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eating right in america

The Cultura l Po

of s c i lit

Food & Healt

eating right in america

Charlotte Bilteko

Duke University Press Durham and London 2013

2013 Duke University Press. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper $. Designed by Courtney Leigh Baker and Typeset in Minion Pro with Blanch display by Keystone Typesetting, Inc.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Bilteko, Charlotte. Eating right in America : the cultural politics of food and health / Charlotte Bilteko. pages cm Includes bibliographical references and index. isbn 978-0-8223-5544-1 (cloth : alk. paper) isbn 978-0-8223-5559-5 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. NutritionUnited States. 2. DietUnited States. 3. Food habitsUnited States. I. Title. tx 360.u 6b 548 2013 394.1%20973dc23 2013013823

To my parents, For my children

CONTENTS

Figures viii

one The Cultural Politics of Dietary Health 1 two Scientic Moralization and the Beginning of Modern Dietary Reform 13 three Anxiety and Aspiration on the Nutrition Front 45 four From Microscopes to Macroscopes 80 five Thinness as Health, Self-Control, and Citizenship 109 six Connecting the Dots. Dietary Reform Past, Present, and Future 150 Notes 157 Bibliography 185 Acknowledgments 199 Index 203

figure 2.1 W. O. Atwaters Comparative Expenses of Food, a quantitative index of dietary morality 18 figure 2.2 A silent teacher: interior of the New England Kitchen 25 figure 2.3 The Rumford Kitchen at the Worlds Columbian Exhibition 34 figure 2.4 Interior of the Rumford Kitchen, with mottos visible on the walls 34 figure 2.5 Dietary No. 1: For Average Family of Six, 15 Cents per Person per Day 39 figure 2.6 Dietary No. 5: $1.00 per Person per Day 40 figure 3.1 Empirical meets ethical on the home front 58 figure 3.2 High stakes for eating right: nutritional treason 71 figure 3.3 High stakes for wartime eating right: nutritional patriotism 72 figure 3.4 Kitchen Kommandos: a wartime division of nutritional citizenship 76 figure 3.5 Female service as part of eating the Basic 7 way 77

FIGURES

figure 3.6 Celebrating the potential, both empirical and ethical, of nutrition in the hands of American women 78 figure 4.1 Alice Waters with students and produce at the Edible Schoolyard 97 figure 4.2 Mealtime at the Edible Schoolyard as a civilizing, socializing ritual 97 figure 5.1 Body-mass increases steadily engulng the national land mass from 1985 to 2010 123 figure 5.2 Patriotic iconography of obesity in Harvard Magazine 132 figure 5.3 Patriotic iconography of obesity in the Atlantic 132 figure 5.4 The 2004 National Body Challenge dvd cover 136

figure 5.5 The body challengers in front of the Capitol building 136 figure 5.6 A body challenger struggles to complete a marine training course 138 figure 5.7 A body challenger and his self-improvement targets framed by the American ag 138 figure 5.8 Buddy Love, in The Nutty Professor (1996) 146 figure 5.9 Professor Klump, in The Nutty Professor (1996) 146 figure 5.10 Dinner at the comedy club, in The Nutty Professor (1996) 147 figure 5.11 Dinner at the Klump residence, in The Nutty Professor (1996) 147

The food problem is fundamental to the welfare of the race. Society, to protect itself, must take cognizance of the question of food and nutrition. ellen richards t1910 Defense is . . . building the health, the physical tness, the social well-being of all our people, and doing it the democratic way. Hungry people, undernourished people, ill people, do not make for strong defense. harriet elliot t 1940 I believe our destiny as a nation depends on how we nourish ourselves. . . . The way we produce, prepare and eat food expresses the bedrock values on which our public and private lives are built. alice waters t 1992 We are at a crossroads in our nation. Were standing at the corners of health and disease. Are we going to sentence ourselves to being a society dened by obesity and disease? Or are we going to choose to be a nation of health and vitality? surgeon general richard carmona t 2003

