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SK Prostitution Neg

DDI 2010

1 South Korea Prostitution Neg


South Korea Prostitution Neg..................................................................................................................................1 Strat Page.................................................................................................................................................................2 Counter Plan.............................................................................................................................................................3 Re-arm DA...............................................................................................................................................................4 North Korea DA.......................................................................................................................................................6 Ext. North Korea DA...............................................................................................................................................8 ................................................................................................................................................................................12 ADV Frontline: Commodities................................................................................................................................13 Ext- Essentialisn bad..............................................................................................................................................14 DA Turns Case.......................................................................................................................................................15 ADV Frontline: Patriarchy/Militarism/Intersectionality........................................................................................16 Butler EXT.............................................................................................................................................................18 Utilitarianism.........................................................................................................................................................19

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SK Prostitution Neg

DDI 2010

1 Strat Page
HEY DERRRR. Okay, lets start with the counter plan. The only disad that the counterplan doesnt work really well with is politics. I mean, it can be done, but you want to change U.S. policy towards prostitution and KEEP THE TROOPS THERE. North Korea is the best disad to use against this case. Its specific and probably true. You can access the Affs solvency for the counter plan or cut solvency yourself.

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DDI 2010

1 Counter Plan
Text: The United States federal government should ban all military personnel from leaving military bases while stationed in South Korea. Lawmakers want to heavily charge soldiers for their presence at bars that should be off limits Donald Macintyre/Tongduchon, Staff writer, Monday, Aug. 05, 2002, Times, Base Instincts,
http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,333899,00.html#ixzz0vHLZb392 But now a U.S. Senator and 12 members of Congress are demanding action. Alarmed by a Fox Television news report casing brothels where trafficked women were allegedly forced to prostitute themselves to G.I.s, the lawmakers sent a letter to the Pentagon in May, asking for an investigation. "If U.S. soldiers are patrolling or frequenting these establishments, the military is in effect helping to line the pockets of human traffickers," the legislators told U.S. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld. In June, the Pentagon pledged to investigate the trafficking allegations in Korea and check other U.S. military installations around the world. (A Pentagon spokesman could not confirm whether such an investigation had started. In a written statement, the U.S. military in Korea says it has nearly completed an inquiry into the allegations.) In Korea, concern over the behavior of U.S. troops comes at a particularly sensitive time. Many younger Koreans resent the U.S. military presence on their soil. Sex crimes involving G.I.s prompt periodic outbursts of anti-Americanism. And last Wednesday, 3,000 angry demonstrators staged a noisy protest in downtown Seoul over the death of two young teenage girls who were crushed by a military vehicle during a June training exercise on a public highway not far from Tongduchon. Numerous apologies from the U.S. military have failed to cool growing public anger over the incident. The military has refused to relinquish jurisdiction over the soldiers. For their part, the U.S. lawmakers are particularly concerned about the charge that soldiers are paying to have sex with women who have been forced into prostitution. In 2000, Congress passed the Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act, putting Washington at the forefront of efforts to combat the growing worldwide trade in women. Republican Congressman Christopher Smith, the chief sponsor of the law and one of the lawmakers pushing the Pentagon to clean up its act, says he was shocked to learn that it's business as usual up in Tongduchon: "There needs to be a very aggressive ending of this outrage," he told TIME. "We need to lead by example." A good place to start the campaign might be Club Y, a sleazy haunt that Filipinas working on the strip call "a bad bar." Rosie Danan found out just how bad the week she started working there in late 1999, at the age of 16. Back home in Manila, a recruiting agency had promised Danan the job would require her merely to serve drinks and chat with customers. After she arrived in Koreaon a false passportClub Y's mama-san took her papers away and told her the rules: she would be serving up her body as well as booze. She would get no days off for the first three months. And later, she could earn days off only if she sold enough drink and sex. She would live in a room above the club and, unless she was with the mama-san, would not be allowed outside except for three minutes a day to make a phone call. The penalty for coming back late: $8 a minute. At least 16 Filipinas have escaped from bars near Tongduchon since June, bringing with them similar horror stories. Official statistics show 5,000 women have been trafficked in Korea since the mid-'90s, but human-rights groups says the real figure is much higher. More than 8,500 foreign women entered Korea last year on "entertainment" visas, mostly Filipinas and Russians. These visas are a tool for international trafficking, says Goh Hyun Ung, a spokesman for the International Organization for Migration: "The women don't know they are going to be locked up as soon as they get to clubs and forced into prostitution." Goh says U.S. soldiers sometimes help Filipinas escape from clubs, but most are ignorant of the trafficking. He blames commanders for not educating the troops: "The U.S. military in Korea has always pretended the problem didn't exist." Danan had to dance on stage every night, eight times a nightand, the mama-san warned, all her clothes had better be off before the song ended. It was the most humiliating thing she had ever done. But a few days later, it got worsea G.I. came in and paid to take her to one of Club Y's squalid VIP rooms, where sex costs $60 for 10 minutes and about $160 for half an hour. The mama-san gave her tissues and a condom, and hit her when she resisted. "Every time I am crying," says Danan. "The mama-san said, 'If you cry like that in the business, the business is going down.'" In June, U.S. Secretary of the Army Thomas White wrote Congressman Smith to assure him that military brass in Korea "in no way encourage, support or condone any aspect of prostitution or human trafficking." Colonel Sam Taylor, a spokesman at the main U.S. installation in Seoul, says the military is aware of the worldwide problem of human trafficking. "If presented with evidence of illegal activity, we'll start the process in motion to make those establishments off-limits."

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DDI 2010

1 Re-arm DA
1. U.S military presence means South Korea wont militarize now. Bruce Bennett 2010, Senior Policy Analyst RAND Corporation, S. Koreas Military Capability Inadequate, Chosun Ilbo, 129, http://english.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/2010/01/29/2010012900705.html, 7/1/2010) An American academic says South Korea's military capabilities are inadequate to handle a North Korean invasion or other North Korean military action or regime collapse there. In an article entitled "Managing Catastrophic North Korea Risks," Bruce Bennett, a senior policy analyst at the RAND Corporation, said South Korea could face a crisis if it fails to enhance its military capabilities through modernization of equipment and personnel capable of using and maintaining it. He cited South Korea's outdated weapons, inadequate military budget, and reduced conscription period as the rationale for his claim. Many major South Korean weapon systems "are very old, such as M48 tanks and F-5 aircraft originally designed and produced three decades or more ago," he said. By contrast, "the U.S. military spends some 16 times as much as the [South Korean] military on equipment acquisition each year despite the U.S. forces having only twice as many personnel. U.S. military research and development spending is some 50 times" South Korean spending each year.

