From Bartholomew Rudd

[1] Redcar, near Gisborough 10 September 1801 Sir, I have the pleasure to acknowledge the receipt of your letter inclosing your very handsome & truly charitable donation of Ten Pounds for Mrs. Fleck the Sister of the late Capt. Cook –1 I can assure you it is an act of great & well timed charity for in consequence of a very unfavourable season for the catching of Lobsters & crabs which is now the occupation of her husband they have been reduced to great distress indeed & as you rightly conjecture have been in a great measure supported by charitable contributions [deletion] – It appears to me the best mode of administering your bounty to them not to give them all the money at once but to advance it by weekly allowances as their necessities may require it – I propose to follow that mode of relief & when the money you have so Kindly & generously given them is in that way all expended I will of course take the liberty of transmitting to you the amount & vouchers of the expenditure – I believe it is now about three weeks since Mrs. Flecks letter to Mrs. Cook was sent but I do not find that any answer has yet been received /but/ perhaps she may be absent from home or ill but should no answer be returned in a month or two I think we may conclude that Mrs. Fleck’s application in that quarter does not meet with Success – Should that be the case I will as I before mentioned transmit you a proper Certificate of Mrs. Fleck’s Situation & I hope there can be no doubt of your generous & /appl/ humane application to Government for a small pension for her proving successful – I am sure you will agree with me that it would be little short of a national disgrace to Suffer the Sister of Capt. Cook to pass her old age in want of the common necessaries of life or in a parish workhouse – I have the honour to remain, Sir, with very great respect your most humble & most obedt Serv Bartw. Rudd [Banks Endorsements.] Sept 15 [and] Mr Rudd Sept 15 – 01
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1. Elizabeth Cook (née Batts) (1740/1–1835) was the widow of James Cook (1728–79). Banks assisted in arranging a pension from government to support her. He also ensured that the largest share of profits from the publication of Cook’s voyages was assigned to Elizabeth and her children. James Cook’s sister, Margaret Fleck (1742–1804), was not included in these provisions, and when she and her husband, James (1739–1817), fell on hard times Bartholomew Rudd (d. 1829), a local barrister, intervened on their behalf. He approached Banks for help and Banks donated £10 to the Flecks. Banks advised Rudd to contact Elizabeth Cook for assistance and himself approached the Admiralty to request financial aid for the family. The Admiralty refused to help, however, on the basis that giving money to wider family in such cases might set an undesirable precedent. The son of the Flecks, James (1765–1828), was introduced by Rudd to Banks. James was the master of a ship in which he purchased a share for £225, the money having been loaned to him for this purpose by Elizabeth Cook. Rudd later approached Banks regarding James when the Fleck family’s fortunes once again deteriorated following Margaret’s death. James and his partners were at this point forced to sell their ship. Rudd asked Banks to help James obtain a post in the navy or possibly as a revenue officer. See Rudd to Banks, 22 April 1805, this edition, vol. 7, letter 14.

From Rev. Thomas Haweis
[2] Brighton 19 September 1801

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Dear Sir, Your favor of Augt 22d reached me only this morning, having lain at Spafields, till a Packet from thence brought it with other Letters.1 As a Subject, & friend to my Country, I feel myself bound to any Service it may require of me. I am too incompetent on the Subject, to trouble his Lordship with any Suggestions, ready only to do any thing, & Every thing in my Power, which the Commander of the District where invasion might be made or apprehended should judge necessary.2 There are not many Miles from Newcastle to the Land’s End, & indeed round the whole Coast where there are not Some Persons, many, /in connection with us,/ who would probably be Excited to Activity in any Service, which might be recommended by the Commander in cheif, if a Man in whom they had Confidence were among them, and I know many of my Brethren in Wales as well as England, who would as readily as myself come forward to promote any Service, that might conduce to national Defence in Case of Emergency. I need not perhaps repeat that I am ready at an hour’s notice to go to any Part of the Coast, and under the Direction of the Commander of the District, to Suggest or Execute whatever may be within the Sphere of my Influence and Activity. I shrink from the Idea of Intrusion, or of appearing of any Importance, where I merely fulfill the Calls of Duty. mine can be but small, but Every little adds to the Mass. I shall rejoice to find there is no Call for such exertions, but if there should, conscious of my motives & only regretting that I had not greater Ability to Serve my Country, in Willingness your humble Servant would approve himself.

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And now dear Sir, I must trouble you on another Subject, which I was just sitting down to lay before you, as your favor came to hand. You know in what concerns our Southern Establishment, especially at Otaheite, you are my magnus Apollo. The kind Indulgence with which you have always treated me, & the ready Assistance you have given, make me reckon confidently on your advice, & direction, how we may eventually Succeed in an Object, which I think great in a national View, but greater as referring to Interests unspeakably beyond every thing temporal. I have given you the State of our Mission at Otaheite, & the reinforcements sent out by the royal Admiral. Our most Sensible Men there, from whom we have received letters earnestly recommend a firm & enlarged Settlement at /a/ Mattavai, with a schooner remaining to keep up correspondence thro’ the circumjacent Islands, & diffuse thereby knowledge as from a central focus, increasing our Numbers according to our calls. In order to [do] this many of us think an orderly Government among our Brethren should be established, clothed with some proper & legal Authority. I wish therefore if it be not too troublesome to learn from you 1. Whether the India Company’s exclusive rights would prevent such a settlement – could in that case their consent be obtained, subjecting us to such commercial constraints as thought proper to be imposed. 2. Could our Government, at a peace not I hope very distant be prevailed upon to grant us a ship which would otherwise /be/ laid up, to convey a body of fifty or Sixty persons to join our Brethren at Mattavai. 3. Whether if we freighted an annual Ship to communicate with our Brethren, and to bring home any produce of the Islands, as the Moravians do from Labradore, a license could be obtained with an admitted Entrance of such produce here. If the leading points were ascertained The details would all be submitted to you, & I shall not offend you by Expressing my Confidence that you would not Spare yourself a considerable Degree of trouble to perfect an Object so desireable I mean to be here till October the middle perhaps the End, & then shall merely pass thro Town for Bath. Your much obliged & obedient Servt T Haweis. P.S. I am anxious to know what we may hope, as it will require time & much Attention to find proper persons, especially a president, & what I wish, from Germany or Sweden a Botanist mineralogist, & naturalist as I think there is a great Treasure of Natural History to be yet collected, in the Southern Ocean. I have made many Enquiries from Dr Vanderkemp,3 which I hope will bring