ONE

THE CULTURAL POLITICS OF DIETARY HEALTH


This project began in the mid-1990s when I was working as a cook in San Francisco and discovered a book called Perfection Salad in a used bookstore. Laura Shapiros history of the domestic science movement enthralled me both because of the story it told, through food, about the aspirations of a generation of women responding to industrialization, urbanization, and immigration and because its very existence assured me that, as I had suspected, it was possible and productive to rethink American history through the lens of food. Shapiros subjects were reformers who believed that changing what people ate could improve their morals and character and ultimately could address some of the most dicult social problemsfrom intemperance to labor unrestarising in the rapidly industrializing urban centers of the American Northeast. Ellen Richards, the leader of the domestic science movement, was convinced that teaching people to eat right was essential to creating responsible and moral citizens and maintaining a stable social order. I was struck by the resonance between these ideas about the social importance of eating habits one hundred years earlier and what a certain restaurateur-turned-activist was beginning to preach to a very receptive audience in Berkeley and beyond. Alice Waters was passionately urging people to recognize the connection between eating and ethics, and through her Edible Schoolyard project was attempting to show exactly how teaching people to eat right could create

responsible citizens and address problems in the social orderfrom nihilism to violence and environmental degradation. Waterss ideas about how we should be eating in order to protect our most cherished resources, both social and environmental, resonated with me and many of my friends. I had grown up allergic to milk in the shadow of a family dairy businessmy great grandfather had started making cottage cheese in his bathtub in the 1920s, and by the time I came along the business had grown to include yogurt, sour cream, and chip dipso I knew something about the social signicance of eating habits. I learned even more about the politics of dietary choice and the complex relationships between morality and health after, without giving it much thought, I became a vegetarian at the age of thirteen (remaining so for about seventeen years). I barely made it through my second year of college on the East Coast before declaring that I was moving to California to work with vegetables, and by the time I discovered Shapiro and Waters I was a cook at Greens, a well-known vegetarian restaurant in San Francisco founded in 1979 by the San Francisco Zen Center. In the Greens kitchen I absorbed the meaningfulness of the seasons, learned to express my appreciation of good produce through skilled but restrained technique, and developed a worldview in which food was a language for emotions, relationships, and values. I wrote a food column for a local paper, published a community cookbook called Delicious , which was bound with chopsticks and wire, and gave readings at local open mics with a wooden spoon in my pocket. Greens was in many ways a cultural and culinary sibling of Waterss Chez Panisse, and Waterss ideas seemed utterly sensible, intuitive, and right to me. Of course we should eat ethically, value the table as a place for community and family, know where our food came from. But the hundred-year-old voice of Ellen Richards taunted me into questioning, instead of joining, the revolution. Waterss convictions were surprisingly similar to Richardss. While Waterss aim was to overturn exactly the changes in the food system that Shapiro credits the domestic scientists with ushering in (scientic rationality, standardization, industrialization), she shared Richardss fundamental insistence that teaching people to eat right was essential to social well-being and that, by ignoring food, the public schools were failing in their mandate to train citizens. How could two reformers with such entirely dierent ideas about how people should eat be at the same time so completely alike in their convictions about why it was important to
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teach people how to eat? Clearly there was something meaningful about telling people how to eat right that transcended the dietary advice itself. I enrolled in the University of California, Berkeley, to pursue these questions and nish my undergraduate degree. I cut back my hours at Greens, traded creative writing about food for academic writing about food reformers, and wrote a senior thesis called Banana Salad and Squash Blossoms: A Comparative History of Two Food Reform Movements. The thesis was an exploration of the relationship between the domestic science movement and the Delicious Revolution that Alice Waters was fomenting. Through the process of researching and writing, I came to believe that the relationship between Richards and Waters was not at all random or coincidental, but rather the result of a set of cultural beliefs about the meaning of eating right that inspired both of them to see improving peoples eating habits as a way to improve their moral character. I began to understand that the reformers involved in both movements played a certain cultural role even when they were not aware of doing so, delineating social norms and imposing the values of the middle class through the seemingly neutral language of diet. My qualms about joining Waterss revolution evolved into a critique of the dietary reform impulse itself, and I started to nd it odd that dietary advice was commonly treated as nothing more than the benecent application of knowledge to the aspiration of living better, healthier lives. By the time national alarm about obesity had reached a near deafening pitch, in the late 1990s, I was in graduate school. Having seen dire warnings about the diets of Americans beforein Ellen Richardss early-twentieth-century caution that the future of the race depended on eating habits, for exampleI was certain that understanding the history of dietary reform was essential to making sense of the campaign against obesity and its social ramications. While this book is about dietary reform, my aim is not to change peoples eating habits. Instead, I hope to illuminate the cultural politics of dietary health in America so we can better understand what happens when we dene good diets, talk about eating right, or try to improve other peoples eating habits. What are we really talking about when we talk about dietary health? Why is the question of what to eat so morally fraught? Why is teaching people to eat right such a compelling project for the American middle class? What does it really mean to eat right in America? I present the stories of four seemingly distinct reform movements, exposing their continuities and discontinuities, in order to answer these
