GIUSEPPE VELTRI University of Halle-Wittenberg

Advisory Board
Rachel Elior (Hebrew University of Jerusalem) Bruno Chiesa (University of Turin) Alessandro Guetta (INALCO, Paris) Eleazar Gutwirth (Tel Aviv University) Moshe Idel (Hebrew University of Jerusalem) Hanna Liss (Hochschule fur Jiidische Studien, Heidelberg) Paul Mendes-Flohr (Hebrew University of Jerusalem) Reinier Munk (Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam) David Ruderman (Pennsylvania University) Peter Schafer (Free University, Berlin) Stefan Schreiner (University of Tubingen) Israel Yuval (Hebrew University of Jerusalem) Jonathan Webber (University of Oxford) Moshe Zuckermann (Tel Aviv University)



USA. Koln : Brill.This book is printed on acid-free paper. photocopying. No part of this publication may be reproduced. recording or otherwise. 222 Rosewood Drive.CIP-Einheitsaufhahme Religious confessions and the sciences in the sixteenth century / ed. Authorization to photocopy itemsfor internal or personal use is granted by Brill provided that Hie appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center. Fees are subject to change. without prior written permissionfrom the publisher. Amsterdam All rights reserved. electronic. Boston . PRINTED IN THE NETHERLANDS . or transmitted in any form or by any means. 1) ISBN 90-04-12045-9 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is also available ISSN 1568-5004 ISBN 9004 120459 © Copyright 2001 by Koninklijke Brill NV Leiden. 2001 (Studies in European Judaism . Die Deutsche Bibliothek . translated. Suite 910 Danvers MA 01923.Leiden . . mechanical. stored in a retrieval system. The Netherlands Cover design: Cedilles / Studio Cursief. by Jurgen Helm & Annette Winkelmann.

MULLER Science and Religion in Royal Prussia around 1600 ANDREW CUNNINGHAM Protestant Anatomy JURGEN HELM Religion and Medicine: Anatomical Education at Wittenberg and Ingolstadt SECTION TWO WAYS OF TRANSMISSION MAURO ZONTA The Influence of Hasdai Crescas's Philosophy on Some Aspects of Sixteenth-Century Philosophy and Science ELEAZAR GUTWIRTH Language and Medicine in the Early Modern Ottoman Empire SECTION THREE JUDAISM BETWEEN TRADITION AND SCIENTIFIC DISCOVERIES GlANFRANCO MlLETTO 51 71 79 Tradition and Innovation: Religion. Science and Jewish Culture Between the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries 99 .CONTENTS Foreword to the Series Preface Contributors and Editors Introduction SECTION ONE CHRISTIAN CONFESSIONS AND THE SCIENCES GUNTER FRANK Melanchthon and the Tradition of Neoplatonism PAUL RICHARD BLUM The Jesuits and the Janus-Faced History of Natural Sciences 3 19 35 44 VII VIII IX XI MICHAEL G.

VI CONTENTS SAMUEL S. KOTTEK Jews between Profane and Sacred Science in Renaissance Italy: The Case of Abraham Portaleone 108 GIUSEPPE VELTRI Science and Religious Hermeneutics: The 'Philosophy' of Rabbi Loew of Prague 119 136 159 JOHANN MAIER The Relevance of Geography for the Jewish Religion Index of Names .

In the humanist and early modern period almost forced migrations of Jews from country to country. The nineteenth and twentieth centuries were marked by the attempt to become citizens with equal rights and the hope for full membership in the respective wider societies. philosophy). Judaism in interaction with those cultures that form the background of European culture. the Arabic paideia. thought and everyday life) across Europe. liturgy. and interpretation of Greek sciences (medicine. The series therefore intends to publish studies concerned with the contribution of Jewish culture and history to the making of Europe. Judaism became the vector of adab. it was also often obstructed by anti-Jewish and antisemitic tendencies and propaganda. biblical exegetic traditions. sciences. A further factor was the direct influence of mystical (Kabbalah) traditions on Christian thought and literature. from Mediterranean regions to northern and eastern lands. In the period extending from the Arabic conquest until the expulsion from Spain. This hope was ended by the Nazis' rise to power and the tragic consequences of their racist policies for the Jews of Europe. However. contributed to a living communication of ideas and traditions in the whole of Europe. The Editor of Studies in European Judaism aims to present a wide spectrum of Jewish life (history. commentaries to philosophical and exegetical works. Studies dealing with the interaction of Judaism. astrology-astronomy. Christianity and Islam in the European discourse and their multifaceted encounters and often contradictory intentions will therefore be preferred. arts. their contribution to society was not always welcome and their exact place in society not always clear or established. philosophy. from the Renaissance until the German romanticism. GIUSEPPE VELTRI .FOREWORD TO THE SERIES Studies in European Judaism Judaism played an important role in the making of Europe. thus mediating them anew to European cultures. which made possible the translation. adaptation. The series intends to touch the following areas: history of European Judaism. In the age of emancipation and enlightenment Jews were called to take part in the respublica. and studies in Kabbalah and in the Christian reception of it.

Jean. first names are rendered as preferred by the author (i. However.e. a particular person will always bear the same first name throughout the volume. Post-biblical names are transliterated. With the exception of Hebrew first names (for which the above rules apply). A cknowledgements The editors wish to thank Professor Giuseppe Veltri for kindly accepting this book for publication in his new series. Contemporary Hebrew names are transliterated or rendered as used by the bearer. Place names are transliterated or rendered by the accepted spelling.PREFACE Transliteration and Names Hebrew is transliterated according to the general transliteration rules of the Encyclopaedia Judaica (Jerusalem).. Studies in European Judaism. A separator (') between vowels indicates that they do not form a diphthong and are to be pronounced separately. etc. Biblical names and biblical place names are rendered according to the Bible translation of the Jewish Publication Society of America. . The letters s and y are not transliterated. John. Johanna Hoomweg (Berlin) translated the essay by Giuseppe Veltri and assisted in the English-language editing of the other texts. with exception of the letters n (rendered as h) and X (rendered as ts). Johannes. It was typeset by Marco Torini (Berlin).). Johann. Names and some words with an accepted English form are usually not transliterated.

1992). Philosophenphilosophie und Schulphilosophie — Typen des Philosophierens in der Neuzeit (Wiesbaden. Cambridge University. Publications: ed. JURGEN HELM Assistant Professor. Melanchthon und die Naturwissenschaften seiner Zeit (Sigmaringen. Jerusalem. (with S. 1978). The Anatomical Renaissance. (with M. 2000). University HalleWittenberg. Harry Friedenwald Chair of History of Medicine. 2000). SAMUEL S. Publications: L'Antico Testamento Ebraico nella tradizione babilonese. The Resurrection of the Anatomical Projects of the Ancients (Aldershot. Ten Centuries of Hispano-Jewish Culture (Cambridge. 1998). From Athens to Jerusalem: Medicine in Hellenized Jewish Lore and in Early Christian Literature (Rotterdam. ANDREW CUNNINGHAM Wellcome Trust Senior Research Fellow in History of Medicine. Philosophen der Renaissance (Darmstadt. Iframmenti della Genizah (Torino. Publications: ed. 3 vols. Rhein). Medicine and Hygiene in the Works ofFlavius Jostphus (Leiden. Institute for the History of Medicine. GUNTER FRANK Director. Publications: ed. 1995-1996). Melanchthonhaus (Bretten). Tel Aviv University. P. The Hebrew University-Hadassah Medical School. Professor of Judaic Studies. Publications: ed. 1992). Die Qumran Essener: die Texte vom To ten Meer. 1995). JOHANN MAIER Emeritus. 2000). University of Cologne. Famine and Death in Reformation Europe (with O. Peter Pazmany University Budapest/Piliscsaba. Publications: Tradition und Wandel der arztlichen Selbstverpflichtung: der Gottinger Promotionseid 1737-1889 (Gottingen.CONTRIBUTORS AND EDITORS PAUL RICHARD BLUM Professor of Philosophy... (Munchen. Horstmanshoff et al. Habilitation project. Free University of Berlin. Social Tensions Within FifteenthCentury Hispano-Jewish Communities (London. Lectureship in Philosophy. 1994).). GlANFRANCO MlLETTO ELEAZAR GUTWIRTH Professor of Jewish History. Die theologische Philosophic Philipp Melanchthons (1497-1560) (Leipzig. 1998). . 1992). Grell) (Cambridge. Publications: The Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse: Religion. 1999). University HalleWittenberg. War. Publications: Kriegsrecht und Friedensordnung in judischer Tradition (Stuttgart. KOTTEK Emeritus. 1997).

Elbing und Thorn in der Epoche der Konfessionalisierung. Publications: Zweite Reformation und stddtische Autonomie im Koniglichen Preufien. (with R. University Halle-Wittenberg. Leopold Zunz Centre for the Study of European Judaism. Wittenberg. 1997). Director. Directory of Jewish Studies in Europe (Oxford. Danzig. Friedrich August Wolf. Bibliographic (Stuttgart.X CONTRIBUTORS AND EDITORS MICHAEL G. History of Jewish Philosophy. University of Rome 'La Sapienza'. 1984). Publications: ed. La "Classificazione delle scienze " di al-Farabi nella tradizione ebraica (Torino. Publications: Lafilosofia antica nel Medioevo ebraico (Brescia. University Halle-Wittenberg. Dokumente. MAURO ZONTA Professor. Die TeilungenPolens. GIUSEPPE VELTRI Professor of Jewish Studies. . 1772-1793-1795 (Munchen. 1557-1660 (Berlin. Wittenberg. Magie und Halakha (Tubingen. MULLER Professor of East European History. 1996). Leopold Zunz Centre for the Study of European Judaism. 1997). 1995).. Studien. Publications: ed. 1999). ANNETTE WINKELMANN Project Manager. Markner). 1998).

the conference asked two main questions: (1) To what extent was scientific thought influenced by religious traditions and beliefs.A. Instead. Taking for granted that scientists in the sixteenth century adhered to a certain religious confession. abjured his faith to attain supposed intellectual freedom. there was no lack of conflicts in the process leading from the traditional view of philosophia ancillafidei to autonomous sciences. and (2) did the achievements of sixteenth-century natural sciences and medicine have an effect on religious ideas? Considering these questions. social. no matter whether Jewish. Catholic and Calvinist views of the sciences and their influence and importance in academic life. Italy. But overemphasizing these conflicts may result in the misleading idea that religion and sciences were located on the opposite extremes of the spectrum of sixteenth-century thought.INTRODUCTION This first volume of Studies in European Judaism presents the results of an international and interdisciplinary conference held at the Wittenberg LEUCOREA Foundation in December 1998. The first section (Christian Confessions and the Sciences) aims at painting a picture of Protestant. and Germany discussed how religious confessions and the development of natural sciences and medicine in the sixteenth century influenced each other. The conference was generously supported by the Ministry of Culture of Sachsen-Anhalt. Protestant and Catholic scientists and their specific ways of pursuing their studies on nature and medicine.S. It is true. And not one of them. Catholic or Protestant.some of them in great detail with Jewish. Great Britain. The Centre was founded in 1998 with the explicit goal of researching the interdependence of religious. and it is also true that traditions and dogmas held by religious leaders occasionally gave grounds for suppressing scientific facts and persecuting their authors. the contributions to this book give a more refined picture. Giinter Frank (Bretten) and . home of the Leopold Zunz Centre for the Study of European Judaism. Contrary to the still widespread opinion that the relations between religion and sciences at the beginning of the 'scientific revolution' can only be described as intense fights on several battlefields (which the sciences finally won by breaking off their ties with religious dogmas). the contributions to the present volume deal . the Martin Luther University Halle-Wittenberg and the LEUCOREA Foundation. Scholars from Israel. the U. the papers in this volume show that scientists in the sixteenth century were pious men well aware of religious traditions and teachings. political and cultural aspects in Jewish history and the importance of Jews and Judaism in the making of Europe.

According to Frank. His paper comes to the conclusion that in substance there was at least in the second half of the sixteenth century . the Lutheran reconquista cut the confessional links between Prussia and most of Protestant Central Europe. which was Protestant in its structure: just like Martin Luther. Frank's contribution deals with Philipp Melanchthon. whose influential synthesis of religion and science was made possible by the Lutheran distinction between Gospel and Law. including also his natural philosophy. was not purely Aristotelian. who rejected all authorities other than the word of the Bible. and it brought about an anti-academic turn in urban culture. Jesuit scientists were in more than one quandary when scientific discovery and religious dogma contradicted each other. Andrew Cunningham (Cambridge) argues that there were three ways in which anatomy became 'Protestant' in the first half of the sixteenth century.was inevitable. The first dimension was that Melanchthon and his book De anima made anatomy fundamental to philosophical study in Protestant universities. Michael G. Some of Cunningham's assertions induced Jtirgen Helm (HalleWittenberg) to compare anatomical education at Wittenberg and Ingolstadt universities. Midler (Halle-Wittenberg) deals with the impact of Protestantism and especially of Calvinism on Royal Prussia around 1600. for whom the opposition of science and faith . The Jesuit strategy implied that secular philosophy and the sciences were pursued not for intrinsic values. Under these circumstances it is hardly astonishing that only infrequently could Jesuits gain importance in the recent 'progressist' history of the sciences. made possible by the Greek edition of Plato's writing by Simon Grynaeus. The third dimension of 'Protestant anatomy' was Paracelsus's total rejection of the tradition of anatomizing a dead body in favour of a spiritual and intuitive anatomy of inner revelation. but obviously influenced by Neoplatonic thought.XII INTRODUCTION Paul Richard Blum (Budapest) draw attention to both Protestant and Catholic views of the sciences. Miiller argues that the confessional re-orientation at the beginning of the seventeenth century and the decline of Protestant sciences were coinciding processes. The second aspect concerns Andreas Vesal's approach to anatomizing. As a consequence. While academic life benefited from 'Calvinist hegemony' in the Prussian Protestant Church. An important and peculiar part of the evaluation of science in the sixteenth century is the 'confessional' attitude to medical science (the present volume deals mainly with anatomy). Vesal rejected all ancient authors and based his anatomy on the sole authority of the body.carefully avoided by Melanchthon . but exclusively for the sake of supporting theology and evangelization. Blum's paper presents Jesuit scientists. Melanchthon's theological difference between .

Rabbi Judah Loew of Prague is a typical example of how the achievements of the sciences were accepted and .. He discusses medical texts and manuscripts. mediated probably by Leone Ebreo. Gianfranco Miletto (HalleWittenberg) outlines the attitudes of Jewish intellectuals to the sciences against their religious and historical background. music) with detailed scholarship in Jewish antiquities. anatomical education played different roles in the curricula of these universities. blends knowledge about contemporary science and technology (e.g. Much has been written on the Jewish transmission of sciences and philosophy in the Middle Ages. nevertheless. botany. who in his Shiltei hagibborim. an 'encyclopaedia of science'. mineralogy. it was taught at the Wittenberg Arts Faculty and was therefore part of the basic training of future Protestant theologians. almost all of which come from the so-called Cairo Genizah (a famous storeroom for discarded Hebrew manuscripts going back more than 1000 years) and reconstructs the historical context for the reading culture of Iberian Jews. The article by Mauro Zonta (Rome) on the influence of Hasdai Crescas's philosophy is a link to the first section. Kottek (Jerusalem) and Giuseppe Veltri (Halle-Wittenberg). This work.INTRODUCTION XIII anatomy at the Protestant University of Wittenberg and the Catholic University of Ingolstadt. there was no doubt that 'modern' natural sciences could be freely used in explaining religious truth. warfare. But. The third section (Judaism Between Tradition and Scientific Discoveries) is devoted to the Jewish approach to science. Zonta gives examples of the influence of Crescas's physical theories on Giordano Bruno. However. very little is known about the direct or indirect knowledge of medieval Hebrew philosophical (non-cabbalistic) texts by Latin Renaissance authors. but the study of the sciences without the enlightenment of the Torah. While at Ingolstadt anatomy was regarded as belonging only to medical education. Studying works by Abraham Portaleone and Azariah Figo. combines descriptions of sacred and profane sciences. The importance of Iberian Jews in the transmission of the medical tradition in the Ottoman Empire is the main topic of Eleazar Gutwirth's (Tel Aviv) contribution. Two specific Jewish positions to the sciences are presented by Samuel S. lawyers and scientists. The papers of the second section ( Ways of Transmission) deal with the transmission of Jewish texts to Christianity and within Judaism itself. chemistry. Miletto shows the oscillation between acceptance and rejection of science (often seen as 'gentile wisdom') and concludes that what these Jewish authors object to is not the study of the sciences as such. Kottek paints a portrait of the Jewish physician Abraham Portaleone. For Portaleone. written in Hebrew and addressed to an educated Jewish readership. According to Velrri's contribution. zoology.

is that no serious study of the history of sixteenth-century sciences and medicine can ignore the role of contemporary religion or simply presume its general oppositional stance to the sciences. the Department of Jewish Studies (Halle) and the Institute for the History of Medicine (Halle). He was aware that scientific discoveries cannot be questioned. and thus tried to interpret them in such a way that they could be integrated into traditional Jewish thought without denying rabbinical hermeneutics. And when information about the (re-)discovery of America spread among Jews. Medieval as well as humanist scholars followed the same path in their interpretation of geographical data. New discoveries were interpreted according to old schemata. The contribution ofJohann Maier (Weilheim) gives a detailed picture of different approaches to geography in Jewish scholarship. express their hope that the papers presented will stimulate future research on this complicated aspect of the history of sciences and medicine. however. The convenors of the conference. these did not determine the worldviews and historical outlooks of the majority of contemporary Jews.were dangerous because of the autonomy they claim. JURGEN HELM and ANNETTE WINKELMANN Halle and Wittenberg.XIV INTRODUCTION at same time relativized by Jewish authors. What has become clear. For Judah Loew the sciences — as ancillae theologiae . it is evident that the questions posed above still yield no definitive answers. Although in certain Jewish circles of the late sixteenth and beginning seventeenth centuries new attitudes to secular learning were beginning to emerge. many of them assumed that the socalled "Indians" might be descendants of some of the mythical "ten lost tribes". In summing up the results of the conference. April 2001 . members of the Leopold Zunz Centre for the Study of European Judaism (Wittenberg).