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something valuable from Caffraria & the Tambouquis It has been suggested by intelligent Men returned from Port Jackson that the very Supply of that Colony with provisions & live Stock from Otaheite, where they might be raised in any quantity, would be an unspeakable Advantage. You know the run down may be done in a fortnight tho’ the return be Slower. they say this Article alone would defray the Expence of our Settlement. [Banks Endorsement.] Sept 22 [Addressed: Soho Square.]
1. In 1797 a party of missionaries was sent by the Missionary Society (later the London Missionary Society) to islands in the Pacific on the Duff. In the years that followed these missionaries struggled to cope, both as a viable community and in their missionary work. Indeed, some of them departed for Port Jackson while others were ostracized for taking native wives. When the Albion whaler arrived at Tahiti in December 1800, she brought bleak news regarding the capture in the Atlantic by a French privateer of the Duff as it carried a second consignment of missionaries to the Pacific. The Albion also brought news of the massacre on Tonga (the Friendly Islands) of three missionaries, mistakenly thought by the locals to be participating in tribal wars. All but one of the survivors of this tragedy were evacuated on board the Betsy in January 1800. Meanwhile, in the Marquesas, William Pascoe Crook (1775–1846) had persevered alone. There he mastered the native language and gained the respect of the local people, before returning home to report to the Missionary Society directors. In July 1801 the Royal Admiral arrived at Tahiti bringing eight more missionaries, as well as letters from home and the first official communication from the society’s directors. Many of the missionaries on the island wanted an increase in their numbers for greater security and in order to achieve their evangelical aims, but at this time the supply of missionaries from England remained small. Families and more women for wives were thought by them to be desirable. When the Royal Admiral departed it carried away troublesome runaway sailors who on Tahiti, as elsewhere among the Pacific islands, had caused considerable disruption. It was not until early in 1802 that the missionaries on Tahiti were able to undertake their first tour of the island preaching in Tahitian. Shortly thereafter tribal war broke out, and their efforts were once again placed in jeopardy. See Haweis to Banks, 15 May 1801, this edition, vol. 5, letter 272. 2. In the summer of 1801 Britain was in the grip of the first real invasion scare of the Napoleonic Wars. Britain was the sole nation at war with France since the signing of the Treaty of Luneville between the French and the Austrians in February 1801. Partly in order to gain bargaining power in subsequent peace negotiations, Napoleon (1769–1821) concentrated the now unemployed French army together with a flotilla of barges at Boulogne. On 12 August The Times published general instructions for the organization of British troops being marched to assembly points in the event of an invasion. On 15 August Horatio Nelson’s (1758–1805) attempt to attack the flotilla at Boulogne failed. The peace negotiations that began on 1 October 1801 led to the signing of an armistice, the Treaty of Amiens, on 27 March 1802 and a brief interruption to years of war between Britain and France. 3. Johannes Theodorus van der Kemp (1747–1811): Dutch-born missionary, sent by Missionary Society to the Cape of Good Hope in 1799. See Haweis to Banks, [25 November 1798], this edition, vol. 5, letter 20.

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From William Roxburgh
[3] Calcutta 21 September 1801 Dear Sir The Georgiana packet has been under dispatch these 4 or 5 months & is at last about to sail for England. I can not let my friend Captn. Leigh, the Commander of her depart without giving him something to carry to you, seeds have been1 shippd on the same vessel two or three months ago, along with Mr. Fichtels baggage.1 That Gentleman goes a passenger on the same ship, & has the seeds under his care, what to send by Captn. Leigh I scarce know, but have ventured on a few roots. if you have them already you must take the will for the deed, & tell me what will be most /or more/ acceptable. The large roots of our three Bengal, or rather Indian Crinums vizt.
No. 1 Crinum latifolium1 Linn: which I sent a drawing of to the Directors as No. 932. & there calld it C. asiaticum. It is no doubt an Amaryllis, & probably the most superb of the whole. It must be Rumphiuss Tulipa javanica – 2. Crinum Asiaticum1 Linn: but certainly not Gærtners. The drawing will be sent in my next hundred. – 3. C. Zeylanicum.1 my No. 931, & formerly /I/ thought it Linnæus’s latifolium, for it is by far the broadest leaved of the three. Crinum nervosum you already have in Kew Garden, under the name Pancratium Amboinense I will not send any of the roots.

In a small basket with some other things just to be mentiond,1 you will find the bulb-like Seeds of the above1 three Crinums. with corresponding numbers cut on a bit of Bamboo. The basket also contains
No. 1 2 3 4 Roots of Amomum Zerumbet, Do of Stipulatum, my No. 1102. Do of Curcuma Zedoaria, my No. 1010 Do of Zerumbet, Roxb: which you will receive in my next hundred. It is calld by the Persians Zerumbad Katchoor, by the Hindoos. Zerumbed, Rumph. Amb: 5. 68 Amomum Zerumbeth of Kæm: Do of Kæmpferia rotunda, Galanga Angustifolia Roxb: Gloriosa Superba, and Arum orixensis Roxb:

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I dar[e]say most if not the whole will arrive in a state fit for vegetation. At all events they will enable you to determine which of the above mentioned Zerumbets is that of our Materia medica, Whether my Zedoaria is the real one, & whether the Galanga of the Shops is the root of Kæmpferia Galanga, which I

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am rather inclined to doubt. It will give me real pleasure to be favord with your remarks on these circumstances, & would lead me to endeavor to ascertain some more of the doubtful articles of our Materia medica. I hope by this time you have received the seeds, and my account of our Indian silk moths sent in February by Mr. Boswell,2 I am Dear Sir Your most obedt. Hble servt. W Roxburgh [Banks Endorsement.] 1801 Sept 21
1. This text appears to have been underlined by someone other than Roxburgh, probably Banks. 2. For a Gambier plant drawing sent by Roxburgh to England through Thomas David Boswell (d. 1826), see Boswell to Banks, 12 January 1804, Kew BC II 303 (JBK/1/7).