2. US pull out causes South Korean prolif Patrick J. Buchanan, senior advisor to three Presidents, columnist, political analyst for MSNBC, chairman of The American Cause foundation and an editor of The American Conservative, Patrick J. Buchanan; right from the beginning(blog), 10/10/20 06,
http://buchanan.org/blog/pjb-an-asian-nuclear-arms-race-134 For over a decade, this writer has argued for a withdrawal of all U.S. forces from South Korea because the Cold War was over, the Soviet Union had broken up and there was no longer any vital U.S. interest on the peninsula. And because South Korea, with twice the population of the North, an economy 40 times as large and access to U.S. weapons generations ahead of North Koreas 1950s arsenal, should defend herself. If we leave now, however, Seoul will take it as a signal that we are abandoning her to face a nuclear-armed North. South Korea will have little choice but to begin a crash program to build her own nuclear arsenal.

3. That leads into a East Asian arms race Emma Chanlett-Avery, Analyst in Asian Affairs, Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division AND Sharon Squassoni. Specialist in National Defense, Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division, 10/24/06, CRS Report for Congress, North Koreas
Nuclear Test: Motivations, Implications, and U.S. Options, http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/nuke/RL33709.pdf Many regional experts fear that the nuclear test will stimulate an arms race in the region. Geopolitical instability could prompt Northeast Asian states with the ability to develop nuclear weapons relatively quickly to move forward, creating a cascading effect on other powers in the region. One scenario envisioned would start with a Japanese decision to develop a nuclear weapons program in the face of a clear and present danger from North Korea. South Korea, still wary of Tokyos intentions based on Japans imperial past, could follow suit and develop its own nuclear weapons program. If neighboring states appear to be developing nuclear weapons without drawing punishment from the international community, Taiwan may choose to do the same to counter the threat from mainland China. In turn, this could prompt China to increase its own arsenal, which could have impact on further development of programs in South Asia. Alternatively, South Korea could go nuclear first, stimulating a similar chain of reactions. Most nonproliferation experts believe that Japan, using existing but safeguarded stocks of plutonium, could quickly manufacture a nuclear arsenal. South Korea and Taiwan would take longer, although there is evidence of past experiments with plutonium processing for both countries.24

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DDI 2010

1 Rearm DA
4. East Asian arms race will cause extinction. Ogura & Oh 97 [Toshimaru Ogura and Ingyu Oh are professors of economics, April, Nuclear clouds over the Korean peninsula
and Japan, 1997Accessed July 10, 2008 via Lexis-Nexis (Monthly Review)] North Korea, South Korea, and Japan have achieved quasi- or virtual nuclear armament. Although these countries do not produce or possess actual bombs, they possess sufficient technological know-how to possess one or several nuclear arsenals. Thus, virtual armament creates a new nightmare in this region - nuclear annihilation. Given the concentration of economic affluence and military power in this region and its growing importance to the world system, any hot conflict among these countries would threaten to escalate into a global conflagration.

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DDI 2010

1 North Korea DA
1. US military presence is the only thing keeping stability on the Korean Penninsula now. Jacquelyn S. Porth, USINFO, Staff Writer, U.S. Pacific Commands Directorate for Strategic Planning and Policy, 07, U.S.
Military Bases Provide Stability, Training, Quick Reaction, http://www.america.gov/st/washfileenglish/2007/February/20070227132836sjhtrop0.6571466.html Washington -- The United States long has pursued its national security interests in cooperative efforts with friends and allies around the world, sometimes through military bases and smaller defense installations.U.S. military facilities are established only after a country invites the United States to do so and the host nation signs a status of forces or access rights agreement. Such agreements have a broad range of tangible benefits, the most obvious being valuable military-to-military contacts and a presence that offers regional stability or deterrence. The U.S. military presence in South Korea, for example, authorized as part of the 1954 U.S.-Republic of Korea Mutual Defense Treaty, is a deterrent to neighboring North Korea and has had a stabilizing effect on the Korean Peninsula.

2. U.S. pull out means North Korean proliferation Robert H. Scales, Jr. and Larry M. Wortzel, 99 The Future Military Presence in Asia: Landpower and the Geostrategy of
American Commitment, http://www.strategicstudiesinstitute.army.mil/pdffiles/00072.pdf American nuclear deterrence, therefore, is also welcome in Northeast Asia for its contribution to security and stability in the region. Chinas military strategists may complain that the U.S. nuclear arsenal is a threat to China; but they acknowledge in private discussion that without extended deterrence, as provided for in the U.S.-Japan and U.S.-Republic of Korea defense treaties, Korea might develop nuclear weapons and Japan could follow suit.23 Chinas leaders even realize that without the defensive conventional arms provided to Taiwan by the United States under the Taiwan Relations Act of 1979, Taiwan might develop nuclear weapons. Japanese military strategists express their own concerns about South Korea.24 Threatened by the probability that North Korea has developed a nuclear capability, without the protection of U.S. extended deterrence, the South would probably respond in kind by developing its own weapons. Certainly South Korea has the requisite technological level to develop nuclear weapons. In the event of the reunification of the Korean peninsula, because the North already has a nuclear capability, Japan would face a nuclear-armed peninsula. Tokyo might then reexamine its own commitment to defense relying on conventional weapons with the support of the Japanese populace. Strategic thinkers in China and Japan acknowledge that the continuation of extended deterrence might inhibit Japan from going nuclear in such a case.

