Department of History, National University of Singapore

Early Chinese Clan Organizations in Singapore and Malaya, 1819-1911 Author(s): Yen Ching-Hwang Source: Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 12, No. 1, Ethnic Chinese in Southeast Asia (Mar., 1981), pp. 62-92 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of Department of History, National University of Singapore Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20070413 . Accessed: 15/02/2011 02:16
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Early Chinese Clan Organizations 1819-1911

in Singapore

and Malaya,

YEN

CHING-HWANG

The Chinese have always been known to have elaborate family and clan systems. In traditional Chinese society, the family was a close-knit group with four or five under the same roof. It was a biological and economic unit, and was the generations nucleus of all important social activities.1 The clan, which comprised various kin families, also formed an important part of the social fabric of the tradi ship-bound tional Chinese Formation society.2 in Singapore and Malaya

of Clan Organizations

from village communities where family and kinship ties were stronger Coming in Singapore and Malaya than those in the urban areas,3 the Chinese immigrants in with their families and maintained close ties clans South China. This naturally was to to in and clan reflected their annual remittances support family clearly loyalty the kinship pattern of migration,5 and relatives in China.4 Through family members in Sin into the Chinese communities the elaborate kinship system was transplanted were ties which in of The the and gapore strong Malaya. kinship villages Kwangtung from which most of the immigrants were drawn, appear to and Fukien provinces,6 As analysed kin groups be even stronger overseas. by a modern sociologist, a in of When is individual's second line defence. the person represent danger or in or a an of task in the economic he ceremonial when needs trouble, help performance a measure he of assistance what his own and when beyond requires obligation,

1 For a good

discussion

on the traditional

Society (New Haven, Familism (London,

1946). See also Un 1948); Francis L.K.

Chinese and family system, see Olga Lang, Chinese Family The Golden Wing: A Sociological Yueh-hua, Study of Chinese the Ancestor's Shadow: and Per Chinese Culture Hsu, Under

1948). sonality (New York, 2 one by Hsien Chin Hu entitled studies on traditional Chinese clan organizations: See two important Descent in China and Its Functions The Common 1948) and the other by Liu Wang (New York, Group Chinese Clan Rules Hui-chen entitled The Traditional (New York, 1959). 3 The Sociology See D.H. Kulp, Country (New York, Life in South China: of Familism 1925) {re in Taipei, 1966J. printed 4 and Statistical Political Account Settlements See T.J. Newbold, of the British of the Straits of Malacca Their 1, p. 11; Siah U Chin, 1839), vol. (London, in China", Journal the Indian Families of "Annual Archipelago Remittances and by Chinese Asia Eastern Immigrants (Singapore) 1923), p. to Singa pp. 1-8; to I

(1847):35-36. 5 See Song Ong Yen 96; Ching-hwang, pore

Years' History Siang, One Hundred of the Chinese The Overseas Chinese and the 1911 Revolution,

in Singapore with Special China 1966), pp.

(London, Reference 1958),

and Malaya 1976), p. 4. (Kuala Lumpur & New York, 6 in Southeastern See Maurice Freedman, Lineage Organization and Society: Fukien and Kwangtung (London, idem, Chinese Lineage

(London, 1-42.

62

Early Chinese

Clan Organizations

in Singapore

and Malaya

63 larger kin group have been keenly and government them. The immi

of his immediate family can provide, he can turn to the members for aid or succour.7 The need for a second line of defence seems to felt among the early Chinese immigrants who lived under a foreign to among groups of people whose languages were unintelligible a to common establish desire clan had organizations. grants overseas was also clan organizations The formation of Chinese practical needs of the immigrants. Although many of them were forced permanently, most

'he result of the no had desire to settle immigrants to sojourn overseas for a considerable

length of time. They wished to observe traditional Chinese customs such as ancestral More important, worship and festivals.8 That called for some kind of organization. was needed to deal with death. The rich who could afford to send an organization to arrange it for them;9 their coffins back to China for burial needed an organization the poor needed help to raise money for a decent burial overseas. the desire for prestige was another factor. The colonial Among wealthy Chinese, little in officialdom. them offered lead society Therefore, opportunity community as as was as an clan source such coveted alternative of leaders, positions ership, influence. drive for status and The and some .social prestige prestige10 prompted wealthy Chinese to take the initiative to found clan organizations. It is difficult to establish which was the earliest Chinese clan organization in and Singapore Malaya. One source claims that the earliest in the region is the Ts'ao clan organization (Ts'ao Clan House ) which was founded in 1819.n The #^ft v/as founder Ts'ao Ah-chih ( f>i? ? ), also known as Chow Ah Chi ( #S.% ), who was said to be one of the few Chinese who accompanied to land at the Raffles island of Singapore in 1819.12 The Ts'ao Clan House was founded as a meeting place for the growing Ts'ao clansmen in Singapore who claimed their origins from the T'ai Shan district of the Kwaungtung province, China.13 But the evidence sup source indicates that the earliest clan porting this claim is not conclusive. Another was the Kang Har Ancestral Temple of Malacca which was founded in organization 1825.14 The temple was founded by a group of five Huang clansmen led by Huang

7 See G.P. Murdock, 8 see J.D. Vaughan, 1879)

Social

Structure

The Manners

[reprinted 1971], pp. 34-35, and Eastern Asia 8 ( 1854):8-13. Archipelago 9 For the custom of sending back bodies

(New York, 1965), p. 43. and Customs of the Chinese of the Straits on Chinese of Penang", 42-47; idem, "Notes

Settlements Journal of

(Singapore, the Indian

to China of relatives for burial by rich Chinese merchants, see Vaughan, Manners and Customs i p. 31. 10 For a study on the psychological need of wealthy Chinese merchants for community see leadership, Yen Ching-hwang, Sale of Honours and the Chinese in Singapore and Malaya, "Ch'ing Leadership Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 1877-1912", 1, no. 2 (Sept. 1970):20-32. 11 See Wu Hua, Hsin-chia-po hua-tsu hui-kuan chih [Records of Chinese Associations in Singapore!, vol. 2 (Singapore, 1975), p. 1. 12 See Chang Hsia-wei, "Ts'ao Ah-chih and the Ts'ao Clan yu Ts'ao Chia Kuan" [Ts'ao Ah-Chih

et al., Shih-le ku-chi in Lin Hsiao-sheng relics of Singapore] House], [Historical 1975), pp. (Singapore, 171-75. 13 Ibid., pp. 1-4. 14 See "Ma-liu-chia shih-lueh" of the chiang-hsia-t'ang Huang-shih tsung-ch'ih ["A Short History of Malacca"], in Pin-lang-yu Temple Kang Har Ancestral chiang-hsia-t'ang Huang-shih tsung-ch'ih chi-nien chou-nien t'e-k'an of the Huang Clan (ed.), Huang-shih tsu-p'u chih pai ssu-shih [Genealogy and the Souvenir Magazine of its 140th Anniversary] (Penang, 1970), no page number.

Ibid. Dragon Mountain Cheah.M? $ and a desire was generally expressed to found a fifth day of the fifth moon). p. we gapore and Malaya.).*%ih Huang hsiao-shan( Huang another claim that the founding of this clan temple was in 1841.15 with the main purpose of worshipping ( $!%$: But this claim is negated by in clan ). "Ma-lai-hsi-ya Pin-lang-yu and Ch'iu Shang in Ch'iu Hsiu-ch'iang the Leong San Tong Khoo Clan of Penang.16 China. 2.20 Three days later (the eighth day in Penang met to form the kongsi. and Huang Fu-chen ( ^41 A ). (Penang. At that time. the fifth-gener fourth-generation Chung and his wife. 1969). (Penang. Penang's 22 in the Khoo clan temple were the founder of the Khoo clan in the The five progenitors worshipped district of Fukien province. $528 was a large sum of money. cannot establish which was the earliest Chinese clan organization. a block committee $528 up.). 21 See C. op. and was In 1851.21 In 1850. another and his wife. "Pin-lang-yu Clan and its in Pin-ch'eng Khoo San of the short chih shih-mo" Tong development]. Hsin-chiang hsen-teh-t'ang record of Goh Pang Khoo clansmen] 1974?). on the May festival day ( . Huang Wen-ch'eng( shih-lueh" "Ma-liu-chia Chih-li. 1 (Taipei.19 except that itwas located at the Kwangtung of the could have been the earliest clan organization abovementioned in Sin Any But owing to the lack of detailed and reliable records. Hall 1968?). another and his wife. Khoo clansmen gathered the birthday of Tua Sai Yah ). chi-lueh [A brief record of history and biographies yao (eds. D 19.64 Fu-yung Yen Ching-Hwang the progenitor of the ). village of the Hai Ch'eng ancestor Khoo the third-generation ancestor Khoo Buan Sheng and his two wives. all 102 Khoo clansmen a was sum was set of raised on the spot. See Khoo Hock ancestor Khoo Kung Tiong another fifth-generation ko chih t'ang fa-chan k'ai-1'uang shih-lueh chih t'ang-wu Ch'iu-shih lung-shan-t'ang Siew. third-generation Heng ancestor Khoo Chin another and his wife.17 Another possible is the Koong Har Tong Ancestral of Penang earliest clan organization Temple in 1828. no page number.). (Singapore. Hsin Chiang China. A quarter cent could buy a good meal. tsung-ch'ih Huang-shih [A short chiang-hsia-t'ang chi in Nan-yang of Malacca]. Huang-shih tsung-chi'h [A "Pin-lang-yu chiang-hsia-t'ang in Pin-lang-yu of Penang]. Malaysia]. of the Ch'iu people]. another ation his ancestor Khoo Kung Wen and fifth-generation Kung Leong and his wife. Huang-shih tsung-hui yin-hsi Temple history of the Kang Har Ancestral of the Huang Clan Federation of South of Silver Jubilee Celebration men t'e-k'an [Souvenir Magazine east Asia] 1976). p. to celebrate In that year. Khoo ancestor fourth-generation Sheng Chung generation ancestor Khoo Hsien Chung and his wife.22 Godand ten progenitors 15 Other founders were Huang Chu-ch'eng ( jfc?. the Leong San Tong Khoo of land of 97. -$. Khoo Chian Eng and his wife. the Protector God of the Khoo clan in China. Guan . (the clan temple for the benefits of the Khoo clansmen. Leong history [A yu-teh-t'ang wu-fang wen-fu-kung p'ai-hsi p'u-tia Ch'iu-kung-ssu (ed. 33. Penang. ).035 square feet purchased. a of the fifth moon). Har Tong Ancestral of the Koong short history chia-hsia-t'ang Temple tsung-chi'h Huang-shih "Ibid. 17 See Huang -fci?jfc ). Huang Lung-ch'eng ( ^Vktii.18 Very little is known about which was founded (&fa**izXit1l(**%*$) this organization street. 18 shih-lueh" See Huang Wan-hsiang. p.)K ). the second-generation the fourth ancestor Khoo Guan Tiong and his wife. 20 See Khoo Hock record of (ed. [Genealogical ancestor Khoo and two wives.L. Ch'iu-shih jen-wen vol. 16 Ibid. cit. the shrines for the Protector Clan Temple was inaugurated. and their wives of the clan were installed for worship. chi-lueh" Ch'iu-shih lung-shan-t'ang [A brief Siew. which have preserved reliable records and One of the earliest clan organizations to exist today is the Khoo (Ch'iu ?? ) clan which was formed in 1835 have continued in Penang under the name of Leong San Tong Khoo Kongsi ( il J_jjt ?p '? a] ).