From William Roxburgh

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[4] Calcutta 27 September 1801

Dear Sir A most extraordinary Water lily, which I have for these five or six years been trying to introduce from an Eastern province calld Tipperah, into this Garden has only been effected within these six months, & now when I expected to find it beginning to blossom, found the seed ripe. Since the plants were put young into the ponds, the water has rose over 10 feet in them. The leaves as in the other species of Nymphæa float on the water they are peltate, & from 3 to 4 feet in Diameter, armd, (as is every other part of the plant), /on both sides/ with long, straight, sharp thorns. The Peduncles are not half the length of the petioles so that the blossoms expand many feet under the surface of the water, which prevented me from discovering the state of the Plants till I got a good Diver to go down, where he found them all in fruit. /Two/ /Four/ of them entire I send by Mr. Fichtel, he will hang them up in his Cabin till they are pretty dry, & then put /two of/ Them into a small box amongst brown Sugar, which I have given him, for the purpose, the other /two/ he will try to carry safe in some other way. A description & drawing of this truly curious Plant will be sent soon, I call it Nymphæa spinosa, Mr. F. will also try to carry an intire leaf, which is now drying.1 Captn. Leigh of the Georgiana, the ship Mr. Fichtel goes on, has several roots & bulb-like seeds of our Crinums2 for you.

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My Languas will no doubt be [a] /species of/ Willdenows Hellenia, a third species besides Kœnigs three, & my Amomum Taraca, which is his H. allughas, it bears bulbs on the racemes, several of the raccemes, or rather spikes I have given Mr. Fichtel to carry to you.3 Could you oblige me with a copy of your edition of Kæmpfers figures? I long to see the work exceedingly.4 I have the honour to be with much esteem Dear Sir Your most obedt. Hble servt. W Roxburgh Every exertion has been made on my part, & are still continuing thus to improve our Indian Hemp as it is commonly calld, I mean the fibres of the bark of Crotalaria Juncea, here call[ed] Sun,5 much goes home, and I fear in general of a bad quality till the new crop comes in: This I beg of you to keep in your mind, that you may not be too hasty in condemning its general quality: I privately ad[v]ised not sending, particularly at first, nothing but the very best, large quantities are however gone. I have been trying various barks to find substitutes, & out of about twenty send you by Mr. Fichtel samples of two of the best of them. These are easily raised, & are very productive, No. 1 is the fibres of the Bark of Abroma angusta Linn: which Kœnig took for a new species & calld Wheleri. The other: /No./ 2 is an Hibiscus, which I am uncertain of. it agrees best with the definition of speciosus except in the Calus lobes of the leaves.6 The whole of Lupinus malvaceæ yield fibres fit for various uses, I mean our Indian way during the time the Georgiana has been detaind longer than expected. I have put various little matters under the care of Mr. Fichtel, & not particularized in any letter, such as Ceylon Ebony wood &ca.7 I will thank you for a few seeds of Cucumis chate & of Momordica Elaterium.8 [Banks Endorsement.] 1801 Sept 27 [Addressed: London.] [The following note appears on the address leaf.] Per favor of Captn. Leigh With four bundles of roots & a small basket containing roots also
1. William Roxburgh (1751–1815) is describing the plant now classified as Euryale ferox Salisb. This giant spiny water lily, also known as the Gorgon Plant and Foxnut, is common and widespread

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From Bartholomew Rudd
Sir,

in tropical Asia and has long been cultivated for its edible fruits, especially in China. Roxburgh later applied the name Anneslia spinosa to drawings of the plant sent to Banks, in honour of George Annesley, Viscount of Valentia (1770–1844), who discovered the plant on his Indian travels. The name Anneslia spinosa Andrews was published by Henry Charles Andrews (fl . 1794–1830) in the Botanists’ Repository for 1811, but the name Euryale ferox had been published earlier by Richard Salisbury (1761–1829) in the Annals of Botany for 1806, and so this name takes priority. In 1809 seeds of this spectacular plant, which in many ways resembles the Victoria water lily Victoria amazonica Sowerby, were sent preserved in sugar by Roxburgh to George Spencer, Marquis of Blandford (1766–1840), who cultivated it in his aquarium at Whiteknights Park near Reading. 2. Crinum, in the family Amaryllidaceae, is a large genus of showy large-flowered bulbous perennial plants. 3. Languas, Hellenia and Amomum are genera in the ginger family, Zingiberaceae, a large family of commonly aromatic species of pan-tropical distribution. The taxonomy of the family is complex. Hellenia allughas (Retz.) Willd. is presently classified as Alpinia allughas (Retz.) Burkhill. The genus Hellenia was created by the German plant taxonomist, Carl Ludwig von Willdenow (1765–1812), in 1797. 4. Engelbert Kaempfer (1651–1716), Amoenitatum exoticarum (Lemgo, 1712). 5. See George Sinclair (d. 1799) on hemp, flax and potato cultivation in India, 25 November 1798, this edition, vol. 5, letter 21, note 3. 6. Abroma augustum (L.) L.f., commonly known as Devil’s Cotton and Indian hemp, is a tree native to tropical Asia. It is used in herbal medicine in India. A. wheleri Retz. is a different species. This was one of a range of Indian plants being investigated by Roxburgh as possible new sources of fibre. By 1801 Roxburgh had one-third of an acre of A. augustum under cultivation at the Calcutta Botanic Garden. Various species of Hibiscus in the family Malvaceae were also being assessed. See ‘On the culture, properties, and comparative strength of hemp, and other vegetable fibres, the growth of the East Indies’, Nicholson’s Journal of Natural Philosophy, Chemistry and the Arts, 11 (1805), pp. 32–47. 7. Diospyros ebenum Koen., a species of ebony tree native to India and Sri Lanka. This phrase may have been underlined by Banks. 8. Roxburgh is asking for seeds of the plants now named Cucumis melo L., the melon, and Ecballium agreste Rchb., the squirting cucumber.

