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Published in Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 23.

1 (2008): 1-31

José Ignacio Hualde University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Armin Schwegler University of California, Irvine

The least understood aspect of Palenquero phonology is its intonational system. This is a serious gap, as it is precisely in the realm of prosody that the most striking phonological differences between Palenquero and (Caribbean) Spanish are apparent. Although several authors have speculated that African influence may be at the source of Palenquero’s peculiar intonation, to date published research offers no detailed information about the intonation of the creole. The goal of this study is to remedy this situation. Here we identify several specific intonational features where conservative (or older-generation) Palenquero differs from (Caribbean) Spanish. One of these features is a strong tendency to use invariant word-level contours, with a H tone on the stressed syllable and L tones on unstressed syllables, in all sentential contexts, including prenuclear positions. A second feature that we have identified is the use of a sustained phrase-final high or mid level contour in declaratives accented on the final syllable, and a long fall in declaratives accented on the penult. The final section addresses the issue of the possible origin of these intonational features. We point out similarities with Equatorial Guinea Spanish and conclude that, at some point in the history of Palenquero, the Spanish prosodic system was interpreted as involving lexical tone, in conformity with claims in the literature regarding several Atlantic creoles. KEYWORDS: creole, Colombia, intonation, Palenque, Palenquero, prosody, Spanish, substrate, tone, accent, vowel lengthening, Bantu

Palenquero intonation


1. Introduction Palenquero is a creole language spoken in El Palenque de San Basilio, Colombia, located about 60 km inland from the city of Cartagena de Indias. Founded in the second half of the 17th century, this former maroon community has been speaking creole and Spanish for several centuries (Schwegler, 1998: 223-237). The fact that the inhabitants of Palenque spoke both Spanish and their own language already early on is noted in a document of 1772 (Patiño, 1983:183). Palenquero was first identified as a creole in publications by Granda (1968) and Bickerton & Escalante (1970). Over the last 30 years or so, the almost exclusively Black community has been shifting towards increased use of Spanish (Schwegler & Morton, 2003). Although Patiño (1983) describes the situation he encountered in the late 1970s as one of general bilingualism, he notes that older speakers tend to use the creole more, a situation which still obtains today. Recently, Schwegler (in press b) has observed that many younger people in Palenque have only a passive command of the creole. Conversations in Palenquero are characterized by almost constant extra- as well as intra-sentential switches between creole and Spanish (Patiño, 1983: 186, Schwegler & Green, in press). Despite this heavy interaction (or even overlapping) of the two local languages, at the descriptive level, Palenquero can readily be characterized as a separate code from Spanish. At the same time, speakers are very much aware of the existence of two distinct languages in their community. Palenquero displays many of the syntactic features associated with Atlantic creoles (Bickerton & Escalante, 1970; Granda, 1968, 1978; Patiño, 1983, 2002; Schwegler & Green, in press). Its lexicon is derived almost exclusively from Spanish, but it contains some two hundred elements of Bantu origin (specifically Kikongo, according to Schwegler, 2002a, 2002b, in press a). Of these, only a dozen or so are used in daily speech [fn1]. Common Palenquero words of Bantu origin are: moná ‘child’ (< Kik. mwana ‘child’), Kik. lumbalú ‘name of a local funeral tradition’ (<Kik. lu-mbálu ‘memory, recollection, melancholy’), and ma ngómbe ‘cattle’ < Kik. ngombe ‘cattle’) (see Schwegler, 2002a) The last example contains the particle ma (see Moñino, 2005), from the Bantu class 6 prefix, in the standard classification of Bantu noun classes (see, e.g., Wald, 1987: 1000, Katamba, 2003: 104), which has become a general plural marker in Palenquero; e.g.: ma hénde ‘people’ (< Sp. gente), ma ómbe ‘men’ (< Sp. hombre), ma pálo ‘trees’ (< Sp. palo). [fn 2] Moñino (2002) and Schwegler (2002b) also discuss possible cases of African influence on Palenquero (morpho)syntax. In addition to these

Palenquero intonation


lexical and grammatical Africanisms, one finds in Palenque a series of cultural patterns that are similarly suggestive of Bantu influence (Schwegler,1992, in press a). The present-day segmental phonology of Palenquero does not differ much from that of the neighboring Caribbean Spanish varieties. [fn 3] Significantly, there are no differences in segmental inventory (Bickerton & Escalante, 1970; Patiño, 1983: 90; Schwegler, 1998: 264-267). Coda /s/ — variably [s], [h] and [ø] in Caribbean Spanish — has been systematically eliminated: uté < Sp. usted ‘you (sing./formal)’, pekáo < Sp. pescado ‘fish’. That is, Palenquero has taken the weakening of coda /s/, present in Caribbean and many other Spanish varieties, to its logical conclusion. Sequences of liquid plus stop have given rise to geminates: mátte < Sp. martes ‘Tuesday’, kabbón < Sp. carbón ‘(char-)coal’, Tubbáko < Sp. Turbaco (toponym), a process variably found in Cartagena (Becerra, 1985; Nieves Oviedo, 2002) as well as some areas of Cuba (Guitart, 1976) and the Dominican Republic. In Palenquero, as in these Caribbean varieties of Spanish, voiceless geminates may be simplified, but voiced geminate stops contrast with voiced approximants or fricatives (cf. lágo [lá֙o] ‘lake’ vs. lággo [lág:o] ‘long’ < Sp. largo). Intervocalic /d/ often becomes a flap [‫]ש‬: kuiráo ‘care(ful)’ < Sp. cuidado, as is also the case in some rural coastal Colombian varieties (Granda, 1994) and the Dominican Spanish dialect of El Cibao (Núñez Cedeño, 1987). Nevertheless, in spite of these coincidences with Caribbean Spanish, Palenquero also exhibits clear indications of an earlier, more Bantu-like phonological stage. Two contemporary features in particular are indicative of an earlier reinterpretation of the Spanish allophonic alternation between initial [b-, d-, g-] and intervocalic [-ਫ-, -ᾩ-, -֙-] as the typical Bantu pattern with initial [mb-, nd-, ֊g-] and intervocalic [-ਫ-, -l-, -֙-] (see, for instance, Maddieson, 2003: 24). These features are: (1) the optional and still very common prenasalization of word-initial plosives like ndá < Sp. dar ‘to give’, ngatá < Sp. gastar ‘to spend’, mbósa < Sp. bolsa ‘bag, pocket’ ; and (2) the replacement of intervocalic /d/ with /l/, kelá < Sp. quedar ‘to stay’, bitílo < Sp. vestido ‘dress’. Also somewhat suggestive of Bantu substratal influence (although the process is also found in other languages) is the voicing of postnasal voiceless stops — obligatory in a select few words like tiémbo < Sp. tiempo ‘time’, kumblá < Sp. comprar ‘to buy’, plánda < Sp. plátano ‘banana’, sindí < Sp. sentir ‘to feel’, and Palénge < Palenque, but free in items like kandá ~ kantá ‘to sing’ < Sp. cantar (for this voicing process in Bantu, see Hyman, 2003: 50). [fn 4] Another Bantu-like feature is the replacement of rhotics with /l/, observable in a number of words: aló < Sp. arroz ‘rice’, pélo < Sp. perro ‘dog’, selá < cerrar ‘close,