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questions. I start with the contention that despite seemingly scientic origins, dietary ideals are cultural, subjective, and political. While its primary aim may be to improve health, the process of teaching people to eat right inevitably involves shaping certain kinds of subjects, and citizens, and shoring up the identity and social boundaries of the ever-threatened American middle class. The story I tell here is about dietary ideals and the people who have dedicated themselves to promoting eating right as a biological and social good. While its designed to help us understand the social role of ideas about good diets, this story also illuminates several larger issues, including the cultural politics of health, the historical dynamics of class, and the process of social normalization. The history of dietary reform, for example, raises questions about the massive role that health and health promotion has come to play in our individual and social lives over the last century, and particularly since the 1970s. In tracing this expansion through the history of dietary reform, I hope to provoke a dialogue about what health really means to us, and what its pursuit should look like. Are there important social concerns and aims that the emphasis on health obscures rather than promotes? This history also gives us a chance to think anew about how culturally constructed class dierences can come to seem like the natural basis for, rather than the result of, social distinction. I hope to cause readers to think about dietary health as a privilege with consequences that extend far beyond the biomedical. The history of dietary reform also adds to our understanding of how ideas about proper behavior and good citizenship are worked out. This history reveals a means of normalization that is usually obscured by the assumed objectivity of scientic discourses, reminding us that in order to understand and act responsibly within the social world we inhabit, we must be bold about the scope of our critical thinking, extending cultural criticism into realms like dietary healththat are often reserved for science. On one hand this book is a chronological journey through dietary advice from the late nineteenth century to the present. I take the reader through four distinct dietary reform movements, each one motivated by a unique set of social and nutritional concerns and oriented around its own denitions of what constitutes a good diet and what constitutes a good eater. I start with the domestic science movement at the end of the nineteenth century, move on to the national nutrition program of the World War II home front, then look at two dierent movements that
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coalesced toward the end of the twentieth century: the alternative food movement and the campaign against obesity. The chronological narrative focuses both on the ongoing relationship between dietary ideals and social ideals and on the evolving nature of those ideals as they have been reshaped by changes in nutritional knowledge as well as in political, economic, and social pressures. I demonstrate that the scope and purview of dietary reform has grown dramatically over the course of the last century, thus providing a new explanation for why we worry so much about eating right today: not because of an increasing incidence of diet-related diseases or because of growing knowledge about the role of diet in preventing such diseases, but because of ongoing expansions in the social signicance of dietary health and the moral valence of being a good eater. On the other hand, and on a slightly more abstract level, this book is a conceptual journey from a place where we know exactly what dietary advice isrules about what to eat based on nutritional ndings and aimed at improving health and longevityto a place of disorientation about what dietary advice is. I want to encourage a rethinking of exactly what it is we think we know about dietary health. In her analysis of the nineteenthcentury culture of health, Joan Burbick writes, Common sense statements in a culture are . . . an index of certain beliefs so dear to the heart of the people that they are presented as the bedrock of reality. While the facts of food and health are certainly the subject of intense debates, the notion that dietary advice is an objective reection of scientic knowledge and that its primary aim is to produce healthier bodies is an index of certain beliefs that I seek to reveal and understand in Eating Right in America . The chronological journey through the history of dietary reform is the vehicle for this intellectual journey from what we might call an empirical view of dietary health as an objective reection of nutrition facts to what we might call a constructionist view that takes seriously the social and cultural process through which those facts attain their authority and their seeming naturalness. Two ideas are particularly important to the intertwined historical and theoretical aims of this project. First is that health is fundamentally a cultural concept. The sociologist Robert Crawford describes health as a key word and highlights the cultural content and the social dynamics of health discourses. Crawford explains, Talking about health is a way people give expression to our cultural notion of well-being or quality of life. . . . Health provides a means for personal and social evaluation.