[5] Redcar, near Gisborough 7 October 1801 The bearer of this is Captain James Fleck the eldest Son of Margaret Fleck & Nephew of The late Captain James Cook – I have desired him to wait upon you to thank you for the humane & charitable attention you have shewn to his Mother – He is I believe a very meritorious young Man & has already by his industry & good conduct raised himself to be the Master of a trading Vessel – I think you will find in his countenance a strong resemblance of his late Uncle whose genius he also appears to inherit in no small degree – His conduct to his Mother has been exemplary & I am persuaded you will see with a lively interest a young Man so nearly related to our late celebrated Navigator & of whose good conduct I am happy to bear testimony – I have the honour to forward to you a regular certificate

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more fully detailing Mrs. Fleck’s age & circumstances together with those of her husband to whom she has been married about 40 years & by whom she has had a large family – If a pension could be extended to him in case he survives his Wife it would be great charity for he has been a very honest & industrious Man. If Mrs. Cook should disappoint our hopes & decline making any pension for Mr. & Mrs. Fleck in their old age which however I am far from supposing will be the case I have then no doubt of your humane intercession with Government in their favour proving successful – You will thus give another mark of your friendship for our great Navigator as well as another instance of your well known charity & benevolence which induced me to make known her distresses to you – I have the honour to remain, Sir, very respectfully yours Bartw. Rudd [A note in Banks’s hand follows.] Sent the Letter Enclosd to Mrs. Cook Enclosd £10 in my Letter to be given to the Family

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From Mungo Park
[6] Peebles 13 October 1801 Dear Sir I have always looked upon you as my particular friend; and as I have experienced so many marks of your favour, I thought myself bound in gratitude to inform you of such steps as I might take in life. I left London as you may easily suppose a little down hearted. The romantic village which my fancy had erected on the shores of New holland, as a habitation for myself and family, had compleatly disappeared; and I Journeyed towards my native country with the painful but not degrading reflexion that I must henceforth eat my bread by the sweat of my brow. On my arrival in Scotland it was my wish to occupy a farm but the high price of Cattle and the enormous rents which landholders every where expected made it rather a dangerous speculation. in short I was again compleatly at a stand. – At this juncture a surgeon of considerable eminence died at Peebles and as I was tired of a life of indolence I resolved to succeed him. I was induced to take this step, because it would afford me present employment; and in the event of obtaining something better, I could resign my situation to my younger brother or my brother in law, both of whom

[Banks Endorsement.] Novr. 26.

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are at present abroad, and who in consequence of the peace will be in a great measure unprovided for – In the mean time I hope that my friends will not relax in their endeavours to serve me a Country Surgeon is at best but a laboreous employment and I will gladly hang up the lancet & plaister ladle whenever I can obtain a more eligable situation –1 With best wishes for your health & prosperity I remain Dear Sir your Humble Servt. Mungo Park [Banks Endorsements.] Octr 20 [and] Novr. 16 Promisd him a Copy, of Sr. Wm Younges acct of Horneman2
1. Mungo Park (1771–1806) had previously been offered a place on a planned mission to Australia but had declined the position in favour of marriage and life as a physician in Peebles, Scotland. See Park’s biographical entry in the Calendar of Correspondence. See also his correspondence with Banks, this edition, vol. 4. In 1803 a military expedition into West Africa and along the River Niger was considered and Mungo Park was an obvious candidate to lead it since he had previously explored this part of the continent. Park accepted the appointment, having been unable to settle in Scotland, and wanting instead more travel and adventure. He eventually sailed from Portsmouth on 31 January 1805 but was killed during the mission. 2. Friedrich Conrad Hornemann (1772–1800): student of theology at Göttingen University; explorer of Africa. Hornemann was recommended to Banks by Blumenbach for a mission to explore Africa that was sponsored by the African Association. Hornemann proposed exploring from Cairo to Fezzan and onwards to the River Niger. He departed in July 1797 but never returned. In August 1799 he sent his journals to London from Tripoli. Hornemann travelled in disguise as a Muslim trader and the last letters from him were written in Fezzan. William Young (1749–1815) translated and edited Hornemann’s journals, The Journal of Frederick Hornemann’s Travels from Cairo to Mourzouk, the Capital of the Kingdom of Fezzan … in the Years 1797–8 (London, 1802).

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From William Kent
Sir,

[7] Kentish Town 16 October 1801 Knowing you are greatly interested in the welfare of His Majesty’s distant Settlement in New South Wales, I have taken the liberty of sending you herewith specimens of Iron,1 extracted in the Foundry in Gosport from the Iron-Stone found in the vicinity of the Town of Sydney, which I am told is superior to the finest Swedish Iron. – Unfortunately none of the Crucibles would stand the blast of the Furnace, or a considerable quantity of the Iron would have been procured.