Palenquero intonation


shut’, kolasón < Sp. corazón ‘heart’ (Patiño, 1983: 96-98, Schwegler & Morton, 2003: 135, item 7; see also 138, item 14). Against this background, it would not be surprising if Palenquero prosody also preserved vestiges of a Bantu substrate (Patiño 1983: 109-110). In fact, in the first description of Palenquero, Montes (1962: 450 [cited in Patiño 1983: 110]) refers to the “peculiarísimo tonillo palenquero, una de cuyas más salientes características es la notoria elevación del tono y el alargamiento cuantitativo de la sílaba acentuada” [fn 5], for which he surmises an African origin. Bickerton & Escalante claim that in Palenquero, “finalsyllable accent is a matter of high tone rather than stress”, and that “there are some pairs, such as kusina ‘kitchen’, kusiná ‘to cook’, which are only tonally distinguished” (1970: 257). While acknowledging the existence of striking intonational patterns, Patiño (1983: 109-110) denies the existence of contrastive lexical tone in Palenquero, preferring to interpret word-level prosody in terms of stress (see also Patiño, 2002: 28). All scholars who have subsequently researched Palenquero seem to agree, explicitly or implicitly, that the creole lacks lexical tonal contrasts. The fact remains, however, that very little is known about Palenquero intonation (but see Moñino 2003: 524-525 for a brief description). Prosody continues to be the least understood aspect of Palenquero phonology, even though it is precisely at this level that one finds the most remarkable synchronic phonological differences with respect to the neighboring Spanish varieties. As Megenney states:
La faceta que sin duda es la más difícil de resolver es la de los patrones de entonación del palenquero, que en algunas instancias, difieren del español costeño normal, y eso, en donde se esperaría, en los tonemas. La pregunta inmediata que nos hacemos al escuchar estas diferencias de entonación se relaciona con el posible vínculo que los patrones anómalos del palenquero tengan o no con los sistemas tonales de las lenguas africanas. Hasta ahora este problema es irresoluble. (1986: 22) [fn 6]

A goal of this paper is to shed some light on this hitherto “unsolvable problem” of the origins of Palenquero intonation. The issue that we want to address is what makes Palenquero intonation so different from Spanish, including Caribbean and Colombian Spanish, as several researchers have reported. That is, our goal is to try to identify specific aspects of Palenquero prosody that may account for its distinct intonational impression. Once some of these features are identified, we will proceed to examine whether the Bantu substrate may have been a causal factor. In section 2 we describe our data sources (recordings of Palenquero). Section 3 offers a brief overview of Spanish intonation, focusing on the major features that will be

The recording contains a lively. Our main source of examples is a recording made by one of the authors. (born 1955). and compare Palenquero intonation with that of other Atlantic creoles. is a long monologue by a younger but very competent speaker of Palenquero. highly informal and relaxed dialogue between two female speakers. 1998. Older speakers and early recordings are thus more likely to reveal the special intonational contours that Montes (1962) and others have noted. code-switches between Palenquero and Spanish are frequent. the intonational patterns of Palenquero differ markedly from those found in any monolingual Spanish variety. Schwegler & Morton. In light of Palenque’s sociolinguistic history and prevailing local language attitudes (Schwegler. the traditional tonillo (singsong intonation) of traditional Palenquero speech has been avoided by the latest generations to the point where contemporary local intonational patterns show a much higher degree of convergence with those of regional Spanish. R.The monologue is solely in creole. In this paper.Palenquero intonation 5 useful in the comparison. our emphasis will be on patterns that appear to significantly differ from those of Spanish. Corpus for the study of Palenquero intonation For the purpose of this study. Heavily stigmatized (see Patiño. S. The general auditory impression obtained from our recordings confirms the (often vague) descriptions made in the above-mentioned earlier investigations. (born 1919) and V. As expected. A. we have used two recordings of Palenquero speech. 2003). In section 4 we examine specific aspects of Palenquero declarative patterns that seemingly differ from Spanish. The main intonational differences between Palenquero and Spanish are summarized in Section 6. Frequently. The conversation is interspersed with occasional remarks by the researcher and other participants. it is logical to assume that the age of informants and the date of a recording significantly condition the prosodic features we seek to examine in this study. also obtained in situ in 1988. 1983: 110). These and other considerations have guided us in selecting the aforementioned “early” recording from the late 1980s as our principal data source. 1999-2005). . Section 5 concentrates on interrogative intonation. [fn 8]. Schwegler. [fn 7] Our secondary recording. The recordings were digitized and analyzed with PRAAT (Boersma & Weenink. (born 1914). where we also review the possible influence of a Bantu substrate. in Palenque in the summer of 1988. 2.