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Furthermore, he argues, health is a moral discourse, a means of establishing and arming shared values around what it is to be a good person. If indeed health is a cultural concept, a means of expressing core cultural values and a moral discourse through which we assess ourselves and others, then dietary health is clearly about more than a physiological relationship between food and the body. My conversations with students bear out this contention and reveal how cultural values are entwined with our commonsense ideas about eating right. In a course I teach about the culture of food and health in the United States, I begin by asking who in the room tries to eat a good or healthy diet. Almost all of the students raise their hands. I then ask them to explain why they try to eat right, typically ending up with a blackboard list that reads something like this: to get a date or nd a mate (be attractive, be sexy, look hot); to have energy for sports, work, or schoolwork; to obey parents, grandparents or teachers who told me to; to live longer; to avoid disease (because diabetes or heart disease or cancer runs in the family); to show I am educated; to show I am disciplined; to be responsible; because I feel guilty if I do not. The list includes some reasons for eating right that have nothing to do with health (being sexy, displaying discipline, responsibility, or education) and others that appear to be more biomedical, such as seeking energy or longevity and wanting to avoid disease. But even seemingly biomedical motivations for maintaining a good diet are inseparable from cultural values. Arent eciency, productivity, and longevity culturally distinct personal goals that have to do with shared cultural values? Is this not also true for the idea that individuals can, and should, mitigate disease through good behavior? The classroom exercise illustrates an important premise of my analysis: there is no such thing as dietary health apart from social ideals and, therefore, dietary ideals are never simply objective reections of nutritional facts. The second concept that is foundational to this project builds on the rst: dietary ideals always communicate not only rules for how to choose a good diet, but also guidelines for how to be a good person. This concept draws on John Coveneys argument that nutrition is both an empirical and an ethical system. Coveney explains that nutrition always serves two functions, providing rules about what to eat that also function as a system through which people construct themselves as certain kinds of subjects. This means that dietary advice conveys messages about what to eat that are at the same time lessons in how to be a good eater and a good
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person. Building on this, my research shows that dietary ideals primarily convey two interlocking sets of social ideals: one communicates emerging cultural notions of good citizenship and prepares people for new social and political realities; the other expresses the social concerns of the middle class and attempts to distinguish its character and identity. Eating Right in America adds to an emerging body of work that treats nutrition and dietary health as cultural constructs. Histories written by nutrition scientists have, since the emergence of the eld itself, approached nutrition as a progressive eort to uncover the truth about food and the human body, tracing the development of scientic methods and discoveries while celebrating their positive impact on human health. Since the 1960s and 1970s social historians have used nutritional data to trace the impact of changes in nutrition status, food supply, and dietary standards on other social conditions, such as the occurrence of deciency diseases, rates of fertility and mortality, population growth, and worker productivity. Cultural historians inuenced by the linguistic turn of the 1970s have treated nutrition as a cultural practice that both shapes and is shaped by other cultural practices, taking into account issues of power, identity, and ideology. Beliefs about the empirical truth of science and the objective reality of the human body that anchor the works described above become the subject of critical inquiry for scholars, like myself, working in an area we might call critical nutrition studies. We consider nutrition itselfnot just its practice but its contentas a product of history. This approach is consistent with poststructuralisms broader impact on the way in which history is viewed and conducted, and it is also shaped by the major insights of science and technology studies about the production of scientic knowledge. My analysis of the history of dietary reform both draws on and seeks to develop two of the key insights that have emerged thus far from this nascent eld: nutrition is not only an empirical set of rules, but also a system of moral measures, and its presumably neutral quantitative strategies are themselves political and ideological. In approaching dietary health as a cultural concept that conveys social ideals and takes part in the formation of certain kinds of subjects and social formations, I situate Eating Right in America , more specically, at the intersection of the young eld of food studies and the even younger eld of fat studies. I also illuminate a gap between the two elds that should be developed as a productive intersection. Both food studies and fat studies fall short of providing the full range of tools that we need to critically
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assess the culture of dietary health in America, but each does provide essential tools for the job. Food studies alerts us to the cultural signicance of eating habits and beliefs about food, provides rich insights into the history of those habits and beliefs, and teaches us to be attentive to how power operates through the seemingly mundane. However, in the United States in particular, food studies scholars have taken remarkably little interest in historicizing or theorizing health and have been largely silent on the very important questions that are raised by the distinctly biomedical orientation of American ideas about what is good to eat. The eld, therefore, stands to gain much from those scholars engaged in fat studies, in which the body and its social construction are resolutely central. While fat studies scholarship is acutely aware of the way in which ideas about health are shaped by cultural predispositions and political motivations, its objects of study and its insights are for the most part focused on current and historical manifestations of fatness and its discourses. This is, of course, absolutely essential to building a eld that can account for the ways in which fat bodies and subjectivities are constructed, represented, and maligned and how they can be reclaimed. However, such an accounting also requires a broader perspective that investigates the connections between how we think about fat and how we think about food, health, and identity more broadly. An exclusive focus