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DDI 2010

1 North Korea DA
3. North Korean proliferation causes arms races throughout Asiathe impact is nuclear war due to conflict, immature systems, and miscalculation Stephen J. Cimbala, Prof. of Political Science @ Penn State, 9 [Nuclear Weapons and Cooperative Security in the 21st Century, p.
117-8] Failure to contain proliferation in Pyongyang could spread nuclear fever throughout Asia. Japan and South Korea might seek nuclear weapons and missile defenses. A pentagonal configuration of nuclear powers in the Pacific basis (Russia, China, Japan, and the two Koreas not including the United States, with its own Pacific interests) could put deterrence at risk and create enormous temptation toward nuclear preemption. Apart from actual use or threat of use, North Korea could exploit the mere existence of an assumed nuclear capability in order to support its coercive diplomacy. As George H. Quester has noted: If the Pyongyang regime plays its cards sensibly and well, therefore, the world will not see its nuclear weapons being used against Japan or South Korea or anyone else, but will rather see this new nuclear arsenal held in reserve (just as the putative Israeli nuclear arsenal has been held in reserve), as a deterrent against the outside worlds applying maximal pressure on Pyongyang and as a bargaining chip to extract the economic and political concessions that the DPRK needs if it wishes to avoid giving up its peculiar approach to social engineering. A five-sided nuclear competition in the Pacific would be linked, in geopolitical deterrence and proliferation space, to the existing nuclear deterrents in India and Pakistan, and to the emerging nuclear weapons status of Iran. An arc of nuclear instability from Tehran to Tokyo could place U.S. proliferation strategies into the ash heap of history and call for more drastic military options, not excluding preemptive war, defenses, and counter-deterrent special operations. In addition, an eight-sided nuclear arms race in Asia would increase the likelihood of accidental or inadvertent nuclear war. It would do so because: (1) some of these states already have histories of protracted conflict; (2) states may have politically unreliable or immature command and control systems, especially during a crisis involving a decision for nuclear first strike or retaliation; unreliable or immature systems might permit a technical malfunction that caused an unintended launch, or a deliberate but unauthorized launch by rogue commanders; (3) faulty intelligence and warning systems might cause one side to misinterpret the others defensive moves to forestall attack as offensive preparations for attack, thus triggering a mistaken preemption.

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1 Ext. North Korea DA


America key to deter North Korea China fears collapse of North Korea and South Korea wants American aid Jeane J. Kirkpatrick Boot, Senior Fellow for National Security Studies at the Council of Foreign Relations, May 31, 2010 (Max
Boot, America is Still the Best Guarantor of Freedom and Propsperity, published in the Los Angeles Times, pg. 2) Much nonsense has been written in recent years about the prospects of American decline and the inevitable rise of China. But it was not a declining power that I saw in recent weeks as I jetted from the Middle East to the Far East through two of America's pivotal geographic commands Central Command and Pacific Command. The very fact that the entire world is divided up into American military commands is significant. There is no French, Indian or Brazilian equivalent not yet even a Chinese counterpart. It is simply assumed without much comment that American soldiers will be central players in the affairs of the entire world. It is also taken for granted that a vast network of American bases will stretch from Germany to Japan more than 700 in all, depending on how you count. They constitute a virtual American empire of Wal-Martstyle PXs, fast-food restaurants, golf courses and gyms. There is an especially large American presence in the Middle East, one of the world's most crisis-prone regions. For all the anti-Americanism in the Arab world, almost all the states bordering what they call the Arabian Gulf support substantial American bases. These governments are worried about the looming Iranian threat and know that only the United States can offer them protection. They are happy to deal with China, but it would never occur to a single sultan or sheik that the People's Liberation Army will protect them from Iranian intimidation. In the Far East, a similar dynamic prevails. All of China's neighbors happily trade with it, but all are wary of the Middle Kingdom's pretensions to regional hegemony. Even Vietnam, a country that handed America its worst military defeat ever, is eager to establish close ties with Washington as a counter to Beijing. What of America's two most important allies in Northeast Asia South Korea and Japan? Not long ago, relations with Seoul were frosty because it was pursuing a "sunshine policy" of outreach to North Korea that the George W. Bush administration (rightly) viewed as one of the world's most dangerous rogue states. More recently, relations with Japan became strained after the election of the Liberal Democratic Party in 2009 on a platform of cozying up to China, rethinking the 50-year-old alliance between the U.S. and Japan, and moving U.S. bases out of Okinawa. Now Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama has had to undertake an embarrassing U-turn by agreeing to an earlier plan that would move a U.S. Marine Corps air base from one part of Okinawa to another but keep it on the island. In justifying his reversal, Hatoyama said that "we cannot afford to reduce the U.S. military deterrence" because of "political uncertainties remaining in East Asia." There is no shortage of such uncertainties with the Chinese navy becoming increasingly assertive in moving into Japanese waters and with North Korea, which has missiles that can easily hit Japan, sinking a South Korean naval ship with the loss of 46 sailors. The latter incident naturally has focused attention in Seoul and served to accelerate the reaffirmation of close American-Korean ties that had already begun with the election of the more conservative President Lee Myung-bak in 2008. The anti-Americanism that had been prevalent in South Korea only a few years ago has all but disappeared, and it is not only (or even mainly) because of President Obama's vaunted charm. It is largely because South Korea has tried detente and found that it did nothing to moderate the aggressive behavior of the North Korean regime. China is South Korea's largest trade partner by far, but Beijing shows scant interest in reining in Kim Jong Il. The greatest fear of Chinese leaders is that North Korea will collapse, leading to a horde of refugees moving north and, eventually, the creation an American-allied regime on the Yalu River. Rather than risk this strategic calamity, China continues to prop up the crazy North Korean communists to the growing consternation of South Koreans, who can never forget that Seoul, a city of 15 million people, is within range of what the top U.S. commander in South Korea describes as the world's largest concentration of artillery. South Korea knows that only the U.S. offers the deterrence needed to keep a nuclear-armed North Korea in check. That is why the South Koreans, who have one of the world's largest militaries (655,000 activity-duty personnel), are eager to host 28,000 American troops in perpetuity and even to hand over their military forces in wartime to the command of an American fourstar general. Under an agreement negotiated during the Bush administration, operational control is due to revert to the South Koreans in 2012, but senior members of the government and military told us they want to push that date back by a number of years. South Korea's eagerness to continue subordinating its armed forces to American control is the ultimate vote of confidence in American leadership. What other country would the South Koreans possibly entrust with the very core of their national existence? Continuedno text removed

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1 Ext. North Korea DA


Continuedno text removed Not China, that's for sure. And yet South Korea is not so unusual in this regard. The Persian Gulf emirates also entrust their continued existence to America's benign power. The Kurds, whom we visited in Irbil, are eager to host an American base, because they know that all of the gains they have made since 1991 have been made possible by American protection. Even Arab Iraqi politicians, who traffic in nationalist slogans while running for office, are quietly talking about renegotiating the accord that would bring the U.S. troop presence in Iraq down to zero by the end of 2011. They know what Kosovars, Kuwaitis and countless others have learned over many decades: American power is the world's best guarantor of freedom and prosperity. This isn't to deny the prevalence of anti-Americanism even in the Age of Obama. Nor is it to wish away the real threats to American power from external challenges ( Iran, China, Islamist terrorists) to, more worrying, internal weaknesses (rising debt levels, decreasing military spending as a percentage of the federal budget, a shrinking Navy). But if my cross-global jaunt taught me anything, it is that those countries that dismiss the prospects for continuing American leadership do so at their peril. The U.S. still possesses unprecedented power projection capabilities, and, just as important, it is armed with the goodwill of countless countries that know the U.S. offers protection from local bullies. They may resent us, but they fear their neighbors, and that's the ultimate buttress of our status as the world's sole superpower.