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– Should you wish to see me on this, or any other subject, I will do myself the honor of waiting upon you before I return onboard the Buffalo, which will be in about 12 days. – I have the honor to be, Sir, with the greatest respect, Your most obedient humble Servant W:m Kent. [Banks Endorsement.] Octr 20 – 29
1. The policy of supplying the mother country with materials for her burgeoning industry, and also of the colony itself becoming more self-sufficient, is significant. This increased domestic income and decreased the costs of maintaining an empire. The search for commodities that could be developed for export was thereofore a key element of colonial policy. The iron industry was slow to start in Australia, owing to the unsuitable chemical composition of the ore deposits that were initially found. The first major export trade from Australia to Britain was in whale and seal oil and in seal skins. The next major commodity was coal, with exports starting in about 1799 to India. Wool started to be exported from the 1820s onwards. Later in the nineteenth century, in 1851, the first major gold rush took place in Australia.

From Matthew Flinders

I feel some satisfaction in writing to you, Sir Joseph, now that I have not to trouble you with my wants and complaints; but rather to say, that we have thus far advanced prosperously in the voyage.1 In my letter to the Admiralty I have detailed the few circumstances worth mentioning that occurred in the passage; but as they are not of much importance, it is not necessary to repeat them here. A table of meteorological observations, and of the route is inclosed in the Admiralty letter, in which the currents by which the ship was influenced in her course through the Atlantic are noticed. This I have done, partly with the view of furnishing some further data to Major Rennel, whom I understand to be collecting facts relative to the currents in the ocean. If they should prove of the least service to the major it will make me happy. We are now under a thorough course of caulking, which the leaky state of the ship in her upper works has made necessary; but by the end of October, I fully expect that not only the caulking will be completed, but every other work which it is necessary for us to do at the ship to make her ready for proceeding to King Georges Sound; where, soon after the commencement of December, I hope to be No intelligence has yet been received here of the Lady Nelsons arrival at Port Jackson; although here are letters from thence dated in March last. I have some

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[8] HMS Investigator False Bay, Cape of Good Hope 21 October 1801

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From Matthew Flinders

fears for her safety, particularly as she was desired to run in the parallel of 38˚ south, in order to pass through Bass’ Strait. I expected to find some convict ships, by which I could have forwarded the letters to governor King, and requested him to have the Lady Nelson ready to proceed to sea with me about the month of April; for it is not probable that we shall arrive there much before that time; and I yet hope that some ship bound to Port Jackson may come in before we sail The ill health that has attended Mr. Crosley in the last passage, is likely to be attended with the unpleasant consequence of his being left behind here. Should it so happen, I shall have some further occasion to trouble you with my writing from this place I have just now learned that the Porpoise is expected here every day, and that r. M Bass sailed from hence three months back Mr. Brown wishes me to say, that he defers writing to you, Sir Joseph, until we are about to leave this place, when his subjects will be more extensive With the hope that your health is reestablished, I remain, Sir Joseph your much obliged & humble servant Mattw. Flinders [Banks Endorsement.] Jan 22 1802 [Addressed: Soho Square.]
1. The Investigator sailed from Spithead on 18 July 1801 under the command of Matthew Flinders (1774–1814) on an expedition to survey the coasts of New Holland. It was discovered just twelve days later that the ship was leaking more than two inches of water per hour, and so she was partly recaulked on arrival at Madeira in early August. The vessel underwent a thorough overhaul after reaching the Cape of Good Hope in October, where it stayed for eighteen days. Flinders took this opportunity to load provisions and fresh water. While at the Cape the astronomer John Crosley (1762–1817) quit the voyage due to poor health, leaving Flinders to undertake the mission’s astronomical observations with the help of his younger brother, Samuel (1782–1834). Crosley had frequently been unwell on the passage from Madeira, possibly suffering from chronic seasickness. He helped Flinders set up the astronomical equipment during the stop at the Cape. Four other sailors also departed the Investigator. Two of these failed to meet the level of discipline Flinders required and so were dismissed, while the other two were unable to endure the demands of such a voyage. These four men were replaced by sailors from the squadron of vice-admiral Sir Roger Curtis (1746–1816), then at the Cape. Investigator sailed from the Cape on 4 November 1801. For Crosley, see the letter and note printed immediately below.

[9] HMS Investigator Cape of Good Hope 29 October 1801 Sir Joseph The circumstance that I feared is now become a certainty, which induces me again to address you from this place. The ill health that has hitherto attended

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Mr Crosley during the greater part of the last passage, made him fear that he he [sic] would not be able to attend to his duty in the way that he could wish; and therefore, after trying the effect of a few days on shore, he has decided to stay behind at the Cape, where he can procure a passage to England.1 On many accounts I am very sorry that this takes place, but I shall endeavour, that the injury which the service must sustain by this misfortune may be as much reduced as our remaining joint abilities in this department can make it. As far as relates to ascertaining our situation at sea, and fixing generally the positions of headlands &c. I do not much fear but that we shall succeed tolerably well, as also in getting at the rates of our time-keepers in harbour by means of the artificial horizon, since I have been some years in the practice of doing these. With respect to the astronomical clocks and the universal theodolite, I feel more diffidence; I have, however, paid all the attention to them since they have been set up at this place, that my necessary business would permit; and with the assistance of my brother,2 who has been a constant resident at the observatory, I am by no means without hopes of fulfilling nearly, the instructions from the Board to Mr. Crosley; a copy of which instructions he will leave with me. The greater part, if not the whole of the instruments &c. /from the B/ with which Mr. Crosley has been supplied, he will leave in my charge; and on his return, he will be able to give the Board some information as to how far we are likely to supply his place. On considering well the subject of sending out another astronomer, it appears to me, that one could not possibly arrive at Port Jackson in less than twelve months from this time, and most probably would not join the Investigator in less than eighteen; by which time I hope to have the principal part of our survey completed. During this time, we must perform the whole business of the observatory, and shall, it is to be hoped, have made ourselves masters of it. In this state of things, I would not wish to have it taken out of my hands towards the conclusion of the voyage; and therefore, although I should be very glad to get an able man to fill Mr. Crosleys place at this time, I am decidedly against making any application to the Board of Longitude to send out a successor. With respect to any compensation to my brother or me from the Board, for our labours in their service it must entirely be left to the board to decide; we shall do every thing within our reach to benefit science, whatever is their determination Requesting your forgiveness, Sir Joseph, for intruding so long upon you, I remain, with the greatest respect your much obliged and obedient servant Mattw. Flinders [Banks Endorsement.] June 29 03 [Addressed: Soho Square.]