31 The localized lineages lineages. Southeastern 30 These in Eng Chuan She of Singapore. Chew Ku Seng Wuikun Lau Kwan Cheong Chou Chia Ch'ih of Singapore.. $? ) clan of Penang founded the Har Yang Sit Teik Tong Yeoh Kongsi ( ) in 1842. Tan (Ch'en. and spoke a common dialect. 27 in were mentioned in an article published The names of these clan organizations by J. at the Yeoh Kongsi Clan House of Penang. 1971. pp. [A short history of the Sze Yap "Hsin-chia-po et al. Vaughan. of the President copied by the author on 5 Feb. First. 31 Nine non-localized pp.. pp.). and Eastern Asia 8 (1854): 16. Kongsi Tong Hokkien Kew Leong Tong of Singapore. op. 1921. five are the Koong Har Tong Ancestral Temple of and Kwangtung Wu Shih Shu So Tan of Singapore. Teo Chew Kang Hay T'ng of Singapore. can be discerned. these clans must have been established 1854.28 Another were in in in founded five the clan organizations the 1860s. 1971. 23 See of "Pin founding Yeoh Yeoh 1974. the Yeoh (Yang. cit. 5.). r* ) clan of the Ng (Wu.32 Among the 8 non-localized lineages on our list. ancestry. ^ 1854) (Lin. Penang.26 In Singapore the 1850s.30 Out of 33 identifiable clans. and Cheah (Hsieh.Early Chinese Clan Organizations in Singapore and Malaya 65 After the Khoo. 24-25.D. . on 17 July at no. China. 25 shih-lueh" hui-kuan ssu-i Ch'en-shih See Anon. geographical. 7-9. Huang pore. Burmah Road. ties. 5 as localized became pre cent of those in Singapore 4 in Singapore. 4. 32 The one located in Kuala Lumpur is the Chan Kongsi. cit. Wu Hua. or Second. and were districts or prefectures. Singapore and Penang one turn in in of the 1890s. Lee Long Say Tong of Penang. Penang. Yeoh Seng Chan. Lineage Organization lineage. 3. \h ) clan of Penang in the same year. 1-8. Chan Si Wuikun i-pai i-shih-erh chou of the Chan Si Wuikun] of 112nd Anniversary t'e-k'an nien chi-nien (Singapore. of Singapore. Vaughan on "Notes in the early 1850s. M ) of their respective organizations.24 the Sze Yap Chan (Ch'en.23 It was followed by *?'a *\ SfMiiii: in 1848. it accounted dominant All non-localized identifiable clan organizations. Kongsi Kongsi of the shih" ch'ang-chien [A short history chih-teh-t'ang Yang kung-ssu hsia-yang of the stone tablet of the inscription the Har Yang Sit Teik Tong Yeoh Kongsi of Penang]. interview with Mr. Tan Clan Temple Li Shih Shu She of Singapore. & ). Chulia Ghaut. Chan Kongsi of Singapore. a non-localized lineage based on broader kinship and geographical on a special tie of traditional brotherhood alliance. ?hia-miao ch'ung-hsiu toration of Ng Clan House of Penang. and eight after the the present the 1880s. op. 24 can be classified lineages. # Singapore. while 9 are non-localized for more than 75 per in the period under study. four 1870s. i^f ) clan of Penang in 1849. neighbouring 38 clan organizations able to communicate among themselves. therefore. Long Say Kong Penang. and dialect ties. Ch'en shih hui-kuan in Ch'en Wei-jui of Singapore]. lineages were located exceot one in Kuala Lumpur. See J. 29 see Maurice on localized For a detailed discussion Freedman. Journal of the Indian Archipelago of Penang". the Chinese 28 See Wu Hua. lineages are Sze Yap Chan Si Wuikun of Singapore.29 its members came from the same village or district. 24 of the stone tablet to the res See "Pin Wu-shih inscription pei chih hsi".. its members derived from a few claimed a relatively remote ancestry. Po-chia-keng Clan Association of Singa and the Ch'iung-yai of Kuala Lumpur. of Penang. 26 of stone tablet of the Koe Yang Tong Society dated 8 Jan.25 and the Khaw (Hsu.D. a localized lineage based Two types of clan organizations recent claimed common on blood. the clansmen of Lee (Li. 36. century (see Appendix Table 1). Among cannot be identified. Koe Yang Tong Clan Temple copied by the author on 17 July 1974. (eds.. p. copied by the author on 4 Feb. [Souvenir Magazine 1961).27 They were followed by the Penang also founded seven in Lim and 1857) Wong (Huang. ?erected in the See the inscription at no.

1967). For instance.. of Singapore. The people of the Four ?3 ?L ) shared long historical tradition. (Adelaide. (Singapore. we cannot be obtained. of 1901-21 in Australia. States. Chang Fei. the first non-localized in the region. the Kuan. speaking. pp. liu chou-nien Ku Seng Wuikun Hsin-hui chi-nien See Liu Kuan Chang Chao and Chung-shan. Hui Ku-Ch'eng of the Lau Kwan .66 could be Yen Ching-Hwang as Cantonese classified dialect Fukien dialect speaking. Chang Fei ( f?f? ) which in the Romance the historical basis for of the Three Kingdoms. contains Tung-kuan. Lau Kwan and the Po dialect Leong and Tong Association. the Chao. The 4 Cantonese-speaking and Li Shih Shu She. and Australia. 34 clans are the Hokkien The two Southern Fukien-dialect-speaking chia-keng Tan Clan Temple.36 These historical. (Hsin-hui ). The Chinese The New Gold Mountain: 1977). unit but within the dialect boundary.F.38 of the Cantonese the non-localized in among leading position lineages com can terms in in of be the local Chinese power explained alignment Singapore at this time was predominantly of Singapore southern munity. Districts (See Ya and spoke similar dialects. 104-5. Kuan Kung ( M'a ( M^?? ). The Sze Yap Chan Si Wuikun communities. 1850-1870 in the United the Chinese Mass. the Chang. and genealogies entitled Hsin-chia-po of Singapore and Malaysia. they grouped together on a larger geographical them viable in the local Chinese This enhanced their numerical made and strength. 36 The Chinese See Victor Purcell. see the various articles contained lung. 1964). it is clear that members derived entirely and group. and migratory lineage. possessed similar customs. pp. t'ao-t 'ang kung-so Liu Kuan Chang Chao 1968).it the four neighbouring districts in the southwest of Canton. pp. Ma-lai-hsi-ya Liu Kuan Chang Chao Clan Association chi-nien k 'an (Penang. 37 For A History Yong. Although of this organization these four surnames. embraced kinsmen from Toisun ?^J-i (T'ai-shan ).33 2 Southern one one reason and for Teochew. the history of the sworn brotherhood among Liu Pei.35 The main the formation Hainanese.l. kuan Cheong San-shui. Sunwui ?^f ). 35 dialect The Hainanese clan is the Ch'iung-yai Huang Clan Chou Kew Chia Ch'ih. 38 but from the lists since 1949. the Teochew clan Is the Teo Chew Kang Hay T'ng. and Chao Tze ot the in a souvenir magazine of the four clans. Bitter 9-31. As probably lineage organizations some kin groups lacked sufficient number to form their respective localized lineages. and Chao Tze-lung ). C. (Cambridge. Strength: 50-76.37 The founding of the Lau Kwan Cheopg Chew Ku Seng Wuikun # ] ?$$kM-&^itit ) in Sin (The Liu Kuan Chang Chao Four Surname Association the beginning of the grouping of multi-surname clans in the gapore in 1866 marked there was no restriction on the dialects spoken by the clansmen of region. Shun-te. The traditional brotherhood alliance of the four sworn brothers: Liu Pei ( f'HIt ). belongs K'ai all of them came from Nan-frai.34 was of these non-localized the lack of number. 47-59. and Hoiping flfj-f. close ties they had in the past developed to in emigrating Southeast Asia. Cheong Chew Ku Seng Wuikun. of 76th Anniversary t'e-k 'an [Souvenir Magazine of Singapore] 1949). G?nther (Kuala Lumpur. p. clan ties made possible the formation of the non-localized social. More important. of this lists organization Early membership to the Cantonese-speaking the 1949 list can be assured that the association group. the United States. provided originated the grouping of the clansmen of the four surnames ? the Liu. ti ch'i-shih Chew Tseng-ch'eng. inMalaya Barth.). Yenping (En-p'ing (K'ai-p'ing $h. p'ing. P'an-yu. 770 names. T'ai-shan. As the population The from the Cantonese-speaking 33 clans are the Sze Yap Chan Si Wuikun. Kuan Kung.

Hsiao-sheng 41 See Huang Wen-yu. Hsin-chia-po hua-tsu hui-kuan chih. 60. p. Ch'iu kung-su chang-ch'eng Lung-shan-t'ang [Rules and regu the Leong San Tong Khoo Kongsi of Penang] Liu Kuan Chang (Penang. 5. p. Hsin-chia-po Chao Ku Ch'eng hui-kuan of the Lau Kwan Cheong Chew Ku Seng ch'ang-ch'eng [Rules and regulations Wuikun of Singapore] 1963). 43 was founded The Nam Shum Association by the Cantonese tricts.. shih-chi Hsing-hua te pang-ch'uan "Shih-chiu she-hui in Lin cheng-chih". 42 The Hsiang Kongsi which was founded is the predecessor of the Chung-Shan Province. Hsin-chia-po Chung-shan of 113th Anniversary of the Chung from the Nan-h'ai and Shun-te dis ti i-pai i-shih san chou-nien t'e-k'an chi-nien [Souvenir Magazine of Singapore] Shan Association 1950). This explains why the Cantonese clansmen of the Chan.766 14. were drawn between clansmen from different further distinctions localities in the same village. to kinsmen and traditional obligations among the members and religious rituals for the ancestors were more strictly observed. in Hsin See Pin-lang-yu conclusions. hui-kuan shih-lueh" "Ling-yang [A short history of the Ning Yeung Associa et al. the Lau.A.40 Cantonese would develop. 1. organization some to facilities people but would also give them additional assis provide special tance and protection in times of need. (Singapore. vol. 19. and the Chew were prepared to extend the geographical and kinship ties to form the non-localized lineages. 40 See Lin Hsiao-sheng. dialect The Cantonese in nineteenth-century Singapore expressed this early group solidarity by founding theNing-yeung Association ( % f% ^f$ ) in 1822^the first in 1838. pp. specific on both kinship and dialect ties would not only a clan based fore. 52. 1967).39 felt threatened. 37. 45 A study of the rules and regulations of the Khoo Kongsi of Penang localized (representing lineages) and the Lau Kwan Cheong Chew Ku Seng Wuikun of Singapore non localized led (representing lineages) to the above of lations history of the Nan chi-nien t'e-k'an [Souvenir its founding year was 1839. (The Hague.43 and the Kong Chow Association Shum Association in Singapore were looked after by their dialect associa the Cantonese Although as ancestral worship could not be catered for. Shun Association]. Sun Yat-sen name was other of the Ning Yeung Association of Singapore! (Singapore.. lineage. In contrast to the non-localized of Singapore in 1881 shows that there were 47. group consciousness to the expression of a group solidarity by forming an organization which would meet as well as to protect the interests of ti\c the psychological need of the members group. 1. and Associations: Chinese in Freedman. 39 The came. kinship relations were clearly defined. in Huang Tsai-ning Ning-yang i-pai san-shih of 130th Anniversary [Souvenir Magazine 1952).41 and then the Hsiang Kongsi association in 1843.). 1964). that meant See Liang Yuan-h'ao. Immigrants and Associations Nineteenth-Century Singapore". (Singapore.625 Fukienese Census and Teochews out of total Chinese while the Cantonese 86.42 the Nam in Singapore. et al. only numbered of the Straits in Maurice Settlements 1881 (Singapore). the minority the hands of the southern Fukienese. There some needs such tions. The Hsiang-shan from district. 44 See Wu Hua. Fallers. and would lead When a minority feels insecure.Early Chinese Clan Organizations in Singapore and Malaya 67 and the power of the Chinese community was largely in Fukienese and Teochews. k'an which whose kuan Dr. (eds.44 in 1839. p. p. This association celebrated its 123th anniversary shih-lueh" [A short in 1962.853. Kwangtung Association of Singapore. "Pen-kuan hui-kuan chia-po Nan-shun i-pai nien san chou-nien of 123rd Anni Magazine of Singapore] versary of the Nam Shun Association (Singapore. Shih-le ku-chi. the Kwan. with different to represent clan organizations the sub-groups. the localized lineage confined itsmember ship to clansmen coming from the same village or district in China. .45 In some cases. See Census population. quoted "Immigrants in L. Sun Yat-sen changed et al.). See Liu Ch'u-ch'ai for the people from the Hsiang-shan district. Hsin-chia-po hui-kuan chou-nien chi-nien t*e tion]. 1921?). the Cheong. had its name Sun Chung-shan. hui (eds. to Chung-shan in memory district of Dr.