Presence key nuclear umbrella required for deterrence. Andrew ONeil, Senior Lecturer in the School of Political and International Studies, Flinders University, Australia. He also worked with Australias Department of Defence as an intelligence analyst, October 07 Nuclear Proliferation in Northeast Asia: The Quest for Security)
For as long as Washington continues to extend its nuclear umbrella to allies in Northeast Asia, the Pyongyang regime will appreciate that any use of nuclear weapons on its part would precipitate war with the United States and its allies and inevitably lead to its rapid demise." Notwithstanding the likeli-hood that the United States will continue gradually withdrawing major ground force elements from South Korea and Japan, Washington has made it clear that it intends to maintain the presence of its air and naval strike platforms in the Asia-Pacific, many of which are configured with nuclearcapable systems." While the United States no longer deploys tactical nuclear weapons in South Korea, and although the U.S. Navy has removed nuclear weapons from its surface fleet, American submarines traversing the Pacific Ocean are armed with a nuclear cruise missile capability and B-52s stationed in Guam in the Pacific remain nuclear capable." These theater force elements could be supplemented by nuclear-capable systems on the continental United States, including the B-2 bomber force and America's large ICBM arsenal. Against this background, the chances of North Korea being deterred from using (or even seriously brandishing) nuclear weapons in Northeast Asia are greater than many within the policy and academic community have conceded. Despite previous statements by the Bush administration alleging that the Pyongyang regime is "evil" and "unbalanced" in its behavior, senior U.S. officials, including the Secretary of State, have signaled their belief chat North Korea will remain deterred at the nuclear level for as long as the United States maintains a credible strategic presence in Northeast Asia."

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1 Ext. North Korea DA


North and South Korea Want US to Stay-Helps Keep Stability in Region
Jane Perlez; 9/11/00; New York Times; South Korean Says North Agrees U.S. Troops Should Stay; Accessed Online; 6/30/10; http://www.nytimes.com/2000/09/11/world/south-korean-says-north-agrees-us-troops-should-stay.html?pagewanted=2 The most important outcome of his summit conference with North Korea in June, President Kim Dae Jung of South Korea says, was a common understanding that American troops must stay in South Korea to prevent a vacuum on the Korean peninsula that would be inviting to its neighbors. ''We are surrounded by big powers -- Russia, Japan and China -- so the United States must continue to stay for stability and peace in East Asia,'' he said. Mr. Kim said he was recounting almost the exact words of his counterpart, Kim Jong Il, in North Korea during their meetings in Pyongyang. The Communist government in North Korea, whose hostility has been cited by the Clinton administration as a major reason for pursuing a missile defense system, wants normal relations with United States, Kim Dae Jung said. ''I believe that North Korea wants improved relations with the United States,'' Mr. Kim said on Saturday in an interview at his Manhattan hotel at the end of the gathering of world leaders at the United Nations. ''That is their basic goal. If it is not their basic goal, there is no reason why they should change their position on American forces.'' The mantra of Communist propaganda since the end of Korean War has been that American troops must leave South Korea. So the North Korean leader's support of their staying is a reversal of position -- albeit one that Pyongyang has not yet acknowledged in public. After a peace treaty replaces the armistice now in place between the two Koreas, the presence of American troops in South Korea and on the Japanese island of Okinawa would operate ''under the same logic'' that governed the continuing presence of American troops in Europe as part of NATO after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the South Korean president suggested. Mr. Kim, a human rights dissident who was put on death row by the South Korean military junta and then survived to become the democratically elected president, spoke eloquently of what he saw as the steady but long journey to bring the two Koreas together.

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1 Ext. North Korea DA


Asia Wants US There-Provides Reassurance of Safety East West Center; 7/22/; U.S. MILITARY PRESENCE IN ASIA APPRECIATED, SAYS PACIFIC COMMANDER; Accessed
Online; 7/1/10; http://www.eastwestcenter.org/news-center/east-west-wire/us-military-presence-in-asia-appreciated-says-pacificcommander/ HONOLULU (July 22) Asia wants the United States to maintain a strong and visible long term presence throughout the Asia Pacific region, the top U.S. military commander for the Pacific told an East-West Center audience recently. It is certainly in the minds of all our friends, partners and colleagues that the U.S. (should) maintain military superiority in the theater, Adm. Timothy J. Keating told a lunchtime meeting of the Centers annual Senior Policy Seminar on July 8. Its a limitless theme, Keating said: Dont go anywhere. Stick around. Public attitudes toward the American military presence differ from country to country, Keating admitted. Some treaty partners are openly enthusiastic, while other nations are more subdued and perhaps not always in perfect alignment with U.S. interests. But in just about every case, he said, they like the fact that we are nearby. At times, this is because the massive air and sea capabilities of U.S. forces are invaluable in times of natural disaster or other emergencies, Keating said. This is true even in the face of reluctance on the part of authorities in Burma to accept offered U.S. military aid. But it is also true because the American presence creates a level of security that allows Asian governments to focus their efforts and energy on the remarkable economic and social transformations that have occurred in the region. In a quick tour of the horizon for the Senior Policy Seminar, Keating made these points about the vast and diverse Asia Pacific region: The sailors, airman, Marines and other military personnel who were standing by to assist after the cyclone that swept through Burma were deeply disappointed they were unable to help. Satellite pictures indicated incomprehensible agony and tragedy, Keating said, but the eager relief forces were stopped cold while ships loaded with supplies waited just offshore. Nobody was able to go feet dry, he said. The situation between North and South Korea has taken a small but measurable turn for the better, but American troops remain on high alert. There is a good chance that the situation could go from an armistice to a peace treaty situation within the next ten years or so, Keating said. Thats more likely now that it was even a year ago, he added. Relations with India are improving rapidly, Keating said, noting he received a far warmer reception there during a recent trip than the greeting he witnessed during his first visit in 1985 as an aide to the then-Pacific commander. A key policy challenge will be developing an Indian Ocean strategy, which does not exist today in any substantial form. Were working on it, he said. Military-to-military relationships with China are improving rapidly, with increasing numbers of high-level visits between the two countries. Chinas openness in accepting assistance following the disastrous earthquake was another positive step in relationships between the two countries. Were making great progress with the Peoples Army and Air Force, but we still have a ways to go, Keating said. Wed like a little more transparency on their long-range intentions. The EAST-WEST CENTER is an education and research organization established by the U.S. Congress in 1960 to strengthen relations and understanding among the peoples and nations of Asia, the Pacific, and the United States. The Center contributes to a peaceful, prosperous and just Asia Pacific community by serving as a vigorous hub for cooperative research, education and dialogue on critical issues of common concern to the Asia Pacific region and the United States. Funding for the Center comes from the U.S. government, with additional support provided by private agencies, individuals, foundations, corporations and the governments of the region.