This intonational curve shows three pitch excursions. Notice. numero ‘I number’. intonational contours in Spanish can be analyzed as resulting from the interpolation between tonal events associated with stressed syllables (known as pitch accents) and tonal movements at the end of phrases (boundary tones) (Pierrehumbert. divided into syllables. there is normally a low boundary (indicated with the symbol L% in the tonal transcription). 2005: 233-235). The peak is reached in the following syllable (-ron. known as “declination” or “downtrend”. accentual peaks are typically lower from the beginning to the end of the intonational phrase (Prieto et al. nevertheless.Palenquero intonation 6 3. The three pitch accents in the figure have a rising configuration: the pitch rises through the stressed syllable from a low point or valley at the beginning of each of the three lexically stressed syllables (die-. Figure 1 illustrates a typical neutral declarative contour in Spanish with the text le dieron el número de vuelo ‘they gave him the number of the flight’. 1996. Quilis. for instance. Beckman & Pierrehumbert. Basic features of Spanish stress and intonation Spanish has contrastive lexical stress on one of the last three syllables of the word. 1993: 390-395. whereas indefinite articles and demonstratives are stressed (un libro ‘a book’. 1995). . As in English and many other intonational languages. nuestros amigos ‘our friends’). definite articles and prenominal possessives.g. and the intonational curve. numeró ‘s/he numbered’ (stressed syllables are underlined). corresponding to the three lexically stressed syllables in the utterance. as can be seen in Figure 1. 2004). Ladd. 1980. [fn 9] The figure contains three time-aligned tiers: the text of the utterance. the waveform.and vue-). 1986. found in spontaneous speech (Face.. are unstressed (el libro ‘the book’. nú. At the end of a final declarative. that the first two tonal peaks occur after the stressed syllable. número ‘number’. Gussenhoven. and within the stressed syllable in the last or nuclear accent [fn 10]. e. Exceptions to declination are. -me-) in the case of the first two (prenuclear) accents. 2003). resulting in a final fall. is typical of final declaratives. The same Figure 1 also shows that in final declaratives. Function words and expressions may be either lexically stressed or unstressed (Navarro Tomás. This phenomenon. however. Hualde. estos amigos ‘these friends’). 1977: 187-194.

and reaches a peak in the posttonic syllable. 1. Prieto et al. 2003). Sosa 1999.Palenquero intonation 7 Fig. where the peak occurs within the stressed syllable (e. pl. It is not the case. The peak is displaced to the posttonic in the two prenuclear accents. . except in the final or nuclear accent. The beginning of the rise (a valley) coincides with the onset of the lexically stressed syllable.) the LH número de vuelo number of flight LH LH-L% ‘they gave him the number of the flight = they gave him the flight number’ Lexically stressed syllables are underlined.g. The utterance ends with a boundary low tone (L%). that lexical stress is always manifested as a pitch rise. Notice that this example contains three rising pitch-accents (LH). In Spanish neutral declarative sentences. All three peaks are progressively reduced (declination). 1996.. however. Spanish does not have lexical tone. Hualde. 2002. Example of neutral declarative in Spanish: le to him dieron el gave (3. the pitch thus typically rises during the stressed syllable of (most) content words.

abbreviated (s)). other pitch-accents can be chosen to convey different pragmatic meanings. in yes-no questions.) ¿Le dieron el to him gave (3 pl.) the LH número de number of H vuelo? flight L-H% ‘Did they give him the flight number?’ . 2.29655 Time (s) Fig. For instance. 2. In the figures. before a final rise that is confined to the posttonic syllable(s) (see Fig. the last stressed syllable is often associated with a low tone. is associated with a L tone. Example of yes/no question in Spanish: (Note that the last stressed syllable. the total duration of the utterance is given in seconds.Palenquero intonation 8 Instead of rises. vue-. 300 le 0 0 die ron el nu' me ro de vue lo 1.

2003. the distribution of old and new information.Palenquero intonation 9 Also. Hualde. A lexically stressed syllable may be associated with a rising contour (LH). This is the contour on the word vuelo ‘flight’ in Figure 1. just like in English and other stress languages. That is.. as it has been observed that speakers of languages with lexical tone tend to adopt borrowings from stress-accent languages with the tonal pattern they receive in citation form (Devonish. see Beckman et al. 2002). Declarative sentences in Palenquero 4. For the purpose of this paper. and so on. Even though this may not be a particularly frequent contour in discourse (a rise with displacement of the peak to the posttonic may be more common). How such a lexically stressed syllable is ultimately realized depends on the type of sentence. Lexically stressed syllables function as “anchors” for intonational pitch accents. declarative sentences typically exhibit a high tone on every stressed syllable (that is. the position of the word in the sentence. Pitch accents In the Palenquero corpus that we have examined. without any displacement of the peak. This is illustrated in the two representative examples given in Figures 3 and 4 (speakers . The specific inventory depends on the language (for Spanish. or no tonal target at all. Certain pitch accents are more common than others. but there are several possible contours that may be associated with the stressed syllable of the word. Successive peaks show very little or no declination. on every syllable that would be stressed in the Spanish cognate word). words cited in isolation have a rise that is confined to the stressed syllable. 000). a falling contour (HL). The stressed syllable is high for most of its duration. as in the Coastal Colombian Spanish contour in Figure 8 (p. among others). the nuclear or “citation” contour is especially important. 2002. neutral declarative nuclear accents are realized as a fall during the stressed syllable.1. but the shape of pitch accent varies depending on pragmatics factors. This pitch accent is thus contrary to the typical Spanish pattern of rising accents with peaks displaced to posttonic syllables. 4. and there is a low tone on the posttonic. it is important to note that in Spanish. as in other languages without lexical tone. with a fall on the posttonic. which is in nuclear position in a declarative sentence. a high tone (H). in many dialects. a low tone (L). stressed syllables are not systematically characterized by any particular pitch contour.

Palenquero intonation 10 are identified by their initial in parenthesis after the text).32646 Time (s) Fig. [fn 12] 400 de 0 0 pué í tán bu ká pe káo a ka ta hé na 2. without any declination. Notice that in Figure 3. Palenquero: depué i later I H tán FUT H buká go get H pekáo a Katahéna … (V. . 3. después voy a buscar pescado en Cartagena). i tá yebá é plánda ‘I am taking along bananas’ in Figure 4 again illustrates the presence of a high tone on all stressed syllables. Readers will note that once again there is essentially no declination. depué i tán buká pekáo a Katahéna [fn 11] ‘later on I will go look for fish in Cartagena’ (Sp. every syllable that would have lexical stress in Spanish is associated with a high tone. and all the high-toned syllables have roughly the same F0 level.) fish in Cartagena H H ‘later I will go get fish in Cartagena …’ The second example.

Palenquero: i tá yebá I T/A take H H é FOCUS plánda.) H ‘I am taking along bananas.’ Consider also the example in Figure 5: yó sí tén maílo nú pogke ri mí á morí ‘I do not have a husband.51994 Fig. because mine died’ (cf. all syllables that in the Spanish cognate words would be stressed are once again realized with a H tone in Palenquero.Palenquero intonation 11 500 i 0 0 tá ye bá é Time (s) plán da 1. 4. Sp. banana H (V. Note in particular (1) the absence of tonal valleys between the three H-toned syllables with which the utterance . yo (sí que) no tengo marido porque el mío ha muerto). As shown.

In Spanish discourse this pattern on the word marido would be expected only if the word were realized with special emphasis or in isolation.Palenquero intonation 12 starts. marido) is realized with a L-H-L surface pattern. and (2) the lack of peak displacement. For instance the phrase-medial word maílo ‘husband’ (< Sp. .