(Penang. Life. maintained because there had been close ties between clans in China and overseas. and have these common grounds. One Hundred in Philippine of the Chinese 1850-1898 (New Haven. See the inside cover of the Centenary Soot Lim and Pun Sz Toon Lim Bian Tong. [A shortNhistory chih mien-shu-t'ang Lin-shih i-pai chou-nien Pin-ch'eng tun-pen-t'ang (ed. Penang" Soot Tong (English version) Lim SzBian 1963). Penang]. Secretary Jury 1974. 13.. 16. Regulations of Lim Kongsi 48 of Lim Kongsi Toon Pun Tong and Lim Sz Bian Soot Tong. of Lim Sz Bian Soot Tong. 1863-1963] (Penang. also the had there.47 Ironically.68 Yen Ching-Hwang the same aims. cit. Interview with Mr. p.46 The lineages were established who claimed admitted clansmen Lim Sz Bian Soot Tong ( ^Afai?ib ) only in Mandarin.^H ). immigration separate Lim clans in Goe Kuan village long before Chinese to follow the same line. 1965).). H'ai-ch'eng from the Goe Kuan village irrespective of their locali all clansmen it ) accepted the two lineages were founded by the same gentleman named Lim ties. p. Wickberg. See Lim Teong Aik. op. Ma-lai-hsi-ya Teong Aik Pun Tong and Lim Sz Bian Soot Tong. p. 49 Souvenir The two deities were the gods of Goe Kuan village.49 ) ancestor Lim Jiong Kong ( #1^^ ). Penang 1952). Years' History Siang. Song Ong 46 See Liin . "Pin-ch'eng in Lim of Lim Kongsi Toon Pun Tong and Lim Sz Bian Soot Tong. on each other for protection In China. 52 The Chinese See E. Fukien.1?*l?lit1L Kongsi temple. At the practical It was natural for the immigrants level.48 Both in offices 1866. 2.51 ship in China. p. Lim Teong Aik. Rules and (Penang. 2. both lineages worshipped inaugurated same Chor and Jee the same deities named Tua Chor ( Ai? and ( -=. The two Lim sub-localized in 1863. while the Lim Toon Pun Tong ( ?iA$kJh ). Toon of Lim Kongsi Souvenir k'an chi-nien [Centenary shih" 1963). 14. When Cheng Kah ( f?i^f Keo the Lim ancestral ) was Leong Tong ( $. Tong Kongsi of 50 See Lim Teong Aik. (Penang. they the same ancestors and cherished Although they worshipped to people who claimed ancestry from the particular localities restricted membership in Penang is in a small village in China. two from ancestry (Kong-ch'ien localities. the village became stronger overseas than in the home villages in China. "A Short History Toon Pun Tong and Souvenir in Lim Teong Aik. chih Lin-shih mien-shu-t'ang chien Lin kung-ssu Tun-pen-t'ang Teong Aik. The existence of two Lim clan organizations a case in point. 96. pp. There existed two to Penang. particularly in Singapore and of localized The dominant lineage organizations position reflected not only the strength of kinship ties based on blood relationship Malaya com of the local Chinese and territorial origins but also the state of divisiveness an form of Chinese schemes were important early Kinship-sponsored munity. Centenary of Lim Kongsi (English version). 47 See Rules and Regulations 1952). village. the founder of the Lim clan in Goe Kuan the two lineages failed to merge. lived closely together and depended to Southeast Asia52 and kinsmen immigration The kinship ties thus and for economic advancement. Despite %L& and management. 12. Keong Cheng particular in Kuan ( % in of the Goe Eh Ho and T^ Mandarin. any amalga inter-clan relation of the sub-localized mation groups overseas would complicate in finance. 51 on 18 in Penang in his residence of the Lim Kongsi. p. 172. Penang Toon Pun Tong. in Singapore.50 separate organizations One major reason for the formation of the sub-localized lineages in Singapore and Malaya was the influence of the parental clan structure in China. ) (Hsia-h'o village ) %^ district. the Lim ) who came from Keong Cheng and Eh Ho. p.

an honorary bearers were elected among the members of the management committee who were themselves elected by the rank-and-file members.54 In the nineteenth and early rely more exclusively twentieth centuries. Treacherous River: A Study of Rural Chinese inNorth Malaya Newell. and excluded one another from the lineage organizations.57 These few top office secretary. the Thye Guan Tong Ong Kongsi term is still used nowadays. selection of leaders.. members varied according a elected on the committees which larger and more active clan had more members were more elaborate in their functions. This t'ai-yuan-t'ang wang-shih chang of Thye Guan Tong Ong Kongsi. On another level.g. the structure of the Lim clan in Penang. These lineages retained many of the characteristics of the clans in China such as the group cohesion. and partly explains why growth of the dialect-based the localized lineages were predominant in the Chinese society in the period under study. of Kew Leong Tong Lim an undated pamphlet in both Chinese and English. See Pin-lang-yu tsu-miao chang. p. Lineage Organization Chinese China-. The actual size of the rank-and-file member ship is difficult to ascertain. and an honorary auditor. 57 See Rules and By-laws See. Because of their localized nature. pp. was a three-tier model: a standing committee. common property. 1962). strange people and environment them to customs. Chinese With Special Reference to and Malaya. the clan head. Kongsi. Lineage and Society: Fukien 54 See W. They also retained some of the special features of the parental clans in their internal structure.53 In the new land. The number of both committees' to the size and the need of different clan organizations. e. and their functions in the society. Singapore 56 of Penang which had its clan head addressed as chia See. . e. the age and generation the pro hierarchy. The standing committee consisted of committee. (Kuala Lumpur. Chinese and Malaya was so rigidly segre society in Singapore that the Chinese tended to socialize exclusively within gated by dialect differences55 to which of the same surnames but the dialect groups they belonged. The Overseas and the 1911 Revolution. treasurer. motion of group prestige. 20. People speaking different dialects did not trust one another. the immigrants were confronted with language problems. The Khoo Kongsi in Penang had 'more than a 53 See Maurice in Southeastern Freedman. as chia-chang addressed ( $^ ) who was sometimes tsu-chang a an honorary ( ^I-i: ).. Maurice Freedman. ch'eng [Rules and regulations (the copy obtained Penang] by the author in July 1974). This unfriendly compelled on their kinsmen for support.56 ( &lf?-jk deputy tsu-chang ) or deputy chia-chang. the clans varied from a hundred to few hundred members. to admit somebody who did not speak the same dialect would not only create a communications problem but also create such as selecting a common dialect for conducting meetings as well as problems rituals. This divisive nature of the Chinese society provided the right climate for the localized lineage organizations.H. and Kwangtung. the clan organizations a managing and the rank-and-file membership.Early Chinese Clan Organizations in Singapore and Malaya 69 was surrounded by other villages sharing common dialects and customs. and the perpetuation of generation line. and sometimes hostility. Structure and Leadership The formal structure of of the Clan Organizations.g. 7-9. 55 See Yen Ching-hwang.

jen-wen Shang-yao (eds.. see also Khoo Hock chhlueh. Chai fang (Thay pang ?# (Ch'an pang &)% ).61 Feuds and fang ing to fang. Shung fang (Cheng pang fa% ). diss. and the result of this trend was the of separate sub-clans within these localized lineages. It could be three mined by the number of sons of the person at the time of division. The Khoo clan generally retained nine clan in Penang exemplifies from the San Tu village ( ^. University 61 See Francis L. Hsu. Oct.59 cession of pilgrimage in Singapore the Chinese population and Malaya was made up of bits and in there was no direct transplant of a of localized various China. Ch'iu-shih fa-chan shih-lueh chih t'ang-wu ko-chih Ch'iu-shih k'ai-k'uang lung-shan-t'ang in Pin-ch'eng Ch'iu kuing-ssu (ed. The nine fangs were H'ai fang (Hai pang in Southern formation Khoo Fukien dialect.58 The Chan Kongsi in Kuala more than 300 people in a pro Lumpur was reported in 1897 to have mobilized to the Chan clan cemetery during the Ch'ing Ming festival. "Kinship. "Ma-lai-hsi-ya lung-shan-t'ang Pin-lang-yu vol.70 Yen Ching-Hwang hundred members when it first came into being in 1835. in serious fighting which engaged in the region of East Kwangtung two branches of a clan in an emigrant village over children.Tien fang ). lineage organizations incomplete complete retained many features of the structure of the parental bodies in China. 1. Men fang (Mooi pang 5' See Khoo'Hock Hsiu-ch'iang Siew. This of course streng and tended to offer more generous assistance ties and fostered fang thened fang identity. 9.). for large-scale of disputes because warlike fighting preparation and Its Influence in South China: A Study of Overseas Migration Communities and Social Change (New York. on Standards Emigrant of Living . pp.p. and each/?mg had a particular name referred to in general and in genealo either by number or place names in gical records. Ching fang (Chneh pang ## ). pp.). 1910. p. The structure of the this trend. p. 10.60 lineages pieces overseas had But the localized lineage. in Social Realignment Kwangtung province. 63-65. in times of need. Clan. 59 See The Kong See Boo Poe 22/3/1897. (Ph. Ch'in fang (Gim pang %?% ). Hsin-chiang yu-teh Hsen-teh-t'ang wu-fang Siew. Fukien province.000 people. t'ang-chih Ch'iu-shih in Ch'iu chi-lueh". a were of clan found in some parts of subgroups occasionally fightings between of this inter-/aA?g distinction.D. although a to extent of creating feuds and fighting.^p ) of H'ai Ch'eng structure which originated fang district. p. among Chinese Overseas" 1956). 1940). or room took at The subdivision any particular point of house). the fang it did not system was retained. they were grouped together as were divided into groups according of responsibility and power within the structure of the lineage. The descendants and gradually developed. 3-4.their loyalty and identity. of London. 60 A Study and Migration: Local Grouping See Maurice Freedman. Members of the localized lineage develop to fang origins. Wu fang (Goh pang #? ). and Ch'iu "Pin-lang-yu shih-mo". Caste and Club (New York. two subgroups than 1. 1963). 62 of Huang clan in a village of P'an Yu district. n. In China. In 1934. p. %% ). One of these was the fang each localized lineage was usually subdivided into system. cared about each other more. In 1910. or more. and South Fukien made See Ta Chen. 129.62 South China as a result of the development In the overseas communities. 33. t'ang wen-fu-kungp'ai-hsip'u-tia. involved more See Lat Pau. and the fangs were designated of the whole clan were thus subgrouped accord which they settled. [Chinese Daily News]. units for distribution tended to mingle members of the same/?wg socially. place fang (meaning As The number o? fang was deter time when the lineage matured at itsmultiplification.K.