A Korean conflict causes global thermonuclear exchange killing all life. Chol Director Center for Korean American Peace02 (Chol, 2002 10-24, http://nautilus.org/fora/security/0212A_Chol.html)
Any military strike initiated against North Korea will promptly explode into a thermonuclear exchange between a tiny nuclear-armed North Korea and the world's superpower, America. The most densely populated Metropolitan U.S.A., Japan and South Korea will certainly evaporate in The Day After scenario-type nightmare. The New York Times warned in its August 27, 2002 comment: "North Korea runs a more advanced biological, chemical and nuclear weapons program, targets American military bases and is developing missiles that could reach the lower 48 states. Yet there's good reason President Bush is not talking about taking out Dear Leader Kim Jong Il. If we tried, the Dear Leader would bombard South Korea and Japan with never gas or even nuclear warheads, and (according to one Pentagon study) kill up to a million people." ContinuesThe first two options should be sobering nightmare scenarios for a wise Bush and his policy planners. If they should opt for either of the scenarios, that would be their decision, which the North Koreans are in no position to take issue with. The Americans would realize too late that the North Korean mean what they say. The North Koreans will use all their resources in their arsenal to fight a full-scale nuclear exchange with the Americans in the last war of mankind. A nucleararmed North Korea would be most destabilizing in the region and the rest of the world in the eyes of the Americans. They would end up finding themselves reduced to a second-class nuclear power.

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1 Ext. North Korea DA


North/South Korea War causes massive conflictit drags in the US and China whether or not the us troops are present
Paul Watcher, writes for the New York Times magazine, the atlantic, and the nation, 5-27-10, What would a Korean war look like? 4 predictions, http://www.aolnews.com/team/paul-wachter/

(May 27) -- Tensions continue to mount on the Korean peninsula in the wake of an international investigation that concluded a North Korean submarine was responsible for sinking a South Korean navy ship in April, killing 46 sailors. In the latest chess moves, Seoul staged a big anti-submarine drill, which Pyongyang responded to by saying it will no longer honor an agreement meant to avoid accidental naval clashes between the two nations. As the crisis escalates, an unsettling question comes into focus: What would war on the Korean peninsula look like some 50-odd years after the armistice that brought the Korean War to an end? A North Korean Attack: Though war would be catastrophic for both countries, South Korea would suffer the most in the first days of a full-scale conflict. Its capital of Seoul lies just 50 miles south of the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) -- as big a misnomer as you will find, since the area is one of the most heavily militarized areas on the planet. On this de facto border, North Korea has amassed about 13,000 artillery pieces, rockets, missiles and other ordnance that can reach Seoul in a matter of minutes. Seoul, a city of 1 million, could be flattened; also at risk are the 28,500 American troops stationed in the country. Additionally, North Korea could release its dams and flood much of the South, writes Christopher Hitchens. There's also its 1.2 million-member army to consider. And were North Korea to deploy nuclear and chemical weapons, the devastation would be much much worse. South Korea's Response: South Korea is far from defenseless, however. It has a standing army of more than 500,000 and nearly 10 times that in trained reservists. It has twice the population of the North and is a First-World economic power with huge industrial capacity, while North Korea is an economic backwater where much of the population is malnourished. In any protracted conflict, these would be huge advantages. What's more, the DMZ is heavily mined, and the border area is hilly (even mountainous along the East Coast) and offers natural defensive positions. International Actors: Alliances haven't changed much in 50 years. The U.S. backs South Korea, while China supports the North. Neither country would likely remain neutral in a Korean war, but it's unclear how involved they would be -- unless North Korea employed nuclear weapons, which would almost certainly trigger an immediate U.S. response. Since 1978, the U.S. has pledged to protect South Korea from a nuclear threat from the North. "Under the extended nuclear deterrence pledge, the U.S. military would use some of its tactical nuclear weapons, such as B61 nuclear bombs carried by B-2/52 bombers and F-15E, F-16 and F/A-18 fighters, as well as Tomahawk cruise missiles launched from nuclear-powered submarines, to strike North Korea's nuclear facilities in retaliation for any such attack on the South," military experts told The Korea Times. China will not support North Korean nuclear aggression, though it's unlikely to sit by idly if American and South Korean forces take over the North. Meanwhile, the main U.S. tensions with China will remain over Taiwan, which could exacerbate if Taiwan used the distraction of a Korean conflict to declare independence.

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1 ADV Frontline: Commodities


1. The aff has no unique-internal link into prostitution- their evidence is based off of militaries and masculinity. As long as there are armed forces in the world, women will be trafficked. 2. South Korean prostitution is inevitable- Women from all over the world, including South Korea, are trafficked to Canada. Edmonton Journal (Alberta), June 17, 2009, Canada magnet for sex slavery: report, lexis
Canada is a destination for sex tourists, particularly from the United States, according to the U. S. State Department in its ninth annual State of Trafficking in Persons Report. Covering 175 countries, the report released Tuesday is available at http://www.state.gov/g/tip/rls/tiprpt/2009/index.htm.The report says Canada is a source and destination country for men, women, and children trafficked for the purposes of commercial sexual exploitation and forced labour. Many trafficking victims are from Thailand, Cambodia, Malaysia, Vietnam, China, South Korea, the Philippines, Russia and Ukraine. Asian victims tend to be trafficked more frequently to Vancouver and Western Canada, while Eastern European and Latin American victims are trafficked to Toronto, Montreal, and Eastern Canada, the report states.

3. Removal of U.S. troops doesnt solve the never ending cycle. Other troops will fill in next time there is a war or security threat. Empirically proven with the Japanese Military during WWII. 4. Gender is not the root cause/only issue in considering war Cockburn 10, Cynthia Department of Sociology, The City University London, UK b Centre for the Study of Women and
Gender, University of Warwick, UK (2010) 'Gender Relations as Causal in Militarization and War', International Feminist Journal of Politics, 12: 2, 139 157 Second, war-fighting between two armies is only the tip of the iceberg, as it were, of an underlying, less immediate, set of institutions and relationships that can be understood as systemic. The author most often credited for the term war system is Betty Reardon. In her text Sexism and the War System she employs the term to refer to society in its entirety, our competitive social order, which is based on authoritarian principles, assumes unequal value among and between human beings, and is held in place by coercive force (Reardon 1996: 10) While this accurately describes many modern societies, the womens organizations I have studied, in so far as I have come to understand their analysis, do not in the main share Betty Reardons reduction of this social order to nothing other than a gender order. Few, I believe, would follow her in a belief that patriarchy . . . invented and maintains war to hold in place the social order it spawned (Reardon 1996: 12). Looking at war from close quarters these women activists see all too clearly that other forces are at work in addition to gender.