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Aufsatzezur Philosophic. 1149-1234. col. Di\they. 1834-1860). 1921). 2 Thus he confessed in a letter in 1537: "Mihi tamen concedant homini Peripatetico.when it comes to metaphysics . Brucker. 'Das natiirliche System der Geisteswissenschaften im 17. not only as a Reformer alongside Martin Luther and as the first Aristotelian philosopher among Protestants. Bretschneider. Dilthey. H. 6 To name only few: P. Vernunft und Offenbarung bei Johann Gerhard und Philipp Melanchthon (Gottingen. 1891). Historia critica philosophiae 4 (Lipsiae. Indeed. Agnoletto. 1/1: Von der Reformation zur Orthodoxie (Giltersloh. Zeit und Gott bei Aristoteles aus der Perspektive der protestantischen Wirkungsgeschichte (Stuttgart. 102-116. 1950). 1986). J. For a discussion of this Aristotelian tradition and its problematic approach see G. Petersen. Melanchthon has been considered as nothing other than an Aristotelian philosopher. 1959). E. 3. Die theologische . G. Rudolph. minus Stoice alicubi loqui". vol. Jahrhundert'. 1937). since he proclaimed himself a "homo peripateticus"2 and since Johann Jacob Brucker.' Any scholar who examines Melanchthon's numerous commentaries on disciplines like natural philosophy. A. 1-28 [= Corpus Reformatorum = CR].5 and most major contributions of the twentieth century6 seem to have conclusively confirmed this general interpretation.3 the first historian of philosophy in Germany in the eighteenth century.MELANCHTHON AND THE TRADITION OF NEOPLATONISM GUNTER FRANK / It may come as a surprise to consider Philipp Melanchthon (1497-1560). Troeltsch. J. et amanti mediocritatem. Brunswigae.above all. in November 1998. in W. basic studies around the turn of the century. 1986).. 383. in Philippi Melanchthonis opera quae supersunt omnia. but also and . 3 J. 4 W. in Grande Antologia Filosofica 8 (Milano. Geschichte der aristotelischen Philosophic improtestantischen Deutschland (Leipzig. E. vols. E. Mo. Orthodoxie und Rationalismus. such as those by Wilhelm Dilthey4 and Ernst Troeltsch. Bindseil (Halae Saxonum. Pelikan. anthropology. Fl. Weber. the great German humanist. pp. eds. M. moral philosophy and dialectics has to deal with this prevailing and general interpretation. Marquardt (Berlin. pp. K. Frank. Finally. 5 E. 1743). Reformation. ed. as a Neoplatonist. 1 This paper was also presented at the international conference of the American Academy of Religion in Orlando. celebrated him as the greatest Aristotelian at the time of the Reformation. H. From Luther to Kierkegaard (St Louis. 'La Filosofia di Melantone'.

pp. 'Reuchlins EinfluB auf Melanchthon'. It is known that Viterbo's commentaries became the starting point of one of the most influential intellectual traditions in early modernity. 244-247. Philosophic Philipp Melanchthons (1497-1560) [Erfurter theologische Studien 67] (Leipzig. For a further examination see S. cols. Maurer. 71-97. Scheible. 885 f. Maurer. 7 W. the creation of the world and the worldview itself and the idea of the immortality of the human soul which belong without any doubt to the Neoplatonic legacy. . col. concluded: there are no Neoplatonic influences or inclinations in Melanchthon. eds.8 And even the previous director of the Melanchthon-Haus in Bretten came to the same conclusion. a Chaldean astronomer. 1964). Februar 1997. 1996). 'Une lecture melanchthonienne des Metamorphoses d'Ovid: le commentaire de Barthelemy Aneau'. in Humanismus und Wittenberger Reformation. DeAntiquitatibus totius orbis (CR 12. an important item in Melanchthon's private library. May. G. 1998). R. Maurer's approach has not been recognized by the scholarly community. vols. 497-654. 367-388. 889. pp. For a further discussion of Melanchthon's commentary see K. both papers will be published in Melanchthon und Europa. Philosophic. Rhein. 92. although he at least knew about the commentary of Plato's Timaios. pp. G. and thus the former director of the Melanchthon-Forschungsstelle in Heidelberg. M. 665-667. pp. H. habilitation thesis. there are only few references to Ficino's Neoplatonism or Hermeticism. 1-8 [Stuttgart 1977-1995] [= MBW]. 622). Philosophic am Anfang der Moderne. and J. 16-23. . eds. col. pp. Melanchthons Briefwechsel. G. 84-98. pp.There is no doubt that Melanchthon knew the tradition of Hermeticism and its great figure Hermes Trismegistos. 1995). Philosophia perennis. 'Philippe Melanchthon aux Pays-Bas et en France: quelques sondages'.-C. here: vol. M. Scheible. 1967). Meerhoff (Stuttgart. 8 H. M. 5. G. By emphasizing this Neoplatonic legacy in addition to some elements of Neopythagoreanism Wilhelm Maurer7 opposed the basic assumption of Melanchthon's so-called Aristotelianism. cols. on p. 504). 779. But in the complete works of Melanchthon. Frank. Moisan. cols. K. pp.. 2nd sub-volume: Westeuropa.4 GUNTER FRANK However. 378. 2000). 2001). Wartenberg (Leipzig. there are important indications in the way Melanchthon discussed significant theological questions such as the notion of God. see his Ennaratio Metamorphoseon Ovidii (CR 199. Beyer. For a discussion of this Platonic background see Frank. eds. 22-25. Geburtstages des Praeceptor Germaniae Philipp Melanchthon am 16. pp. Meerhoff. 1996). Die Ursprunge der neuzeitlichen Religionsphilosophie (unpubl. Melanchthon-Studien (Giitersloh.-C. Derjunge Melanchthon zwischen Humanismus und Reformation 1 (Gottingen. His arguments turned out to be too artificial. Melanchthon's systematic approach to this Platonic tradition has not yet been examined seriously. '"Italia magistra orbis terrarum". CR 17. ed. Frank. W. CR 13. Festgabe anlafllich des 500. Viterbo's main thesis was his attempt to prove that the origin of all wisdom is to be found not in Christian but in pagan sources. However. Schmidt-Biggemann. Melanchthon und der italienische Humanismus'. 795. Heinz Scheible. Decot (Mainz. Historische Umrisse abendlandischer Spiritualitat in Antike. It is worth noting that Melanchthon also knew Johannes Annius of Viterbo's publication of the famous five books of Berosus. 25-30. Mittelalter und Neuzeit (Frankfurt a. For this see W. Maurer argued that Melanchthon's Platonism derives from Marsilio Ficino's Neoplatonism as mediated by his relative Johannes Reuchlin. Malenfant. the philosophia perennis. in col. 506. on p. in Melanchthon und die Reformation..

of the world and of it . Wengert. the human mind is able to know more of God's existence and essence than any scholastic author ever could have taught. 10 For a discussion of all these interpretations see Frank. but not a philosophical author for the classroom. n. However. 165f. one has to take into account the theology of the Reformation in its ramifications for philosophy an natural sciences. M. Philosophie (cited above. which Melanchthon" like Luther excluded from all of the scientific curriculum. pp. 'Melanchthon zwischen Luther und Erasmus'. pp. Buck (Wiesbaden. all knowledge has nothing to do with men's salvation and is in principle incomplete so that it must be complemented by revelation. P. 172 f.. 6). there is a significant difference between them: While Luther in his effort to renew a genuine theology of revelation seems to have excluded all philosophy from the scientific curriculum. Plato is a literary model.9 As I have shown elsewhere10 it does not make any sense to compare Aristotle and Plato (Cicero) with each other in the writings of Melanchthon or to count how often the humanist argues within an Aristotelian or Platonic framework. on be precise in refusing Aristotle's doctrine of the "prime mover" and the world of substances presented in the twelve books of Metaphysics. Melanchthon adopted Luther's distinction of "gospel" and "law"12 in order to describe the relation between theology and philosophy and to make all fields of philosophy and natural science possible . ed. S. there is no known announcement. Philosophie (cited above. 'Melanchthon and Greek Literature'. i. A. Gegensatze und Gemeinsamkeiten [Wolfenbutteler Abhandlungen zur Renaissanceforschung 5]. 15-30.and according to Melanchthon. in Renaissance . J. to name just one. 52-60. 6). Melanchthon completely agreed with Luther. In order to understand his concept of philosophy and natural philosophy one has to broaden the focus by looking at the history of theology and natural science in early modern times and at the same time by realising the significant role Plato played in establishing the early modern worldview.. pp.. pp. T. Graham (Sheffield. Philosophie.. but the most important consequence: the rejection of Aristotelian metaphysics and its theology. 11 For Melanchthon's rejection of Aristotle's Metaphysics which remained constitutive in all his commentaries on Philosophy see Frank.Reformation. Scheible.MELANCHTHON AND THE TRADITION OF NEOPLATONISM 5 In any case. copy of notes or other reference to this or any other lecture by Melanchthon on Plato [.e. 12 For Melanchthon's adaption of Luther's distinction between "gospel" and "law" in its consequences for the concept of Philosophy see H. the genuine twelve books of Metaphysics. Frank. 9 . pp. 1997). 155180. n. whatever the human mind knows of God.e. on pp. In this rejection of Aristotle's metaphysics or . 1984). Last but not least. 64-71.i. in Philipp Melanchthon (1497-1560) and the Commentary. 149-170..]. eds. Rhein.

cols. and the idea of the immortality of the human soul. Frank. G. eds. 355: "Ignorato motu ignorari naturam. is the cause of motion. materialis.15 In Aristotle we can find the "true doctrine" because he sees that all "generationes" cannot be caused by matter but is brought about by a first "causa efficiens".]. ethics. formalis". The Philosophical Doctrine of Creation and the Worldview13 Melanchthon himself claims his natural philosophy14 is Aristotelian. Melanchthon does not show any interest in this ontological concept of Aristotle.strictly speaking . anthropology.: "Loquor autem non de Democriti atomis. Particularly Melanchthon's argument of motion shows that he replaces the ontological For a detailed discussion of Melanchthon's commentary "Initia doctrinae physicae" see G. pp. Aspects of this concept are also to be found in some prefaces to Luther's commentaries on books of the Old Testament. Here Aristotle's ontological doctrine of causes.16 As with Aristotle motion is the basic phenomenon of the nature: "Ignorance of motion fails to recognize nature". for Aristotle's understanding of nature. 14 CR 13. Melanchthon never commented in writing on Aristotle's twelve books of Metaphysics except for his general rejection of this type of Metaphysics at the beginning of his career in Wittenberg.. in Melanchthon und die Naturwissenschaften seiner Zeit. therefore. unfolds its real function. 16 CR 13. it is crucial that his doctrine is not .6 GUNTER FRANK // Before coming back to the question of whether and to what extent Melanchthon is influenced by the Neoplatonic legacy. On the other hand he wrote commentaries on all other Aristotelian disciplines: natural science. "causa efficiens. 'Gott und Natur . S. What must be explained. cols.Zur Transformation der Naturphilosophie in Melanchthons humanistischer Philosophic'. 1549. 475. 181-412. Rhein (Sigmaringen. 183 f. There is no motion without cause. dialectics.17 However. Nam Aristoteles videt materiam non odiri generationes. turn vero cohibeat. Occasionally he calls it in short "Aristotelica" or "Initia Aristotelica". 1998). Schriften zur Melanchthonpreisverleihung 1994 [Melanchthon-Schriften der Stadt Bretten 4]. the idea of God. contains his philosophical doctrine of the creation and the worldview. fmalis. 15 CR 7. CR 13. cols. quae turn cieat. sed de vera doctrina. 183f. ne in infmitum dissipetur. As I mentioned before. 43-58. if motion is no longer caused by any of those four causes motion comes to rest." 17 CR 13.a doctrine of motion but rather a doctrine of rest." 13 . I shall examine three metaphysical doctrines which are constitutive for any kind of metaphysics or those which transcend ex definitione human experience: the concept of the creation of the world and the worldview. qualis est Aristotelica [. Frank.. sine aliqua agente sen efficiente causa. col. His commentary on Aristotle's book De physica (Initia doctrinae physicae). col.

The Aristotelian concept was in no way concerned with the idea of creation and. which was one of the main arguments for the existence of God in the Greek-Latin tradition. 'Ergebnisse der spatscholastischen Naturphilosophie'. 'Gott und Natur' (cited above. Maier. ita ut necesse sit perveniri ad unam primam. but reason cannot find out in what way and when the world came into being. "per accidens". contingent being insofar as any being must be caused in order to exist.19 This argumentation makes clear that Melanchthon reinterprets Aristotle's understanding of motion. There is much more evidence that Melanchthon shows no interest in ontology which is fundamental for Aristotle's understanding of nature. 161-187. sed quomodo."18 So already the natural reason recognizes that the whole world depends on and is created by a prime the way "mens architectatrix" is the Latin translation of the Greek ^T^/otigyo?. shows again that he is not interested in the ontological dimension of causality. pp. Studien zur Naturphilosophie der Spiitscholastik \ (Rom. quae non aliunde movetur. motion is not the basic ontological phenomenon of nature which is brought about by causality according to Aristotle. Maier. 372: "[. In his view." 20 CR 13. 360. For Melanchthon. Motion does not come to its natural rest. pp. it goes on as long as it is caused by its inherent quality. A. And Melanchthon illustrates this idea of motion through an argument of Averroes: Motion as an "accidens" has to be understood like a seaman getting a vessel to move by means of the vessel's inherent quality . col. et formatum esse. 1949). therefore. infinite of power and immobile.. aut quando ab ilia prima causa ortus sit. Si est 18 . causality is not a revealing or description of causal connection of all motion in nature. 9-25 and pp.] unicum esse primum motorem aeternum. et quidem a mente architectatrice pendere. n. in Scholastik 35 (1960).20 The connection of all motion is caused by God as the "prime cause" but in the way of being the first architectural mind .. infinitae potentiae. 13).i. According to Aristotle the prime cause (causa prima efficiens) must transcend the order of all causes and must found it as a whole. 22 To present just one argumentation from his commentary on Paul's letter to the Romans (Commentarii in epistolam Pauli ad Romanes. et immobilem." 19 CR 13.MELANCHTHON AND THE TRADITION OF NEOPLATONISM 7 dimension of this Aristotelian argument by a theological interpretation. sed movet caeteras. For the scholastic discussion of this argument see A. ut agnoscant hunc mundum visibilem ab aliqua causa. col. col. 1540): "Causae sunt in natura ordinatae.. Particularly Melanchthon's argumentation of causality. the question of the prime mover is actually the question of the beginning of the world. 373: "Ratio naturalis deducit mentes ad hoc. 21 For details see Frank. an architectural mind. 53-78.e. motion is a quality which is inherent in what is moved. It is •true that at first he follows Aristotle by arguing: "there exists a prime and eternal mover. To name only a few:21 Causality in the view of Aristotle means a reflection on being as finite.22 He simply identifies the existence of the prime cause with the CR 13. it rather tended within the Aristotelian tradition towards the idea of the eternity of the world. non potest ratio statuere.

teleology is not inherent in nature as the immanent causality of determination. si sparsae essent infinitum. Archbishop of Dublin. interprets the generation of the world in a Christianized version of the Platonic myth of creation as presented in Plato's Timaios. in Patrologiae cursus completus. et a corporibus coelestibus. This is what Melanchthon has in mind at the beginning of his commentary on natural philosophy: "It is known that in the beginning Aristotle speaks about the matter of elements. Aristotelem initio dicere de materia elementorum. 568). 2. 113-121. 195: "Notum est." 25 CR 13. O'Rourke (Dublin. unum esse Deum.26 All these theological reinterpretations show that Aristotle's ontological concept of nature does not play a role in the worldview of Melanchthon. like Augustine.and before him already Philo of Alexandria ." This argumentation is different from the Argument of Thomas Aquinas. et res ipsae appetunt certos fines. After having made the traditional distinction between "finis". in At the Heart of the Real: Philosophical Essays in Honour of Dr Desmond Connell. His argument came only to the proof of being-a-principle in the way of being present as impact.23 To give another significant example for Melanchthon's theological approach which everywhere overlaps what was crucial for Aristotle's ontological understanding: his use of teleology. ed. 308: "Nam causa finalis proprie est cogitatio de fine in efficiente. causam universae naturae. Sed nos ordiemur a prima causa efficiente. For Thomas it was clear that the existence of an immaterial being cannot be proved in the Natural Philosophy but only regarding its impacts.8 GUNTER FRANK Christian idea of God. ut cogitatio de futura habitatione movet aedificantem.24 and "causa finalis".col. col. F. col. pp. immensae potentiae. For a detailed discussion see W. seu a quo movetur efficiens ad agendum."(CR15. .. J. 28 CR 13. 46. col. 24 CR 13." 27 Augustine."28 prima. Migne (Lutetia Parisiorum. But we should begin with the prime cause and the celestial bodies as did Plato in the Timaios. vol. 1841-1842) [= MPL]. the intention or cogitation of an intellect25 which moves the architect to build the house.. ut habitatio est finis aedificanti. De diversis Quaestionibits octoginta tribus liber unus. 346: "Ergo mens ordinans cogitavit fines. 682: "Ex hac regula Physici erudite ratiocinantur. This does not mean that his worldview is less intelligible than the Aristotelian understanding of nature. ed. Ergo est infinitae potentiae." 26 CR 13.]. 23 CR 13. col. movens ad agendurn. 'Der Obergang von der Physik zur Metaphysik im thomistischen Gottesbeweis'. series Latina. col. 30. necesse est earn ex sese habere vim movendi.had identified the Platonic ideas with God's inner cogitations when he created the world in six days. In the view of Melanchthon. Kluxen. 1992). Augustine27 . P. This is the place where Melanchthon. he declares: Thus the architectural mind cogitates the intentions of destinations and the things themselves strive for certain destinations. ut Plato in Timaeo". 40. 308: "Finis est propter quod efficiens agit. the destination of something that is not yet real. like a house which an architect is about to build. ac boni in natura [. mentem aetemam. So they were able to transform Plato's natural philosophy into a Christian natural theology. p.. Et esse aliquam primam necesse est: alioqui enim nullus esset ordo causarum.