) die H nú NEG H pogke because 2.5795 mí á mine has H H ‘I have no husband.Palenquero intonation 13 500 yo' si' te'n mai' lonu' po ke rimi a' mo ri' 0 0 Time (s) Fig. Palenquero: yó sí I AFFIRM H H ri of tén have H maílo husband H morí (R. 5.’ . because mine died.

consider the contour in y-a tené ma-numáno mí.Palenquero intonation 14 As a final example. respectively. Nevertheless. with the contour that Spanish words with penultimate and final stress. . y-a tené mahaná mí ‘I have my brothers. 6). would receive if pronounced in isolation). the preceding word is realized in both cases with the contour it would presumably receive in isolation: numáno L-H-L. In this example the postnominal possessive mí ‘my’ is emphasized and uttered with an upstepped H tone. I have my children’ (Fig. mahaná L-L-H (that is.

41163 Palenquero: tené have H ma-numáno mí. I have my children (= I have several brothers and children).( R.Palenquero intonation 15 500 y-ate ne'manu ma'nomi'y-a tene' mahana' mi': 0 0 Time (s) Fig.a tené PL brother mine I T/A have H ↑HL% H mahaná mí.’ . 6.) boys mine H ↑HL% ‘I have my brothers. y. yI a T/A 2.

2002). we often find a level high tone on the last syllable. 7). Colantoni. allowing for very little flexibility in intonation. Conservative Palenquero intonation with its consistently high tone on stressed syllables and low tones on unstressed syllables would appear to be in agreement with this cross-linguistic pattern. be considered the crucial ingredient for the Palenquero tonillo. however. 7) and the corresponding Colombian Spanish yo estoy sin mamá (Fig. (Absence of) boundary tones in phrases with oxytonic ending Another striking feature of Palenquero intonation is that final declaratives sometimes end in a level tone. the pitch contour in the citation form of words is taken as an integral part in the pronunciation of the word in all contexts. This contour is better characterized as a level H tone rather than as a rising accent LH. This transfer of high tone onto the stressed syllable would have resulted from essentially the same process that occurs in borrowings from English and Portuguese in a number of Bantu and other West African languages: the intonational contour of words in isolation in the source language is taken to characterize the word at the lexical level (Carter. Buenos Aires Spanish also appears to differ from other Spanish dialects in this respect (Sosa. in Fig. without a final drop. 2002) and for African varieties of European languages. 2003). 1989.2. impressionistically. apparently as a result of a recent change triggered by Spanish/Italian bilingualism at the beginning of the 20th century. 4. Devonish. the level high tone over much of the duration of stressed syllables. that. without the final fall that is nearly obligatory in Spanish (as it is in English) in final declarative sentences. That is. 1987. as in mamá. at least in part. The example i á tá sin mamá ‘I am without mother = I no longer have a mother’ (Fig. A strict alignment within the stressed syllable of accentual peaks cannot. 1999: 187. 8) illustrate this intonational difference. Palenquero intonation differs substantially from these Spanish varieties. has final stress. therefore. as we typically find in Spanish. 1980). such as Nigerian English (Amayo. Lack of peak displacement in prenuclear rising accents has been reported for two bilingual or contact Spanish varieties: the Spanish of Cuzco (O’Rourke. We should note. 2004) and the Spanish of bilingual Basque speakers (Elordieta.Palenquero intonation 16 The reinterpretation of stress as lexical association of a H tone with the stressed syllable has been claimed both for Caribbean creoles (Devonish. 2005). In utterances where the last word is oxytonic (that is. . What appears to cause the distinct prosody of Palenquero is.

Palenquero: i I á tá T/A be sin mamá.23526 Time (s) Fig.) without mother ‘I am without mother = I no longer have a mother. (V. 7.’ .Palenquero intonation 17 500 y-á 0 0 tá sin ma má 1.

lexically stressed syllable. It is interesting to note that in the example in Figure 7 where the two last syllables are . ‘I am without mother = I no longer have a mother. the “toneme” (last pitch-accent and boundary tone) is HL* L%.082 Time (s) Fig. 8.’ Note the intonational fall throughout the final. Bickerton & Escalante’s (1970: 257) claim that “final-syllable accent is a matter of high tone rather than stress” would appear to refer to this striking intonational feature of Palenquero: the use of a level H tone on phrase-final accented syllables. Analytically.Palenquero intonation 18 500 yo 0 0 es toy sin ma ma 1. Coastal Colombian Spanish: yo estoy sin mamá.

6761 Time (s) Fig. Bickerton & Escalante are. We will return to this point in the next subsection. Another example of a level H on a phrase-final accented syllable. directly comparable.. . therefore. 9. /má/ = 267 ms. there is no lengthening of the acccented syllable. is given in Figure 9. thus. Instead.’s monologue.. right in their observation that final prominence in Palenquero may be cued by purely tonal means in some instances. Palenquero: a… súto á tá kumo guandandá (S. sú to á tá 0 0 kumo guan dan dá 1. from S. 200 a. the penultimate is slightly longer: /ma/ = 277 ms. we are like spiders’ [meaning: ‘we are spreading / relocating to everywhere]’ Note the level H tone on the last syllable.) ah we T/A be like spider ‘ah.Palenquero intonation 19 segmentally identical (mamá) and.

like in Fig.Palenquero intonation 20 4. “underlying” moná LH is realized as phonetic M-M in this example. so that it is pronounced at the same level tone as the preceding toneless (pretonic) syllable. Notice the fall after the H tone in séi. That is. i-á tén séi moná ‘I have six children’ was produced in answer to the question ¿kuánto moná bó tené? ‘how many children do you have?’. Final downstep In sentences with the same basic structure as those examined in the preceding subsection. the penultimate syllable is actually longer than the accented final syllable: moná /mo/ = 286 ms. From the data available it is not yet entirely clear what pragmatic or other factors trigger this downstepping of utterance-final highs. /ná/ = 209 ms. . and the level phonetic mid-tone over the last two syllables (again without a final boundary tone. 7 and 9).3. The sentence in Figure 10. the H tone of the last syllable is sometimes downstepped. This phenomenon is illustrated in Figures 10 and 11. As in Figure 7.