5. Feminism relies on an essential and universal women that reinforces the same stereotypes produced under patriarchy Witworth, prof of political science and female studies @ York U, 94 (Feminism and International Relations, pg 20, 1994)
Even when not concerned with mothering as such, much of the politics that emerge from radical feminism within IR depend on a re-thinking from the perspective of women. What is left unexplained is how simply thinking differently will alter the material realities of relations of domination between men and women. Structural (patriarchal) relations are acknowledged, but not analysed in radical feminisms reliance on the experiences, behaviours and perceptions of women. As Sandra Harding notes, the essential and universal man, long the focus of feminist critiques, has merely been replaced here with the essential and universal woman. And indeed, that notion of woman not only ignores important differences amongst women, but it also reproduces exactly the stereotypical vision of women and men, masculine and feminine, that has been produced under patriarchy. Those women who do not fit the mould who, for example, take up arms in military struggle are quickly dismissed as expressing negative or inauthentic feminine values (the same accusation is more rarely made against men).

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1 Ext- Essentialisn bad


Essentialism bad shouldnt associate women with peace
J. Ann Tickner (professor of international relations at USC) 2001, Gendering World Politics. Pp. 6. Feminists have claimed that the likelihood of conflict will not diminish until unequal gender hierarchies are reduced or eliminated; the privileging of characteristics associated with a stereotypical masculinity in states' foreign policies contributes to the legitimization not only of war but of militarization more generally. Wary of what they see as gendered dichotomies that have pitted realists against idealists and led to overly simplistic assumptions about warlike men and peaceful women, certain feminists are cautioning against the association of women with peace, a position that, they believe, disempowers both women and peace. The growing numbers of women in the military also challenges and complicates these essentialist stereotypes. To this end, and as part of their effort to rethink concepts central to the field, feminists define peace and security, not in idealized ways often associated with women, but in broad, multidimensional terms that include the elimination of social hierarchies such as gender that lead to political and economic injustice.

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1 DA Turns Case
War has the greatest effect on women
J. Ann Tickner (professor of international relations at USC) 2001, Gendering World Politics. Pp. 49-51. Despite a widespread myth that wars are fought, mostly by men, to protect "vulnerable" people-a category to which women and children are generally assigned - women and children constitute a significant proportion of casualties in recent wars. According to the United Nations' Human Development Report, there has been a sharp increase in the proportion of civilian casualties of war-from about 10 percent at the beginning of the twentieth century to 90 percent at its close. Although the report does not break down these casualties by sex, it claims that this increase makes women among the worst sufferers, even though they constitute only 2 percent of the world's regular army personnel. The 1994 report of the Save the Children Fund reported that 1.5 million children were killed in wars and 4 million seriously injured by bombs and land mines between 1984 and 1994-" But there is another side to the changing pattern of war, and women should not be seen only as victims; as civilian casualties increase, women's responsibilities rise. However, war makes it harder for women to fulfill their reproductive and care-giving tasks. For example, as mothers, family providers, and caregivers, women are particularly penalized by economic sanctions associated with military conflict, such as the boycott put in place by the United Nations against Iraq after the Gulf War of 1991. In working to overcome these difficulties, women often acquire new roles and a greater degree of independence-independence that, frequently, they must relinquish when the conflict is terminated. Women and children constitute about 75 percent of the number of persons of concern to the United Nations Commission on Refugees (about 21.5 million at the beginning of 1999). This population has increased dramatically since 1970 (when it was 3 million), mainly due to military conflict, particularly ethnic conflicts." In these types of conflicts, men often disappear, victims of state oppression of "ethnic cleansing," or go into hiding, leaving women as the sole family providers. Sometimes these women may find themselves on both sides of the conflict, due to marriage and conflicting family ties. When women are forced into refugee camps, their vulnerability increases. Distribution of resources in camps is conducted in consultation with male leaders, and women are often left out of the distribution process. These gender-biased processes are based on liberal assumptions that refugee men are both the sole wage earners in families and actors in the public sphere.49 Feminists have also drawn attention to issues of wartime rape. In the Rwandan civil war, for example, more than 250,000 women were raped; as a result they were stigmatized and cast out of their communities, their children being labeled "devil's children." Not being classed as refugees, they have also been ignored by international efforts.50 In northern Uganda, rebels abducted women to supply sexual services to fighters, resulting in a spread of AIDS; frequently, after being raped, these women have no other source of livelihood." N, illustrated by the war in the former Yugoslavia, where it is estimated that twenty thousand to thirty-five thousand women were raped in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Rape is not just an accident of war but often a systematic military strategy. In ethnic wars, rape is used as a weapon to undermine the identity of entire communities. Cynthia Enloe has described social structures in place around most U.S. Army overseas bases where women are often kidnapped and sold into prostitution; the system of militarized sexual relations has required explicit U.S. policymaking. More than one million women have served as sex providers for U.S. military personnel since the Korean War. These women, and others like them, are stigmatized by their own societies. In her study of prostitution around U.S. military bases in South Korea in the 1970s, Katharine Moon shows how these person-toperson relations were actually matters of security concern at the international level. Cleanup of prostitution camps by the South Korean government, through policing of the sexual health and work conduct of prostitutes was part of its attempt to prevent withdrawal of U.S. troops that had begun under the Nixon Doctrine of 1969. Thus, prostitution as it involved the military became a matter of top-level U.S.-Korean security politics. Crossing levels of analysis, Moon demonstrates how the weakness of the Korean state in terms of its wish to influence the U.S. government resulted in a domestic policy of authoritarian, sexist control. In other words national security translated into social insecurity for these women. 54 By looking at the effects of war on women, we can gain a better understanding of the unequal gender relations that sustain military activities. When we reveal social practices that support war and that are variable across societies, we find that war is a cultural construction that depends on myths of protection; it is not inevitable, as realists suggest . The evidence we now have about women in conflict situations severely strains the protection myth; yet, such myths have been important in upholding the legitimacy of war and the impossibility of peace. A deeper look into these gendered constructions can help us to understand not only some of the causes of war but how certain ways of thinking about security have been legitimized at the expense of others, both in the discipline of IR and in political practice.