.] vere et sapienter Plato inquit: convinci animos legibus motuum coelestium et aliis testimoniis. [. There is more evidence in some introductions and prefaces to Luther's biblical commentaries. et cum non sit alia idea." 30 Epistola nuncupatoria a Melanthone Vito Theodoro praescripta et praemissa Tomo I commentarii Lutheri in primum librum Mosis. Sed Aristoteles tantum intelligit formam. 32 Of course. whereas Plato realizes the idea as the image of the world machine in the divine mind. 258-268). nee posse aliam esse. exculpitur forma. quae in corporibus be precise: the Neoplatonic overlapping with an Aristotelian natural philosophy . col. after the fall. 376: "Aristotelis opinio restringitur ad formationem mundi. necessario talem esse mundi formam dixit. ineunte anno editum (CR 5. Against these philosophical traditions. ita Deum cogitat imaginem totius opificii mundi. 294: "Addit autem Plato ideam. mankind has lost this complete knowledge. constellation. hunc mundum ab aeterna mente opifice conditum esse." 29 . et mira arte not only obvious in his commentary on Aristotle's Dephysica. et ordinis corporum et animantium in sua mente prima quasi delineasse. col. thus God first imagines in his mind the whole world machine and the bodies and living beings of the universe and then creates the world machine. to illustrate this motive he continues: like an architect who first imagines what he wants to design.MELANCHTHON AND THE TRADITION OF NEOPLATONISM 9 Melanchthon criticizes Aristotle's doctrine of principles because he conceives "form" as being a principle only inherent in matter. 259: "[.." See also CR 13. 31 CR 5. ad quod exemplum deinde universam machinam et corpora.. Hanc formationem mundi ex idea mentis divinae esse.31 Melanchthon continues by quoting Plato: Plato says: the souls are convinced by the laws of motions of celestial and other testimonies. his providence and will of salvation. ut ita dicam. coelum. elements. plants. iuxta quam. col. living beings and they are organized in an admirable art in order that we recognize God as eternal architect and realize that he gave us the law of life and who wants that we take care of this creation.30 He started by praising God for the creation: Created are these wonderful bodies of the world. a Vito Theodoro 1544. motusque stellarum et animantia fabricavit. Melanchthon favours Plato in a fictitious dialogue. et intelligeremus. ac sicut architectus imaginem aedificii prius in mente pingit. 259: "Condita sunt haec pulcherrima mundi corpora. ab ipso nobis vitae legem insitam esse. sydera. ut Deum aetemum opificem agnosceremus. cols. Aristotle and the Stoics came to doubt and erred about God. col. cuius officiis coli velit. qui addit formam materiae. heaven. plantae. quam induit materia. published in 1549. fateri cogamur. asking his opCR 13. elementa. the motions of the stars and the living beings according to these images. so that they are urged to confess that this world is created by an eternal architectural mind. animantia. In 1544 Melanchthon wrote the preface to his commentary on the book Genesis." 32 CR 5. the bodies. and philosophers like Epicurus. quod est adfine Aristotelis sententiae.29 This more Neoplatonic concept of nature .]. ut. Plato vero ideam intelligit imaginem operis in mente divina.

29d-30b." 35 CR 5. CR 5. 261: "Fons est autem primus liber Moisi. However. he refuses to equate both traditions of creation." 36 CR 7. which is obviously the idea of God as presented in Plato's Timaios. Sed pius lector scit. cuius titulus est Genesis. col.34 Beside this appreciation of Plato and the Platonists owing to their idea of God.: "Nee Plato nee Mahometes novit. Timaios. but also whether (God's) voice in other testimonies is known and in what way it is propagated. traditae divinitus. 260 f. the Plato. in quo etiam extructio mundi describitur. cols. And as Melanchthon continues: Platonists were not only searching in what way God reveals himself in the creation of things.10 GUNTERFRANK ponent whether even Plato misunderstood God although he leads the mind away from general opinions and defines God as the eternal mind. cols. quem fortassis derident homines prophani. Melanchthon compares the Christian idea of creation as presented in the Book of Genesis and the Platonic myth of creation of Plato's Timaios.36 Melanchthon considers Luther's commentary as the true doctrine of the church containing all main aspects of his theology of revelation. sed etiam utrum vox aliqua certis testimoniis edita et quomodo propagata fuerit. Sed Platoni quaerendum erat. 34 33 . the father. nee differe putant a Timeo Platonis. et cur recipiat. In order to emphasize the superiority over and independence of the revelation from all human attempts to take possession of God by believing to have a true knowledge of him he first points out the fundamental distinction between Gospel and reason. ingens esse discrimen prophanarum descriptionum et huius. This preface is not the only one where Melanchthon presents Neoplatonic statements about the creation and the idea of God. He points out that there are people who believe there is no difference between the Book of Genesis and Plato's Timaios in which is also to be found a description of the construction of the world. an recipiat ac exaudiat Deus indignos. He argues that the true doctrine of the church contains the "true knowledge and invocation of God.35 Of course as a theologian. which he impressed as traces in nature. What is more important for Melanchthon is to introduce the reader into the Christian doctrine of creation and the Theology of revelation as Luther presents in his commentary on the book Genesis. he edited his commentary De novissimis verbis Davidi again and gave it its own preface.*3 What Plato like Muhammad did not know is whether God accepts and hears the unworthy and why he accepts them. cause of the good in Nature. non solum quomodo Deus in creatione rerum se patefecerit. on the other side it is clear: when it comes to a philosophical understanding of creation alongside the Theology of revelation he refers to Plato's Timaios and not to Aristotle's Natural Philosophy. quae vestigia naturae impresserit. One year after his commentary on Aristotle's book Dephysica and four years after the death of Luther. 581-585.

the motions of the stars. who firmly realizes that there exists a divine being. ut firmior et stabilior sit adsensio in Platone et Xenophonte. 6). de vera agnitione atque invocatione Dei.he discusses under the concept "qualis sit Deus". quam in auditoribus Ecclesiae?" 39 For a detailed discussion of Melanchthon's twofold concept of a description of God's essence and further references see Frank. Philosophic (cited above. what does the (Christian) mind recognize more than does Plato's mind. 583: "Sed quid. de vera invocatione. et haec pulcherrima opera miranda arte condidit [.. et hanc sedem animantium. this earth. To describe the divine essence according to revelation he uses the concept "essentia Dei". iustum.MELANCHTHON AND THE TRADITION OF NEOPLATONISM 11 son and the holy spirit. An non fieri potest. col. lucem et figuram its core it is the doctrine of the trinity. At this point of his preface Melanchthon speaks about the divine essence of the revelation. the residence of living beings which is distributed in a great variety. et in hominibus partem intelligentem.. numen quoddam esse sapiens. the benefactions of the mediator and the true invocation. inquies. agnoscit certe. 581: "Continet enim haec enarratio perpetuam et praecipuam in Ecclesia doctrinam. pp. quam mens Platonis. good.and Melanchthon knows a full catalogue of divine attributes. siderum motus. as we shall see . et homines. just who is the fountain of the universe and goodness and who created this most wonderful architecture in an admirable art? [. cogitans. quod et fons est ordinis et bonitatis. 204 f. Filio et Spiritu Sancto." 38 CR 7. quid sit Deus. CR 7. 37 . Could it not even be that the approval in Plato and Xenophon is more firm and stable than among students of the church?38 Melanchthon confesses that this is not an easy question. Melanchthon discusses two main completely different from any sophisticated philosophy or what he calls the doctrine of law. it is necessary at least to mention that he uses two different concepts to describe God's essence. terram magna varietate ornatam. human beings and in them the intellectual part and all other parts which are distributed in such an admirable universe. et caeteras huic miro ordine adtributas. bonum. adspiciens hoc pulcherrimum mundi opificium. the light and figure of heaven.. With regard to Melanchthon's remarks about God's essence. wise. but one has to consider what the human mind is able to perceive even after the darkening of the human mind following Adam's fall. de Patre. col.39 All attributes of God's essence which are the subject matter of a philosophical idea of God . In order to distinguish between a philosophical idea of God and the idea of God of Christian revelation.]. christology and soteriology . n."37 And as he adds this revelation .. qui.]. de beneficiis Mediatoris. Melanchthon continues in the manner of a fictitious dialogue asking what recognizes a (Christian) mind by realizing that God exists more than Plato's mind who by contemplating this most wonderful architecture of the world. The first difference is that pagans cannot grasp the true essence of God. plus cernit mea mens.

Melanchthon. Xenophon and Muhammad know (God's) will. 584: "Alterum discrimen de voluntate Dei illustrius est. Xenophon and Muhammad do not know the merciful promise of reconciliation and the son (of God) as mediator". the notion of Jesus as mediator.12 GUNTERFRANK Pagans like Muslims and others are wrong about the essence of God because they ignore the doctrine of the eternal father. as can be seen in the law which is as notion born with us. Norunt utcunque Plato. . et similes de Dei essentia. However. col. quia. ostendit.41 And as Melanchthon stresses. cols. These two statements became the reason for scholars at the 40 CR. the subject matter of church doctrine is what revelation consists of: forgiveness of sins. They know there exists a divine being.: "Errant Ethnici. Muhammad's and the pagan's idea of God even if this concept is incomplete. cuius notitia nobiscum nascitur. 584: "Sed nequaquam norunt Plato. 44 Ph. Filio et Spiritu Sancto ignorant. Plato. wise. Mahomet. Xenophon. 526-531).42 In contrast to the philosophical idea of God. There is no question that Melanchthon wants to show in his preface the need for realizing the true idea of God as presented in his revelation through his son as mediator. tamen illam doctrinam de aeterno Patre." 42 CR 7. which is common to Plato's. Ennaratio symboli Niceni. On the other hand there can be no doubt that he also recognizes a philosophical idea of God. cols. Sciunt esse numen sapiens. 583 f.7. voluntatem." 43 Ph. 1550 (CR 23. The second difference consists in the cognition of the divine will. col. Mohametistae. pure who punishes the sacrilegious: they see testimonies to his will in daily examples.40 The first difference marks the doctrine of the trinity which cannot be realized except through the Christian revelation. iustum. "Plato. quam lex. meaning always his will for the salvation of his people. Melanchthon's Neoplatonic Concept of the Notion of God For a philosophical understanding of the notion of God. Erotemata dialectices. Xenophon. Mahomet promissionem gratuitam reconciliationis et Mediatorem filium. honest. the son and the holy spirit although they realize in a natural consideration that God exists. the consolation of the Gospel. According to Melanchthon the only adequate philosophical concept of God is Plato's idea of God.44 published in 1550. this notion of God illuminates in the confession of all human minds of all sane people. 1547 (CR 13. etsi ilia naturali consideratione agnoscunt aliquid esse Deiim. puniens scelera: vident huius voluntatis testimonia in quotidianis exemplis. beneficum. Melanchthon usually refers to Plato. 495-498). In all Melanchthon's writings there are only two exceptions where he seems to prefer Aristotle's theology by discussing his concept of substances: His commentary on dialectics of 154743 and his interpretation of the theological declarations of the council of Nicaea. cols. Melanchthon. verax. charitable." 41 CR 7. just. castum.

47 46 Troeltsch. n.second substances according to Aristotle . iustam. Welt und Mensch. Geyer. 49 Rudolph." (CR 13. . 222-225.52 In addition to these two exceptions. n. as Plato said. Geschichte (cited above. pp.45 F. he interprets categories in a rhetorical framework. 50 Frank. Petersen47 and of later contributions H.. pp. col. Melanchthon refers to Aristotelian terminology in order to explain to students in what way the church fathers used concepts like "substantia". Zur Frage des Aristotelismus bei Melanchthon (Bonn. these two statements have nothing to do with Aristotle's theology. Hiibner. But even by looking at first substances the human mind is too weak to get inside." 53 The first reference to Plato is to be found in Enarratio in Evangelium Johannes. pp. To identify the main aspects: His Platonic idea of God is characterized by two concepts which are constitutive for his philosophical theology.. p. 53-57. good. 6). pp.. 1536: "Alii sunt. 6). 5). Hiibner.51 The second reference in his dialectics has to do with Melanchthon's understanding of the concept of categories." 48 Petersen. non extitisse res casu. 183 and 185.-G.MELANCHTHON AND THE TRADITION OF NEOPLATONISM 13 turn of the century.]. such as E. spectantem hominum facta et iudicantem. n. n. col. 83. bonam. Philosophic (cited above. which means that universal concepts like "species" or "genera" .gvo£. As I showed elsewhere. pp. Philosophic (cited above. 6). 529: "[. 103) For more references see Frank. Like other humanists. 51 After having discussed these concepts Melanchthon concludes: "Discant autem iuniores. 169-207. sicut Plato dicit. Naturliche Theologie und theokratische Schwarmerei bei Melanchthon (Giitersloh. Troeltsch. architectural mind. 6). Cicero.] et Deo gratias agamus. n. Rudolph. U7ro<rrao-/f or u<pfO"ra|u. just who looks at and judges the actions of the people. et aliquas notitias certas tradidit [.46 P. qui moventur ratione.50 In his interpretation of the council of Nicaea. Melanchthon usually refers to a Platonic idea of God: "God is an eternal mind. col." (CR 15. 95 f. o. 529) 52 CR 13. 54 CR 21. sed esse aeternam mentem."53 At this point it is not necessary to give a complete examination of Melanchthon's philosophical idea of God. ut Plato. pp. Ideo et condidit omnes creaturas et miram artem adhibuit.). n. quando Ecclesia his vocabulis usa sit. the cause of good. H.49 to examine his idea of God in an Aristotelian framework and to look at Melanchthon as an Aristotelian philosopher. col.. Thus he ends his examination of Aristotle's substances: Let us thank God that he shows in some way himself as well as the nature of things and that he provided us with certain notions". Geyer48 and E. quod aliquo modo et sese et naturamrerum nobis ostendit. Zeit und Gott (cited above. 45 54 F. 19 f.-G. ut sentiant Deum esse aliquam mentem aeternam. 211. ut convinceret nos. Since God wanted to be known and to be seen he created all creatures and also showed the admirable art in order to convince us that things do not exist by coincidence but that there exists an eternal. J. 1959). causam boni.have no real content. The doctrine of creation is the theological side of a philosophical idea of God's creation. Vernunft (cited above. 637: "Voluit Deus innotescere et se conspici. architectatricem.

his concept of "natural notions" (notitiae naturales) is the main expression of this exemplarism. That is the reason why all mathematical-geometrical principles have to be related to the wisdom of God as architect of the world.e. Nam mens habet aliquam notitiam legis: sicut Plato dicit: Deus est mens aetema. joy and freedom of will. causa boni in 56 55 . causa boni in natura. in the creation God transferred to the human his own best qualities: wisdom. n. pp." 58 CR 12.. col. Belluci." 59 CR 24. are one of the most significant proofs for God's existence and essence. n. 57 CR 25. sophisticated and based on solid proofs. The philosophical side of Melanchthon's idea of God is the Neoplatonic concept of an essential relationship of the divine and human mind (exemplarism..58 For Melanchthon the philosophical idea of God is a "natural notion". 'Zur Bedeutung der Mathematik fur die Theologie Philipp Melanchthons'.14 GONTERFRANK Moreover. 13). . 'Gott als Mens. Philosophic (cited above. 246 f. . since God created it according to the mathematical-geometrical principles of His mind. although one has to add how God has revealed himself. 59-71. For this see: D."57 What Melanchthon has in mind is the idea that mathematical-geometrical principles constitute the structure of the universe. eternal. 935: "Notitiae numerorum sunt certissimum testimonium de Deo. 6).£T(>eiv [ . i.]. qualis sit. In these principles the human mind participates in the mind of God. notions of numbers.: "Quid illo Platonis pulcherrimo significetur dicto rov Ssov iei V£U)fj. Die "physica aliqua definitio" Gottes bei Philipp Melanchthon'. According to Melanchthon "natural notions" are speculative. col. pp. 278-283. the honest. He therefore praises Plato for his wonderful word of God as a mathematician.] ad Dei architecti sapientiam proferendam atque illustrandamrefert [. 865: "Ratio naturaliter intelligit esse Deum. practical and mathematical-geometrical principles which God implanted into the human mind during creation and which cannot be completely destroyed by the fall of Mankind. It is worth noting that these principles include also mathematicalgeometrical notions. 85-103. pp. Recent studies have paid much more attention to Melanchthon's concept of God as a mathematician. the cause of the good in nature.59 This idea or natural principle implies not only God's existence but includes also numerous attributes of God's essence: it implies that God is a spiritual essence. ] arithmeticos et geometricos fontes [. in Melanchthon und die Naturwissenschaften (cited above. 1559: "Platonica haec est: Deus est mens aetema.e£e£/£). good. Mathuen. 13).55 In his mind. Frank. 86-155. and almighty creator of all good things. cols. "Notions of numbers are the most certain testimonies of God. n. et agnoscit aliquo modo." 60 The most comprehensive version of this Platonic idea of God is to be found in the third edition of the Loci theologici. n.56 "Notitiae numerorum". Philosophic (cited above.60 For a detailed discussion see Frank.. too. In particular. just. justice.. As Melanchthon argues all these cogitations of the human mind are also included in the Platonic definition. pp.. human beings participate in the divine mind. which is true. ju. 6). in Melanchthon und die Naturwissenschaften (cited above. Ch. intelligent.

in Humanismus und Wittenberger Reformation (cited above. post mortem aliam vitam secuturam esse. pp. quae etsi verae et eruditae sunt et ex firmis demonstrationibus natae.. id est. The main argumentation is to be found in the chapter "On the immortality of the human soul" in his Anthropology (De anima). 'Philipp Melanchthons "Liber de anima" und die Etablierung der friihneuzeitlichen Anthropologie'." . pp. 337-339. Sed sic qui existimant. Stupperich (Gutersloh. causam boni in natura. quod ut consentaneum videatur. thus. First (argument): a nature which is not brought about by elements cannot be destroyed. As a commentary it was still used at universities in the eighteenth century. p. R. At least 12 editions are known from the sixteenth century alone.64 In the explanation of this argument Melanchthon refers to the Neoplatonic concept of "natural notions": natura [." (CR 21. 'Philipp Melanchthons Idee von der Unsterblichkeit der menschlichen Seele'. Primum: Natura non orta ab elementis non corrumpitur.]. Frank. aiunt eas oriri a caelesti natura.62 The starting point for his discussion are the testimonies from the Scriptures. essentiam spiritualem. veracem. 610) 61 Fora detailed examination of Melanchthon's understanding of the immortality of the soul see G. 63 MWA 3.61 Melanchthon argued repeatedly about the immortality of the soul. qualem se Deus ipse patefecerit. Non igitur extinguitur propter corporis interitum. tamen addendum est. However. Deum esse mentem aeternam. published in 1553. non ex elementis. in Theologie und Philosophic 68 (1993). The soul is not brought about by elements.. since souls cannot be brought about by elementary natures but rather only by a celestial nature. ed.: "Recitantur autem haec tria argumenta a Platone. Melanchthon. vol. tantum animas superstites esse. Frank. 3. Sed hae sunt adhuc humanae mentis cogitationes.MELANCHTHON AND THE TRADITION OF NEOPLATONISM 15 Melanchthon 's Philosophical Concept of the Immortality of the Human Soul The concept of "natural notions" as principles in which the human mind participates in the divine mind is also fundamental for his understanding of the individual immortality of the human soul. in Melanchthons Werke in Auswahl [= MWA]. 8). aeternam. Xenophon and Cicero. id est." 64 Ibid. Melanchthon's Liber de anima became very successful. not only for the resurrection of Christ but also for the resurrection of the individual human soul. Liber de anima (1553). 62 Ph. since there are some manifestations of the dead in dreams and visions.63 In order to illustrate his main argument Melanchthon discusses three philosophical proofs for the immortality of the human soul by referring to Plato. 349-367. ad certain obedientiam. id est. n. 1969). bonam. quam vox divina planissime patefecit. Xenophonte et Cicerone. His second argumentation begins by introducing a philosophical discussion: Melanchthon argues that pagans used to believe in the survival of souls after death. if philosophers speak about life after death they use to think about the soul surviving death. Anima non est orta ab elementis. For a detailed examination of Melanchthon's Liber de anima see G. omnipotentem conditricem bonarum rerum omnium et totius ordinis in natura et humanae naturae ad certum ordinem. col. intelli gen tern. Haec omnia complexus est Plato. pp. it cannot be wiped out by the fall of the body. iustam. 313-327. 368: "Philosophi nihil dixerunt de restitutione corporum. cogitant. 1-7/2.