on fat obscures a set of questions that, properly wielded, yield important insights into why the nation is currently mobilized into a war against fat. The campaign against obesity may seem dierent in kind than a dietary reform movement like domestic science, focusing as it does on body size, rather than on eating habits. But, on the contrary, the antiobesity movement is an extreme manifestation of the logic of dietary reform that emerged at the end of the nineteenth century and an extension of the many expansions in the social role of dietary health that have since occurred. I begin this history at the end of the nineteenth century because the modern science of human nutrition, which emerged at that time, produced a unique social potential for discourses of eating right. Dietary reformers have helped people to choose diets in accordance with religious or civic ideals since ancient times, and there is an especially interesting and important history of American dietary reformers in the Jacksonian era. There is, however, something unique about the kind of cultural work that dietary reform performs in relation to the seemingly objective, quantitative strategies of science. The phenomenon that I refer to as
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modern dietary reform was born not only because science made it possible to dene a good diet in empirical terms, but also because the cultural context meant that such a denition was taken as a neutral and authoritative kind of truth. The science of nutrition began its reign as the dominant means of evaluating and categorizing food just as science itself began to secure its cultural status as an arbiter of truth (becoming only more autonomous and seemingly objective over the course of the twentieth century). Therefore, since the late nineteenth century the ethical content of nutrition has been increasingly obscured even as it has been consistently embraced by reformers who undertake the process of dietary improvement in order to achieve social aims, such as the building of character and the melioration of various forms of social instability. The marriage of scientic empiricism with the social aims of dietary reformers dened a new era in which quantiable norms provided a seemingly objective but nonetheless moral measure of eating right. In each chapter of this book I focus on one reform movement and follow roughly the same trajectory, rst tracing the emergence of new dietary ideals in relation to both nutritional and social concerns; then examining the relationship between the new dietary ideals and emerging cultural notions of citizenship to show how lessons in eating right have also functioned as a pedagogy of good citizenship; and nally exploring the dynamics of class that are implicated in each discourse of eating right. After I introduce the era of modern dietary reform, the narrative highlights a series of expansions in the role of dietary reform and the social valence of eating right over the last century, helping to explain why questions about what to eat are so pervasive, and fraught, today. In chapter 2 I focus on the emergence of the era of modern dietary reform and establish an understanding of nutrition as both empirical and ethical. I explore how domestic scientists capitalized on both of these aspects in their promotion of scientic cookery rst among the urban poor and later among the intelligent classes, and argue that courses in home economics taught more than just domestic skills; they helped students to understand and meet the changing demands of citizenship in the context of Progressive Era social and political reforms. I also argue that domestic scientists played a role in forging a distinct middle-class identity in relation to health and introduce the concept of the unhealthy other, a dynamic through which the middle class arms its status through the
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ongoing production of an other whose dangerous diets threaten social stability. I open chapter 3 by looking at the changes in nutritional thinking brought about by the discovery of vitamins and explore how anxieties and aspirations about the eating habits of the population converged with social concerns related to mobilization for World War II. This convergence produced a signicant expansion in the scope of dietary reform, which came to encompass the entire population, with eating right serving an important social role on the home front. Exploring the nutritioneducation component of the World War II home-front food program, I show that lessons in eating right were a means of promoting home-front morale, of delineating wartime ideals of good citizenship, and of reasserting class and gender hierarchies destabilized by wartime social ux. The second half of the book is framed by postwar shifts in the broader culture of health in the United States, from concerns about contagious diseases to an emphasis on chronic diseases and the behaviors believed to cause or mitigate them, including diet. These changes laid the groundwork for eating habits to move to the center of health discourses in the late twentieth century and early twenty-rst, and for eating habits to take on unprecedented levels of social and moral importance for individuals. In the context of growing attention to lifestyle in relation to health, a new nutritional paradigm that focused on avoiding or limiting the consumption of particular foods and nutrients gave rise to two very dierent dietary reform movements: alternative food and the campaign against obesity. In chapter 4 I argue that the mainstream alternative-food movement reproduced the normalizing function of earlier dietary discourses despite its departure from nutritional thinking and embrace of pleasure as a guide for eating right, and that in so doing it actually expanded the purview of dietary reform deeper into the subjectivity of eaters. I also explore the ways in which this movement promoted social ideals that were consistent with ideals of good citizenship that emerged as part of the late-twentieth-century process of neoliberalization. In chapter 5 I focus on the campaign against obesity, which took place against the same social and cultural backdrop. I explore how the ideals of good citizenship produced by the political-economic project of neoliberalism were expressed in this dietary discourse, examining in particular the equating of health with thinness and self-control. In chapter 5 I am especially attentive to