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1 ADV Frontline: Patriarchy/Militarism/Intersectionality


1.The affirmative does not gain 100% weight of impacts. Their evidence is based off of all instances of patriarchy, racism, and colonialism. They only attempt to solve one instance. 2. Emphasising womens victimisation provides a limited approach and will not make a major impact on marginalization. Robert O. Keohane (Professor of Government at Harvard University) 1989, International Relations Theory: Contributions of a
Feminist Standpoint, Millennium: Journal of International Studies, Vol. 18, No.2, pp. 245-253. Nevertheless, emphasising the victimisation of women by 'the patriarchal state' or 'the interstate system' provides only limited insights into international relations. Some analysts succumb to the temptation to discuss. in sweeping terms. 'the patriarchal state' or 'the war system' without making distinctions among states or international systems. To do so commits the analytical error of reifying a stylised 'patriarchal state' or 'war system'. Furthermore, excoriating universal repression seems to lead more toward moralising about its iniquity than toward the analysis of sources of variation in its incidence. At a descriptive level, a valuable contribution of feminist empiricism would be to document the extent to which the interstate system depends on the under-rewarded labour of women or on gendered structures of society that disadvantage women. One can ask, as Cynthia Enloe has started to do, to what extent the interstate system is dependent on gendered roles (diplomat, soldier and so forth) that sharply differentiate, by gender, public and private realms.21 More ambitiously. feminist empiricism could seek to explore the conditions under which repression of women is more or less severe: what types of states, and ofinternational systems, have more adverse consequences for women's lives than others. To make a major impact on thinking about international relations, however, it will not be sufficient explicitly to point out that women have been marginalised in the state, and in interstate politics. This reality is well-known, even if conventional international relations theory has tended to ignore it.

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3. The aff is self defeating their discourse essentializes women, foreclosing other methods of representation Butler 99 (Judith Butler, Professor of Humanities, Johns Hopkins University, GENDER TROUBLE, 1999, 1)
For the most part, feminist theory has assumed that there is some existing identity, understood through the category of women, who not only initiates feminist interest and goals within discourse, but constitutes the subject for whom political representation is pursued. But politics and representation are controversial terms. On the one hand, representation serves as the operative term within a political process that seeks to extend visibility and legitimacy to women as political subjects: on the other hand, representation is the normative function of a language which is said either to reveal or to distort what is assumed to be true about the category of women. For feminist theory, the development of a language that fully or adequately represents women has seemed necessary to foster the political visibility of women. This has seemed obviously important considering the pervasive cultural condition in which all womens lives were either misrepresented of not represented at all. Recently, this prevailing conception of the relation between feminist theory and politics has come under challenge from within feminist discourse. The very subject of women is no longer understood in stable or abiding terms. There is a great deal of material that not only questions the viability of the subject as the ultimate candidate for representation or, indeed, liberation, but there is very little agreement after all on what it is that constitutes, or ought to constitute, the category of women. The domains of political and linguistic representation set out in advance the criterion by which subjects themselves are formed, with the result that representation is extended only to what can be acknowledged as a subject. In other words, the qualifications for being a subject must first be met before representation can be extended. Foucault points out that juridical systems of power produce the subjects they subsequently come to represent. Juridical notions of power appeal to regulate political life in purely negative terms - that is, through the imitation, prohibition, regulation, control and even protection of individuals related to that political structure through the contingent and retractable operation of choice. - that is, through the imitation, prohibition, regulation, control and even protection of individuals related to that political structure through the contingent and retractable operation of choice. But the subjects regulated by such structures are, by virtue of being subjected to them, formed, defined, and reproduced in accordance with the requirements of those structures. If this analysis is right, then the juridical formation of language and politics that represents women as the subject of feminism is itself a distinctive formation and effect of a given version of representational politics. And the feminist subject turns out to be discursively constituted by the very political system that is supposed to facilitate its emancipation. This becomes politically problematic if that system can be shown to produce gendered subjects along a differential axis of domination or to produce subjects who are presumed to be masculine. In such cases an uncritical appeal to such a system for the emancipation of women will be clearly self-defeating.

This re-entrenches gender binaries Butler 99 (Judith Butler, Professor of Humanities, Johns Hopkins University, GENDER TROUBLE, 1999, 5)
For gender to belong to philosophy is for Wittig to belong to that body of self-evident concepts without which philosophers believe they cannot develop a line of reasoning and which for them go without saying, for they exist prior to any thought, any social order, in nature. Wittigs view is corroborated by that popular discourse on gender identity that uncritically employs the inflectional attribution of being to genders and to sexualities. The unproblematic claim to be a woman and be heterosexual would be symptomatic of that metaphysics of gender substances. In the case of both men and women, this claim tends to subordinate the notion of gender under that of identity and to lead to the conclusion that a person is a gender and is one in virtue of his or her sex, psychic sense of self, and various expressions of that psychic self, the most salient being that of sexual desire. In such a pre-feminist context, gender, naively (rather than critically confused with sex, serves as a unifying principle of the embodied self and maintains that unity over and against an opposite sex whose structure is presumed to maintain a parallel but oppositional internal coherence among sex, gender, and desire. The articulation I feel like a woman by a female or I feel like a man: by a male presupposes that in neither case is the claim meaninglessly redundant, although it might appear unproblematic to be a given anatomy. Although we shall later consider the way in which that project is also fraught with difficulty) the experience of a gendered psychic disposition or cultural identity is considered an achievement. Thus, I feel like a woman is true to the extent that Aretha Franklins invocation of the defining other is assumed: You make me feel like a natural woman This achievement requires a differentiation from the opposite gender. Hence, one is ones gender to the extent that one is not the other gender, a formulation that presupposes and enforces the restriction of gender within that binary pair.

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1 Butler EXT.
Relying on gender as a category for mobilization forces us to ignore the complexities of identity. Butler 99 (Judith Butler, Professor of Humanities, Johns Hopkins University, GENDER TROUBLE, 1999, 3)
A part from the foundationalist fictions that support the notion the subject, however, there is the political problem that feminism encounters in the assumption that the term women denotes a common identity Rather than a stable signifier that commands the assent of those whom it purports to describe and represent, women, even in the plural, has become a troublesome term, a site of contest, a cause for anxiety. As Denise Rileys title suggests, Am I That Name? is a question produced by the very possibility of the names multiple significations. If one is a woman that is surely not all one is; the term fails to be exhaustive, not because a pre-gendered person transcends the specific paraphernalia of its gender, because gender intersects with racial, class, ethnic, sexual, and regional modalities of discursively constituted identities. As a result, it becomes impossible to separate out gender from the political and cultural intersections in which it is invariably produced.