10.á I T/A H H y.á I T/A H tén have H tén have H séi six H séi six HL% moná/ (V.) child H moná child M M ‘I have six children’ .23367 Time (s) Fig. Palenquero: /í.Palenquero intonation 21 500 y-á 0 0 tén séi mo ná 1.

in Spanish (as in other European languages). the presence of a L% boundary tone at the end of a final declarative is essentially obligatory. /dé/ = 185 ms) exhibits a final level mid-tone over the last two syllables. This pattern is unlike anything normally found in Spanish.) sell H M M] ‘to take along to sell [it]’ . In other words. where pa yebá pa bendé ‘to take along to sell [it]’ (durations: bendé /ben/ = 255 ms. 400 pa 0 0 ye bá pa Time (s) ben dé 1.2107 Fig. Palenquero /pa yebá to take H [L LH pa to L bendé/ (V. where. even if the syllable is stressed. final declaratives usually fall at the end of the utterance. 11.Palenquero intonation 22 Exactly the same phenomenon is illustrated in Figure 11. as noted above.

/mí/ = 196 ms. the last H-toned syllable in each of the two sentences is downstepped to mid (represented as M in the transcriptions). here we find a pronounced drop in pitch after the downstepped H tone on its final syllable. As shown in the figure. that is. /té/ = 568 ms.Palenquero intonation 23 A similar phenomenon is illustrated in the second sentence in Figure 12. like some of the other examples above. Both sentences end with a stressed monosyllabic word. This figure contains two exclamative utterances: ¡yebá mí té! ¡nú dehá mí té nú! ‘take me along!. In contrast. /bá/ = 171 ms. Unlike in the other examples studied here and in the preceding subsection. This is a (somewhat anomalous) example of a contour we will examine in section 4. . the last syllable of the first sentence in Figure 12 shows a falling contour.4. /ye/ = 110 ms. the final syllable is extraordinarily lengthened to over 500 milliseconds: yebá mí té. do not leave me [here]!’. The second of the two sentence ends with a level tone.

Palenquero: /yebá mí take me H H té. nú dehá mí you (s. 12.) NEG leave me ML% H H H té you H nú/ (R.43441 Fig.Palenquero intonation 24 500 yeba' mi' 0 0 te' nu'deha'mi' te' Time (s) nu' 2.) NEG M ‘Take me along! Do not leave me [here]!’ .

paroxytonic). First. the long nuclear fall is a recurrent feature of paroxytonic phrases. long nuclear falls are rare on oxytonic phrases. In contrast. In the corpora that we have examined. in this contour. Most often the final pitch accent reaches approximately the same level as a previous pitch accent peak. The second feature is the extraordinary lengthening of the stressed syllable. or rises even higher.4. since. which contains sufficient examples of this contour to allow quantitative analysis.e. the fall is initiated during the coda of this syllable. this example is unusual in two respects. 4. when the accent is on the last syllable. In our corpus. Montes noted as a salient feature of Palenquero intonation “the noticeable raising of the tone and the quantitative lengthening of the stressed syllable” (1962: 450. in fact. more exactly. Secondly. is particularly frequent in S. its peak is downstepped. Patiño adds that. has penultimate accent).’s monologue. the contours described in the previous two subsections tend to occur instead (but most words are. the contour occurs on a final accented syllable.. 12). 10 and 11).Palenquero intonation 25 In partial summary. our translation). If the syllable is open. This is tantamount to saying that. The two main features of this contour were adequately captured in Montes’ impressionistic observation. and after a toneless syllable (Figs. this contour. One of them is “the noticeable raising of the tone”. which we will dub the “long nuclear fall”.’s monologue. The examples given in this section are all from S. An example of this contour is illustrated in Figure 4. We would further add that this nuclear contour tends to occur when the last word in the intonational phrase is paroxytonic (i. there is little or no declination. If the stressed syllable has a coda consonant. . and the few examples in our corpus all appear to occur in exclamations. We attribute these features to the exclamatory force of the utterance. it thus appears that a H tone linked to the last syllable of a phrase can be downstepped to M both after another H toned-syllable (Fig. the tone usually remains as a level H on the stressed syllable and falls on the posttonic. The long nuclear fall As we mentioned in section 1. on the phrase-final paroxytonic word plánda. Although the first sentence in Figure 12 above appears to show a long nuclear fall. this affects “the last stressed/accented syllable in the sentence” (“la última sílaba acentuada de la oración” [1983: 110]).

Palenquero: pa to salí get out ri Palénge.) Cartagena ‘to get out of Palenque. 200 pa sa lí ri pa 0 0 lén ge pa ka ta hé na 2. 13. Two additional examples with the same contour are shown in Figures 14 and 15. the phrases pa salí ri Palénge ‘to get out of Palenque’ and pa Katahéna ‘to Cartagena’ both exhibit a long nuclear fall.5758 Time (s) Fig.Palenquero intonation 26 In the example in Figure 13. to Cartagena’ . pa of Palenque to Katahéna (S.

18129 Time (s) Fig. 14. con toda esa gente) . Palenquero: ku tó é ma hénde (S.) with all these PL people ‘with all these people = with everyone’ (Sp.Palenquero intonation 27 200 ku 0 0 tó e ma hén de 1.

28 ms. dev.). We have identified and analyzed 44 phrases bearing a long nuclear fall in S. 50% longer than unstressed ones. These results are roughly in line with those obtained by Kaisse (2001) in a study of a somewhat similar contour. Palenquero: … di é … of this ma kús’ asína ngánde (S.05 ms. dev.Palenquero intonation 28 200 di é ma 0 0 kús a sí na ngán de 1. Clegg & Fails (1987) find that stressed syllables are. That is. it lacks the special pragmatic meaning of the Argentinian contour (item in a discontinuous list or highlighted .’s recording. whereas the antepenultimate syllable has an average duration of 139.08 ms.5 times (or 285%) longer than the preceding one. big like this’ One of the striking features of the contour illustrated in Figures 4 and 13-15 is the extraordinary lengthening of the last stressed syllable. In a study of syllable duration in Spanish. the nuclearly accented syllable in phrases with the “long nuclear fall contour” is more than 2. the “Argentinian long fall”. all with phrase-penultimate stress.48 ms. 15. (st.). 67. The Palenquero long fall differs from its Argentinian counterpart in several respects. on average. 40. The average duration of the penultimate syllables is 388. (st.89163 Time (s) Fig. [fn 13].) PL thing this big ‘… of those things. First.