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From Rev. Thomas Haweis

1. John Crosley was appointed by the Board of Longitude to travel as astronomer on the Investigator voyage. He disembarked at the Cape of Good Hope due to ill health and returned to England. Matthew Flinders and his brother, Samuel, therefore undertook astronomical observations during the mission. Although Flinders advised that a replacement astronomer would not be needed, the Board of Longitude sent James Inman (1776–1859) to fill Crosley’s place. Inman was waiting at Port Jackson when the Investigator arrived there in June 1803 after its circumnavigation of Australia. When the Investigator was condemned as unfit to continue, Matthew Flinders departed for England in the Porpoise in the hope of obtaining another mission vessel. Inman was left at Port Jackson in charge of the astronomical instruments. However, the Porpoise was wrecked and Flinders had to return in a cutter to summon help for survivors left behind on Wreck Reef. Inman accompanied him on the Rolla to the reef, the precise location of which Inman helped to determine. Inman returned to England in the East India Company ship Warley with most of the Investigator crew. At his suggestion, the Admiralty established a school of naval architecture in 1810, and he was appointed its principal. Inman went on to publish important works in shipbuilding and in navigation and nautical astronomy. 2. Samuel Ward Flinders (1782–1834): naval officer; younger brother of Matthew Flinders. He was born at Donington, Lincolnshire, in November 1782, and was the younger brother of Matthew Flinders. As a boy Samuel volunteered to sail in HMS Reliance, under Henry Waterhouse (1770–1812), to accompany his brother Matthew, who was master’s mate, to New South Wales, where they arrived in September 1795. In July 1799 he accompanied his brother as midshipman on the Norfolk to explore the coast north of Sydney. After returning to England in 1800 with Matthew, Samuel was in March 1801 appointed second lieutenant on the Investigator at Matthew’s request. After ill health forced John Crosley (1762–1817), the official astronomer to the expedition, to leave at the Cape of Good Hope, Samuel assisted his brother in making astronomical observations during the rest of the voyage, and he later helped recompute the astronomical data for the official voyage account. After being shipwrecked in the Porpoise in August 1803, Samuel returned to England with Commodore Nathaniel Dance (1748–1827), and was awarded a ceremonial sword for his part in the action against a French naval force off Pulo Aura. He served in the Channel fleet and in 1806 was appointed to command HMS Bloodhound. In 1808 Samuel was court-martialled for disobeying orders, dismissed ship and docked three years’ seniority. He retired on half pay to Devon. In 1811 he joined his brother in London to carry out the calculations required to obtain accurate charts from the observations made on the voyage of the Investigator. Samuel became involved in a dispute over payment for this work, threatening to withhold observations that he had made on the voyage, but eventually he completed the task in 1813. He is buried at Donington parish church.

[10] [Spa Fields] 29 October 1801 Dear Sir, I am happy to find, since I had last the honour of addressing you, that the War is happily ended.1 May the Experience of the Miseries it has Occasioned make Every Nation more careful to avoid all Causes of contest for the future. It now becomes more than Ever desireable to endeavour to ameliorate the Condition of Mankind in general, and to promote the propriety of this favoured Land that our burdens may be alleviated. persuaded that the Object you have permitted me to lay before you, will contribute to so desireable an End, I continue to hope it will be in your remembrance, and that you will not think me intrusive, as

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I am passing thro’ Town to Bath, if I ask the favour of a Line on the Subject wch. I submitted to Your Consideration; or would be pleased verbally to impart to me any Advice, respecting the Objects, I confess I have much at heart: and which might, I am persuaded, be made as advantageous to enlarge our Commerce & Extend our Influence, as to spread, the knowledge of true Christianity, our first Concern. The tenth part of the Sums Expended on the unhealthy Coasts of Africa at Bulam, & Sierra Leone would have formed Paradises in many of the Groups of Islands in the pacific Ocean, & probably opened rich Sources of natural knowledge, as well as commercial Advantages. but I need offer no Suggestions to the Person who of all Men in the Kingdom can best appretiate the Value of the Objects, & their Attainableness. I shall be at Spafields for the next ten days. But if any prospect should arise of being able to advance the Object in view, I should gladly sacrifice every other pursuit, to the more important one, & readily devote My Time, & any part of My fortune to the Securing a permanent Station in any of the Islands we have visited, but especially Otaheite, where we have received the most Convincing Evidence of our cordial Welcome, & probability of final Success. Lord Liverpool was once so obliging as to assure me he should be happy to assist our Efforts; & I am ready to flatter myself, that his deep Intelligence will see the beneficial Effects, which might result from our perm[anent] Establishment in any of the Islands of the pacific Ocean. I remain Yr much obliged & obedt Servt T. Haweis [Banks Endorsement.] Novr. 1 [Addressed: Soho Square.]
1. Charles Jenkinson, 1st Baron Hawkesbury and 1st Earl of Liverpool (1729–1808), and Louis Guillaume Otto (1753/4–1817) signed preliminary articles of peace between Britain and France in the treaty of London on 1 October 1801.