Identity politics in the context of preventing violence against women ignore intragroup differences and cause tension between groups.
Kimberle Crenshaw, prof law @ UCLA, 1993, Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence against Women of Color, p. 1242 The embrace of identity politics, however, has been in tension with dominant conceptions of social justice. Race, gender, and other identity categories are most often treated in mainstream liberal discourse as vestiges of bias or dominationthat is, as intrinsically negative frameworks in which social power works to exclude or marginalize those who are different. According to this understanding, our liberatory objective should be to empty such categories of any social significance. Yet implicit in certain strands of feminist and racial liberation movements, for example is the view that the social power in delineating difference need not be the power of domination; it can instead be the source of social empowerment and reconstruction. The problem with identity politics is not that it fails to transcend difference, as some critics charge, but rather the oppositethat it frequently conflates or ignores intragroup differences. In the context of violence against women, this elision of difference in identity politics is problematic, fundamentally because the violence that many women experience is often shaped by other dimensions of their identities, such as race and class. Moreover, ignoring difference within groups contributes to tension among groups, another problem of identity politics that bears on efforts to politicize violence against women. Feminist efforts to politicize experiences of women and antiracist efforts to politicize experiences of people of color have frequently proceeded as though the issues and experiences they each detail occur on mutually exclusive terrains. Although racism and sexism readily intersect in the lives of real people, they seldom do in feminist and antiracist practices. And so, when the practices expound identity as woman or person of color as an either/or proposition, they relegate the identity of women of color to a location that resists telling.

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1 Utilitarianism
1. Material Consequences come first for governments - only our evidence draws the distinction between moral theories for individuals and governments Owen Harries, editor of National Interest, 1994 The National Interest, Spring, p. 11
Performance is the test. Asked directly by a Western interviewer, "In principle, do you believe in one standard of human rights and free expression?", Lee immediately answers, "Look, it is not a matter of principle but of practice." This might appear to represent a simple and rather crude pragmatism. But in its context it might also be interpreted as an appreciation of the fundamental point made by Max Weber that, in politics, it is "the ethic of responsibility" rather than "the ethic of absolute ends" that is appropriate. While an individual is free to treat human rights as absolute, to be observed whatever the cost. Governments must weigh consequences and the competing claims of other ends. So once the enter the realm of politics, human rights have to take their place in a hierarchy of interests, including such basic things as national security and the promotion of prosperity.

2. Util is a prerequisite to morality death means the end of every right Joseph S. Nye; Phd Political Science Harvard. University; Served as Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs; 1986 Nuclear Ethics pg. 45-46
Is there any end that could justify a nuclear war that threatens the survival of the species? Is not all-out nuclear war just as self contradictory in the real world as pacifism is accused of being? Some people argue that "we are required to undergo gross injustice that will break many souls sooner than ourselves be the authors of mass murder."73 Still others say that "when a person makes survival the highest value, he has declared that there is nothing he will not betray. But for a civilization to sacrifice itself makes no sense since there are not survivors to give meaning to the sacrifical [sic] act. In that case, survival may be worth betrayal." Is it possible to avoid the "moral calamity of a policy like unilateral disarmament that forces us to choose between being dead or red (while increasing the chances of both)"?74 How one judges the issue of ends can be affected by how one poses the questions. If one asks "what is worth a billion lives (or the survival of the species)," it is natural to resist contemplating a positive answer. But suppose one asks, "is it possible to imagine any threat to our civilization and values that would justify raising the threat to a billion lives from one in ten thousand to one in a thousand for a specific period?" Then there are several plausible answers, including a democratic way of life and cherished freedoms that give meaning to life beyond mere survival. When we pursue several values simultaneously, we face the fact that they often conflict and that we face difficult tradeoffs. If we make one value absolute in priority, we are likely to get that value and little else. Survival is a necessary condition for the enjoyment of other values, but that does not make it sufficient. Logical priority does not make it an absolute value. Few people act as though survival were an absolute value in their personal lives, or they would never enter an automobile. We can give survival of the species a very high priority without giving it the paralyzing status of an absolute value. Some degree of risk is unavoidable if individuals or societies are to avoid paralysis and enhance the quality of life beyond mere survival. The degree of that risk is a justifiable topic of both prudential and moral reasoning.

3. Human survival should be considered first - you have to weigh survival as an a priori question and sculpt deliberate policies to protect humanity. Jason Matheny Department of Health Policy and Management, Bloomberg School of Public Health, Johns Hopkins University 2007 Reducing the Risk of Human Extinction. Risk Analysis. Vol 27, No 5, 2007, http://www.upmcbiosecurity.org/website/resources/publications/2007_orig-articles/2007-10-15-reducingrisk.html 9. Conclusion We may be poorly equipped to recognize or plan for extinction risks (Yudkowsky, 2007). We may not be good at grasping the significance of very large numbers (catastrophic outcomes) or very small numbers (probabilities) over large timeframes. We struggle with estimating the probabilities of rare or unprecedented events (Kunreuther et al., 2001). Policymakers may not plan far beyond current political administrations and rarely do risk assessments value the existence of future generations.18 We may unjustifiably discount the value of future lives. Finally, extinction risks are market failures where an individual enjoys no perceptible benefit from his or her investment in risk reduction. Human survival may thus be a good requiring deliberate policies to protect. It might be feared that consideration of extinction risks would lead to a reductio ad absurdum: we ought to invest all our resources in asteroid defense or nuclear disarmament, instead of AIDS, pollution, world hunger, or other problems we face today. On the contrary, programs that create a healthy and content global population are likely to reduce the probability of global war or catastrophic terrorism. They should thus be seen as an essential part of a portfolio of risk-reducing projects.

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1 Utilitarianism
4. They cant gain any unique offense on this flow - Utilitarianism and other forms of calculation are inevitable Stelzig, Tom J.D. candidate at U PENN, 1998 (University of Pennsylvania Law Review)
If the latter is true, no more need be said to show that deontological norms do not exhaust morality. If the former is correct, because rights claims may be overridden only when substantially more good will result - Thomason's Trade Off Idea n. 107 - then almost ever situation will involve a true conflict of rights. Determining the resolution of these rights-conflicts would require that morality be supplemented with principles other than rights. If this is correct, rights would perform relatively little theoretical work beyond triggering these principles. Whatever principles would be regularly invoked for resolving rights-conflicts would do the bulk of the work of determining right action. Such a notion does not sit well with the claim that deontology exhausts morality, for the reason already discussed.

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