10. Khoo Eu Chai on 3 Feb. The fourth is made up of Men themselves into two fang and Yu fang.. and Chin 11. p. Goh-Thay-Chneh. Yang.68 founder.63 and they were organized tional groups: Hai Kee Kak. with Particular to the Leong San Reference Universiti Sains Malaysia.64 Each of these sectional groups was made up of one or mort fangs. and Chai fang. "The Clan Kongsis of Penang. Exercise. Wufang. "Hsin-chiang Wu-fang Shen-teh-t'ang [A short Khoo Kongsi]. administrative 64 See Khoo Phaik Suat.A.Early Chinese Clan Organizations in Singapore and Malaya 71 into four sec ). Apart from Inter-fang ties. 1965).K. interview with Mr.65 It is note comprised Men fang. halls called T'ang (Tong jt )? they were the small fangs had retained names 67 These of their ancestral Shao Teh T'ang (Seow Teik Tong iQf?it ) of Shungfang.?. Wen-fu. The third group is com posed of Ch'ln fang. Tong Khoo Kongsi" (B. and Shung fang. At the same time.69 into different 63 Interview with Mr. Interview with Mr. all members were divided 10. 65 66 Ibid. A Chinese in Early Communist Transition Village Mas^. these small fangs and developed their individual identities. the relationship between members within a localized lineage was clearly defined by generation and age in hierarchical order. p (Cambridge.). not only one sectional group but also a sub constituted worthy that the Walfang clan in the structure of the Khoo clan. in Pin-ch'eng Ch'iu kung-ssu Fang Shen-teh-t'ang (ed. and Yu fang n% (Soo pang #*. 1974). Shui Teh T'ang (SweeTeik Tong ^?t? ) of Men fang. 1971. 1971.. The second consists of Wu fang. op.67 Once their numerical they achieved own would their a in sub-clans to order more strength. Genealogical n.000 members". 1971. Soo. Penang. Shui T'ung T'ang (Swee Thong Tong 4k$Llt ) ?f Yu/iwg. Ching fang. This obviously reflects the numerical strength of the Walfang which was also the largest fang in the San Tu village in China. levels . Hons. Academic Feb. Yu fang. and Shung fang. the first sectional group. Shen Teh T'ang (SinTeik Tong &j*'? ) of Wufang. See Khoo Phaik Suat. mainly by "a system of status ascribed on the basis of age and generational and the system offered a practical device for clearly establishing the status of every member in a kinship group whether it consisted of a small family or of a clan with Under this system.. P'ei Chen T'ang (Pi Chin Tong i^'f ) of T'ien fang. ** See C. and Mooi Gim-Ch'an-Cheng. The Hai Kee Kak. Shu Teh T'ang (Soo Teik Tong vUfti: ) of Chai fang. the President of the Khoo Kongsi of Penang at the Khoo Kongsi house on 3 Feb. Ch'iu kung-ssu chien-shih" Siew. ismade up of only one fang. p. Tien fang. they organize play important role both within the Khoo clan and in the community at large. Khoo Eu Chai. cit.66 of one fang gave rise to the alignment of other small fangs Numerical dominance into sectional groups and a sub-clan in order to achieve some kind of balance in the still retained power structure of the Khoo clan. theWalfang. ) of Ch'in fang. As pointed out by a leading Chinese the kinship organization in China operated sociologist. Six out of the nine fangs further organized sub-clans: Wen Shan T'ang XiUlt (Boon San Tong ) and Tun Ching T'ang tk%*1? ).) Shen-teh-t'ang Record of G oh Pang Khoo Clansmen.p. while the latter (Toon Keng Tong Chai fang. 6* See Khoo Hock of the Wu Shan T'ang Khoo (Kim Shan Tong &iUj? Eu Chai on 3 Feb. history 86. . One of these over grown sub-clans is Shen Teh T'ang (Sin Tong HQiit ) which was organized by members of the Wufang in 1931 as a result of the increase of fang clansmen as well as the need for special worship for the fang's in China. the former consisting only Wax fang. Yao Teh T'ang (Yeow Teik Tong #it '? ) of Ching fang.

Choo * ). appendix. chart of the V/ufang See the genealogical ssu (ed.Hock ( ?| ). the middle one name personal "Tnterview 73 for the eighth generation code word of the Khoo clansmen is Kay ( Jt ). 87. Cheng (ft ).71 of members belonging A similar situation existed in the overseas Chinese communities. generation layer thus enjoyed higher status and and among members of the authority over those in a junior generation. The desire for continuing the closer members spiritually act in the of the in name reflected Khoo is system Kongsi Penang clearly generation code words in both Chinese and English to which has widely distributed genealogical list obtained by the author in 1971 contains forty characters repre It starts with the eighth generation and ends with the senting forty generations. p.75 The degree of seriousness with which the generation name system was seems to have varied. Chiew ( ( . are combined to make a meaning. Boh (t$). Soo (& ). and is The genealogical Hoon . the Khoo genera fact. tsu chien-p'u of "Sin Kang" hsi chao-chi Seah Khoo's ko-p'ai [Brief genealogy Shen-teh-t'ang regulations Ch'iu of Har kung Sit chiang ancestors of various branches] 1967). possessed same generation..74 The Yeoh Kongsi. nearly always consists of three characters." names Members are romanized of Leong Ch'iu-shih to southern Fukien dialect. Saik (ty ). 71 name A Chinese name. is generation the last is the personal name. Some not only distributed code words observed genealogical 70 Ibid. Kuan ("f ). ($ genera ( 4? . Ee ( S? ). The generations. and each generation genealogical was given a written character which was required to be incorporated into the names to the same generation.Aing ( ty ). twelve generation). older members took precedence over younger ones. tion).70 The authority to members senior in generation and age reinforced the values of genera delegated tion hierarchy arid the respect for the old. 74.73 a In has the clan of of clan. Genealogical Record p.?+).Har ( ig ). not with But this should be confused the generation forty-seventh generation. Hua ( % ). generation). Lay (? ). is surname generation or family name and and then followed by Huan (& ). by Phaik Theng .).72 Yen Ching-Hwang and status and authority were according to layers and age groups. # ). except overseas code words but lineages did not coin their own genealogical obtained them from that the directly in China and distributed them among their parental bodies to suggest that the overseas members^72 This act should not be taken as evidence clans were controlled by their parental bodies. Kar (?). generation a in Members senior seniority. tenth generation). Heng ( It (? ). Thai (& ). Kah (f ). Sin Boo (?. (Penang. Kay ( ?? ). and also helped to perpetuate certain norms of behaviour and life styles in the clan. ofGoh Pang Khoo Clansmen. Kok (H ).). it should be seen as an indication of the clan's lines started in China. 74 in Pin-ch'eng Khoo Kongsi. forty itsmembers. 4 ). Ek ( Say (? ). ). Giang ( ? ) All these % ). ). (Penang. another localized lineage in Penang. Sin (#. eleventh followed ( JL . Swee ( l& . Giap ( f ). of which name. Yang . For the purpose of differentiation. and as an effort to bring their desire to continue to the parental bodies. with Khoo Eu Chai in Penang on 3 Feb. Teng ( $ ). See "A List of Genealogical Code Words for according the same list is incorporated into a leaflet entitled Hsin San Tong Khoo Kongsi". code words were selected by the clan committee. ninth generation). the first Usually. fourteenth Jin (A generation).d. and Kah ( ($ ). 1971. Ean (& ). thirteenth Boon (X .Chian ( -f ). 75 See Hsia-yang chang-ch'eng chih-teh-t'ang Yang Kung-ssu [Rules and Teik Tong Yeoh Kongsi] n. only depth twenty-three depth tions in the 1960s. has also to its and in English code words both in Chinese genealogical widely distributed some words which include for code future list also contains and the members. Soo ( ).

indicated that there was was true in the overseas to the principle of seniority. 80 Descent in China and Its Functions See Hsien Chin Hu. demand. u (Wen. Cen 1863-1963 Tong and Lim Sz Bian Soot Tong. ?' ibid. The most of social standing was wealth. Record of G oh Pang Khoo Clansmen.g. integrity was taken into serious account it assured because the clan that its leader will not abuse his power.82 The principle of social standing seems to have played a greater role in deciding the leadership of the over seas clans.80 Seniority was and out it because of the age grew generation important kinship principle. clans in Late Ch'ing China. who belonged to this generation Khoo clansmen used words like Boon ). van der ) and Cheng (Ch'ing. Genealogical Shen-teh-t'ang kung-ssu of G oh Pang Khoo Clansmen.. (Penang. charts of the vVufang Khoo clansmen in Pin Ch'iu Record (ed. p. of the Chinese is the code word to the list distributed "Boon" is the See Pin-ch'eng pp. three main criteria determined the choice of a clan head: Leadership. The same still firm adherence in nineteenth-. "A see S. Sprinkel. of Leong San Tong Khoo Kongsi".77 many of them did not comply with the request of using genealogical in the name system. "A List of Genealogical 78 for the 18th generation the genealogical code word of the Khoo Kongsi is Thai (T'ai in man E. integrity. The Common Group 29. At the beginning of 1971 when the head of the Khoo in Penang. Unlike in China.81 time had eroded the clan's power in China generally. for the 46th generation.79 Moreover. Among important component overseas Chinese in Singapore and Malaya during this period. the genealogical from the 8th to 23rd generation. 1948). there does not seem Although to have been much change in the principle for selecting heads of clans. According for the 14th generation. 69-72.). Khoo Eu Chai in Penang on 3 Feb.. but some Wufang darin.76 But a but also openly required members of Wu fang Khoo clansmen reveals that study of the names of sixteen generations code words. of Leong San Tong Khoo Kongsi. in and social and in age. Social standing was important because it was connected with the clan's standing.).25-26. wealth determined 76 the list of genealogical E. Mr. 1971. and found it difficult the of number Chinese education undermined the growing receiving English generation name system. Khoo Eu Chai ( ??^:t" he told the Kongsi ) was interviewed. (New York. and power in the community. and early twentieth Chinese communities century Singapore and Malaya. seniority generation standing. a Chinese anthropologist. ft ). and would continue to be important in the future. the overseas clans possessed no judicial power over their members to coerce members to comply with their rules. .78 This irregularity can be taken as and there was even confusion a sign of decline of the generation name system which was probably the result of the lack of a rigid control over clansmen by a clan in an overseas community. author that seniority in generation and age was important in selecting clan heads in the past. for they used their names in romanized forms.). pp.g. meanings of the genealogical clans In China. and "Cheng" Ch'iu kung-ssu (ed. and the original code words were completely lost. X code word by the Khoo Kongsi. 77 See Ch'eng of Lim Kongsi code words of Goe Toon Pun such a specific printed by the Lim Kongsi of Penang made Kuan Seah Lim Clan". Genealogical Shen-teh-t'ang List of Genealogical for Members Code Words 79 on the judicial power For a discussion inManchu China (London.Early Chinese Clan Organizations in Singapore and Malaya 73 to incorporate those words in their names. Lin Yueh-hua. 1963). see also Lim Teong Aik (ed. See "List of Generations tenary Souvenir pp. Writing in the 1930s about a northern Fukien village. Personal influence. Legal Institutions 1962). 82 interview with Mr. Code Words for Members 1-84.