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From William Kent
[11] Kentish Town 1 November 1801

Sir, I have just had the pleasure of receiving your very obliging letter of the 27:th Ult:o, and as the Admiralty have been pleased to extend my leave of absence to 14 days more, I shall have the honor of paying my respects to you before my

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From William Paterson

return to the Buffalo, at which time I will take the liberty of requesting to know, if Government will hold out advantage, to any ingenious Man who will undertake the Smelting of Iron-Ore in New South Wales. –1 Cast Iron Vessels of all kinds might be made there for the use of the Settlers and Prisoners, together with every Utensil of Husbandry &c – &c – this would at least save the expence of freight, and effectually prevent disappointment (which frequently is the case) in those necessary articles not arriving from England at the time they are most wanted – the consequence of which is, the Governor is obliged to purchase Iron out of Ships that call at Port Jackson at a very exorbitant price. – If it is wished, I can point out many essential Services that can be render’d the Colony by the Buffalo on her present Voyage, which appear to me to be entirely overlooked. – My inclination, as well as duty, will lead me to this; alth:o no notice has been taken of me for the exertion I have made, and the risks I have run, during the long space of eight Years, in assisting to bring that beautiful Country to its present flourishing state. – I have the honor to be, Sir, with the greatest respect, Your most Obedient, Humble, and Devoted Servant. W:m Kent. – [Banks Endorsement.] Novr. 4
1. See Kent to Banks, 29 November 1801, this volume, letter 21 and Kent to Banks, 6 December 1801, this volume, letter 26.

[12] Port Jackson 2 November 1801 Dr Sir As a Vessel is now about to sail from this for the Cape of Good Hope, Lieut Grant who commanded the Lady Nelson, is a passenger in her; and will lose no opportunity of proceeding to England without delay. – It is therefor probable this conveyence will be the first information, of the unexpected circumstances that has occurred since the departure of the Albion, which took their rise from the Trial of Lt. Marshall1 You will long ‘ere this be acquainted with the particulars of that Transaction and as Governor King writes you very fully upon the present business, by Mr. Grant, It is unnecessary for me to say any thing on the subject; except what relates to part of a Letter dated 20th. Augt. respecting the Governer’s having been rather too economical in the purchase of Wheat. this I certainly never /was/ intend as a complaint against Governor King; and was certain it would not be

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taken in that light by you as it has ever been my opinion he was a very proper person for the Situation he now holds. – Unfortunately at this time I had so much writing, that it was necessary to have some assistance, and among others was Captain Mc Arthur the next in Command to myself; who I confided in on this occasion. – Having sent my representation in support of the Officers conduct on the Trial of Lt Marshall and pointing out to General Brownrigg how very unpleasantly the Military were situated with regard to Criminal Courts in this Colony, that done, I conceived that no farther notice could be taken of it, whether right or wrong, until we received answers of our separate Statements from home. – Captain Mc Arthur now entered into some explanation with the Governor of a private nature, in which they did not agree he therefore expected the support of all the Officers and strongly recommended they should not visit the Governor’s, some followed his advice and others did not. I highly disapproved of their conduct and declared my intention/s/ of transacting business with the Governor as formerly. – When Captain Mc Arthur found he could not carry his point on one case, He had recourse to another; which was, to bring about a Quarrel between the Governor and me. to effect this, he disclosed my Public and Private corraspondence, (with additions) to serve his own views particularly my Letter to you and also that to General Brownrigg, in which he had materially assisted. Then with other circumstances equally mean, and deceitful in his character, left me no alternative but that of demanding private redress. – I therefor sent him a challenge and on the 14th. Septr. last the meeting took place. I was wounded in the right arm, and have not until now been able to use it – I am much recovered altho the Ball is not yet extracted there is no apprehension of any inconvenience attending it. – Captain Mc Kellar (the Governors aid de Camp) will leave this by the first direct conveyance for England, with the Governors Despatches. – As he was my friend in this Affair I shall take the liberty of recommending him to your notice and any information, you may wish to have on the subject, he will be happy to give you I hope Sir you will excuse my entering into a relation so different to my accustom’d correspondence, nor should I in this instance had it not been in consequence of Governor Kings taking offence in the Paragraph of my Letter to you, by the Albion (as before stated) which was never intend[ed] to injure him in your esteem or reflecting on his conduct as the Governor of this Colony but merely mentioning what was commonly talked of at the time – Captain Mc Arthur is now under arrest by Governor King; for the reasons he explains to you in his Letter by Lt. Grant &c /(Capt. Mc A)/ goes in a Vessel called the Hunter by the way of India, so that it will be a long time before we

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know what notice will be taken of the Governors charges against him. whatever /the result is/ I hope /it/ will be the means of regulating cases of this nature in future, and prevent the necessity of referring them to such a distance. – All these circumstances which I have related; has carried me so much off my favourite pursuits that I fear for some time I shall not be able to do any thing in the Botanical way. However when I can do without a Surgeon I intend a short excursion in hopes of being able to send you some thing, by Captn Mc Kellar – I beg my respects to Lady & Miss Banks and Compliments to Mr. Dryander &c, &c – I am Dr Sir your most Obedt. faithfull Servant, W Paterson Banks Endorsement.] Oct 27 02 april 8 03
1. William Paterson (1755–1810) makes reference in this letter to the trial on 29 July 1801 of Lieutenant James Marshall, a Royal Navy officer and naval agent of the convict transport ship Earl Cornwallis, for alleged assault upon Edward Abbott (1766–1832) and also for threatening John Macarthur (bap. 1767–1834), both of the New South Wales Corps. On the bench trying Marshall were five officers of the corps and one naval officer, James Grant (1772–1833). Marshall was convicted in a heated trial, the outcome of which was complicated by Governor Philip Gidley King’s (1758–1808) request that it be reopened. The incompetent judge-advocate, Richard Atkins (1745– 1820), could not advise the court whether the acts of which Marshall stood accused were an assault in law; nor would he express an opinion on a vote whether the governor’s direction to reopen the case and consider fresh evidence be obeyed. Lieutenant-Governor Paterson supported his corps officers and John Macarthur, but disagreed with the latter’s suggestion that the officers should break off social relations with the governor. A quarrel ensued in which Paterson claimed that Macarthur disclosed information contained in a private letter from his own wife to Macarthur’s wife. In September Paterson challenged Macarthur to a duel. During the duel Paterson was wounded in the shoulder. Governor King sent Macarthur to England under arrest. King believed that while Paterson acted honourably when on his own, he failed to firmly oppose his corps officers when this was necessary. Relations between King and Paterson deteriorated and, although they tried to preserve an outward appearance of decorum in government, friction and disagreement nevertheless persisted between them.

