern variables describe sex? what kinds of sex do the non-respondents have?). even if that area is of low prestige in the discipline. or George Bernard Shaw. but it at least suggests that one's personal experiences might lead one to commitment to understanding an empirical area. 59 This content downloaded from 193. Although George Herbert Mead did no field work. psychiatry. and two more before it gets published. the published symbolic interactionist dissertation goes through an extra two or three. they force the teacher to think about how people get ahead . but the inside dope on how to get ahead. Erik Erikson can perhaps turn such materials into readable theoretical arguments. 26 Aug 2013 10:20:03 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . too little about the abstract names of the seven or eight stages of personality development.whether the high divorce rates alleged for family specialists in sociology is cause or effect of the specialization.

Human Society. 86 (1981). The FirstBirth. Conclusion As a discipline. Susan G. 75 (1969). of Sociology. Entwisle. Doris R. on the Family. Harvard. References American Journal Abbott. and are inordinately interested in sex. & Olsen. Macmillan. or are going to decide against it.67. but students can keep you worrying about such subjects. James G.Similarly. 'How to Ransack Social MobilityTables and Other Kinds of CrossClassification Tables'. The SecondSex. 1-40. reprintedby Moder Library. 60 Organizational Choice'. is 'catering to the students'. Administrative Science Quarterly 1:1-25. Baltimore MD 1981. and getting into the associated messy factual areas of ambition or sexual desire. enough people who take what they say about sex and ambition in the classroom seriously in their scholarly life. so there is a constant stream of empirical pollutants that threaten the scholastic structure. This content downloaded from 193. 'seductive'. Johan P. How do men (it is usually only men) deal with the intimacy of masturbation when at sea on a submarine with very little privacy? How do people cope when they find out they have married someone who wants a different amount of sex than they do? Such topics confine you to the peripheral journals of the discipline as a structure. 26 Aug 2013 10:20:03 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . MA 1981.Knopf. & Doering. Parshlcy. pp. H. Michael D.'StatusandStatusStrainin the Professions'.Simone. or occasionally. March.91 on Mon. Gary. A Treatise Cohen. to supply the materials for a constant tension within the sociological community. sociology as a social structure leads toward scholasticism.New York 1949. The thing that keeps our scholastic structure from being perfect and eternal is that we keep having our attention called to social facts that we cannot yet manage without it turning into 'high class journalism' or 'catering to the students' interests'. by an unpopular teacher about a popular one. New York 1953(original in French. An occasional teacher will discover. The disorganized flow of empirical social reality is the only thing that creates problems difficult enough to make it worthwhile to have a discipline trying to tame the flow into theoretically and methodologically unimpeachable sociology.1968. that there is a lot of social interaction connected to sex that we understand very little about. M. 1949). This threatens discipline. Johns Hopkins Press. Leo A. pp. tr..Cambridge Becker. Vol.54. But fortunately scholars are not allowed to construct monasteries. The pejorative for the activity of talking about what students are intested in in the classroom. The reason we go to such effort and have some venom behind our pejoratives for those who upset the cultural system of the discipline by letting in undisciplined facts is because they are serious threats. Vol. yet it keeps it alive. our students are interested in marriage because they are going to make one. Kingsley. enough people who deal with problems in their own lives through intellectualization. de Beauvoir. Goodman. They rebel against classifications of various types of extended kinship systems. There are enough general intellectuals. in trying to turn topics of love and sex into a more or less orderly lecture. 819-835. 'A Garbage Can Model of Davis. AmericanJournalof Sociology. Andrew.

ArthurL.. Berkeley 1977. Thomas. 45. The Social System. New York 1927. Public Opinion Quarterly. Jones. Universityof ChicagoPress. MichelleZimbalistRosaldo and Louise Lamphere (Eds.CA 1974.of LaborMarkets'. 61 This content downloaded from 193. 'Is Female to Male as NatureIs to Culture?'. Stinchcombe. 359-375.Paul.54.reprintedby Knopf. Calvin & Sheatsley. WightBaake (Ed. The Polish Peasantin Europe and America. 26 Aug 2013 10:20:03 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . WilliamIssac & Znaniecki.Clark. Questions'. New York 1951. Universityof CaliforniaPress. pp.Talcott. Parsons. Florian.SherryB.91 on Mon. LaborMobility Kerr. Women.and Society. Labor Marketsand WageDetermination.). New York 1954. Stanford.'The Balkanization and Economic E. Chicago 1918.).Free Press. Reprinted in Clark Kerr. 'NonresponseBias for Attitude Vol. Ortner. StanfordUniversityPress.67.