67 2. pp. his philosophical theology in general. like the notions of God. Melanchthon is deeply indebted to Neoplatonic legacy.. Even if he obviously neglected Aristotle's ontology in the sense of the world of substances and the idea of the prime mover or the ontological connection of motions . Melanchthon's understanding of the immortality of the human soul . p.™ universa machina69) designed through an ordering and intelligent reason. numbers. Like his discussion of Aristotle's natural philosophy (the creation in its compatibility with Plato's myth of creation as an alternative to Aristotle's doctrine of the eternity of the world and the philosophical idea of God). 159-182. de ordine.65 These notions are implanted into the human soul and. 68 CR 13. de Deo. architectural mind in admirable characterized by a strong Neoplatonic overlapping of major subjects of Metaphysics. sed magna arte ab aeterna mente architectatrice conditae sint. The idea of the world machine (machina mundi. 206 f.: "[. /// It must be pointed out that. order of the universe and the distinction between good and bad. notions and universals of incorporeal things can be brought about.] tamen hoc manifestum est. unlike Luther's outlook. . this argumentation has nothing to do with Aristotle's argumentation of the soul as the substance (entelechy) of the body.. de numeris.his understanding of nature is a metaphysical-optimistic worldview with three main aspects: 1. quod animae non casu ortae. cols. et de rebus non corporeis. Or to emphasize: When it comes to metaphysics. 369: "Impossibile est in natura elementari oriri notitias et quidem universales. Melanchthon's worldview. the idea of an architec65 MWA 3. Thus even the notion of the creator shines in the human soul. is characterized by a metaphysical optimism.part of his commentary on Aristotle's De anima . It rather shows that Melanchthon interprets the human soul in a Neoplatonic way as an example of God's mind." 67 For a detailed discussion of Melanchthon's epistemology see Frank." 66 Ibid. n. illas insitas notitias non fallax testimonium esse. The idea of a general causal connection which explains nature and which can be perceived by the human mind. insofar. de discrimine honestorum et turpium.66 Again. Philosophic (cited above. The human soul is an image of the divine mind in which natural notions implanted in the human soul serve as an expression of the similarity or essential relationship between the human and the divine mind.16 GUNTERFRANK It is impossible that in an elemental nature. 6). Ideo et notitia conditoris lucet in nobis. they are the surest testimonies that human souls do not exist by coincidence but were created by an eternal.

72 Recent studies. De Genesi ad litteram. particularly his theology of creation and the Neoplatonic doctrine of an essential relationship between the human and the divine mind . see also H. n. 75 E.MELANCHTHON AND THE TRADITION OF NEOPLATONISM 17 tural mind who created the world according to mathematical-geometrical principles which are the ideas of his own mind and which can be realized by the human mind "more geometrico". pp. 1992). Frank (Stuttgart. 3. Obernahme und Umgestaltung des Platonismus durch die Viiter (Einsiedeln. 74 H. It is clear in this regard that the theology of salvation competes to some extent with the theology of creation. Ixxi-lxxiii. 294. R. Kepler. and others. Groh. 72 CR 13. Galilei. Bacon. particularly among scholars of the so-called "social history of science" have shown that this optimistic worldview which in its core is natural theology and is well documented for such authors as Copernicus. col. Ivanka. F. Zekl. 1994). Particularly. 71 Augustine. 'Wie modern war eigentlich Melanchthon? Die theologische Philosophic des Reformators im Kontext neuerer Theorien zur Herkunft der Moderne'. Melanchthon acknowledges the rationality and intelligibility of the world. pp.had an obvious influence not only on continental philosophers of the early enlightenment.73 Melanchthon introduced this Neoplatonic tradition among Lutheran as well as Calvinist theologians."notiones communes" (common notions) and "lumen naturale" (natural light) . Introduction to: Platon. his Platonic light-metaphysics . Weltbild und Naturaneignung: Zur Kulturgeschichte der Natur (Frankfurt a." 73 An excellent discussion of the establishment of the worldview of early modernity is to be found in D. became influential through establishing the worldview of early modernity. Marsilio Ficino's edition of Plato's Opera omnia was published in Florence 1484-1485 and in Venice CR 13. The idea of a theological anthropocentrism insofar as nature in its entirety is created for the use of human beings.71 Melanchthon also declares nature to be a book or a mirror in which God manifests himself. 1964). G. Plato Christianus. The Scientific Revolution. Schriften zur Melanchthonpreisverleihung 1997. A Historiographical Inquiry (Chicago. but also on the so-called Cambridge-Platonists. pp.i. some fragments of Plato's writings like his Timaios were known by Cicero and Plutarch74 and were influential for the medieval reception of Platonism75. fundamental for all Reformers. 67-81. 13). v. But one important problem remains still unsolved: what is the source of Melanchthon's Neoplatonism? Of course. even outside of revelation. 70 69 . col. M. For Melanchthon's idea of anthropocentrism see Frank. in Der Theologe Melanchthon.e. Frank. Cohen. despite the priority of the theology of salvation. G. 198: "Hanc doctrinam de Deo mens humana circumferens. ed. 1991). By adopting Augustine's motive of the book of nature.70 This metaphysical optimism has arisen under the impact of Melanchthon's theology. tanquam liber est et speculum monstrans Deum. 219-222. Timaios (Hamburg. 2000). Groh. MPL 34. G... 'Gott und Natur' (cited above.

Valder. if we leave aside the Hermetic tradition. 1997). . Later Grynaeus became a well-known humanist and scholar in M. pp. But there exists a second edition of Plato's writings from the beginning of the sixteenth century.18 GUNTERFRANK 1491.a sign of its success . ut intelligo. 78 CR 2. Strictly speaking. Melanchthon's copy of Grynaeus's edition with his own remarks on each page. primum Aristotelem. It should be a desideratum of future research to examine Melanchthon's philosophical writings and the impact of Grynaeus's edition of Plato's Timaios. 6. particularly the seventeen books of Hermes Trismegistos. In March 1534. In this critics are right. The dedication on the front page. There are only few indications of Ficino's Neoplatonism in Melanchthon's writings. exstant minime obscura iudicii ac voluntatis tuae testimonia. For this see Frank. Plutarch and Ficino for his edition but also undiscovered manuscripts. 76 The complete title is: ATI ANT A FJAATQNOE: Platonis omnia opera cum commentariis Prodi in Timaeum & Politica.77 Grynaeus used not only fragments of Cicero. praised Melanchthon for his remarks which made Grynaeus's edition "more valuable than gold". n. 1488 Petri-Schwabe 1988. thesauro veteris Philosophiae maxima. 6). he attended the Latin school and studied under Johannes Reuchlin in Pforzheim." Grynaeus's edition of Euclid's Elementa became also influential for Melanchthon's epistemology. iam adornas editionem Magnae Sytaxeos Ptolemaei. Mylaeus. first edited by J. 77 C. Grynaeus's edition of Plato's Timaios and Melanchthon's remarks have not yet being examined. col. 1551). De scribenda universitatis rerum historia libri quinque (Basileae.76 Like Melanchthon. book 5. Grynaeus's Greek commentary is the edition of Plato's Timaios. eight months after the publication. Philosophic (cited above. et. Unfortunately. Eine traditionsreiche Busier Offizin im Spiegel Hirer fruhen Drucke (Basel. For bibliographical references see F. This commentary is hardly known among scholars. 159-181. deinde Euclidem et Platonem edi curasti. pp. which Ficino published first on behalf of de Medici. there appeared in Basle the second great edition of Plato's writing Platonis omnia opera. As we know from Christopherus Mylaeus.78 But much more interesting is the fact that one can find in the library of the Augustinian monastery in Erfurt. 2nd edition . 1061-1063. Melanchthon expressly praised Grynaeus for his edition of Plato's writings in a letter of November 1534. Hopper in 1556. 815: "Sed postquam nunc optimos auctores. Hieronymus. composed by Melanchthon's friend Simon Grynaeus (1493-1541). written by the mathematician Hiob Ludolf (1649-1711).

and 'Science and Scholasticism in Melchior Cornaeus SJ'. See the comparison of Wallace's with Baldini's approach by M.4 without being aware of the circularity of this approach. I see the ambiguity of Newton's attitude to occult and mathematical science as a special case of the ambiguity of history as such. 'Traditional natural philosophy'. 3 This expression alludes to the book by B. pp. 4 As a standard text in this sense see W. pp. in Les Jesuites a la Renaissance.3 Most of the histories of sciences take particular moments in history as starting points into the future understanding of this very strain of history as evidence for the progress of sciences. Dobbs. 93-105. Schmitt (Cambridge. on the Integration of Humanism in the Educational Programme of the Jesuits'. 205-216. technological. and hence the evolution of astronThis paper develops some views I presented in my book Philosophenphilosophie und Schulphilosophie .THE JESUITS AND THE JANUS-FACED HISTORY OF NATURAL SCIENCES PAUL RICHARD BLUM As I have always done11 refrain from praising the achievements of the Jesuits in natural sciences and mathematics for two reasons: (1) There are other scholars2 who know much more about this specific topic than I do. I also profited from the perfect services of the University's Hesburgh Library . observational. in Studies in the History and Philosophy of Science 25 (1994). The Janus Faces of a Genius. Ch. Biagioli. 201-235. 206). which explains why astronomy is based on mathematics (admitting changes within mathematics). Aristotelian philosophy of nature is named "traditional" in contrast to modem challenges and described by means of a check list which contains the common features of science: "mathematical. and disputational" (p. in The Cambridge History of Renaissance Philosophy. however. The Role of Alchemy in Newton's Thought (Cambridge. 2 I should mention at least U. T. see also 'L'enseignement de la metaphysique dans les colleges jesuites d'Allemagne au XVIIe siecle'. The Jesuits' attitude towards sciences is presented here as a growing conflict with the religious premises. pp. and 'Jesuiten zwischen Religion und Wissenschaft'. 101-115. B.Typen des Philosophierens in der Neuzeit (Wiesbaden. which contains revised versions of my papers in German: 'Apostolato dei Collegi. 1992). Giard (Paris. pp. pp. J. pp. 'Jesuit Science Between Texts and Contexts'.my sincere thanks to all of them. Studi sufilosofia e scienza dei Gesuiti in Italia 1540-1632 (Roma. 1 . Legem impone subactis. 573-580. ed. (2) every instance in history is Janus-faced. in Ada Conventus Neo-Latini Guelpherbytani (Binghamton. hence it is much influenced by conversations on methodical matters with several colleagues. 1995). 1998). ed. L. 1991). A. in History of Universities 5 (1985). 637-646. Baldini. To give an example: Galileo's mathematization of astronomy is the point of departure of modern astrophysics. 1988). This paper was written while I was a Fellow at the Center for Philosophy of Religion at the University of Notre Dame. in Berichtezur Wissenschnftsgeschichte 18 (1995). 1988). Alvin Plantinga and Ernan McMullin. Wallace. esp.

I tend to look back since I am more interested in what it was that brought ideas about and what is the specific content of a moment in the history of ideas. And. Changing Tools. Plantinga. I should like to see if there is anything specifically Catholic or at least Christian in Jesuit natural science. I will not confront the possibility and legitimacy of 'presentist' historiography now. 'On Whiggism'. truth (such as theological). the two articles by A. Ashplant. and 'Present-Centered History and the Problem of Historical Knowledge'.20 PAUL RICHARD BLUM omy is to be described as a story of progress.(1) that the naturalist interpretation of the world makes any reference to God as creator superfluous (if it does not refute it right away). pp. 1995). 33-45) and E. 'When Faith and Reason Clash: Evolution and the Bible'. pp. in History of Science 21 (1983). (2) that this interpretation is one-sided in overstating the achievements and competence of natural sciences. perhaps even requires God as a voluntary agent. the responses by H. 80-109) in the same volume. pp. As a reference to present philosophical problems let me mention the debate on evolutionism versus creationism in twentieth-century America where the borderlines seem to be very clear. Since the overall theme of this conference is the religious confessions and the sciences. 2 (1998). and (3) that it still leaves space for a creating activity of God. Van Till (pp. such as H. as Marta Feher has shown.g. 82 f. be it for the actualization of natural laws. my review in Budapest Review of Books various degrees . this has been the natural state of science and theology since the eighteenth century. McMullin (pp. cf. cf. Feher. Seeing only one of the two faces of Janus is known as "The Whig Interpretation of History".7 It seems that before the victory of the new science the lay public shared a set of commonly accepted rationality and reasoning. be it for particular events in nature such as the phenomenon of life. 1-61. 47. 'Whig History and Present-Centered History'. Case Studies in the History of Scientific Methodology (Budapest. 253274. Butterfield. e. scientific explanation and so on. 8-32. Or. in The Historical Journal 31 (1988). 1965). 6 See. Some Christian scholars defend . pp. in Christian Scholars Review 21 (1991). 7 M.6 On the one hand defenders of 'special creation' try to comply with the standards of epistemology of sciences and thus enter into debates about natural laws.5 Instead. A. on p. R. J. On the other hand the whole debate is fuelled by a mutual Daltonism: Scientists are laymen in theology and theologians are laymen in the sciences. Hall. Wilson and T. pp. and factual knowledge (together with face-value understanding of metaphors. 45-59.. The Whig-Interpretation of History [1931] (New York. The circularity of progressist historiography has been mentioned in passing by A. 5 . G. This question by itself stirs up the problem of understanding the history of sciences with the Jesuits as seen from their point of view. in other terms again: Science in the seventeenth century is what twentieth-century scientists can acknowledge. 55-79) and the reply by Plantinga (pp. It is the inference of religion that makes their contribution to science hard to understand.

Science creates its lay public. 1987). 9 M. Jahrhunderts (Stuttgart. J. the victory of the instrumental interpretation of nature and the prerogative of theories and models over observation in the classical modern sciences created a new gap between lay persons and scholars. Schroder. Even though this seems still to be the ideal. Blum. 'A Catholic Theologian Responds to Copemicanism: The Theological "Judicium" of Paolo Foscarini's "Lettera"'. P. . principle . the way runs parallel to that between sense evidence and theory. London. is that the roles of experts and public have invaded the sciences themselves because of teamwork and specialization: every expert becomes a solipsist in his discipline and a lay person to the other members of co-operate research. 1999). p. McGonagall which I interpret thus: that the Christian supporter runs out of reasonable arguments when he tried to defend faith with the methods of scientific research and vice versa.could be proven not only by experts but by generally competent lay persons themselves. 12. among the vast amount of literature. Urspriinge des Atheismus. A. 55. To talk about the Jesuits and natural sciences can therefore mean either to point out their specialization or to find the common ground of culturally agreed assumptions. 1. n.9 The same criticism had been brought forward by the humanist Lorenzo Valla against Boethius. for even though the theory claims to be based on experiment it distances itself gradually from sense experience and common-sense intuition. in Renaissance and Reformation 21 (1997). whom he presents as the theologian who started defending Catholicism by means of purely secular philosophical arguments drawn from ancient stoicism. Buckley."11 This conflict opens at the very dawn of modern science. now constitutes itself by demarcating borders to the public. 6). however.THE JESUITS AND THE HISTORY OF NATURAL SCIENCES 21 occult qualities or certain statements in the Bible about the stars8) which . which by definition is not expert. At the Origins of Modern Atheism (New Haven. let reason go to smash. 11 Quoted from Plantinga. This is a verse by the Scottish bard William E. 1998).g. and by trying to call on science for support faith cannot win: "When faith and reason clash. und 18. 59-70. 'Faith and Reason' (cited above. pp. and plays only a passive role in the sense of political and financial supporters of almost arcane scholarship. pp. ed. It can also mean to show the moment of separation between specialists on either side (Christian versus scientific). It is not without irony that the contemporary Jesuit Michael Buckley traces the "origins of modern atheism" back to the seventeenth-century Jesuit Leonardus Lessius. in Philosophen der Renaissance. evidently it took some time to identify the rationalist/naturalist option of open atheism. 33-40.. But not only that . R. 'Lorenzo Valla: Humanismus als Philosophic'. Untersuchungen zur Metaphysik und Religionskritik des 17. P. One example is the famous Jesuit mathematician Christophorus Clavius (1537-1612) who commented on the Sphaera of Sacrobosco and on the 8 The debate about the "two books" marks the crisis of this commonly accepted pattern. Blum (Darmstadt. For a recent account on the topic see W. The paradox of science in the twentieth century. This gap . e.10 The argument is the same as ever: science and faith conflict. 10 Cf. R. cf. I. esp.