Journal see "Pin Town P'ing-chang Hall. A close study of the Lim fore. ( g #f ) Tao-yuan as of him the head the succeeded Hooi clan. in 1863. 744. p.D| ) in 1878. also awarded Town Hall. of Southeast of Lim Kongsi Toon Pun Tong and Lim Sz Bian Soot Tong. Seng Hooi was then succeeded by Lim Keong Lay (Lin Kung-li J. Penang]. 91 See Lim Teong Aik. 9 (Dec. Soot Tong. p. p.93 he government. (Lin Ch'eng-fu in 1963.8' There social mobility the acquisition of clan leadership. Impressions of British Malaya Twentieth-Century 93 1913. the Ministry In recommending Industry and Com his leadership.94 by the British Colonial another # 3MS ). 1908). vol. cit. 84 See Lim Teong the Ministry 16Dec. See "Minutes 88 Hua School. wealth facilitated clan leadership in Penang shows that social standing was of overriding importance.P.89 son in his Lim Hua death Lim Chiam's After in 1908. op.P. 2. he was an Executive Member community was it when merce of Penang in 1903 founded. Malaya. also Lim Hua Chiam ##. acting Jfo?%%%) Seng (Lin Ch'eng-hui in 1914. 2. by the Empress Dowager accepted in Lat Pau.P.86 was a recognized Penang. all six leaders 81 See Yen 1877-1912". 13.88 His wealth and influence in the community brought him the coveted title of J. 1905 to Oct. 23 Jan.92 and was a leader of the Chinese a Lim was J. 95 Ibid. 16. he was a leader of the Chinese Town Hall (P'ing Chang Kung Kuan -f-$ the Chinese 'a!? community. "A Short History Toon Pun Tong and Lun Sz Bian Souvenir in Lim Teong Aik (ed. p. 2 (Sept. 1905 to Oct. 89 See Lim Teong Aik.. Penang". 23 Jan.91 Lim Seng Hooi was another recognized and his position was confirmed of the Chinese Chamber of Com leader. in 1943.87 ) which was the highest public body representing and in 1905 and 1907 was elected as the Deputy Superintendent (fu chien-tu) of the Chung Hua school which was run by the local Chinese community. 1906). kuan-pao [Gazette of Hsueh-pu in Singapore and the Chinese and Sale of Honours Leadership "Ch'ing Asian Studies I. of 32nd year of Kuang-hsu.. no. First. Aik. vol. and his service to the local Chinese merce community. . p..). p. 47. Superintendents.. cit. Centenary of Lim Kongsi Ching-hwang. The first post-war clan head of the Lim Kongsi was Lim Hong Khim ) who died in 1949. p. 87 vol. 90 of Agriculture. 85 Ibid. 47. vol.95 Three features stand out from this the centenary souvenir was published brief survey of the Lim clan leadership over a hundred years. of the Chinese Town Hall".90 it 1912. 1970):20-32. See "Minutes 94 See Lim Teong Aik. a wealthy merchant. 9. of theMinistry Penang". Wright. p. 30 May 1908. op cit. op. of the Chung Directors Directors and of "A List Deputy Ibid.85 Lim Hua Chiam. To identify Lin Ju:chou ch'en la-yueh chih i-shih pu" [Minutes of the Chinese 1913 (unpublished). (Justice of Peace) and also brought him the prestigious title of from the British colonial government.84 He was succeeded by ^tw^l7 ). He was succeeded by Lim Sin Hock Jfo^ik (Lin Hung-ch'in -fa ) who appears to have retained the position up to the time ##. Lim for the award of the title. 9 (1st day of 11th of Education]. reproduced (18 Apr. (Lin Hua-tsuan as Lin Ju-chou leader in known ( #*/&-$community ). chia kung-kuan kuang-hsu vol. 92 See A. 34th year of Kuang-hsu 1908)". of the Ministry education. (London. Penang". Lim Cheng Kah (Lin Ch'ing-chia the clan organization After founding became its first clan head. in Gazette of Education. praised him for his distinguished moon efforts Commerce o? Agriculture. See "Memorial Chinese in promoting Industry and on 18th day of 3rd moon of and approved to the Court.74 Yen Ching-Hwang and enabled people to acquire titles and political influence. 13. 86 as Lim Hua Chiam. 16. of the Chinese Town Hall. 1906). 2.

A study on the leadership of Khoo Kongsi from 1850 to 1966 confirms our impres sion that wealth. (unpublished). and "Wen" Trustees and "List of Surviviing of Leong San Tong Khoo Kongsi 1850-1910" of Early Trustees to the of Penang. As noted earlier. with Particular Reference 1970". Chai fang 107. eight clerks. which in turn uphold the idea of kinship. 1959 to Sept. leaders who were awarded second. the numerical strength of fangs within a clan seems to be another factor to be reckoned with. Khoo San pp. became clan leaders. Genealogical words and code genealogical words such as "Teh" (Virtue).).P. "The Clan Kongsis 14-15. and one of them was honoured by the third. the thirty-nine trustees of the Kongsi during this period. Among the mne fangs of the Khoo Kongsi. . Wu fang 1969-for the period from Jan. harmony.141. and their aims were primarily to to to descent clan and foster traditional values perpetuate lines. The traditional values such as filial piety. while the remaining number only 2. the major component of social standing. See and Wu fang bined number of Hai fang of tsu-ch'in ko p'ai-hsi Ch'iu-shih [Statistics of the various fangs teng-chi t-ung'chi piao" "Hsin-chiang in Pin-ch'eng Ch'iu Record the Khoo of G oh kung-ssu (ed. ming-lu" [A list of Khoo clan leaders] deposited at the Khoo Clan House. there were twenty Among six wealthy or well-to-do businessmen. in Khoo Phaik Suat. "Shih" "Hsiao" (Generation). appendix.Early Chinese Clan Organizations in Singapore and Malaya 75 were wealthy businessmen. (Filial). ment derived mostly from Confucianism. 844. Among sixty-four 1965. Shung fang 624. The com 372. promote solidarity. was a determining factor. Natural combined with patterns of immigration provided fangs with very different numeri cal strength within a clan. and one teacher. dominant fangs produced for nearly half of the total.486. title. the remaining three could not be identified. the overseas clans were patched increase together from fragments of clans in China. Ch'm fang 244. virtue. were basically social and cultural organizations. slightly more than half of the total. the overseas clans of the Clans. 98 See "Pin Ch'iu-shih chia-chang Penang. both father (Lim Hua Chiam) and son (Lim Seng Hooi) Ch'ing government.98 Functions Like their parental bodies in China. twenty-eight which accounted whereas the remaining seven fangs jointly shared thirty-six.96 Apart from the principles discussed above. Tong Kongsi" Leong 97 in still (fan be seen from the statistics compiled of the Hai fang and Wufang The dominant position See "List at 96 1969. Tknfang 272.330. Pang Khoo Clansmen. reverence for the old. The fact that Lim Seng Hooi succeeded his father to lead the clan points to the overriding importance of social standing over seniority in genera ? Lim two tion and age when the principles were in direct conflict Seng Hooi could not possibly have been the person senior in generation and age at the time of his father's death. Ha\ fang had 2. Hai fang and had which numbers97 the Wufang bigger provided them with strength to dominate of to the leaders listed from two 1891 the leadership Kongsi. and exaltation of educational achieve loyalty. Genealogical Shen-teh-t'ang clansmen]. and were in some ways reflected in the names code the of sub-clans or fangs. Men fang 1 fangs is 3. Yu 74. three out of the six were recognized community the J. and Ching fang fang 448.

(Soo pang).102 Yeoh Teck ).). Penang] Loyalty (1965). appendix. Ch'en Ch'i 1971). Five major functions can be listed: ancestral worship and worship of protector gods. by Kang Har Ancestral Temple Koong Har Tong and Teo Chew Kang Hay Tng of Singapore.). Tan Guan Kong (Ch'en Yuan-kuang f$7C. Eng (Ch'iu Ch'ien-yung Ancestral Worship Lim Joing Kong (Lin Jang-kung f?UUlA ). (Hall of Continuing (Hall Glorifying were indica of and "Shui (Hall Continuing T'ung T'ang" Generations) Virtues). See "A List of Genealogical "A List of Genealogical of Leong San Tong Khoo Kongsi". Lim Teong Aik. "Shen Teh T'ang" was the name for is also the name of a sub-clan. Pun Tong and Bian Soot Tong".101 But the desire was most concretely tions of the desire to uphold expressed in the functions of the clans. Huang-shih tsu-p'u chih pai ssu-shih chou Kong was worshipped and Huang Hsiao-shan in Rules Kongsi". Yun-ch'uan-t'ang ta-hsa tsung-ch'ih t'ang Ch'en-shih 1974). pp. in their rules and regulations. Lim Jiong Kong by Lim Kongsi of Penang.76 Yen Ching-Hwang adopted by the overseas clans. Ch'en Yung-ch'ing (ed. pp..?t )> and Ng Shiao San (Huang Hsiao and Malaya shan -%*Hih ) by various localized clans in Singapore points to the were the founders clans in South of the parental fact that those worshipped of all Ong (Wang).). sections 6 and 7. five. these values. of Yeoh Kongsi Kang" of Penang. Ong Sim Chi was worshipped by the Yeoh Kongsi of Penang. B30-32. have stated this very clearly See Rules and By-Laws Singapore of Kew in both Chinese and English). 13. 100 See Pin-Ch'eng Lin-shih of the Hall of Chung-hsiao-t'ang [Rules and regulations chang-ch'eng and Filial Piety of Lim Clan. 101 was the name for Ching fang "Yao Teh T'ang" was the name (Chneh pang). observance of traditional festivities. Pin-lang-yu (Malacca. C2. Tan China. nien chi-nien 104 Ibid. and Worship Gods. booklet p. t'e-k'an.. *pi*# Keng (Yang Teh-ch'ing^it#| ). Toon Pun Tong and Lim Sz Bian Soot Tong. and Ng (Huang) clans in the whole Fukien province. Pin-lang-yu (an undated Leong Tong Lim Kongsi lung Ch'iu kung-ssu chang'ch'eng (n. of Penang See Brief Genealogy Ancestral of "Sin Temple Rules and Regulations Seah Khoo''s Ancestors of Various Branches. Yeoh Kongsi.104 The fact that the the wQrd "Teh" is founfl both on the lists of genealogical code E. Ma-liu-chia yun-ch'uan tien-li chih pai-chou-nien k'ai-mo t'e-k'an chi-nien (ed. the word "Shih" is found on the hsts (Generation) Kongsi of Lim Kongsi. the Khoo Kongsi and the Po-chia-keng Tan clan of E. and Hokkien of Singapore.d. and Khoo Kongsi. and legalization and pro arbitration destitute members.). lo-ch'eng lu (Singapore. Huang-shih tsu-p'u. see also Khoo Phaik Suat. Souvenir item 4.). of Penang. in Lim Teong Aik (ed. All belonged Kongsi Interview with Khoo Eu Chai in Penang on 3 Feb. of Lim Kongsi Toon tsung-ch'ih . op. Wang-shih k'ai-tsung pai-shih Ch'en-shih yu (ed. chap. p. motion of education. Penang. 5. Ong Sim Chi (Wang Shen-chih -3L#?* ). The worship of ancestors of Protector overseas was clans which gave of all the the function and protector prime gods The to and it in rules their worship of Khoo Chian strong emphasis regulations. Centenary Souvenir Toon Pun of Lim Kongsi Tong and Lim Sz Bian Soot Tong. 11. shan-t'ang 103 Yeoh Teck Keng was worshipped Khoo Chian Eng was worshipped by the Khoo Kongsi of Penang. the Lim Kongsi of Penang. p. Tan Guan Ong Clan Temple by the Thye Guan Tong Ong Kongsi of Penang by Eng Chuan Tong Tan Kongsi of Penang and Tan Eng Chuan Tong of Malacca. Centenary of Lim Kongsi Wang Hsiu-nan (ed.g. helping of marriage of disputes.g.). 25-6. Code Words for " words of Lim Kongsi and code words for Members Yeoh of genealogical Code Words the Yeoh and Regulations and "A List of Generations of Yeoh Kongsi. 102 of Penang. for Wu/flfng and "Shui T'ung T'ang" (Goh pang) which to the Khoo these three fangs and sub-clan Yu fang of Penang. 1971 .100 "Yao of Teh T'ang" "Shen Teh T'ang" Virtues)..99 and names for sub-clans (Culture) were commonly or fangs such as "Chung Hsiao T'ang" (Hall of Loyalty and Filial Piety). was worshipped of Malacca.103 and the last three were also the progenitors (Ch'en). cit.