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how, and why, the social stakes related to obesity have become so consequential, especially for those who are fat. My arguments are based on my analysis of the discourses of dietary reformthe published and unpublished writings of reformers, as well as the vast and varied materials they produced to bring their messages to the public, from posters to public kitchens. As Patricia Allen explains, Discourse is what forms and maintains social movement identity. In fact, for some, discourse is primarily what a social movement is . Furthermore, Allen writes, discourse is not only constitutive of social movements; it is also one of the primary tools movements employ to work toward social change. Likewise, discourses are to a large extent what dietary-reform movements are they are the primary tool the reform movements employ toward dietary changeand analysis of these discourses is critical to our ability to understand how our taken-for-granted assumptions about food and health have come to seem so true. The language and practices of dietary reform play an important role in constructing commonsense notions not just about eating right, but also about what it means to be a good person and a good citizen, what health is, and how class operates. Because I have focused on the discourse of reformers, however, I do not attend to whether or not dietary reform actually aected peoples eating habits. I also do not address what the targets of dietary reform thought about it, how they reacted to the dietary advice directed at them, or what eating right meant to them. And I risk creating a falsely monolithic sense of what dietary health is and means. I hope that the limits of my analysis incite others to undertake more specic studies of the beliefs and behaviors of communities beyond the dietary-reformers studied here. We need to nd and analyze historical evidence of how the assumptions embedded in the discourses I study have been adopted, resisted, and contested by the people who have been the targets of reform, and we need to explore how people who are not reformers have generated and acted on their own truths about good food. We also need ethnographic and other kinds of qualitative data that can show us how people of dierent racial, cultural, and class backgrounds currently understand and use, or refuse, concepts such as good diet, good eater, and eating right in their everyday lives. My aim here is to analyze the dynamics of dietary advice, not to give dietary advice, so I dont expect to change anybodys eating habits. But I