. Per tot enim annorum curricula magnus annus impletur.]. 1581). according to Christian doctrine. (quod tamen Christiana fides falsum esse perspicue docet) testantur [. His commentary on astronomy starts with the humanist accounting for the venerable age of this discipline: It not only survived the deluge thanks to columns set up by Adam's least if no qualifications are added . quae non ediscere potuissent. the time span of the Great Year. quoniam [corpora caelestia] sunt ingenerabilia. l4 12 C. because the heavenly bodies are the causes of all what is here below". ideo has artes prae caeteris nomen scientiae.but why? Does Clavius either reckon that his Jesuit audience just does not take his introduction literally.] (Romae.]. and the stars are not.]. p.. quod proprium est munus.... 1591). Procedunt enim semper ex praecognitis quibusdam principiis ad conclusiones demonstrandas. ):( 4v. Auctore Christophoro Clavio Bambergensi.. .13 Two blatant heresies . secondly. quia corpora caelestia sunt causa omnium horum inferiorum. atque officium doctrinae. quas iugiterperscrutabantur. atque Platonic! existimantes. 3: "Deinde propter virtutes.) The two main features guaranteeing the highest dignity are: "First. the heavenly bodies are without coming to be and without coming to an end [. ac incorruptibilia [. Posteriorum testatur [. in any unrestricted sense. or is he sure hat his fellow theologians will not read his astronomy? Both possibilities would have to play down the role of Christian faith in that context.. Deus eis ampliora vivendi spacia condonavit.22 PAUL RICHARD BLUM Elements of Euclid and thus .because the physical heaven is not eternal. granted by God to the ancients in order to accomplish the whole of it... id est Astrologiam. (Clavius refers to the standard classification according to which the dignity of a scholarly discipline is judged both by the dignity of its subject matter and by the certainty of its conclusions.from the above-mentioned point of view merits the status of one of the forefather of modern science. Clavius is more cautious... it even rewarded men with a life of six hundred years. fol. In sphaeram loannis de Sacrobosco commentarius [.12 The high value of astronomy is also due to its object of study." 14 Euclidis Elementorum libriXV[. the latter one had engaged Christian defenders of astrology and human freedom.. e Societate lesu (Coloniae. Of course..].]. [. et gloriosas utilitates. The first assumption had been at the centre of a heated debate among Christian theologians and the Averroists since the Middle Ages.. casque de corpore in corpus migrare. et doctrinae sibi vendicare. nisi sexcentis viverent annis. Clavius.: "Primo quidem. animas rationales certo quodam ac determinato numero contineri. in Clavius this is all rhetoric ." 13 Ibid. sive disciplinae. He states: Pythagorei enim.. Secundo. 2 vols. et Geometriam. quod solae modum rationemque scientiae retineant. Prolegomena. Aliis autem placet.]. ut et Aristoteles 1. but at the same time more ambiguous as far as the scientific role of mathematics is concerned. In his Prolegomena to Euclid. causes of events in the sublunar world and certainly not of everything.

according to the first argument . [. et popularem licentiam?" 16 Melanchthon. 139.16 In Melanchthon's view geometry is useful not only because it makes difficult concepts intuitively clear17 but mainly because the geometrical structure of the human mind (the common notions) equals in the same way the "order of nature".]: sed Philosopho." 17 S.THE JESUITS AND THE HISTORY OF NATURAL SCIENCES 23 We may gather from this statement that .. discloses the structuring quality of mathematics. The Case of Philip Melanchthon [Ideas in Context 34] (Cambridge.. nemo sine aliqua cognitione huius artis satis perspicit. which forbids tyranny and general license?"15 In accordance with the Aristotelian concept of distributive justice.] ad agnitionem Dei traduxit. Frank. alternatives to an epistemological justification of mathematical studies.18 Hereby Melanchthon avoids any reference to metempsychosis as the factual basis for the existence of numbers in the soul. for instance. p. [. Denique exulantes animos [. Inde enim oriuntur initia physices.]. but what is surprising is the fact that Clavius does not make any effort to reconcile both views. propter alias multas causas.. in addition to a general recommendation of geometry for the study of nature.the scientific value (what makes science) of mathematics depends on a conception of the soul in terms of numbers which constitute both the structure of the world and the soul. si hac geometrica proportione constituta esset.. adolesc.]. The other model of justifying mathematics draws upon Aristotle's logic. Could he possibly believe that the Pythagorean concept of numbers is a fair expression of the Aristotelian method? There are.. 18 G. erit artifex methodi. quae et tyrannidem prohibet. much less surprisingly. Die theologische Philosophic Philipp Melanchthons (1497-1560) [Erfurter theologische Studien 67] (Leipzig. Thus he agrees with the later Jesuits in acknowledging the political importance of liberal studies but contrary to them he derives the necessity of mathematical studies from the higher level of cognitive and psychological structures and not only from the scientific value which .": "geometricam aequalitatem in moribus praestare debere. and the teaching of geometry should be added to the other disciplines. [. Philipp Melanchthon. which he applies to politics and morals: "With regards to the Church. which is contrary to Christian doctrine. what could be more blessed than if it were constituted with geometrical proportion.. 1995). For this reason the Protestant reformer suggests that "geometrical equality" should reign in behaviour.. 1546). geometry is not only a metaphor but is taken as a structure in general. "Stud. Quid Ecclesia beatius esset. Deinde quum demonstrationes geometricae maxime sunt illustres. p. 1995). Melanchthon's we have seen in 15 Euclidis Megarensis mathematici clarissimi Elementorum geometricorum libri XV (Basileae. et ad caeteras adiungere Geometriae studium. "Studiosis adolescentibus": "Non enim tantum releganda est haec ars ad mechanicos [.]. quae sit vis demonstrationum: nemo sine ea. . such that may be found in or applied to human conduct.. The problem is that this idea is only to be described in terms of Pythagorean or Platonic metempsychosis (at least for Clavius). Kusukawa.. indeed. 281.. opus Geometriae scientia. whereby he refers to the knowledge of God through a thorough observation of method. The Transformation of Natural Philosophy.

to the public reputation of the Society of Jesus and to the need to know mathematics for the study of philosophy and specifically physics. which still appears in the 1591 draft. when the "ornament" of mathematical studies and their practical impact on poets. historians.20 This is all that remained from the much more elaborated draft of the rules of studies of 1586. after the professor of morals. however. pp. Mathematics was ordered to be taught in the second year of philosophy for three quarters of an hour. adiungat. parallel to the course of physics. 108. If one looks at the ratio studiorum and the later practice at Jesuit universities. quoted as MPSI]. The teaching of mathematics depended much on the initiative of the individual professor.24 PAUL RICHARD BLUM Clavius .as is often the case with the rhetoric of promoting scholarly activities . but before the professor of grammar.21 There had been a plan to establish an extraordinary school of mathematics (privata academia). The Heritage of the Collegia Romano in Galileo's Science [Princeton. p. p. 107. p. idque cum Euclide vel eodem die. the only reason for his extended lecture was his personal commitment. which he owed to his own teacher Johann Reinhard Ziegler. vel eorum. . 402). not easily reconciled with Aristotelian logic. including the new developments after the discovery of new star of 1572 and the comet of 1577.The definite version of the Ratio studiorum 1599 recommends that the professor of mathematics may organize a defense of some famous problem monthly or bimonthly during the general convent of philosophers and theologians (MPSI 5. Lukacs (Roma. ed. 7 vols. quae libenter audiri solent. 20 MPSI 5. 140. The professor of mathematics stands at the low end in the hierarchy of philosophical positions. Otto Cattenius. here: MPSI 7. after two months. Wallace (Galileo and His Sources. p. 141. was praised.. for example." 21 MPSI 5.19 His arguments in favour of mathematical studies refer . 177 and 285. 22 MPSI 5. 129. 115 ff. 124. . who cor19 Monumenta Paedagogica Societatis lesu [Monumenta Historica Societatis lesu 92. or whatever the students like to hear". but this plan. pp.22 was finally dropped. postquam per duos menses aliquantisper versati fuerint. 402: "Physicae auditoribus explicet in schola tribus circiter horae quadrantibus Euclidis elementa. an indication that this was not the rule. L. The topics were to be Euclid's Elementa and. gave quite an extensive lecture on mathematics and astronomy. 137) the attack on Jesuit professors refers to Benedictus Pererius and Paulus Valla. vel alternis diebus. According to William A. But he is rather shy in giving precise information about the import of mathematics to the other sciences. 1984]. aliquid Geographiae vel Sphaerae. It is this conflict of methodological approaches to scientific knowledge which lurks behind the establishment of Jesuit studies. etc. in quibus. 1965-1992). led by Professor Clavius. alternatively "some geometry or astronomy [sphaera]. The same Father Clavius openly complains in 1581 about his fellow professors' lack of mathematical knowledge and suggests that the professors of mathematics should be present at public disputations and from time to time propose topics for them. we can state that Clavius's rhetoric was not very successful.

and others. on pp. 26 B. 421 f. I may just mention Pererius who opposed Clavius's claim for mathematics with the argument that mathematical entities lack the status of causes. p. Leiden. who in his basic study on Galileo and His Sources. Galileo (cited above.. which continue to affirm the importance of mathematics in it. 94 f. in 3. 136 ff. nothing more than a common place among Jesuit apologetics quoted in the footnote). Nam eas carere fine ac efficiente. because quantity is an accidental property. Machamer (Cambridge.. (si de causis proprie loqui volumus) nullum habent genus caussae. pp. lib. Cattenius. P. ed. gives an account of Clavius's Prolegomena to Euclid without even mentioning the passage quoted above.. but we are aghast at the author's attempt to reduce Clavius's defense of mathematics to a problem of "different vocabularies" and his authorities to "symbolic capital". 3. pp. led to quite different results among Clavius. cap. Bio-bibliographical data on Jesuit mathematicians have been collected by K. Feldhay. 24 Wallace.25 As a matter of fact the two basic assumptions which determined the place of mathematics in the whole of sciences. 1991). 1576) (Microfiche ed. Mathematik im Studienplan der Jesuiten: Die Vorlesung von Otto Cattenius an der Vniversitat Mainz (1610/11) (Stuttgart. F. pp. As for Jesuit studies Wallace relies here only on secondary sources.e.] nee mathematicus speculatur essentiam quantitatis [. pp. Archivum Historicum Societatis Jesu 52 (1983). Archivum Historicum Societatis Jesu 47 (1978).THE JESUITS AND THE HISTORY OF NATURAL SCIENCES 25 responded with Clavius and Johannes Kepler. it was in the twentieth-century studies of Jesuit scholarship. by IDC. I may just mention William A. Metaphys. 1987). in the first place. Benedictus Pererius. The contradiction in Clavius's argument is also absent in P. 3. [. in Studies in History and Philosophy of Science 18 (1987). tex.24 And in a more recent summary of the Jesuit attitude towards mathematics by Rivka Feldhay we are confronted with Clavius's attempt to reconcile the Pythagorico-Platonist praise of mathematics with the Aristotelian logic of science (based on the text quoted above). 1998). but does in no way wonder how and why there always has been "an insufficient number of competent teachers to go around" (p. 20). 'The use and abuse of mathematical entities: Galileo and the Jesuits revisited'. pp..]. 3. n. auctor est Arist. Fischer in Archives Internationales d'histoire des sciences 34 (1984). A.. the only one in Clavius's text that considers gnoseological arguments in favour of mathematics. pp.. 160-224. Pererius. 124-162. Wallace.23 If Clavius had any effect at all. 69: "Res mathematicae ea ratione ut sunt mathematicae et in doctrina mathematica tractantur. Dear. in The Cambridge Companion to Galileo.. pp. Krayer. on pp.] quantitas quae tractatur a Mathematico. Furthermore Pererius destroys the most powerful AristoteA. 138 ff. non est forma quidditativa rei [. cf. ended his career as a professor of morals. because they do not fit into the scheme of causa finalis and causa efficiens. namely the dignity of its objectum (subject matter) and the certitude of knowledge produced. 25 R. 52-92. 135). Dear starts his treatment with emphasizing the "importance of the mathematical disciplines in the Jesuit college curriculum" which is alleged to be "well known" (i. it should be noted.26 Mathematical quantities are no formal cause. 'Jesuit Mathematical Science and the Reconstruction of Experience in the Early Seventeenth Century'. 133-175. 80145." 23 . my review in History of Universities 12 (1993). De communibus omnium rerum naturalius principiis et affectionibus (Romae.

] in rebus mathematicis. Mathematical demonstrations may be as powerful as one wishes. and his criticism of mathematics is not exclusively concerned with Aristotelian scientific methodology.. 70: "[. but realist quiddities to quantitative chimeras. which accidentally happen to have measure whatsoever. vere ac proprie non inveniri causas vel principia." 28 Dear.26 PAUL RICHARD BLUM lian argument of Clavius's deductionism when he admits that. He opposes not substantial forms to mathematical science. These are not supposed to be metaphorical and hypothetical concepts but have an ontological status in being the real causes of things and properties. If it is true that effects depend on causes and that quantities depend on quantitative things. as a progressist view might guess. and they do not extend beyond the boundaries which ontologically separate attributes from substances.27 In this very statement Pererius also says that the causality of mathematical principles is but a fictitious or metaphorical one (ratione quadam et similitudine).28 but is naturalist in the sense that such principles ought to mirror the 'real' causes. Deprincipiis. The laws of quantity are not the laws of things. universal principles of everything in nature. from which all further propositions are derived. 27 Pererius. p. indeed. n. that Pererius is competing with Renaissance natural philosophers such as Bernardino Telesio who from 1565 onwards published an antiAristotelian De rerum natura iuxta propria principia . as the passage quoted is usually presented.. he introduces his verdict by insisting that mathematical objects have no causality inasmuch they are purely mathematical and treated professionally by mathematicians. sic apud Mathematicos. and consequently the very nature of things collapses if it is presented as depending on mathematical reasoning. 24). Sometimes one can tell a book by its cover: "On the principles and properties common to all natural things". then mathematical proofs are firm but only about dependent properties. leaving aside any Pythagorean interpretation of numbers. initio scientiae ponuntur quaedam generates propositiones. but only within the realm of mathematical objects. p. The 'causal' power of mathematical demonstrations cannot reach the ontological causation of things for which quantity is but an accidens. 'Jesuit Mathematical Science' (cited above. sed tantum ratione quadam et similitudine. quia sicut ex causa manat effectus. whereas the intellectual objects of mathematics by definition are mentally construed. he says: since these basic premises have no ontological and no causal ground the whole building of mathematical science must collapse. . He thus promises a naturalist theory and report about observable reality. et illis sublatis necesse est omnes demonstrationes convelli et penitus accounting for the common. Since no one can deny that real beings have quantitative properties. 138 with further references. which tells the late sixteenth-century reader. et remota causa necessario tollitur effectus. ex quibus postea deducuntur demonstrationes. the mathematical propositions depend on primary assumptions.

O. because the strategy of the Order was based on theology. Since Aristotle admits that the form of material beings is in a way modified (necessitated) by matter (e.. tried to support mathematical argumentation in transforming the Aristotelian model of form and matter into Platonic wonder aimed at spreading the truth. and. 1973). P. in my view.THE JESUITS AND THE HISTORY OF NATURAL SCIENCES 27 Therefore the collapse predicted by Pererius about Clavian mathematics is that of the gap between the rhetorical praise of mathematical studies and the need for an accounting of causes in nature that are real ontological causes. 1989. The causation of mathematical entities is gained by reconnecting them to God's creative thinking. quoted from: P. This is true up to and including Galileo. 3] (Heidelberg. scholastic philosophy and humanities. indeed. see P. 30 Galluzzi. Thus the object of mathematics is the archetypes which exist accidentally in material beings.ironically . cf. 58. 1). commenting on the document with this title: MPSI 7. Kristeller. Blum. n. 57. Die Ideen als Gedanken der menschlichen und gottlichen Vernunft [Sitzungsberichte der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften. pp. A student of Clavius. which included endless debates on the prescriptions of teaching and the method of "selecting opinions" (delectus opinionum) and the avoidance of conflicting doctrines. As to the prehistory of this solution. 1615).Blancanus's defense of mathematics was of very little influence. 37-79. Tractatus "De opinionum delectu " revisus. if not theological interpretation of mathematics necessarily leads to Platonist heresy . The example of Clavius has shown clearly that a metaphysical. Blancanus. 'II "Platonismo"'. pp. Aristotelis loca mathematica (Bononiae.29 This latter conclusion comes close to Melanchthon's reasoning as quoted previously. ed. Eventually these ideas or archetypes exist identically in God's and the human beings' minds. 'De natura mathematicarum scientiarum tractatio'. What controls the activity of Jesuit scholars is the ideal of an undisputed unity of knowledge. resp. but this could not be achieved totally.g. Now the problem was how to streamline all these efforts. . 'symbolic' and subordinated to the general 'ideology' of the Society which . in J. MPSI 5. Blancanus puts mathematical figures (nota bene: geometrical shapes. Phil. 6 f. 18-33. science could never play an important role in this. 1-29. '11 "Platonismo" del tardo Cinquecento e la filosofia di Galileo'. Zambelli (Bari. 1989). Joseph Blancanus (Biancani). ch. a wooden saw does not work). not arithmetical numbers) in the place of forms like ideas which are "frustrated" by the imperfections of matter. pp.31 Philosophy was supposed to support theology in the same way as the whole school system of the Jesuits was designed to support evangelization. in Ricerche sulla cultura dell'Italia moderna. Blancanus. 31 See as an example the lengthy treatise of Stephanus Tucci. Klasse.unless those Platonic arguments are presented in a superficial and rhetorical way and hence are methodologically insignificant. For my argument here maybe the most important point is that . 6-17. pp.. on p.4. because if there was anything like Platonism in Galileo it was 29 J. Galluzzi.30 The 'capital' hedged by Jesuit mathematicians is. p. 4. Philosophenphilosophie (cited above.