the genealogical settlements provided the clans history of post-Fukien with new identity and new descent lines branched out from the main bodies in North and Central China. left. Tsung-hsien (Singapore. Religion Society (Berkeley.K.. or perhaps it was due to the lack of reliable genealogical the reason. ancestral attached greatest importance and prestige to the central shrine. The hall is temples portraits progenitors subdivided into three parts: central. See Hsin-chia-poyun-ch'uan shih-liu chou kung-so of shih-chuan. ancestral tablets were arranged hierarchically to seniority of generation.108 Within the shrines. in the family shrine which was used as a device for Unlike ancestral worship emotional clansmen genitor. 6. This practice was also adopted Tan clan of Singapore.106 On the left and right to recent clansmen tablets belonging are deposited. members' awareness in the clan represented efforts to bring all relief. occupied by pictures of the progenitor and of other prominent ancestors and their wives. the progenitor the Khoo Kongsi of the Khoo E. Their pre-Fukien records.Early Chinese Clan Organizations in Singapore and Malaya 11 to the progenitors of post-Fukien settlements indicates that worship was confined these clans in China had made a clear break with the history of their pre-Fukien to be too remote or less relevant to ancestry appeared period. 1948). it states that "mem by the Po-chia-keng bers who donate M$300 each time could deposit their ancestral tablets in the central shrine and they them tablets could only selves would their ancestral would nien become tablets members permanent in the left shrine and of the clan. and right. 108 This practice has been continued listed the prices of among clans today. 107 See Francis L. Apart from this. 53. 33. In its rules and regulations.K.107 Because achievement few overseas could achieve official prominence either locally or in China. See Rules and By-laws pay $120 had to deposit from 1 Jan.). 16th anniversary p. 29-30. p. wealth thus became the most important criterion. fourth. those who donate $200 each time could deposit those who donate $100 in the right shrine. Those who could pay M$l .000 or more could deposit who in the central shrine. of the Eng Chuan Kong So of Singapore] their ancestral be given permanent membership chi-nien t'e-k'an [Souvenir magazine 1954). Calif. The Lim Kongsi of Penang stated in its by-laws the conditions and sums of money for various positions in the shrines. the main criterion management seems to be a person's in official position. .. the worship a produced psychological impact on the attitudes towards the descent line. 6. Tradition shrines. The wealth of the deceased was important.105 ancestral worship to to closer their and their express origins.g. Shang-yao Ch 'iu -sh ih jen -wen chi-lueh. central is shrine or the statues shrines. p. the overseas clans worshipped their progenitors in clan temples. that decided his position donation in the shrines. of the Khoo clan and their wives were also deposited ancestors there. See Khoo Hock Siew. Yang. in the central shrine. some of them have openly shrine positions for ancestral tablets. chap. Calif. tablets of the second. The posi according Chinese 105 in Chinese See C. The central hall contained three each The terraced. Which tablets should go to which shrine was decided by the clan in committee the light of certain criteria. "ma-lai-hsi Ch'iu-shih Ch'iu Hsiu-chMang ya Pin-lang-yu and Ch'iu lung-shan-t'ang chi-lueh".. and they themselves of the clan. Usually the back hall of the clan or statues housed of and ancestral tablets. and those their ancestral tablets in the right shrine. Like their parental bodies in China. those who could pay $240 or more in the left shrine. spiritually gratitude to the pro At the same time. and fifth third. (ed. 106 in Penang placed the statue of Khoo Chian Eng. 14. and helped them to increase their of their duty to the clan. 1971). pp. and then to the left and right shrines. Hsu. In China. and Social Mobility in Personality China (Stanford. p. English of Kew Leong Tong Lim Kongsi (enforced section. but more because it was chiefly their important was the wealth of his descendants. clan in China. 1967). Under the Ancestor's Shadow: Kinship. Whatever them.

Dates for sacrifice varied among the overseas clans. (New York. 2. comprised offerings and a solemn ceremony conduct ed by the clan head. Jalan Bandar."2 for clansmen to meet but also served to foster a sense of solidarity. Kongsi. Hsueh-lan-ngo Penang]. 1. pp. A feast of this kind not only pro followed by a feast attended by all members. and the wealth of their descendants. Emigrant 1940). over the supernatural them. 1974. on 15 Jan. birthday which p. year.in Southern Fukien had their own Gods. April.113 required to attend these ceremonies was probably connected with the nature of early Religious worship within the clan to Singapore As a number of the early immi and Malaya. 1. vided opportunity Together with ancestral worship was the worship of the protector god or goddess. 1.4 in South China Communities See Ta Chen. but it seems that most commonly they fell in spring and autumn. (aged 70) at Yap Clan Temple. Chinese immigration sea led them to believe that there were their experience at grants were fishermen. Pin-lang-yu Yeh-shih of Thye Guan Tong Ong Kongsi. Wong."5 Apart from a common protector goddess. Kuala Lumpur.S. the 6th daughter in the Sung Dynasty. Religious worship within the clans was as important as ancestral worship. See C.110 ber. the tion and arrangement influence and power of the deceased. The legend of T'ien Hui originated According in a storm in an attempt disappeared of Lin Yuan. of the Yap Clan Temple. inter Selangor]. 16-18. They either appeased powers presiding supernatural to custom or sought help from a pro certain rites according powers by performing In the southern part of Fukien province where many tector god or goddess. 6. spiritual tablets. Septem ranging from March. also known as T'ien Hui). p. many of the was a (Hea clans . pp. taking place in the months Sacrifices and October. See Rules and By-Laws ofKew Leong Tong Lim Kongsi. ^X^L^ Seng Boe (T'ien Shang Sheng Mu falls on ceremonies Solstice Day which front hall of the clan temple. interview 1974. chang-ch'eng [Rules and regulations Yeh Tan-po Chan Siew Hup on 15 Jan. 1. and it was given sacrificial offerings once or twice every year. a common protector early Chinese or "T'ien Hou" "T'ien Fei" Concubine named ) (Heavenly f^-kt goddess venly Queen ^l? )."4 for sea voyages immigrants came from.2 Ibid. ceremony According of new of two parts: installation consisted in 1964. 115 to the legend. and May to August. (Singapore. The statue of the protector god or goddess was given a prominent place in the clan temple.S. and were known as "Spring Sacrifice" Sacrifice" (Ch'iu-chi ?k?? ). p. 40-41. 49 Jalan Cecil. should be installed at the . 113 Thean Seong that the clan's* protector in its by-laws indicated The Lim Kongsi of Penang goddess. members were required to par The ceremony was held in the clan temple. with Mr.0 Ch'en kung-ssu [The rules of the Eng Chuan Tong chang-ch'eng Yun-ch'uan-t'ang tsu-miao Wang-shih chang-ch'eng T'ai-yuan-t'ang p. two sacrifices As concrete expressions of respect and gratitude towards ancestors. were held annually. at the Chan Clan Temple.78 Yen Ching-Hwang of ancestral tablets thus reflected the values of the clans. [Rules and regulations tsung-ch'ih view with Mr. 13. 9. and homage 1967). item 8.1 con an ancestral worship a Malaysian historian who witnessed to C. . Ibid. Kuala Lumpur. Wong.111 Because of their importance. The clan members were to pay their homage. The origins of clan gods were closely related 109 See Pin-ch'eng Tan Penang].109 #^ ) and "Autumn (Ch'un-chi the sacrifices were therefore Because there are no seasons in Singapore and Malaya. and two sacrificial (on the Winter falls on the 23rd of 3rd moon) must be held every and the Goddess's 23rd of 12th moon. the ceremony in Penang ducted by the Khoo Kongsi A Cycle of Chinese Festivities to the ancestors. a resident of the P'u T'ien district of Fukien province. item 35. item 31. and was ticipate in these ceremonies.

The erection of clan was answer.9 To the Chinese the new year festival was not just to start afresh a new hopeful peasants. Clan Leaders.Early Chinese Clan Organizations in Singapore and Malaya 79 to the history of the particular clan. Seng. and the Chinese New Year. the obvious The temples founding of some early clan temples such as Khoo Kongsi and Yeoh Kongsi in Penang was partly due to such considerations. from North clansmen and was worshipped in China. the May the Protector brother. Their first voyages to the Malay Peninsula. This agrarian economy. in their temples. She thus became for the sea-fearing Goddess in coastal groups of her alleged power. The Star (Penang) 25 June 1973. the Khoo the stone tablet of Yeoh Kongsi copied by the author on 5 Feb."7 a common god or goddess While some clans had particular gods. p. 119. Oon Ee the Yeoh Kongsi". cit. 1. For the origins and cult of "T'ien Hui". the collo % Kongsi's (Ta Shih Yeh X? Hsien of the Chin Dynasty connected ) which was probably %fy\%'? the early migration of the Khoo to South China. the inscription of and the Completion Pei-ta-nien shih Yun-tsiao. have or they may have wanted to develop a special Observance Unlike Christian festivals of Seasonal Festivals. see also Hsu of Pattani) (A History 1946). (Christmas and Easter) which have a strong religious flavour. and many of them made or hoped to make. She was also known among as "Ma Tsu P'o" of "T'ien Hui" was popular in South sea-fearing people aM. relationship with the sea goddess."8 They worshipped worship. needed spiritual they obviously were Common in and protector gods placed goddesses special temples for public but particular gods and goddesses posed problems.frightening experiences in reality. protection appropriate needed. pp. 8.). most Chinese festivals were connected with tradition or with peasant economic activities. Both the Tan clan in Singapore and the Lim clan in Penang the popular sea protector goddess. 33. p. . 130-56.of Pin-lang-yu lung-shan-t'ang in Ch'iu Hsiu-ch'iang and Ch'iu Shang-yao chi-lueh". others worshipped in their clan temples. Taiwan. she was conferred the title of "Tien Hui" by Emperor of Yung-lo Later she was further conferred the title of "T'ien Hou". were . the Ming Dynasty. 13."9 The Ch'ing-ming festival (visiting ancestral graves). As China was a predominantly seasonal changes dominated the thinking of the peasants. 1. The worship Asia. Ch'iu-shih district. op. but also to celebrate the passing of the severe winter and to welcome a lively spring in which their economic activities started again.6 For instance.&?&. life of the immigrants. and they were worshipped in the clan temples in China. Ch'iu-shih jen-wen chi-lueh. The clan gods of Yeoh Kongsi were Sye Thow Kong (Shih T'ou Kung ???H'a ) and Poe Seng quial with name of General Hsieh Tai Tay Ch'eng ?| i ? f ) which were also worshipped (Pao Sheng Ta Ti by the Yeoh clan in the H'ai See Khoo Hock Siew. p. "Ma-lai-hsi-ya Fukien. fully understood. Winter Solstice Day."6 Whatever the origins of the protector god or goddess. see several China. (Singapore. to save her elder clan God was "Tua Sai Yeah" . 118 See Souvenir Magazine Section on of 16th Anniversary of the Eng Chuan Kong So of Singapore. p. 1971. T'ien Hui. 1973?). p. Hong Kong and Southeast Fukien. 19. was clearly reflected in the celebration of spring festival. "Legends Surrounding 117 See Khoo Hock Siew. may lacked their own clan gods. The people firmly believed that if they did not sometimes very frightening would not be rendered when it was worship protectors. "Pin hsia-yang shih" [A chih-teh-t'ang Yang kung-ssu ch'ang-chien short history of the founding of the Har Yang Sit Teik Tong Yeoh Kongsi of Penang]. the psychological can need of a protector.. and the voyages back to China which in prospect. year. Rules and By-laws of Kew Leong Tong Lim Kongsi. Because articles chun Malacca contained chi-nien k'an inMa-liu-chia (Souvenir lo-ch 'eng T'ien-hou hsin-hsa hui-kuan Hsing-an kung hsin-tien yu kao of the Founding of the New Building of Hin Aun Association of Magazine of the New T'ien Hou Temple) (Malacca. As the protector god and goddess occupied such important places in the to be properly housed. among these early Chinese be immigrants.). (eds.