As shown in the table.1) N 11 13 3 17 --44 Average duration (in ms. kotá plánda ‘to cut bananas’).8 (10) (25.6 100. tonic and posttonic (final) position in phrases with a long nuclear fall contour.9) (20.g.2 106.4) 68.1 198.9 (24.5) --99.7 199. with the fall becoming initiated after the tonic.9) 95.5) N 21 4 4 8 1 38 tonic 244. vowels in accented syllables bearing a nuclear long fall tend to have roughly twice the duration of vowels in immediately preceding and following unaccented syllables. e.7) (38) (19.1 157. A more accurate view can be obtained by limiting comparison to the duration of the vowels. 89. the Argentinian contour has its fall entirely within the stressed syllable.5 110.. according to Kaisse). as the consonant margins introduce uncontrolled variability (as it is the case in the studies cited). Secondly. We have provided syllable durations so as to facilitate comparisons with published results on Spanish.7 188.7 (3.4) (22.0 (57. To that end.3) N 9 25 5 2 3 44 posttonic 103.8 (5.6) (2) (21. while Palenquero keeps the accented syllable high if open.8 204.9) (0) (34.5 131. From these calculations we have excluded accented vowels in antepenultimate position (6 tokens. Table 1 provides mean duration values (with standard deviation in parentheses) for the last three vowels in the 44 utterances we are examining in this section. The Palenquero long fall seems to be a rather neutral nuclear accent configuration when born by a word with penultimate accent. .Palenquero intonation 29 word. pretonic /a/ /e/ /i/ /o/ /u/ ALL V Table 1.9) (4. standard deviations in parentheses) of vowels in pretonic.5) 168.4 (7.8 (20.9 98.

[fn. but never *¿kuándo kelé bo bae?). Each of the four syllables has the following durations: /lo/ = 188 ms. the pitch remains high on the last syllable. Notice that the last syllable is twice as long as the other syllables. intonation is crucial in the creole for signalling questions. These examples exhibit typical circumflex patterns. Two end with a paroxytonic word. /sé/ = 400 ms’. . The example ¿i si y-á pelé por aí? ‘and what if I get lost around there?’ (Fig.Palenquero intonation 30 5. 19). /ki/ = 218 ms. ¿kuándo bo kelé bae? lit. and drops off rapidly on the final syllable. In these examples. Figure 18 illustrates a pronominal question functioning as a “check”: ¿lo k’ í nasé? ‘[the day] when I was born?’. especially yes-no questions. The final contour is slightly more complex. The other two examples of interrogative sentences in this section exhibit oxytonic endings: nasé ‘to be born’ (Fig. This sentence ends with a level contour. 1999: 203-209). Figure 17 shows a pronominal (“wh”) question: ¿kómo uté tán dehá mí yó sólo? ‘How [is it that] you are going to leave me alone?’ (notice that the subject pronoun uté ‘you’ is in preverbal position). Because of the absence of subject-verb inversion. Interrogative intonation Palenquero does not make use of Spanish-like subject-verb inversion (thus Pal. instead of the final rise found in other Spanish dialects that we illustrated in Figure 2. with a small fall after the peak on the last syllable. 16) and sólo ‘alone’ (Fig. we find the characteristic Caribbean Spanish “circumflex pattern”. The sentence in Figure 16 is a negative yes-no question: ¿mañána nú-é mátte? ‘isn’t tomorrow Tuesday?’. The contour reaches a high peak on the penultimate syllable. 17). /na/ = 211 ms. 19) is a question with exclamatory force. mátte ‘Tuesday’ (Fig. with upstepping of the final accent and a final fall (Sosa. ‘when you want [to] go?’’. but without a drop off to the intonational floor. This section offers four Palenquero examples of interrogative contours. 14] In interrogative Palenquero sentences. 18) and aí ‘there’ (Fig.

) tomorrow NEG is Tuesday ‘isn’t tomorrow Tuesday?’ .16.07754 Time (s) Fig. Palenquero: ¿mañána núé mátte? (R.Palenquero intonation 31 500 ma n~a' na nu'e 0 0 ma' tte 1.

Palenquero intonation 32 500 ko mo u te' ta'n deha' mi' yo' 0 0 Time (s) Fig. so' lo 1. 17.60443 Palenquero: ¿Kómo uté tán dehá mí how you (s).) I alone ‘How [is it that] you are you going to leave me alone?’ . FUT leave me yó sólo? (R.

Palenquero: ¿lo k’ í that I nasé? (V.Palenquero intonation 33 500 lo 0 0 k-i' na Time (s) se' 1. sé = 400 ms .) to be born ‘[the day] when I was born?’ lo = 188 ms. na = 211 ms. 18.30696 Fig. ki = 218 ms.

19.Palenquero intonation 34 500 i si y-a' 0 0 pe le' por a i' 1.) around there ‘and what if I get lost around there?’ .37232 Time (s) Fig. Palenquero: ¿i si and if yI á pelé T/A lose por aí? (R.

1981). Palenquero function words may be either H-toned or toneless. 1999). Palenquero is still closer to being an accentual language than a tone language since (a) there can be only one H-toned syllable per word. This latter . All other words would bear a lexical H-tone on one of the syllables. an Arabic-lexified creole spoken in Uganda (Gussenhoven. 1991. as has been suggested by Devonish (1989. (b) (c) One could analyze Palenquero as essentially a tone language. which is again the stressed syllable of the corresponding Spanish word. except for some function words). in the lexicon of Spanish origin. however. as illustrated earlier in Figure 2.Palenquero intonation 35 By employing a circumflex interrogative pattern. Rivera-Castillo. 2004). It should be noted. that this contour allows for the realization of a H tone on the last accented syllable. Palenquero would also be similar to Nubi. 1998. RiveraCastillo & Pickering. and (b) every lexical word has a Htoned syllable (there are no toneless words. The frequent absence of final falls in declaratives with oxytonic endings. thereby generally corresponding to the contrast between unstressed and stressed forms in Spanish. Palenquero emulates a pattern that is standard in Caribbean Spanish. Mexican. where the syllable with nuclear accent bears a L tone. In such an analysis. This is contrary to the rising contour of yes-no interrogatives found in Castilian. This is thus a case where prosodic convergence with regional Spanish is possible without weakening the connection between stress and H tone. Typologically. in declarative and interrogative sentences as well as both in nuclear and prenuclear positions. and other wellknown varieties of Spanish (see Sosa. Most important among these are: (a) The systematic association in Palenquero of accented syllables with level H tones. The downstep of phrase-final H tones to a level M tone. Summary and discussion of origins In the preceding sections we have noted a number of features where Palenquero prosody differs from Spanish. 2005) as well as restricted-tone languages such as Somali (Hyman. 2002) and other investigators for several Atlantic creoles (including Iberian-based Papiamentu. as analyzed by Römer. however. 5. In this way.