in Aristotelismus und Renaissance. 34 S. Jahrhundert'. R. De generatione. The typical approach to mathematics and nature. Science. Renaissance Authors (Firenze. without tables and revised in Blum.. in Science in Context 3 (1989). 'Transposing the Merton Thesis: Apostolic Spirituality and the Establishment of the Jesuit Scientific Tradition'. 29-65. individuality. 33 32 . holds true not only for the early Jesuits but goes on far into the seventeenth century when the rule was still in force. J. perfectly described by Ugo Baldini. H. presented statistics on Jesuit scientific productivity and held that the Jesuit ideology (he emphasizes "universality. De anima. And theirs is an oblique approach.32 So against all the evidence in favour of the interest of the Jesuits in mathematics and natural sciences. E. and Physics (in this sequence). 30). the whole Organon. a specific application of Max Weber's sociological approach which tried to identify the religious environment as more or less favourable to scientific research. pp. The latter served per se as the 'natural' background to theology. 'II "Platonismo"' (cited above. i. K.. attempting to "transform" the Merton Thesis. 161-165: out of the 6. as follows: See Galluzzi. the core of the activities remaining scholastic philosophy and theology. and adaptability") was no less favourable to scientific studies. 1970). 1988). 1988). 'Der Standardkursus der katholischen Schulphilosophie im 17. the sociological approach is not only indirect inasmuch it touches upon features that are by definition environmental instead of central. I cannot tell why they should have dealt with these subjects at all. De caelo. 127-148. In the case of the Jesuits. R.e.e. my statistical research based on this catalogue: P. rationality. Lohr. they themselves did not focus on sciences and mathematics but rather on the circumstances fostering them. 35 Ch. if not for strategical reasons. either other Catholics or Protestants). pp. Philosophenphilosophie.. i. Merton.34 However. n. Keliler et al.35 This sounds encouraging. the quotation on p. Galileo. for the Platonism debate re. in which the texts most frequently commented upon by members of various religious orders were: Rhetoric. the social group under review presents a feedback or a short-circuit itself.33 Steven Harris. 32.28 PAUL RICHARD BLUM certainly that part of this thought which conflicted with scholastic metaphysics. while 62 per cent of all works were written by non-members of any order (i.653 comments on Aristotle written by members of religious orders Jesuits contributed 1. Blum. Harris. cf. At this stage one could enter the debate about the "Merton Thesis". eds.e. Technology and Society in Seventeenth-Century England [1938] (New York.327 (circa 20 per cent). Categories. 283 individual Jesuit authors make up 51 per cent of all religious authors. If it comes to statistics. Harris could not perhaps know Charles Lohr's catalogue of commentaries on Aristotle in the Renaissance up to 1650. Latin Aristotle Commentaries II. because they did not just happen to favour scientific studies but they rather did so deliberately. (Wiesbaden. but a close look at the commentaries reveals that in most cases metaphysical and generally philosophical controversies are dealt with rather than anything that looks like science in the modern sense. Metaphysics. pp. to defend the competence of Catholics in these fields. Meteorology.

ma non ne stabiliva la verita ne ne forniva spiegazioni. n. de Arriaga [. P. because "praedicatum et subjectum. Philosoph und Theologe. 'Das Seiende als solches in Arriagas Metaphysik'. p. or. 143. Boscovich.. 37 R."37 Given the premises of nominalist epistemology Arriaga transforms the simple postulate for the truth of any the debate about the certainty and superiority of scientific discipline . in discussing the unity of science starts from the ideal that the subject matter of knowledge and knowledge itself are identical.. 1998). p. 51. of scholarship. The unity of doctrine among the teachers of the colleges all over the world was a political aim subordinated to the quest for political power. perche la sua origine era ontologica. that of the identity of subject and predicate. sect. What is the rationale in ranking disciplines? What is the ruling concept? The Jesuits were obsessed by the quest for unity of sciences. Sousedik (Praha. Percio 1'applicazione della matematica allo studio di oggetti o fenomeni era giustificata solo come 1'uso d'una sorta di grammatica. 2. into the multiplicity of scientific propositions which. 44 and sect.. Baldini. Cursus Philosophicus [. le cui dimostrazioni erano analizzabili in sillogismi. on p. Saxlova and S. 1993). 40. because above it all hovered the task of spreading the one and only true religion. Pererius's and the Renaissance philosophers' ideal of a true unified superscience dissolves into separate knowledges. ed. 1669). p. ma non la costruiva. vita e attivita scientifica .His Life and Scientific Work. e in genere la materia intelligibilis. Roderigo de Arriaga. 1. Logica. 40. nisi quia non sunt multiplicandae entitates sine necessitate". Cursus Philosophicus.. J.36 As historians we have to draw our attention . debet esse idem realiter. lib. habitus eiusdem scientiae totalis uniri inter se. Bursill-Hall (Roma.] (Lugduni. absolute tamen omnis physica unio inter illos reiicienda est. as a whole.38 "Habitus cuiuscumque scientiae habent inter se ab ipsa 36 U. variamente ripartite in discipline autonome.apart from the results that may contradict or confirm 'modern science' . eds. con premesse che erano in parte enunciati Tisici'. But this political unity has its theoretical equivalent in the unity of human knowledge. 141-168." On the other hand: "Etsi non sit omnino improbabile. more generally. 38 Arriaga. do not form any real or essential unity.. subsect. 6.. erano la 'mathesis mixta'. sect. n. che forniva le regole di traduzione di certi enunciati Tisici' in altri. On Arriaga's concept of science see T. in parte 'matematici'. erano pero oggetti non sensibili: cio lasciava a una fisica non matematica ogni giurisdizione circa la base materiale. 'Boscovich e la tradizione gesuitica in filosofia naturale: continuita e cambiamento'. and the only reason Arriaga wants to put forward is the horror of a super-term of knowledge understood as a separate entity. 81-132. Quegli enti. pp. ut propositio sit vera. T.]. in Rodrigo de Arriaga (+1667). 1'origine e il mutamento delle relazioni metriche [. 3. 51: "non esse aliam rationem pro hac conclusione. Saxlova.l. 6. La 'pura mathesis' descriveva tale grammatica.THE JESUITS AND THE HISTORY OF NATURAL SCIENCES 29 La descrizione della matematica come analisi di enti prelinguistici. richiesta dalla nozione aristotelica di 'scientia'. le sue applicazioni. .as a debate. 3. subsect.]. in R. pp. disp. 1 n. ne escludeva una interpretazione formalistica.

Ibid. p. sicut non least . alterum scientiae. . In his treatise on the soul in the same work he discusses the question: "Utrum possint dari simul scientia. ratione cuius unam scientiam dicuntur constituere. 113 and subsect. De Anima. de quantitate. [. 279. and if evidence and probability do not clash. this coordination is given both in the totality of physical objects that are studied in various disciplines and in the scientific impulse to exact and complete knowledge of the physical objects: Philosophiam esse unam scientiam non unitate rigorosa. opinion.«' The variety of epistemic approaches. et opinionis. 6. alterum opinionis circa idem obiectum. sect. quod est principium et subiectum illarum rerum. [. find their final unity in the act of assent.] quia non repugnat per unicum actum assentiri eidem obiecto ob duo motiva.30 PAUL RICHARD BLUM natura ordinem aliquem et connexionem. This permits him to avoid the inevitable clash of epistemic approaches of seemingly opposite cognitive faculties. et obiecti eiusdem actus. dum agit de motu. 8. and media.. intendit exactam cognitionem corporis substantialis completi. non solum non repugnare inter se duos actus fidei. disp. debent esse respectu eiusdem potentiae. p. subject matters. et opinio de eodem obiecto. so desperately sought for.. 2. quod est objectum attributionis totius philosophiae.. 3.. Physica. 42. 3.40 Arriaga aims at a dialectical unity of knowledge in sciences which gives way to parallel approaches to objects." His answer states that "evidentia et probabilitas ut opponantur..]) sed unitate ordinis. and grants the unity of knowledge. subsect.. et scientiae et fidei. Ontological unity is transposed into epistemic assent. If there is anything like science involved. such as faith. deambulationem veri gratia ob sanitatem et ob recreationem [. et ob idem medium". velle ailquod medium ob duos fines. given that the 'methods' of both do not proceed at an equal pace.. n. as long as they are generated by independent faculties. etc. From his observations quite distant from one another within the space of the same book. 868. So we may say that authors like Clavius and Blancanus are paying lip service to an overall mathematical science just because the unity of human knowledge is at stake. the identity or variety of which still has to be sorted out by the disciplines. and reason. 52. it is the in39 40 41 Ibid.the possibility of the unity of faith and reason. fides. n.. namely faith and science. de actione et passione. sed etiam posse eumdem numero actum esse. subsect. sect.. quatenus omnes illius habitus ordinantur per se ad exactam cognitionem corporis substantialis completi. Prooemium. 6. (constat enim pluribus habitibus. Ibid."39 What unifies the realms of knowledge is a kind of natural coordination. it is evident that his rejecting philosophy as an encyclopaedic science of everything that is real is motivated by his concern to save . etiam specie diversis. quae. p.].

sed non quatenus Physica est.]". 44 Science depends on the use of truth and on experience.] de Physica linea considerat. if so.]. if not as one of the heroes of free scientific research. quorum alia quae ita contingunt ut natura fiant omnibusque obvia sint. a de42 43 44 C. multa seiuncta. indaginem. 3. quae sensibus incurrunt. Ibid. Ibid.. and one may wonder why Scheiner preferred to say "finxit" instead of "fecit" terms of Freudian psychology one might think that this is 'fiction' on Scheiner's part. Apart from his diligent anatomy of the eye.. does he do that as a Jesuit. Christoph Scheiner in his 1619 book on Optics makes the convenient statement: "Dei providentia naturam ita finxit. Phaenomena."43 What does God stand for? It is evident that God has nothing really to do in optics because it functions well. Geometria enim [. Scheiner. Oculus [. ut ea [sc. plurimam impendunt utrique operam. 1619). oculi] musculorum intervalla adipe inserserit... In doing so. justifying this by describing a particular way for it between physics and geometry: Optice vera et proprie dicta scientia. quantum veritatis usu ipso. p. sed viis diversis investigant: quod ut rectius praestent. this book is important for its clear separation of the realms of theology and metaphysics from experience and experiment.]. experientiaque depromunt. In fact.. We could rejoice now and celebrate Scheiner as one of the founding fathers of the scientific method. [.. in eorum. . p..THE JESUITS AND THE HISTORY OF NATURAL SCIENCES 31 triguing question what science might mean at all. Veritatem ergo eiusdem rei ambo.. 2. But. Communia sunt objectum et praecognita... what the features of an allpervasive structure of scientific knowledge could or should be. solamque seduli speculatoris aniadversionem requirant. Scheiner not only claims scientific dignity for an apparently narrow field: he separates the dignity of science from the dignity of its object. sive apparitiones: alia quae absque speculiari Empyrici industria aut non fiunt aut non patescunt.. but firmly holds that the independence of its reasoning makes it a science.. We may conclude that Clavian and generally Jesuit rhetoric in mathematical or other key disciplines (especially if it ignores methodological consistency) bears witness to the anxiety about a world of knowledge that is in danger of falling apart. Praefatio.] circumferetur leniter [. multa cum Physica communia habet.] ut oculus [.42 and generally: "Oculus animali ad videndum a Deo attributus munere suo perfungitur rerum videndarum praesentia potitus [. sed non quatenus est Physici: Perspectiva autem mathematicam quidem lineam... Experientiae vocantur: nine e utrisque plena extant auctorum volumina: quae tantum subi vendicant authoritatis. he concedes to other disciplines their own rights.. in his preface Scheiner tries to establish optics as an independent science. a Catholic. He does not even allude to its certainty in logical deduction. once it is made as it is. [.] (Oeniponti.

1960).47 And John Polkinghorne declares. C. G. This consultation and interpretation of records is the characteristic feature of historical work. hence it makes sense to talk about the achievements of the natural sciences only in terms of a story in which scientific discoveries and theories are facts. Is his "God of the eye muscles" identical with the Crucified who made Saint Ignatius weep daily? And is St Ignatius's tearful eye the object of Schemer's optics? I do not think so. p. 46 45 . n. in Zygon 26 (1991). One organizing structure of the narrative of the history of sciences is that of the progress of discoveries. based on alternative attempts at organising knowledge. pp. London. But they were hindered by Catholic doctrine: they tried to talk in two different languages.45 In our age cultural events and achievements are interpreted as narratives.. 47 R. I shudder". let us for a moment question this argument: if we suppose that science is about discovery. the problem for Jesuit science is that in this kind of story it does not have much of a voice. All these stories are made up of facts. even more: about discovering the true principles that are causes of what is . The Idea of Nature [1945] (London. A scientific theory [." 48 J..].and all this in search of a unifying theory..]. "When I think of the eye. known as the Enlightenment. 6). Polkinghorne.. 1 quote from Plantinga. 221-236. 25. namely that of scholastic philosophy and theology. e. 'Faith and Reason' (cited above. 'The Nature of Physical Reality'. [. in the sense of concentrating on the epistemic instead of the ontological status of causes. 176 f. through experience and mathematics .] is itself an historical fact. So. Collingwood. based on Aristotelian metaphysics and ontology.. The Content of Form: Narrative Discourse and Historical Representation (Baltimore.g.: "The scientist who wishes to know that such an event has taken place in the world of nature can know this only by consulting the record left by the observer and interpreting it [ Sherlock Holmes's pipe. G. the scientific concept of emergence (according to which complex structures are brought about by simple ones). On narrativity in history see for instance H. and communicatively restricted). said Charles Darwin. Colling wood has argued that all physics ends up as history because the physicist cannot help but explain in language (which is historically.. but facts within a story .32 PAUL RICHARD BLUM fender of the Counter-Reformation? I do not think so. one strain of that story is the Jesuits' and their historians' efforts to get access to the micro. and in that of science. for the micro is in the hands of Protestants and their offspring. 1987). pp. Christoph Clavius repeated the story from ancient sources that mathematics is the most exact science because it derives all conclusions from known principles. Now. for it not a series of conclusions derived from known premises to further. Following the criticism to which Pererius gave voice. culturally. or Butterfield's Whigs. as propagated by the Galileanists.46 and this includes the sciences. White. has to be told in its contrary sense. a story that from time to time has to be told the other way round.48 In the same way the story of the discovery of the mathematical structure of the universe. R. as the forgetfulness of substance.

'Narrativity' . and procreation. If one is optimistic in describing reality by pointing to the principles that make the world be as it is in itself (as Pererius postulated). Magic. This simile is only possible in the environment of metaphysical scepticism and sensualism. Ibid.THE JESUITS AND THE HISTORY OF NATURAL SCIENCES 33 implicitly known propositions and thus simply dull?49 Certainly not as long as these conclusions are depicted in the colours of discovery.50 So he states that many so-called beliefs. 234. 220 ff. It implies on the surface that there is. and one could look at the strange behavioural patterns of early modem scholars with the eyes of an ethnologist or folklorist who tries to make sense of what is told to him. on the one hand. That is why John Locke would soon compare the reality with a dark room which is barely enlightened with the candle of our understanding. or the stories which generate them. Let us imagine the mathematico-scientific discourse as parallel to the metaphysico-theological discourse or narrative. an opposition between narrativity and scientific rationality. For this reason sexual life and marriage. This is not a new assumption. The other way was to admit the plurality of scientific disciplines so that the narratives were consciously sorted out. 'someone' has to open the birth channel at least once for all times. mathematical science is not a candidate suited to describing reality. p. of course. One way of unifying the narratives was simply to dismiss the non-concurrent one. do not conflict unless they are explicitly confronted with one another. since it has been made by ethnologists before. so that there is no knowledge about the genetic contribution of the father. and to what effect? 49 50 51 In Kantian terms: What is it that makes analytical judgements not tautological? B. Science and Religion [1948] (Westport. However. To give an example: according to Malinowski a tribe in New Guinea believes that babies are brought to women by a ghost. It also suggests that parallel narratives are to be avoided if narrativity strives for scientificality. pp. still. But at this point we should raise three questions: (1) What is the origin of the mono-narrative postulate? (2) Why don't all wise people avoid parallel narratives? (3) How do we know that parallel stories are interchangeable. Bronislaw Malinowski reported that in certain tribes "garden magic does not by any means 'obscure' the natives' causal knowledge of the nexus between proper clearing of the scrub" and good harvesting. At the origin of this conflict was the impulse to unify all narratives into a single applied so far . if we transfer this example to the attitude of Jesuits towards nature in terms of substantialist ontology and of mathematics we have two stories that may not conflict unless one tends to "overshadow" (Malinowski's term) the other. are two non-related events and consequently non-conflicting narratives in the life of that tribe. in this light everything that is drawn from intellectual conclusions is a new a narrative itself. Malinowski.51 Now. . 1984). on the other.

'Atonement before guilt: the end of history and the endings of mystery stories'. moral. some chapters have closed.34 PAUL RICHARD BLUM (1) As we have seen in the example of the early Jesuits the postulate of a unified science has a parallel at least in the politics of power in the Reformation debate (and evidently Melanchthon's geometry of morals acted on both parallels). The other side of the Janusface looks less reproachingly because it views some of the success stories as chapters already closed by the following chapters. but tying them together is the essence of a novel. The paradox of the Jesuit contribution to that very mono-narrative is that they fostered scientific research by promoting the unity of explanatory strategies. But I am sure that. as in any novel. which once it was achieved in the form of 'modern science' . He avoids the conflict of narratives without apologetics. that the scientific claim has sometimes led to an extremely unilateral causality in which the cause—effect connection is supposed to be the ideal of a streamline account about nature. which I expressed with metaphors like "Janus-face" and "narrativity": "Whiggishness" is inherent to the history of science because mono-narrative is what scientific research aims at. Parallel narratives can be listened to as mutually enforcing two tales about one city. R. which would defend the one or the other.g. we know that competing efforts to unify knowledge have driven more than one church or religious movement to close its eyes and ears to successful scientific explanations.eclipsed their voice in the story. (3) Stories are structured in chapters. 481-491. As soon as parallels are perceived as contradictory to unity. Uber das Riickwartslesen von Geschichten'. The methodical problem in dealing with Jesuit science is the need to account for changing view points. Thus we know. and in English. they have to be streamlined into a unified concept of human knowledge (e. 'Die Siihne vor der Schuld. (2) Arriaga suggests taking the competing narratives as identical stories about the same subject matter in different languages. in Universitas 54 (1999). Blum. for instance. Meanwhile. pp. Looking back. in Intellectual News 6/7 (Winter 2000). pp. the way Arriaga reacted). and the one about scientific knowledge versus artistic. Relativism and pluralism imply failures of the scientific approach. .52 The debate about faith and reason.. I doubt that either of the parallel narratives of metaphysical and scientific accounts about nature have come to an end. 93-99. The scientific and the religious approach to nature converge somewhere somehow. 52 P. we will be able to tell about that book after having read its final chapter. and only with this half of our Janus-face. It might help to remember that epical narrative in the proper sense does not shy away from parallel actions. religious cognition goes on.

scholarship and theology in the Prussian metropolis of Gdansk (Danzig). (Gdansk. Moreover. of outstanding scholarly individuals. 139-143. MULLER The Diary of Charles Ogier." Some of the churches. Ogier. to academic schools or to book-printing. Gdansk seemed to Ogier to be perfectly comparable with the famous centres of learning in Italy or the Netherlands. 2. had become a Lutheran when she married the Lutheran pastor at Holy Trinity. of the local patricians who took pride in defining themselves as the class of the "learned" (Gelehrte). Dziennikpodrozy do Polski (1635-1636). with the consent of her husband. With respect to libraries. Ibid. and the theological expertise. Ogier was impressed with the high educational standards. "there is a strange mixture of religion in these parts. 2 vols. in particular. the nuns of St Bridget since for so many years she had been instructed in the Catholic faith at that monastery". He personally met the sisters de Neri who although born in a Calvinist family were educated by the Catholic nuns of St Bridget. both public and private. the French diplomat observed that although the burghers of Gdansk officially declared themselves to be strict Lutherans.' dwells at length on education. were frequented by Lutherans and Calvinist alike. But he appears not to have met any academic theologians of high profile. like St Peter and Paul and Holy Trinity. pp. . the city's religious life gave little evidence for such a confessional many other Lutheran women "continues to visit.2 The paradoxes reflected in Ogier's account may be explained by specific circumstances that the foreign diplomat was apparently not fully aware of1 2 K. But there is little mention. and one of whom. 1950-1953). a French diplomat who travelled extensively in Poland and. somewhat contradictory picture of Prussian intellectual life. His account paints an impressive but. Moreover. at the same time. Royal Prussia in 1635/36. As he noted on 13 May 1636. vol. she . and to Ogier's observation there were even members of a single family who adhered to different confessions..SCIENCE AND RELIGION IN ROYAL PRUSSIA AROUND 1600 MICHAEL G. Aniela. on the other hand.