121 Among these festivals. offer 120 In the traditional In fact. the Jen Kuei Gan Clan Temple the Jen Kuei Gan Clan Temple of ya Jen-kuei Yen-shih [A short history yen-ke shih chi-lueh" tsung-ch'ih Records of Gan clansmen]. e. 1. p.30 May 1892. p. 1. and it was there fore most strictly observed by the clans. early Year. in Yang Ta-chin. The early Chinese immi in environment and grants tended to observe all these festivals despite changes climate.. and the Moon most of the days throughout the year except pp. and the Moon festival in the eighth moon were closely connected with Chinese tradition and history.) Yang shih Tsung-pu. 121 The Manners and Customs See Vaughan. of Hokkien Yeoh Clan-Hiap short history of the cemetery (ed. to visit ancestral graves. the Ch'ing-ming and the Moon crete expression of ancestral worship in the Chinese communities. shih-lu ed. the Chung-yuan festival. p.G. 1893. the system Shop employees population. Chinese unknown. the Chinese 1892. The Hokkien Yuan Shan shih-lueh" "Fu-chien See Yang Feng-shan. Wealthy and powerful clans spent thousands of dollars.5 Oct. to reinforce some but also an occasion to show off the It was also an opportunity traditional values that the clan upheld. 17 June 1. ts'ung-shan-Hsieh Yang-shih [A Guan Mount]. This strict observance was partly due to their unquestioning loyalty to tradi In a society where regular holidays were tion. 1.kan wu chou-nien and others chiu-shih chi in Huang Shih-t'ung (ed. the observance of festivals not only pre employees. The most commonly observed festivals in in nineteenththe Chinese communities and early twentieth-century Singapore and festival (the fifteenth day of the Malaya were the Chinese New Year.6 Mar. 122 in Singapore and Malaysia of the clan organizations today still have their own clan ceme Many inMalacca of Malaysia has its own cemetery.122 and since all Chinese families were obliged to visit their ancestral graves. was the most con festival.2\ Sept. to develop a sense of belonging.123 sacrifices to the founding progenitors. p. 1. 1962). Guan Mount".g. first moon). 16.120 festivals became substitutes which would give employees to regulate and helped the normal between and work.23 1893. 123 which was founded in 1867. and partly due to social factors.. the Chung-yuan festival (in memory festival in the seventh moon (feeding the hungry ghosts). festivals such as Chinese New Chinese the Christian week system in which Sunday is the rest day was society. 1. of June 1890. Singapore] of 95th Anniversary nien t'e-k'an (Sin [Souvenir Magazine gapore. . Ancestral to involved ceremony worship a collective visit to the clan cemetery. the clans took the initiative to organize a common func a tion and make it a real clan occasion. the May festival. Following this tradition. P. relationship employers From the clan's point of view. but also provided social gatherings for members to mix so as to promote a sense of clan solidarity. 1893. See "Ma-lai-hsi teries. Tradition required family members to pay homage and lay sacrifices at the ancestral to cemeteries tombs. An occasion of this nature provided not only an opportunity men to meet. the Shang-yuan the Ch'ing-ming the May festival. p. served Chinese tradition. The festival normally falls on the fifth day to make pilgrimages of April of the solar year.g. a break from lacking. clan's wealth and strength. has its own cemetery Yeoh clan in Singapore named "Hiap 1973 ?). all dlansmen "Wu-chin tradition of mobilizing ssu-hsi.) Ch'ao-chou chiang-hsia-t'ang yen". See Huang Kuo-chih. p.80 Yen Ching-Hwang of the patriotic poet Ch'u Yuan). Since most kinsmen had a common cemetery. 42-44. E-10. of the Teo Chew Kang Hay t'ng. for kins and a feast. festival. SingPo. (Johore Bahru. of the Straits Settlements.p. Yen Swee-chang in Yen-shih tsung-chin [Historical Malaysia]. n. still continues its the Teo Chew Kang Hay T'ing of Singapore E. was to the predominantly non-Christian and agrarian largely irrelevant to observe common towns were given holidays in country those most festival. for a worked in Singapore and Malaya immigrants few festival days.

Without worry about their livelihood benefits. to immi the Khoo either helpless in pp. 18. 184-85. China at the expense of the Kongsi". destitution.124 impression community was based on blood Destitute Members. continuing assured. In return. and clothes and helped them to find employment. wherever possible. . 22 Mar. Such clansman may. 126 See Rules 127 See Khoo Tong and By-Laws Phaik p. The Common in China and Its Functions. The Lim Kongsi. and mobilized of hundreds indulged In 1897.Early Chinese Clan Organizations in Singapore and Malaya 81 in elaborate ceremonies and rich feasts. from the fear of being unemployed. the wealthy Chan clan in Kuala Lumpur mobi kinsmen for the function. loyalty. food. and helpless. the Khoo Kongsi provided regular to the poor. relations. the clan rescued members incapaci assistance tated. if he desires. Descent Group 58. they had to in their old age. By so doing. most developed welfare functions. and widows within the clan. 9. clan organization Helping Although it and in certain In the conditions. Without modern pension systems. old. 125 See Hsien Chin Hu. pp. the destitute. carriages as a in the Chinese whole. supported itwhenever they could. unemployment. unemployment they It was in these circumstances had to fear disability and unemployment. the members closely identified with the clan. be repatriated to titude. Because of this in Singapore and Malaya had clearly expressed need. In China. for a collective lized more than 300 clansmen visit to the cemetery. most early clan organizations to clansmen in rules and by-laws. and death.121 The material assistance was the most concrete expression of the spirit of clan solidarity. of Penang. men for support in times of need. the Kongsi also provided a In the event of a clansman dying without assistance was simple funeral and a proper burial in the clan cemetery. financial assistance the aged. clans had common property and a clan granary from which subsidies or relief were In the overseas communities. 1897.125 welfare relief was even more pressing.126 Indeed. for instance. a close kin. a clause specified that "if any member of the Khoo clan China or in Penang be both poor and destitute. Many early immigrants were singles who left their families in China. if they be in distress and Material 124 See Kong See Boo Poe (Kuala Lumpur). App. Roads were crowded with many well-decorated and and it left a deep onlookers. and gave members a strong sense of security. ofKew Leong Tong Lim Kongsi. to the poor and distressed was extended not only assistance to but also grants needy clansmen in China. 1971. that the clans each clan aiming for self-sufficiency. 3-4. the need for given to aged and needy clansmen. grew given socio-economic developed traditional society where most people lived on a subsistent level and social welfare the Chinese had to rely on family members and clans programmes were unknown. "The Clan Kongsis with Particular p. welfare obligations made clear in its by-laws that "the Kongsi may. The clans usually provided lodging. and gave it their unreserved In this the existence of the clan was way.127 Material also given to new clansmen just arriving in Singapore and Malaya. Khoo Eu Chai In Penang on 3 Feb. render pecuniary to any clansmen who is unable to earn his living in consequence of decrep or sickness. In the rules and regulations of of Kongsi Penang. Their need for material support from the clan organization was imperative in times of sickness. Reference to the Leong San Khoo Kongsi" 128 Interview with Mr. (unpublished). Suat.

self-governed.g. 2-3. and reward to the would be given to the mischievous. Punishment such internal arbitration was designed to preserve clan solida virtuous. and the dispute between clans.136 129 Ch 'iu kung-ssu 'eng. of disputes was an important function of Arbitration Arbitration of Disputes. disputes. The communities the clans and Malaya. The Eng Chuan Tong Tan clan. of the Eng Chuan Kong Jo of Singapore. in 1949.). of Gallery Chinese Wong. Fukien province. would disrupt clan soli them. Parties to internal disputes were darity if there were no ways of resolving of the clan. van der Sprinkel. widowers.133 Whether for conjecture.. rule no Section.. remittances monthly and orphans. 80-87. So. most of the early clans in Singapore and Malaya. 2. an claims that arbitration of internal early clan which was founded in 1854 in Penang. the Chuan 6. The clan head and sub-committee required to report to the investigation and try to mediate his deputy would then have the dispute thoroughly investigated. a whole. 6. community groups 1963). See Ssu-choujih-pao [Federated Malay 131 the of short chien-shih" Eng Chuan Tong Ch'en-shih history [A See "Pin-ch'eng yun-ch'uan-t'ang of the Ch'en-shih in genealogy Ch'en tsu-p'u [The Yun-ch'uan-t'ang Tan Kongsi. usually over money or personal matters. probably tury Singapore The kapitan system adopted by the British were. Malacca] 133 Tan Clan of Singapore". the dispute within two types of dispute: Internal disputes. was its its impor most important work in its early decades.131 This function has maintained tance. 1967) (n.82 ness. chap.g. in dealing with the Chinese communities before the end of the colonial authority a that the clans It is such reinforced nineteenth century tendency. Given in nineteenthand early twentieth-cen communities at aimed both.p. 9.134 unlikely like some powerful intended to acquire immense judicial power over their members. helped the needy clansmen consistently Kongsi to Khoo of send the board of the decided December 1910.130 An act of this kind not only for the relief of widows. has included this function which was founded ) of Malacca . Legal Institutions 136 Tan clan of Singapore of the Po-chia-keng See. (ed.). the rules and regulations chap. In had Khoo the Indeed. yung of the Eng Choon Toh Teo [Rules and regulations Yen-shih ch'un t'ao-ch'ang chang-ch'eng ts'ung-ch'ih 12. p. chang-ch See Pin-lang-yu lung-shan-t'ang 130 13 Dec. zine of 16th Anniversary in Souvenir Maga . management Kongsi to the parental body in H'ai Ch'eng district. p. 1910.S. pp.44M&J?rJffift. 135 inManchu China. Eng Chuan Tong Tan Clan] (Penang.132 There were the clan. e.-?Tf? ( Temple See Ma-liu-chia in its rules and regulations. Ch'i-yu Penangl. p. of the Po-chia-keng chap. and of disputes between Tan clansmen and members of other clans. Chinese Gan Ancestral (Malacca. See Kapitans or (Singapore. is a matter or to claim authority over clan members judicial rity. and settle it. p. reflected genuine concern for the kinsmen as a whole but also indicated the desite of the overseas clans to forge close ties with parental bodies in China. in Souvenir and Regulations See "Rules 6. 1949). See S. 6. like chih-chih (self-governing clans in China had enjoyed. Kong Eng Anniversary of of Magazine 134 were given judicial and administrative power over their dialect Chinese The appointed kapitans Chinese A as C. to a certain extent. 16th Singapore. States Daily Press] (Kuala Lumpur). even among those clans founded after the Second World War. Temple. 4.135 But the use of headings or autonomy) in some clan rules about the arbitration of disputes suggests that some the nature of the Chinese degree of self-government was aimed at.12" render assistance the Kongsi would in China. 132 Toh Teo Gan Ancestral the Eng Choon E. Yen Ching-Hwang and relief as a token of goodwill". pp.

6. Lineage Organi 105-13. clan (28 Oct. If internal disputes clan solidarity. see also "Rules Leong Tong Lim Kongsi. and they could also provoke hostile interventions by the local of the clan leaders government authority. 10. 8.. 141 See Khoo Phaik Suat. p. This could also result in the banishment and bans on the clans involved.140 The ? the three clans which came from the same village Khoo. Penang. Apr. (1May 138 the fights between Li and Chua clans in Singapore ? both belonged to the E. prefecture. . pp.g. 20 Apr.Early Chinese Clan Organizations in Singapore and Malaya 83 if un external disputes. p. Singapore overseas clans were offshoots of the clans in China. chap. Sometimes. (Li and Ch'ai) Teochew dialect group (Sing Po. 8Mar. 2.g. p. 140 See "Pin-ch'eng Ch'en-shih in Ch'en Ch'i-yu chien-shih". {Sing Po. 30 of the Kew Leong Tong Lim Kongsi of Penang. Frequent clan wars in South overseas of the clans. Kwangtung 1891. 21. see Maurice Freedman. Fukien. chap. the five powerful clans ? community. op. fights between Teochew and Ch'en) clans in Singapore 1898. 26 Nov. e. the Chieh. 8). 1889. yun-ch'uan-t'ang (ed. p. and the Tan ? in agreed to cooperate settling inter-clan disputes so as to bring peace and order to the community. Fukien in Fukien and Kwangtung. 5). the Khoo. cit. 142 Interview with Mr. in Rules and By-Laws of Kew and Regulations of the Pao-ch'ih-kung Tan Clan of p.137 Trivial disputes between the China strained the relationships strained clans could flare up into large-scale clan fights. the fights between Wu and Fu clans of Nan An district. 139 See rule no. Teochew pre fecture. the organization to improve inter-clan also helped of 137 For a discussion zation in Southeastern on clan wars China. p. This the survival clan checked. most overseas clans were very cautious. p. 1889. could undermine as a so was of could threaten the whole.. A clan managing committee under the chair convene a meeting wheii itwas deemed necessary. tung. 6). Kwangtung 1889. 2).141 The comprising twelve three clans were trustees who equally dealt represented with inter-clan on a board of matters. p. members were required by clan rules to leave them to the manship of the clan head would After a thorough investigation. Celebration Singapore". 6). If disputes between clans arose. 29 Oct. particularly most in nineteenthand early twentieth-century and Because Malaya. 8).. 5) and the fights between Lim and Koh (Lin and Hsu) of the Feng Au village. in Souvenir Magazine of the 16th Anniversary of the Eng Chuan Kong So of Singapore. At the same time. and coopera understanding clans which dominated the local Chinese powerful In nineteenth-century for instance. clan fights in Ch'uan-chou Fukien. (13 1889. and whose members had in China and overseas ? intermarried further strengthened their relationship by an named Sam forming organization Quaye Tong Kongsi (San K'uei T'ang kung ssu. and the Yeoh Sam Tu (Shan Tu ?-i? of FTai ) Ch'eng district. the Chieh. 6. there were reports in T'ung An district. p.). Lat Pau reported frequent clan fights in Fukien and Kwang clan fights in Shun Teh district. about fights Nov. Yeoh SengChan in Penang on 17 July 1974.). Fukien (8 1891. il?'Aa] ) in 1881. p. the Lim. It could Organizations not only prevent serious disputes which tended to disrupt social order and threaten the survival of the clans but also positively promote cordial relationships pointing to the development of social units larger than clans in the overseas Chinese com munities.139 the committee would then decide what course of the dispute.138 Such fights could threa ten clans directly. action should be taken to settle tion could be reached among clans. they were invariably affected by the inter-clan relationship of their parental bodies. p. Yun-ch'uan t'ang Ch'en-shih tsu-p'u (n. and the Lim and Tan (Lin 1891. Because of these serious implications.142 management this kind helped to stabilize the immigrant community.p. the Yeoh.