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From William Kent
[A headnote in Banks’s hand reads ‘Emu’.] Sir,

[13] Kentish Town 9 November 1801

Having brought home three Emues of New South Wales, a Male and two Females,1 I have to request you will do me the honor to accept them; they are at present on-Board the Buffalo and in the most perfect health. – There can be

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little doubt of their breeding in this Country if allowed a Park to range in during Summer, and in Winter when the Weather is fine; but at this Season of the Year they will require a warm place to sleep in during the Night, such as a Stable. – I have the honor to be, Sir, with the greatest respect, Your most obedient, humble, and devoted Servant, W:m Kent [An enclosure follows in Kent’s hand.] Emue The largest Bird as yet discoverd in New South Wales, from the feet to the top of the Head, when standing erect, is about six Feet six Inches, it has little or no Wing, but its fleetness is equal to that of a Grayhound; it lives on Vegetables of the Cabbage kind, and Grain. – The Egg of this Bird is about two thirds of the size of that of the Ostrich, and is of a beautiful Grass-green. – [Addressed: Soho Square.] [Banks Endorsements.] Novr. 9 [and] Capt Kent Novr. 10 – 01

1. The emu, Dromaius novaehollandiae (Latham, 1790) is a large flightless bird native to most of mainland Australia. Five subspecies have been described, two of which, the Tasmanian Emu and the King Island Emu, became extinct in the early nineteenth century. The emu can reach up to 2 metres in height and weigh up to 55 kg, and is the second tallest extant bird, exceeded only by the ostrich. Along with the kangaroo, it is one of the unofficial emblems of Australia, and both animals feature in the Australian coat of arms. Emus were used as a source of food by aboriginal Australians and early settlers and, since they breed well in captivity, are presently farmed for their meat, leather and oil.

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From William Kent
[14] HMS Buffalo, Portsmouth Harbour 16 November 1801

[A headnote in Banks’s hand.] Mr Pidcock1 assured me that he had offerd 300 Guineas for the 3 Emues Sir, As the Buffalo will go out of Harbour to Spithead in about a Week I think the sooner the Emues, you did me the honor to accept, are landed the better; they are at present in the most perfect [state] although they have been onboard thirteen Months: – I never saw them look better. – We shall sail for New South

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Wales about the end of December. – I have the honor to be, Sir, with the greatest respect, Your most obedient, humble, and devoted Servant W:m Kent. –
1. Banks corresponded with the customs authorities in Portsmouth and the Office for Trade in London to establish whether duty must be paid for the import of the emus on the Buffalo, and if so its amount and by whom. His efforts eventually produced a Treasury warrant and the birds were soon released and began their journey to London. See Banks to the Office for Trade, [November 1801], and Kent to Banks, 29 November 1801, this volume, letters 19 and 21. George Pidcock (1743–1810) was a menagerist and showman who at this time was proprietor of Pidcock’s Royal Menagerie at Exeter Change (Exchange), The Strand. Exotic animals were part of the cultural life of eighteenth-century London, but Pidcock’s menagerie was rare at this time due to its status as a permanent show. If an offer of 300 guineas had indeed been made for the emus, it would have been an enormous sum, as would have been the resulting amount of duty. This valuation seems an unlikely one, however, since all of the living animals in Pidcock’s menagerie were insured in 1803 for £1,565.

From Thomas Christopher

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From Thomas Christopher

[15] Custom House 16 November 1801

Hond Sir I beg leave to Inform you that I have Obtained a Special Order from the Honble Commisss. for the Birds to be Deliverd on payment of the Duty which Order will go by this Days post I therefore Submit whether you will not write to some person at Portsmouth to fix a Value on them as the Duty is ad valorem I am Sir With Respect Your most Obd Sert. Tho Christopher

[16] Custom House 17 November 1801 Hond Sir I beg leave to Inform you that I lost no time in presenting your Second Pettition to the Board and they have been pleased to Give the Following Answer (The Board are not authorized to remit the Duty on these Birds)

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I Submit Sir whether you will please to make Application to the Rt Honble the Lords of the Treasury when I have no doubt but their Lordships would Order them to be Delivered Duty free I am Hond Sir Your most Ob Sert Tho Christopher

From Roger Elliot Roberts
[17] 46 Albermarle Street 18 November [1801] Colonel Roberts presents his Compliments to Sir Joseph Banks, with the Drawing of an Animal, of the natural Size, lately found in the upper Provinces of Hindustan, & supposed to be a Non-discript. – It is there named Bajeram, and represented as generally frequenting Places of Sepulture. Colonel Roberts is sorry He cannot offer the Drawing to Sir Joseph Banks’s Acceptance, it belonging to a Gentleman lately arrived from India, but it may remain with Sir Joseph as long as He may wish. –

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To the Office for Trade
[18] [Soho Square] 26 November 18011

Dear Sir The Customs house officers at Portsmouth have Refusd to Deliver the Birds unless the Duty is Paid & the Capt & men employd to bring them away are now Staying there on Demarage I will come over to you if you Please that we may Concert measures on this Emergency Very Faithfuly yours Jos: Banks [A note in an unknown hand follows.] Warrant & also 20th.. Novr. 1801
1. A note at the head of this letter, probably in the hand of a later scholar or librarian, reads ‘To Marquis of Exeter?’

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