Ingolstadt. It was primarily via Cracow that Western learning reached the Polish educated public.the confessional re-orientation and the decline of Protestant science in Prussia . probably most reluctant to discuss in public. and in Central Europe in general. Mikolaj Kopernik. Gdansk. His scholarly work. of course. since 1510. The academic life in the Prussian cities substantially benefited from the 'Calvinist hegemony' in the Prussian Protestant churches in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. With Copernicus.36 MICHAEL G. which started in Gdansk in 1605 and was completed. and that Europe became familiar with the works of Pol3 K. the Prussian cities were in the middle of a process of confessional re-orientation that was to fundamentally change not only the religious practices of the burghers but also the cultural profile of the urban elites and. the status of science in the urban context. and discuss the reasons why the academic culture of the Calvinist period did not survive the process of Lutheran confessionalization in the region. Bologna.were mutually dependent. Copernicus's own educational career very much reflects the general pattern of contemporary academic orientation: Not only for Prussian aristocrats and patricians but for the Polish-Lithuanian educated elites in general the university of Cracow linked Poland with European academic life. MULLER and that the patricians of Gdansk were.3 In fact. and Ferrara while his ties with his home territory restricted themselves to his ecclesiastical duties. 1973). The Lutheran 'reconquista' in Prussia. in turn. who was born in Torun and resided. Elbl^g/Elbing and Torun/Thorn) had played a leading role in Protestant science in Poland-Lithuania. we shall briefly outline the development of what will provisionally be called 'Calvinist science' in Prussia. Prussia counted one of Europe's outstanding scholars of the time among their inhabitants. The 1630s witnessed the transition from Calvinism to Lutheranism of urban Protestantism in Royal Prussia. was entirely related with Cracow. at the verge of the introduction of Protestantism in Poland and Lithuania on a larger scale. at that time. Wiirzburg or Leiden. and it brought about an anti-academic turn in urban culture. . In the following. Gorski. the province of Royal Prussia seemed rather marginal in the Polish world of science and academic teaching. When Ogier visited Gdansk in 1635/36. not least. Srodowisko spoleczne i samotnosc (Wroclaw. mainly at Frombork in the bishopric of Ermland. and served as the obligatory first stop-over on many a peregrinatio academica that might have eventually led to Bologna or Padua. however. in all three Prussian cities. around 1650 cut the confessional links between Prussia and most of Protestant Central Europe. Around 1550. At the same time they marked the end of a period of roughly two generations in which the three major cities in Poland's Prussian province (Gdansk/Danzig. The point to be argued in this article is that these two coinciding processes .

or the Jesuit Academy at Vilnius that. Elbl^g and Torun were to play a prominent role. but much rather a consequence of both Catholic and Protestant confessionalization that gained momentum only from the 1570s onwards. however. at least for one generation. Cracow had to face competition from newly founded academic institutions with a more clear-cut confessional profile such as the famous Academy of Zamosc. In the late fifteenth century in particular. in the 1590s. They simultaneously implemented major reforms of their academic gymnasia and jointly pursued. The overall number of Prussian students at European universities.4 New patterns emerged instead as the intellectual topography of PolandLithuania started to diversify under the impact of confessionalism. soon gained a reputation for being the true academic stronghold of the Polish-Lithuanian Counter-Reformation. Cracow's monopoly as Poland's centre of science and academic training that had essentially survived the period of crisis was now challenged from two sides simultaneously. This was not so much an effect of the Reformation as such. which was partly due to the formal ban of Poles from university studies in "Protestant localities" abroad that remained in force until the Polish Interim of 1555. on the one hand. 1988). As figures for Royal Prussia in the 1550s and!560s show. Studia unhversyteckie miodziezy Prus Krolewskich w XV1-XVIH wieku (Torun. much of its former popularity among the urban patricians as well as the aristocracy.and this was true even after the formal recognition of the Confessio Augustana and the consolidation of Protestant church organisations in the province's major towns. and the humanist model of academic elite education seemed to lose. because of strong support by King Stephan endeavour in which the major Prussian towns of Gdansk. both the university of Cracow and the traditional centres of Catholic learning in Northern Italy and Germany continued to attract Prussian students . The university of Bologna.ROYAL PRUSSIA AROUND 1600 37 ish scholars. On the other hand. the Protestant part of the nation sought to establish their own system of academic education . In the second half of the sixteenth century the university of Cracow clearly lost its dominant position. In the Catholic sphere. decreased dramatically. Pawlak. a general decline in the academic life of Poland-Lithuania. a private foundation by the magnate Jan Zamoyski. the project of a 4 M. however. Already the decades around 1550 witnessed. . recruited no less than seven professors for mathematics and astronomy from among the Cracow scholars between 1448 and 1480. but partly also to the anti-academic spirit of the Lutheran Reformation. for example. the latter's contribution to European science was quite significant.

'. Tync. 1996).7 In its early years. 1997). Zweite Reformation und stadtische Autonomie im Koniglichen Preufien. the rapidly growing economic power of the Prussian commercial centres and the requirements of modern urban administration created. Prussian Protestantism had developed under the predominant influence of the German Lutheran Landeskirchen in the Holy Roman Empire that provided both the theological personnel and the organisational patterns for the urban churches existing since 1557/58. Protestant communities in the Poland-Lithuania thus remained weak until. magnate-like status of the urban elites also in the field of theology. Miiller. pp. 262-281. R. although predominantly German speaking. however. Elbing und Thorn in der Epoche der Konfessionalisierung (Berlin. pro-Calvinist oriented.38 MICHAEL G. G. in many ways predestined to take the lead in the educational efforts of the Polish-Lithuanian Protestants. Scribner (Cambridge. 7 See M. The precondition for implementing such a strategy was that the Prussian Protestants established the basis for a co-operation with their Polish and Lithuanian co-religionists on the confessional level. by themselves. Danzig. It was only in the major towns of Royal Prussia that Polish Protestantism acquired an institutional basis solid enough to survive the Counter-Reformation and the mass reconversion of aristocratic 'dissidents' to Catholicism around 1600. 6 For the institutional and legal aspects of Protestant church organisation in PolandLithuania see M. and thus to overcome the political isolation that had threatened their autonomy ever since the formal incorporation of Prussia into the Republic in 1569. 46-59. i. in Reformacja w Polsce 4 (1926). G. an increasing demand for a self-sustained. Apart from such reasons. Prussian church politics started to shift away from an increasingly exclusionist German Lutheran orthodoxy. Miiller. Communication with the predominantly Swiss or Bohemian influenced. . after the 1570s. Not least. In order to avoid the Prussian towns 5 St. 'Proba utworzenia akademii protestanckiej w Prusach krolewskich w 1595 r. ed.6 Furthermore.MULLER "Protestant provincial school" that was intended to represent nothing less than Poland's Protestant alternative to Cracow or Vilnius. pp. and autonomous system of higher education..e. 'Protestant Confessionalization in the Towns of Royal Prussia and the Practice of Religious Toleration in Poland-Lithuania'. the councils of all three towns considered it a matter of prestige to highlight the aristocratic. The commitment of the Prussian patricians to the project of implementing a national system of Protestant education was part and parcel of a complex political strategy that aimed at more thoroughly integrating the Prussian province into the constitutional structures and the elite networks of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth: By adopting the Protestant educational project the Prussian towns could hope to win confidence and support among the dissident leaders of the aristocratic nation. political aspects played an equally important role. education and science.5 The Prussian urban communities seemed. in Religious Toleration in the Age of Reformation.

the Sejm. at the same time. were considered and the ground work for a network of Protestant political actors including the Prussian towns was laid. the Reich. Archiwum Paristwowe Gdansk 300 R/Pp 1. . Although the plans concerning a Protestant Landesschule were abandoned shortly after 1595 (as the rapid progress of the Counter-Reformation in Poland and Lithuania made it soon appear obsolete). Moreover. the courts. Not only did it include the leading Calvinist universities in Switzerland. By the late 1580s. the links between the (German) Prussian churches and Polish-Lithuanian Protestantism had consolidated. the number of Prussian students at foreign universities dramatically increased and went. plans for joint action of the 'dissidents' at the national diet. Elbl^g. on the occasion of the Protestant synod of Toruri.and. the confessional alliance was formalised as the three Prussian towns officially joined the Consensus Sendomirensis. the churches. in 1570. the school of Cracow . in January 1595. the expectations with respect to academic education now 8 A formal declaration to this effect that had previously been negotiated among the councils of Gdansk. had united in the semi-Calvinist/raterHa coniunctio of the Consensus Sendomirensis. 455-469. to join forces with their co-religionists in defence against the Polish CounterReformation. and openly declared that they were part of the community of Polish Calvinist churches. The project of a Protestant university at Torun was launched by the town's mayor Stroband in this context. in the field of mathematics.8 Simultaneously. and the Netherlands . within a generation. To what extent did the confessionally underpinned vision of Prussia's new role as a centre of Polish-Lithuanian academic culture actually materialise over the following years? One phenomenon to be considered in this context is the fact that the attitude of the urban elites towards academic education changed dramatically in these years. Moreover. it lasted from six to ten years.ROYAL PRUSSIA AROUND 1600 39 being dragged into the "foreign German quarrels" about the 'true' interpretation of the Confessio Augustana and. and the process of integration of the Prussian province into the 'party polities' of the aristocratic dissidents was well under way. and Torun was issued prior to the synod. in the case of the medical schools and law faculties. By 1600 the patricians of Gdansk could rightly claim to represent a class of Gelehrte. both the lay authorities and the theological ministries of the Prussian towns now pursued a policy of confessional rapprochement with the Lithuanian and Polish Protestant churches that. In 1595. as virtually all officeholders in the council. the patrician model of the peregrinatio academica had become much more ambitious than in the past. also the traditional Catholic universities in Italy.but the average period of university education had also become significantly longer. far beyond the average quota of the pre-Reformation period. and the town administration now held an academic degree.

the Prussian priesthood was initially recruited from moderately Lutheran (Philippist) universities in Germany like Wittenberg or Frankfurt-on-Oder. At the very centre of academic life in Royal Prussia were. Jena. Stroband gained a reputation among Baltic and Polish school reformers as the author of a three-volume Instructio litterata published in 1594. Many Protestant patricians of the late sixteenth century took pride in acquiring a reputation as theologians and scholars. however. 611. 10 9 . and implement. n. pp.and thus attracted a number of leading European theologians who. E. 65-135. the Prussian churches were largely in the hands of indigenous Prussian theologians and. ed. published the first scholarly studies of Polish-Lithuanian constitutional law and. Kubik. for example. p. Because of their writings Royal Prussia acquired the image of being one of the last Protestant territories to cultivate a spirit of intra-Protestant confessional tolerance . For many years after the Reformation. In Gdansk. and some of them could indeed claim academic excellence. theology. 'Koncepcje dydaktyczno-wychowawcze w szkolnictwie Gdanskim za czasow pierwszej Rzeczypospolitej'.10 Another domain in which the Protestant towns of Royal Prussia developed academic ambitions was. and also from among exiled Bohemian Brethren or Scottish Calvinists. Wittenberg. in turn. Burgermeister Heinrich Stroband and his associate Ulrich Schober were at the centre of an initiative in the 1590s to propagate. of the theoretical foundations of the Commonwealth's 'free elections'. because of its close ecclesiastical links with both Scottish Presbyterians and Bohemian Brethren. were to contribute substantially to the province's academic prestige. By the 1590s. 7). at the same time. Even a smaller town like Elbl^g benefited.9 In Torun. vol. Cieslak (Gdansk. the pedagogical programme developed by Johannes Sturm at Strasburg. Zweite Reformation (cited above. Torun. the academic gymnasia at Gdansk. 2: 1454-1655. and Elbl^g.40 MICHAEL G. the Prussian towns and their Protestant churches had remained almost entirely dependent on theological expertise from outside the territory. As a result of the thorSee Historia Gdanska. from the presence of theologians as prominent as John Dury and Johann Amos Comenius. the council's legal advisor Christoph Riccius. Strasburg and Leiden. however. 11 See Miiller. 1982). who had studied at Rostock. in particular. Prussian Protestantism started to develop a specific theological profile that ever more clearly distinguished the new ecclesiastical milieu from German Protestant thought in the Holy Roman Empire. of course. K. in Gdanskie zeszyty hwnanistyczne 11 (1969).11 Contemporarily famous theologians like Jacob Fabricius in Gdansk or Jan Turnovius in Toruh were instrumental in re-opening. an irenic discourse in a Melanchthonian tradition that was to become exemplary for the efforts leading to the Colloquium Charitativum of 1645. MULLER went well beyond the idea of acquiring the necessary practical skills for a political or administrative career. and promoting.

in all three cases the gymnasia and the affiliated churches played the roles of forerunners in the process of Calvinist confessionalization in the 1580s. more importantly. who came to Gdansk from Lutheran Leipzig in 1604 and designed most of the astronomic devices for the gymnasium's observatory that opened in 1641. Throughout the period between 1590 and 1640 the astronomers in Gdansk maintained close links with both Copernicus's place of work in Catholic 12 St. or emigrated to Prussia after having been prosecuted as Calvinists. the poets and historiographers Ulrich Schober and Martin Opitz. the Calvinist contribution to creating a scholarly productive environment in Royal Prussia around 1600 consisted in opening the province towards European humanism and in preserving relative confessional freedom rather than in creating a confessionally specific 'intellectual field'. in Wktad Pomorza Gdanskiego do rozv/oju nauki i os\viaty [Zeszyty naukowe wydzialu humanistycznego Uniwersytetu Gdanskiego 15] (1985). The development of astronomy at the gymnasium of Gdansk may serve as an example. one can here speak of a specifically Calvinist venture since it was in the context of the school reforms that the leading Calvinist patricians. Jahrhundert'. Salmonowicz.12 With even more reason than in the case of the (confessionally never actually homogenous) urban churches. the rectores gymnasii (Fabricius in Gdansk. theologians and teachers formulated a common project for a cultural reformatio vitae. and established themselves as an informal (in the case of Torun even institutionalized) modernising elite. but were recruited from the Reich under purely professional criteria: the Wittenberg trained mathematician and geographer Matthias Meinius and. The fact that here the tradition of Copernican astronomy had been kept alive until the turn of the century was primarily due to the efforts of the already mentioned Burgermeister Tiedemann Giese. but also served as centres for professional science. the gymnasia transformed into university-like institutions that provided high-level academic education for Prussian and Polish-Lithuanian students. Examples are Bartholoma'us Keckermann and Balthasar Germann. . bis 18. one could hardly speak of 'Calvinist scholarship' in Royal Prussia although many among the more noteworthy foreign scholars to join the Prussian gymnasia as professors were either recruited through 'Calvinist networks' in the European academia. Friese and Schober in Torun. the astronomer Peter Kriiger. 15-27. Moreover. 'Jesuitenschulen und akademische Gymnasien in Koniglich Preussen im 16. However. and costly reforms since the 1570s. Bochmann in Elblaj) were. though not formally members of the respective ecclesiastical ministry. However. the leading figures in the inner-urban debates that prepared and accompanied the councils' policies of rapprochement with Polish and Lithuanian Calvinism.ROYAL PRUSSIA AROUND 1600 41 oughly planned. pp. or the Torun professor of medicine Franz Tidicaeus. his work was continued by professors who hardly belonged to the inner circle of Gdansk's Calvinist elite. Nevertheless.