The very high frequency with which accented syllables bear a H tone. among others). describing Palenquero as possessing a “tonal-accentual system”. 1998. 1980. see. 2004: 209-216). at some point in the past. Guyanese Creole and some other Anglo-West African varieties possess a similar lexical pitch-accent contrast (see Devonish. He offers a similar conclusion in print. This would have involved the interpretation of the intonational contours of Spanish words in citation form (or in nuclear position) as word-level tone. as has been claimed for several English-lexicon creoles (see Carter. 1977. 2002. in an unpublished conference paper. could these features be due to the fact that. 2002: 165-180). Palenquero has not adopted this sort of complex tonology. but have rules deleting “underlying” H tones in certain phonological contexts (Somali also has a class of underlyingly unaccented verb forms). However. Gussenhoven. among others). Moñino (2001). 1987. Palenqueros reinterpreted Spanish stress as requiring an association with a lexical H tone. 2003: 59). The consistency with which accented syllables are realized with a high pitch (reaching a peak within the syllable). Bantu languages in general are also well-known for having many complex phenomena of tonal assimilation and other alternations (for Kikongo. Odden. from the Kikongo group)? Most Bantu languages have a lexical opposition between H and L. rather than as a language with lexical tone. albeit only in passing [fn 15] (Moñino 2002: 247. 1994. Blanchon. Carter. not very different from that found in Swedish (Bruce. appears to adopt a similar view. and the other properties listed above contribute to making Palenquero prosody impressionistically very different from that of standard and even regional varieties of Spanish. Devonish. Papiamentu is a stress-accent language with an added pitchaccent contrast. As Remijsen & van Heuven (2005) demonstrate. see also 2005). the other Iberian-lexicon creole of South America. during the formative period of the creole. Palenquero lacks the lexical tonal contrast superimposed on stress that is found in Papiamentu. a majority of its users were native speakers of Bantu languages (specifically. we find ourselves in agreement with Patiño’s (1983. better characterized for many of the languages as a privative contrast between H-toned and toneless syllables (Kisseberth & Odden. As . and is closer to being a tonalaccent language.Palenquero intonation 36 feature makes it unlike Somali and Nubi. 2002) position that Palenquero is best analyzed as an accentual language. in particular. We may ask now whether it is reasonable to attribute the peculiar intonational features of Palenquero to substrate influence. which also have one H tone per word. In the final analysis. That is. leads us to conclude that. it appears. although the lowering of final H tones to M can be analyzed as a tone rule. Palenquero differs more than Spanish from the stress-accent language prototype represented by English.

it appears that many instances of lexical stress accent in Spanish have been reinterpreted as lexically preattached High tone” (2005:212). and the same adaptation has been reported in borrowings from English into several Bantu and West African languages (Carter. nd-. We believe that this hypothesis may explain the intonational features that make Palenquero different from (Caribbean) Spanish. and occasionally even on a rising tone. In our view. -֙-] was initially reinterpreted in terms of the typical Bantu alternation between initial [mb-. where native speakers of tonal Bantu languages were exposed to Spanish prosody as adults. certain changes in the shape of words of Spanish origin appear to indicate that the Spanish phonological alternation between the initial voiced stops [b-. Lipski concludes that “[i]n the case of Spanish as phonologically restructured by speakers of Bantu languages in Equatorial Guinea (all of which use a basic two-tone system). Lipski also notes that in Equatorial Guinea Spanish “[m]any declarative sentences end on a mid or high tone. 1987: 246-247). the general hypothesis is that “[g]iven the appropriate circumstances. is consistent with the evidence for another phonological reinterpretation. -֙-]. d.Palenquero intonation 37 Devonish states it. in which Spanish stress and sentence-level prosody are reinterpreted in terms of lexical tone. This coincides with our findings for Palenquero. more ups and downs in pitch. This overall scenario. at the segmental level. Within this context it is relevant to note that Kikongo imports Portuguese borrowings by adapting them with a H tone on the syllable that bears lexical stress in Portuguese (Carter. expect. if most of the first users of Palenquero were native speakers of Kikongo and other Bantu lexical-tone languages. in principle. and also level endings. -ᾩ-. 1987). find that Equatorial Guinea Spanish has very little declination. Thus Quilis & Casado-Fresnillo (1995: 138). where most speakers have a Bantu language as their native tongue. At .g-] and the intervocalic voiced fricatives or approximants [-ਫ-. ֊g-] and intervocalic [-ਫ-. these similarities in intonation between Equatorial Guinea Spanish and Palenquero are best explained as the result of a common initial set of circumstances. As noted in the introduction. Some of the most striking features of Palenquero intonation are replicated in the Spanish of Equatorial Guinea. comparing the Spanish intonation of their Equatorial Guinea informants with that of Madrid Spanish. That is. The reinterpretation of Spanish stress as a lexical H tone is indeed what one would. -l-. in contrast to native non-African varieties of Spanish” (2005: 212). the reinterpretation of Spanish prosody that appears to have taken place in Equatorial Guinea Spanish also occurred in the initial development of the Palenquero creole. sentence level intonation may become reinterpreted as a tone melody associated with an individual word” (2002: 36).

The intonational patterns of Palenquero that originally struck researchers in the 1960’s and 70’s may thus be less apparent to those venturing into the community at the beginning of the 21st century. A. 16. 14. Myers. & Morgan. 2003).Palenquero intonation 38 both the suprasegmental and the segmental levels. & Pierrehumbert. References Amayo. Hyman & C. A. 255-310. Chicago Linguistic Society. M. As we noted in section 2. In L. A. S. Blanchon. Beckman. . T. M. Stanford. J.. Kisseberth (Eds.. [fn 17] A final caveat: the findings of this paper are based on somewhat dated recordings of Palenquero. Lingua. it would not be unreasonable to attribute the peculiar Palenquero durational pattern in stressed phrase-penultimate syllables to the Bantu substrate as well. the original members of the Palenquero community filtered Spanish phonology through the lens of their native Bantu phonology. (1980) Tone in Nigerian English. Phonology Yearbook. CA: CSLI Publications.4. M. we have also noted that often there is very little or no stress-related lengthening in neutral declarative sentences with an oxytonic ending. 24. T. (2002) Intonation across Spanish in the Tones and Break Indices framework. J. M. Beckman. 3. (1998) Semantic/pragmatic conditions on the tonology of the Kongo noun-phrase: A diachronic hypothesis. Becerra. Bickerton. Theoretical aspects of Bantu tone (pp. J. (1985) Fonología de las consonantes implosivas en el español urbano de Cartagena de Indias (Colombia). McGory. As discussed in section 4. the traditional Palenquero “tonillo” is much less noticeable in the speech of younger contemporary speakers. [fn 16] On the other hand. Díaz-Campos. for instance. Probus. & Escalante. D. W. 254-267. Given the fact that phrasepenultimate lengthening is a widespread feature in Bantu languages (see.). (1986) Intonational structure in English and Japanese. 9-36. 1-9. (1970) Palenquero: A Spanish-based creole of northern Colombia. Bogota: Publicaciones del Instituto Caro y Cuervo. 1-32). accented phrase-penultimate syllables are extraordinarily lengthened under the “long nuclear fall” contour.