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do intend to change how people think about what it means to eat right. As the voices of the dietary reformers quoted at the beginning of this book suggest, the people who promote dietary advice are hoping to do a lot more than help us each to achieve better health. They see eating habits as a link between individual bodies and the social body, so dietary advice is a way for them to pursue social aims, not just better the health of individuals. While it may often seem like we are each navigating the terrain of dietary choice in purely personal ways that have only to do with our own health and well-being, I hope to have provided a starting point from which to rethink eating right as a social duty, a moral measure, and a form of power worthy of our most critical attention.

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NOTES

one The Cultural Politics of Dietary Health


The epigraphs are drawn from, respectively, Ellen Richards, Euthenics: The Science of a Controllable Environment (Boston: Whitcomb and Barrows, 1910), 100; Consumer Counsel Division of the U.S. Department of Agriculture, Food and National Defense Issue, Consumers Guide 6, no. 20 (1943); Molly ONeill, Keeper of the Flame, New York Times Magazine , December 12, 1992, 29; Richard Carmona, Remarks at the American Enterprise Institute Obesity Conference, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Washington, D.C., June 10, 2003. 1. Laura Shapiro, Perfection Salad: Women and Cooking at the Turn of the Century (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1986). 2. This argument draws on the theory of class developed by Pierre Bourdieu, in Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1984). 3. Joan Burbick, Healing the Republic: The Language of Health and the Culture of Nationalism in Nineteenth-Century America (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 17. 4. Robert Crawford, A Cultural Account of Health: Control, Release, and the Social Body, in Issues on the Political Economy of Health Care , ed. John B. McKinley (New York: Tavistock Publications, 1984), 62. 5. Crawford, A Cultural Account of Health. 6. John Coveney, Food, Morals, and Meaning: The Pleasure and Anxiety of Eating (New York: Routledge, 2000), 63. 7. See Charlotte Bilteko, Critical Nutrition Studies, in Handbook of Food History , ed. Jerey Pilcher (New York: Oxford, 2012), for a more developed exploration of the historiography of nutrition and the emergence of critical nutrition studies. See the following for more on the two key insights of critical nutrition studies: Deborah Lupton, Food, the Body and the Self (London: Sage, 1996); Deborah Lupton

and Alan Petersen, The New Public Health: Health and Self in the Age of Risk (London: Sage, 1996); Coveney, Food, Morals, and Meaning ; Nick Cullather, The Foreign Policy of the Calorie, American Historical Review 112, no. 2 (2007); Jessica Mudry, Measured Meals: Nutrition in America (Albany: suny Press, 2009); Gyorgy Scrinis, On the Ideology of Nutritionism, Gastronomic 8, no. 1 (2008); Gyorgy Scrinis, Nutritionism: The Science and Politics of Dietary Advice (New York: Columbia University Press, 2013). 8. For an excellent overview of the eld, see Sondra Solovay and Esther Rothblum, eds., The Fat Studies Reader (New York: nyu Press, 2009); Jana Evans Braziel and Kathleen LeBesco, eds., Bodies Out of Bounds: Fatness and Transgression (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001). 9. For more on this history, see Coveney, Food, Morals, and Meaning . See also Stephen Nissenbaum, Sex , Diet, and Debility in Jacksonian America: Sylvester Graham and Health Reform (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1980); James C. Whorton, Crusaders for Fitness: The History of American Health Reformers (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1982). 10. Charles E. Rosenberg, No Other Gods: On Science and American Social Thought (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1961); Harmke Kamminga and Andrew Cunningham, Introduction: The Science and Culture of Nutrition, 18401940, in The Science and Culture of Nutrition, 18401940 , ed. Harmke Kamminga and Andrew Cunningham (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1995), 13. 11. Robert Crawford, The Boundaries of the Self and the Unhealthy Other: Reections on Health, Culture and aids , Social Science Medicine 38, no. 10 (1994). 12. Patricia Allen, Together at the Table : Sustainability and Sustenance in the American Agrifood System (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press/Rural Sociological Society, 2004), 6.

two Scientic Moralization and the Beginning of Modern Dietary Reform


1. See U.S. Department of Agriculture, ChooseMyPlate.gov, available at http:// www.choosemyplate.gov/. 2. The politics behind nutritional recommendations are covered in Marion Nestle, Food Politics: How the Food Industry Inuences Nutrition and Health (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002). 3. Harvey Levenstein, Revolution at the Table: The Transformation of the American Diet (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988); Laura Shapiro, Perfection Salad: Women and Cooking at the Turn of the Century (New York: Henry Holt, 1986); Warren Belasco, Food, Morality, and Social Reform, in Morality and Health , ed. Paul Rozin and Allen M. Brandt (New York: Routledge, 1997). 4. John Coveney, Food, Morals, and Meaning: The Pleasure and Anxiety of Eating (New York: Routledge, 2000), 5356. 5. For more on the politics and ideology of nutritional quantication, particularly at the usda, see Jessica Mudry, Measured Meals: Nutrition in America (Albany: suny Press, 2009). 158 Notes to Chapter Two