It promoted in the home the spirit of inter-clan cooperation relationship rest for and for the whole village by providing money places building night patrol to it its also used financial force the power village. but the trustees of the Sam Quaye Ch'eng. to do The clans proceeded so. 4 Apr. Clan-arranged marriages usually took place in clan temples where ceremonies were held. was the main cause of As the of Chinese girls in the communities identity. Yeoh did not specify could be the one in Lat Pau. and Marriage Chinese Family See Maurice p. Through was contacts with to clan the well China. A useful discussion strong Sino-Malay A Case of Locai in Singapore: Poh Seng. of Kew Leong Tong Lim Kongsi. Chinese of other dialect towards inter-ethnic marriages. 124. reported 145 on the Chinese of Penang". Local-born Chinese tended to lose some of the values their parents cherished. Freedman. his reference settle the fight. 146 The Chinese" . with 143 Ibid. influences from the clans' point of was undesirable and was seen as a direct threat to the values which the clans view. A trend especially between Chinese men and Malay women. Journal of Southeast 147 in Singapore. The Lim Kongsi of Penang. as a means to threaten parental and used remittances clans to Tong came to some the year of the big fight.144 and Promotion In the second half of the Legalization of Marriage of Education. Although inevitable process that overseas Chinese communities had to undergo. 1 (Mar.147 bring from China to arrest the trend towards "Baba-ization". 144 According There was a war to Mr. inApr. Mr.84 Yen Ching-Hwang in China. parental clans to come to terms with each other in order to avoid large-scale clan war. 1969). between Yeoh Seng Chan. term "Baba" who (1854):1.145 Cultural mixing.146 Most clans realized that if the trend towards "Baba-ization" of the principles on which the clans were organ Chinese descendants. Ibid. nineteenth and the beginning of twentieth centuries. no.148 By for instance. assure the couple a "legal status" if they had to return to the home village in some distant future. and the couples were blessed by the clan head. cultural mixing was viewed as disruptive. 8. 1891 between Khoo and Yeoh. the Chinese in communities and Malaya became more viable and self-sufficient. in H'ai used here is to designate and those "Straits the people of Sino-Malay parentage on this topic is found in Png had acquired culture. "The Straits Chinese Accornmoda Identity and Socio-Cultural Asian History 10. arrange a placed frequent suitable marriage between an overseas member and a China girl. kind of understanding. clan war was and Yeoh rife in South China in the 19th and 20th centuries. took place in the community and was clearly reflected in the existence of a group called "Babas".96-99. occurred 1891. This helped to publicize and dignify the marriage among the clansmen. Cheah. p. and the Chinese Singapore tended to adhere more to their traditions. There was a cultural resistance to local that were seen as foreign. it was an sought to preserve. tion"'. 15. and as the branch ized would it could legalize an overseas marriage which would of its parental body in China. members. and Eastern Journal See "Notes Asia 8 of Indian Archipelago Khoo.143 Sometimes. and would eventually result in the loss of Chinese be greatly undermined. 148 See Rules and By-Laws p. annually solemnized marriages of its members so doing.was unchecked. in the clan temple. shortage more to it in seemed desirable young Chinese girls Sino-Malay marriages. the clans exercised considerable influence over the choice of spouses of its and prevented inter-dialect and inter-racial marriages from taking place. and tended to mix more groups and people of other races.

Leong Tong Kongsi 1908. 168-209.56 by the Yeoh clan school in 1909.151 Education thus became the yard stick of the social status of an individual and a clan in the society. and the clansmen who had pass'ed higher stages of imperial examinations brought honour to the clan as a whole. 17. the imperial degree holders were honoured by having their names engraved on a eulogy board on the walls of the clan temples. Freedman. pp.). See Chung Hsing 1909. 18 Feb. 1. 3. 17. 156 See the enrolment advertisement 1907). The school only admitted children of members irrespective of their social and economic The curricula followed those backgrounds. "Report ??#^$i#'t: Sun Shih-ting of the Straits Settlements. It was founded #t?x?|H? was of in the Khoo 1907.153 the clans began to found schools to educate the young. 51. China. the Founding General about of Chinese Schools by Chinese in Cheng-chih in Southeast Merchants 28th day of 9th Asia". 158 See "Pin-ch'eng Ch'en-shih in Ch'en Ch'i-yu chien-shih". Singapore 154 See Khoo Hock Siew. 152 of Penang. 153 See Yen Ching-hwang. with Particular to the Leong San Reference See Khoo Phaik Suat. p. 2000-2002. province.150 At the same time.154 Free education Kongsi by Penang provided for children of Khoo clansmen.155 Kongsi by a Kew The Lim founded in school followed Penang. 4. of Goh Pang in the Ch'ing record the Sin Kang School was known as the "Khoo official Khoo Clansmen. moon of 33rd year of Kuang-hsu (3 Nov. with Special Reference to The Overseas and Malaya. 18 Feb. kuan-pao [Ch'ing Government Gazette]. of the Lim Clan School published in Penang Sin Pao. 157 16Oct. The interest in education by the overseas clans was clearly reflected in their encouragement given to those members who had successfully passed the imperial examinations. cit. pp. Penang Sin Pao. in Hupeh school See Chang Chih-tung.158 The clan school was run by a separate board under the control of the clan committee. p. primary kung ch'uan-chi Chang Wen-hsiang [Complete works of Chang Chih-tung] (Taipei. The first clan school that ever existed in Singapore and Malaya was the Sin Kang School (Hsin Chiang Hsueh Hsiao ). andKwangtung. generally modern primary schools in China. Genealogical Shen-teh-t'ang k'ai-k'uang".152 As a further expression of the clans' interest in combined with the impact of the spread of modern Chinese education education.157 and the Eng Chuan Tong Tan clan also founded a school in 1911. 150 in Southeastern Maurice Freedman. 1963). 4. .. 1911. 159 This conclusion is drawn after comparing the curricula of the Ts'un Ku Hsueh T'ang.. influence than clans without learned members.Early Chinese Clan Organizations bodies in Singapore and Malaya 85 the clans in Singapore and Malaya placed great in the traditional Chinese Education society was the most to upward Men with good education social mobility. Clan School" chia-tsu of the Consul (Ch'iu-shih ). pp. Jih Pao (Singapore). The Ladder of Success (New York.). 1911.149 Scholars might pass the imperial examinations were respected within the clan. vol. Yun-ch'uan-t'ang (ed. p.159 and were similar to those schools founded by 149 in Imperial China See Ping-ti Ho. "The Clan Kongsis in Penang on 17 July 1974.p. in China. op. and the rise of modern Chinese nationalism. Appendix. 69-75. clans with more scholars and imperial degree holders enjoyed more prestige and Like their parental value on education.See hsueh-t'ang. interview with Yeoh Seng Chan Tong Khoo Kongsi" (unpublished). p. 154-57. 1964). important stepping-stone and move to the top in the society. and classes were conducted within the compound of the clan was soon taken The the Khoo followed other clans in step by temple.. Yun-ch'uan t'ang Ch'en-shih tsu-p'u (n. p.). p. Lineage Organization 151 Chinese Lineage and Society: Fukien See Maurice pp. 15$ See Khoo Phaik Suat. a modern with the curricula of the Lim Clan School. Chinese and the 1911 Revolution. "Pin-ch'eng Ch'iu kung-ssu shih-lueh chih t'ang-wu fa-chan lung-shan-t'ang in Pin-ch'eng Ch'iu Record kung-ssu (ed.

strong con study grew overseas clans were localized in China. pp.160 A study of the organizations a strong China orientation in most shows of the clan schools and curricula syllabus as were to Chinese and to indoctrinated themselves of the subjects. See Penang 165 Ibid. fucian values. 161 18 Feb. See Modified in Singapore the Ying Sin school Comprehensive p. Hakka of the Ying Sin School the curricula (founded by the comparing Yin-hsin hsueh See Hsing-chia-po in 1907) and the Lim Clan School. 4. 164 stated that students were to be of the Kew Leong Tong Lim Clan School The Rules and Regulations conclusion group is drawn after dialect in Singapore 160 This to Confucius' portrait on the 1st and 15th days of every month. But most important of and helping to maintain tradition and Con Chinese descent lines.164 teachers and the clan's leaders under pain of punishment. Singapore] School. of the overseas Chinese role in the functioning They functioned Conclusion. See Penang 162 Ibid. they were required 18 Feb. and to perpetuate help to consolidate the learned ancestors. guided by their teachers to pay homage of the clan after and progenitors of Confucius to bow to the portraits Moreover. traditional Chinese values in the society. of the Ying Sin School. The Classics of (Hsiu-shen Filial Piety (Hsiao Ching #^? ) were the ) and Confucius'Analects (Lun-yii ifeig two classics taught under the former. they retained many characteris lineages based on geographical tics of their parental bodies in structure and function. p. p. students was still the traditional notions of filial piety and loyalty to the emperor which into their minds inculcated through the subjects of "self-cultivation" of Classics" % % ) and "Reading (Tu-ching %$?. Penang (Singapore. Students regard use to of for education and for China. 1911. maintained as a whole. for members social welfare and assistance bodies. The syllabi of the Lim Clan School were not published Rules can be used to illustrate this point. Most nections with their parental bodies and dialect origins.86 dialect Yen Ching-Hwang in Singapore and Malaya during this period. classes were dismissed every day. they perpetuated and served as an the identity of the Chinese communities. Sin Pao. physical music. 4. providing part as self-governing law and order in the society at large. and physical education. 163 but the similar syllabi of in the newspaper.162 But the most important influence on mathematics. . The clans played an important in communities.161 Modern be loyal concepts practical were to students of introduced fitness through the subjects geography. p. 2-7. were under in Singapore and Malaya in the period Chinese clan organizations overseas established out in and needs of environment. 1907).163 Further. sages and philosophers regulations of these early clan schools were geared to foster the values of respect for for and the old (tsun-lao ching-hsien ) and veneration ^^^t^ Students were required to pay regular homage to the portraits of Confu and they were also required to pay respect to cius and the clan's progenitors. Sin Pao. preserved Chinese all. 1911. ). 1911. of culture Chinese transmitter they existed physi Although important one they knew in a to to the strove of similar mould type society they cally overseas. 4. and Regulations Singapore. while the words and deeds of early Chinese rules and were the main contents of the latter. 3. of the Ying Sin rules and regulations comprehensive [Modified chang-ch'eng t'ang chueh kai chien-ming ' 18 Feb. Sin Pao.165 Rules of this kind could the clan's control over the minds of its youth.

they resisted change and tended to slow down the in the overseas Chinese communities. Because of their.Early Chinese Clan Organizations in Singapore and Malaya 87 China. pre traditional Chinese world would continue occupation with Chinese tradition. they lived in the world of China. and wanted seas Chinese communities t<Xensure that the to exist overseas. From this perspective. process of acculturation . regarded the over as a part of that world.

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