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Palenquero intonation 44 Notes * For comments we are grateful to Steve Byrd. and is treated from a wider Afro-Hispanic perspective in Lipski (1992) and (1994: 98-99).] 9 Text adopted from Sosa (1999). 152). The replacement of /d/ with /l/ is studied in Patiño (1983: 93-96). one of whose most salient characteristics is the noticeable raising of the tone and the quantitative lengthening of the stressed syllable. in the tonemes. [… the peculiar intonation with which the inhabitants of San Basilio speak and of which they cannot rid themselves when speaking Spanish. item 8]). differ from those of Coastal Spanish. This makes them the butt of many jokes outside of their town. and Schwegler & Morton (2002: 120. 122. “The very peculiar Palenquero sing-song intonation. without a doubt. Laura Downing. de la cual no pueden liberarse cuando utilizan el castellano. and Schwegler & Morton (2002: 113. Yves Moñino and three anonymous reviewers of this journal. Although the example in Figure 1 was produced by the first author of this paper. 135 [Table 1. lo cual les atrae no pocas burlas fuera del terruño” (Patiño. 1983: 110). Prenasalization in Palenquero has been described in Patiño (1983: 98-103). this is also the prefix in Gabriel García Márquez’s fictional Macondo. this is an unsolvable problem. The voicing assimilation of postnasal plosives is described in Patiño (1983: 106-107). is the most difficult to solve is that of the intonational patterns of Palenquero.” Participants were aware of the presence of a tape recorder. who uses it to illustrate intonational contours in a large number of Spanish dialects. At present. who is a speaker of Northern-Central Peninsular Spanish. together with the creole (Schwegler & Morton. Granda (1994: 412-423). The remainder are mostly archaisms or ritual vocabulary associated with the funeral tradition known as lumbalú (Schwegler. Incidentally. which.” “The one aspect that. 2003). This includes the Spanish spoken in Palenque. “[…] la peculiar entonación con que hablan los habitantes de San Basilio. The immediate question that arises when we hear these differences of intonation relates to the possible link that the anomalous patterns of Palenquero may or may not have with the tonal systems of African languages. from the plural of Kikongo (and other Bantu) li-kondo ‘banana tree’. 127. in some instances. This happens where one would expect it. Granda (1994: 402-403). the contour illustrated is typical of most 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 . Schwegler (1998: 264-265). 1996).

Prenuclear accents are localized pitch movements preceding the nuclear one. Patiño. we follow the usual conventions in the transcriptions of Palenquero (see. for instance.79 (st.Palenquero intonation 45 Spanish dialects (Caribbean Spanish included). In Spanish. 10 The nuclear accent is the perceptually most prominent accent in the phrase. Final unstressed syllables present difficulties for measuring. this accent is placed on the last content word of the phrase in utterances with broad focus. which. the contrast is neutralized word-initially. d. In these areas. non-inverted questions are also found in Cuban. In general. following Moñino (2002: 247). we mark stress on all stressed syllables. see Yip (2002) and Gussenhoven (2004). The phoneme transcribed as <h> is a pharyngeal fricative /h/. 102. Spanish speakers from the Canary Islands and/or Galicia may have introduced the intonation-based strategy for forming yes-no questions. this by no means implies that contact with creoles or African languages may not also have been a contributing factor for the rise of non-inverted yes-no questions. either partially or completely. where only the trill occurs.questions has at times been attributed to an earlier AfroHispanic creole. The letters <b. The letter <r> stands for a rhotic tap. Our main departure from tradition is that.32 ms. See. as in Spanish. 1983). g> stand for the phonemes /b. “La lengua [palenquera] es fonológicamente acentual. and is realized by way of a high tone and/or lengthening of the vowel: … I will justify these conventions [of transcription] in a paper on Palenquero prosody. As Lipski (2005: 263) rightly points out. In Palenquero. dev. The letter <y> represents a voiced palatal with fricative and affricate allophones. Ladd (1996).’ 11 12 13 14 15 . See also O’Rourke (2004). where the reader can find many essentially identical examples for a large number of Spanish varieties. as our speaker often devoiced the final vowel. as demonstrated in Sosa (1999). if not directly to African substrate” (2005: 262). Puerto Rican and coastal Colombian Spanish (that of Palenque included). In standard Spanish. occur word-initially and preceded by a vowel (as an allophone of /d/). the average value obtained for the posttonic syllable in the 44 tokens we analyzed is 193. are realized as continuant segments in most contexts. For introductions to the study of tone. as in pogke ri ‘because of’ < Sp. currently in preparation. In Latin America. With this caveat.d. porque de. ‘Palenquero is phonologically an accentual language.g/. the tap may. however. and <rr> for a trill. which is often realized as voiced [ւ] in intervocalic position (Patiño employs Spanish <j> for this sound). for instance.) Lipski notes that “subject preposing in WH. but the accent is not one of intensity. pero el acento no es de intensidad y se realiza por medio de un tono alto y/o alargamiento de la vocal: … justificaremos estas opciones [de trascripción] en un trabajo en preparación sobre la prosodia de la lengua criolla”.

which has a Scandinavian substrate.Palenquero intonation 46 16 The lengthening of the stressed phrase-penultimate syllable in interrogatives is also visually detectable in the example in Figure 17. /lo/ = 189 ms). 17 End of document . The influence of the substrate on durational (as well as intonational) patterns is demonstrated by van Leyden (2004) in an experimental study of the prosodic characteristics of the Shetland dialect (Scotland). /só/ = 227 ms. ¿kómo uté tán dehá mí yó sólo? ‘How [is it that] you are going to leave me alone?’ (/yó/ = 145 ms.