Under 12 June 1636 he reports meeting the prominent Calvinist patrician Johann Brandes. and Ogier wondered "how far the . the project of Calvinist confessionalization in the Prussian towns met. reflect the process of transition. with growing opposition from the Lutheran majority of the burghers. and the anti-Calvinist emotions were soon instrumentalized by inner-urban opponents to patrician rule with a view to breaking the rule of the Gelehrte. however. the Calvinist-inspired culture of scholarship in Royal Prussia did not survive the confessional re-orientation of the Prussian Protestants towards Lutheranism that started in the first decade of the seventeenth century and was more or less completed in the 1650s. would have been utterly unrealistic. after the 1590s. as a consequence. and to de-legitimize the Calvinist modernizing elites. To launch an equally ambitious alternative project. When Johannes Hevelius took over the professorship in astronomy at the Gdansk gymnasium in the 1640s. Under these circumstances. Charles Ogier's observations in Gdansk in the 1630s. focussing on the Germanic lands and based on Lutheran Burgerkultur. MOLLER Ermland. Prussia's cultural geography gradually changed after the PolishSwedish wars of the mid-seventeenth century when the German-speaking Prussian burghers became increasingly marginalized as culturally and religiously 'alien' to Poland. This seemed strange for the distinguished son of a town in which "there are many more Lutherans than Calvinists and other heretics together".42 MICHAEL G. Furthermore. but had to do primarily with the political motives and side-effects of the shift in confessional politics: The breakthrough of the Counter-Reformation in Poland-Lithuania after 1607 and its rapid progress in the following decades made Prussia's confessional network in the Republic collapse and cut the political links with former coreligionists among the Polish and Lithuanian magnates. The reasons were. he could thus build on a scholarly tradition that had long since ceased to be associated with its Calvinist origins. Not least. the patricians were ultimately successful in settling the conflict without making political concessions . the Prussian towns reestablished closer links with the Lutheran towns and territories in the Holy Roman Empire. Nevertheless. which we cited already at the beginning.but at the price of having to withdraw their support for the intellectual circles around the Calvinist churches and the gymnasia. and with the mathematicians and astronomers in Krakow. not of a religious nature. whose father Gerhard had been Burgermeister in the times of inner-urban confessional conflict. the project of establishing Royal Prussia as the leading centre of Protestant culture and scholarship for Poland-Lithuania eventually lost its raison d 'etre. and whom Ogier presents as a man with a remarkable background of Calvinist education (he studied at Heidelberg and Basle) and with far-reaching connections among Calvinist aristocrats and scholars "in Poland where you will not find any Lutherans". and when.

n. Dziennikpodrozy (cited above.13 13 Ogier. vol. . 1). pp. 205 f. 2.ROYAL PRUSSIA AROUND 1600 43 leading families in this city of Gdansk seem to deliberately alienate themselves from their decent and obedient compatriots".

they have had little. for instance. The role of religion in this anatomy derived from the position of anatomy as part of natural philosophy. A.PROTESTANT ANATOMY ANDREW CUNNINGHAM Historians of anatomy and of physiology have written their histories as if anatomy and physiology constituted a single monolithic discipline across the centuries from the Greeks to the twentieth century. What they have written has been primarily histories of discoveries. In pursuing such progressivist stories. from the thirteenth' century to the end of the eighteenth. botanical classification was seeking the pattern of family relationships among plants in which God had created them. which might look to us today like early systematics. To its practitioners. the practitioners of natural philosophy were well aware that it was at all times God's creation that was under discussion. The Christian religion was crucial to the practice of anatomy in Western Europe from at least 1316. They have treated discoveries about structure (morphology) as anatomical discoveries. Fortunately the present volume puts such questions on the historian's agenda. French. with a particular anatomizing tradition which was still explicitly God-oriented surviving in England until as late as the 1820s. and in the princely. 1 R. and discoveries about function made by anatomists as physiological discoveries. Take a subject as seemingly innocent as botanical classification. among members of some of the religious orders. Cunningham. however little it might seem to us to call on a creationist view of nature. . and however innocuous any particular theme of natural philosophy might appear to us. to the late eighteenth century. when Mondino de' Liuzzi (Mondinus) produced his Anatomia in Bologna. with a special regard for physiological discoveries. royal and papal courts. Before Science: The Invention of the Friar's Natural Philosophy (Aldershot 1996). the discipline (or set of disciplines) within which nature was discussed in university teaching and research. if any.1 It was the role of the discipline of natural philosophy to discuss nature as created by the Christian God. time for questions about the relation of anatomizing to Christianity. who saw it as a branch of natural philosophy.

intention and providence at its most perfect. until the Reformation. 4 B. The limbs were not usually dissected. which was followed by Galen and then by Mondino and other anatomists. the 'animal soul' (often equated with the immortal soul). Platonic theory. Anatomy therefore demonstrated God's workmanship. which was dissected and discussed. Liber anatomiae corporis humani el singulomm membrorum illius (Venetiis. all practices of anatomy were Catholic practices. not to dispute the truth of Mondino. The text of Mondino was used as a guide to take the viewer through the body in the most convenient way. and also rose through the hierarchy of the seats of the souls. and what he has explained according to text and letter. following a sequence which both followed the progressive corruption of the body. G. on the bodies of executed criminals. especially those of Italy. Commentaria cum amplissimis additionibus super anatomiam mundini cum textu eiusdem in pristinum et verum nitorem redacto (Bononiae. Of course. sive de hystoria corporis humani.4 however much they disagree among themselves about the detail of the anatomy and about how far one should follow the Greek authors. in the head. 1521). are all nevertheless equally works of Catholic anatomizing. the next higher aspect of soul in the thorax. goodness and providence of God. their relations to each other and their connections. Anatomice. 1502). This was also the order of dissection. was looked at as the highest point of God's creation. da Carpi.] super anatomia mundini of 1521. As the Padua statutes state in 1465 (and other years).2 Benedictus's Anatomice of 1502. De Zerbis's Anatomiae corporis humanae liber of 1502. To watch an anatomical dissection was to have paraded in front of one's eyes the handiwork. then. it was the duty of the officiating professor to explain the text of Mondino "line by line. 1502).. It was because this was such a central function of the anatomical demonstration that not until the sixteenth century do we find the anatomical demonstration being used as an opportunity for research or even for reporting research. design. would be able to see the hidden inward parts with which his practice would later deal. 2 .PROTESTANT ANATOMY 45 With respect to anatomy. Benedetti. let him demonstrate by visual testimony in the cadaver itself.. placed the lowest aspect of soul in the belly. The future physician. who usually formed part of the audience for such dissections. de Zerbi. 3 A. Formal demonstrations which made this explicit were regularly held in the best medical faculties. its position as a natural philosophical study meant that the body of man.3 even Berengario da Carpi's Commentaria [. libri quinque (Venetiis. nor to test the text of Mondino against the evidence of the body. But even the student physician knew that he was watching the work of God being unfolded before his eyes: he was seeing the body demonstrated as the instrument of the soul. and the highest.

i. called Commentarius de anima. 447-460. J.6 First Melanchthon introduced Galenic anatomy in 1539. In 1540 he wrote a commentary himself. If anything. M. pp. Fontaine. since the Reformation brought no radical reinterpretation of the nature or role of the soul (whether the immortal soul or the governing soul of some of the philosophers). pp. M. fol.1 In doing this Melanchthon was possibly the first person since Aristotle himself to treat the De anima as requiring a preliminary knowledge of anatomy. "Galen praeclare dixit". lv-2r. The Transformation of Natural Philosophy. Under the threat of radical Protestant movements in the 1520s. "Anatomiae scientiam. Mason. 2. 'The Scientific Revolution and the Protestant Reformation. there was no change in seeing the body as the instrument of the (divine) soul in its actions in this world: Protestants believed this as much as Catholics had done. With the Protestant universities. 1997). Calvin and Servetus in Relation to the New Astronomy and the Theory of the Circulation of the Blood. 1540)."8 5 For a more extensive treatment of these issues see A. 6 S. Commentarius de anima (Vitebergae. Cunningham.46 ANDREW CUNNINGHAM Did the Reformation indeed bring into existence one or more forms of anatomizing that we can properly call 'Protestant'? To answer this question we need to ask: what would constitute a 'Protestant' form of anatomizing? In the first place it is necessary to stress that there was no change in the way that the human body was seen as the high-point of God's creation and as evidencing his wisdom and providence. at least in the university environment. and for this purpose brought back from disgrace Aristotle's De anima ("On the Soul"). 1990). Melanchthon wrote.e. C. ducem nobis esse ad Dei cognitionem. The Case of Philip Melanchthon [Ideas in Context 34] (Cambridge 1995). Margolin (Paris. both Lutheran and Calvinist. this theme became more pronounced amongst Protestants. Similarly there was no change with respect to the position of anatomy as a branch of natural philosophy. J. Ceard. eds.. This was something first introduced by Melanchthon in Wittenberg. in Annals of Science 9 (1953). its instrument.5 1. we find that anatomy has a new role in the university philosophy course. and S. he felt it was necessary to restore teaching of the soul to the philosophy curriculum. I shall suggest here that there are at least three ways in which 'Protestant' versions of anatomy came into practice. in Le Corps a la Renaissance. 8 Melanchthon. For Melanchthon maintains that it is not possible to understand the soul without understanding something of it in operation. 1. Lutheranism in Relation to latrochemistry and the German Nature-Philosophy'. Again. the body. Kusukawa. The Anatomical Renaissance: The Resurrection of the Anatomical Projects of the Ancients (Aldershot. French. The relation of religion to the anatomy and the investigation of nature in this period is explored in R. The first innovation came about with the introduction of a new audience for anatomizing. . 7 Ph. Commentarius. However. Melanchthon re-introduced natural philosophy into Wittenberg and thence into other reformed universities. 64-87 and 154-175. 'Natural Philosophy and Anatomy'. Melanchthon. F.

or against other opponents at other times. to accompany this teaching. too. anatomy came to be taught in outline form in order to teach philosophy students the functioning of the instrument of the soul. Melanchthon. to the considered and venerated opinions of the Church fathers. Such teaching of anatomy as preliminary to discussion of the soul can be found in other universities where Melanchthon had influence.9 and this he modified according to the findings of the necessary preliminary to understanding about the soul in the philosophy course was not. vol. and also even in at least two Calvinist universities. when I speak of its 'Protestant' nature. De humani corporis fabtica libri septem (Basileae. as far as we know. was Protestant in its structure and characteristics. The second dimension of anatomizing that I want to suggest is 'Protestant'. 12 CR 13. 2. accompanied by any formal dissections. The heart is the domicile of God. 57 and 71. Instead. col. Here speaks Luther in The Freedom of a Christian on the role and power of 'the Word': 9 Ph. is the anatomizing approach of the reformer of sixteenth-century anatomy. he rejected all forms of authority other than 'the Word'. Melanchthon now wrote. Andreas Vesalius. K. eds. 1543). Brunswigae. H. It was a very visual representation. over authority: where should one look for the proper source of authority? Thus. 10 A. vols. 11 CR 13. one of the male and one of the female body. when Martin Luther argued against Eck at Worms. This bringing of the philosophical role of anatomical knowledge to the centre of student teaching was a Protestant innovation. Vesalius. reprinted in Philippi Melanchthonis opera quae supersunt omnia. which was to be enormously significant in its own time and highly influential. Liber de anima. 1-28 [= Corpus Reformatorum = CR].12 This kind of new philosophical interest in anatomy . For at Glasgow in the 1560s and Edinburgh in the 1580s. 1834-1860). Bindseil (Halae Saxonum. the Bible as interpreted by Luther) was to be preferred to centuries of tradition of the Catholic church. the brain is His temple. 1552). 13. 57.PROTESTANT ANATOMY 47 Twelve years later Melanchthon issued a much revised version of this book under the title Liber de anima recognitus. Flaps lifted up to reveal the inner organs. we see God "through a thick darkness". Melanchthon seems to have encouraged the university printer at Wittenberg to bring out two sheets. (Vitaebergae. E. to the dictate of the papal see. Bretschneider. recognitus ab autore Philippo Melanth. cols. What I am referring to here in particular. . G. I am not claiming that Vesalius was a Protestant by religious persuasion: but I am claiming that his mode of approach to anatomizing. whose Fabrica had come out in the meantime. is the dispute between Catholics and their new rivals the Protestants. The Word of God (that is.11 preparing ourselves for that day when we shall know Him face to face.10 Through anatomy.

272 f. R. Vesalius too. Vesalius refers to the human body explicitly as a book from which one can directly read the truth. I ask?". truth. At one time he speaks about "paradoxes drawn from the non-lying book of the body". T. is most worthy of being investigated. 1959). Fabrica (cited above. peace. ed. 16 A. if they do not agree with 'the body'. on the positive side. liberty. Pelikan. "Where. says Curtius to Vesalius in the middle of their very public quarrel in front of the students at Bologna as Vesalius pointed to a particular vein. Vesal. and only one thing. or against his old teacher Sylvius in later years. but by every word that proceeds from the mouth of God'. he could see that certain features not described Luther's Works. Vesalius demanded. both positive and negative things. p. "Show them to me". looking at the text of the human body. 15 Vesal. righteousness and freedom. wisdom. 14 13 . because of his great abundance of remarkable things and the artifice of his Maker that he shows. Equally. vol. Anatomicarum Gabrielis Falloppii observationum examen (Venetiis. is necessary for Christian life. on the negative side could see that certain things described by Galen from the body of the ape were simply not present. On the negative side Luther could see that many of the Church's claims with respect both to doctrine and discipline had no biblical warrant. Let us then consider it certain and firmly established that the soul can do without anything except the Word of God and that where the Word of God is missing there is no help at all for the soul. righteousness. whereas for Curtius the authority of Galen was superior and not to be challenged merely by what is visible in the body to the eyes of the anatomist. 10). H.. when Andreas Vesalius argued against Professor Curtius at the demonstrations at Bologna in 1540. n. the gospel of Christ [. If it has the Word of God it is rich and lacks nothing since it is the Word of life. 3v-4r.]. 345. Vesalius rejected all forms of authority other than 'the body'. fol. power. 171. salvation. 31. eds. In the Fabrica too. he could also (he believed) see that there were explicit duties laid on the Christian by the Bible. On the positive side. Andreas Vesalius' First Public Anatomy at Bologna 1540. Eriksson (Uppsala.. which the Church was not heeding. and of every incalculable blessing. light. joy. an Eyewitness Report by Baldasar Heseler. p. That one thing is the most holy Word of God. Together with His Notes on Matthaeus Curtius' Lectures on Anatomia Mundini. "but there can well be still other veins nourishing the ribs and the muscles beyond these". J.48 ANDREW CUNNINGHAM One thing. grace.14 The body is to be the sole authority for Vesalius. himself who. glory. the human body .16 Making the text of the Bible or the text of the body one's sole authority enabled Luther the theologian and Vesalius the anatomist to see new things in their chosen books. pp.13 In an exactly similar way. 1564).15 at another of awaiting an opportunity to dissect "this true book of ours. He rejected the authority of Galen and of all other anatomical writers. "I am no anatomista". 'Men shall not live by bread alone.

PROTESTANT ANATOMY 49 by Galen from the body of the ape were indeed present in the human body. The Holy Spirit spoke to them personally: it literally inspired them. were built on this very issue. of course. But at the turning point of the Reformation. and which Ve17 R. lay within them. role or value to the true physician. 3. Another anatomist. indeed that it was positively misleading. from this religious position. In the view of Paracelsus this was the only route to a properly Christian kind of medicine. I am referring here of course to Paracelsus. inner. As a 'radical' Protestant. And this meant that in medicine too. The true Christian physician needed to look not at the dissected human body. Finally I want to mention a third dimension to Protestant anatomizing. who had been Vesalius's teacher in Paris. experience of things (res) have real knowledge of things. saying that one should not trust "a Frenchman. William Harvey's Natural Philosophy (Cambridge. as cited in R. believed that traditional anatomy had no meaning. For Paracelsus and his followers. Henerus. pp. Renatus Henerus. rejected criticism from Sylvius. German or Italian if they put their faith more in authority than in their own senses". but elsewhere for knowledge of the true anatomy of man.and who.a 'spiritualist' . French. Paracelsus believed that only people who have the direct. it seems to me that it was: indeed that the central claims of the Protestants about doctrine and discipline (at least in the case of the Lutherans and the Calvinists) and their authority to make such claims. experience of the Spirit have real knowledge of God: and only those who have direct. inner. Paracelsus rejected the very form of authority to which Luther and his followers appealed: the written word of the Bible. In Paracelsian medicine there was no room whatsoever for the anatomical tradition deriving from Galen. 38 f. In this case I am referring to the attitudes toward anatomizing of someone who was an extreme Protestant . The inspired ones were repudiating external authority of all kinds and asserting that they themselves were arbiters of their own destiny. the Vatican.17 This is a delicate area. only the Spirit gave true knowledge. So. the period from about 1517 to about 1540. and I should stress that I am not claiming that this 'Protestant' way of anatomizing is inherently more virtuous than the 'Catholic' way or superior to it. Adversus lacobi Sylvii depulsionum anatomicarum calumnias pro Andrea Vesalio apologia (Venetiis. the source of authority on all matters. . of that good Catholic Galileo in his arguments against the defenders of Catholic orthodoxy. 1994). this one certainly a Protestant by religious conviction. 1555). And later it was certainly the case that Catholics would introduce similar claims about the superiority of personal experience when arguing against other Catholics about Nature and its behaviour: I am thinking here primarily. in time the privileging of sense experience and reason over ancient authority was not to be exclusive to Protestants. religious and otherwise.

after the Reformation. The human body that Paracelsus saw bore no relation at all to the body that Vesalius saw. 407. Coulter. have died and become corrupted [. for Paracelsus. A Divided Legacy: A History of the Schism in Medical Thought. 3 vols. 18 . not to seek its benefit in the dead. The relation between cause and effect was quite different in the two approaches: where the Galenist looked for a geography of physical connections (structure. further new traditions of research in anatomy which can authentically be recognized as Protestant. (Washington. Thus I warn you that if you ever wish to preserve the living body.. by being made fundamental to the philosophical study of the soul in Protestant universities. Paracelsus with his spiritual eyes . As translated by H. Intuition and faith held. The body that Paracelsus saw could not be captured in a physical image. Paracelsus looked for a network of sympathetic relations connections spiritual not physical. which is the highest part of anatomy. property. In this Greek tradition. preach and practise. by taking the Lutheran challenge to authority as its model in seeking a ground of authority. as with Paracelsus. nurture. in favour of an anatomy of inner revelation. use).. by rejecting altogether the tradition of anatomizing the body for the outward eyes. and hence preferring the text of the body to the text of the ancients: and 3. These are three ways in which some anatomizing became 'Protestant' in the early years of the Reformation: 1. as in the case of Vesalius. being and spiritual force (Kraft).50 ANDREW CUNNINGHAM salius and his teachers were devoting themselves to recover. the place that pointing with the finger and witnessing with the eyes held for Vesalius. L. An anatomist like Vesalius saw with his bodily eyes. vol. both literally and metaphorically. 1. p. 1973-1977).by the light of nature. Paracelsus also rejected its anatomical tradition: It astonishes me that you set up the dead body as a ground of knowledge of what is useful for the living body. 2.18 Paracelsus's views on harmony and wholeness did not accord with the Galenic views of 'part-ness' and cutting. With the rejection of the heathen medicine of Galen. Only further research will show whether there were. anatomy was treated as the fundamental underpinning. action. without considering that the essence. of Galenic medicine.].

In their opinion. 218. 'Das Naturliche bei Martin Luther (I)'. pp. p. 'Die medizinischen Fakultaten unter dem EinfluB der Reformation'. . 22-41. W. Volker (Halle. eds. pp. 294. Helm." Zum VerhSltnis von Reformation und akademischer Medizin in Wittenberg'. 83-96.Reformation. anatomy had split up into groups over the Vesalius affair. as they were presented by Andreas Vesal (1514-1564) in his De humani corporis fabrica libri septem (1543).3 A diametrically opposed view is maintained by Roger French and Andrew Cunningham. A. on p. see also G. French. 1984). for example. Toellner. pp. but not in medicine. while a "number of Protestants took the line that the individual's own duty to order his knowledge of God meant that authority 1 The following paper summarizes the results of two previous studies on Wittenberg and Ingolstadt anatomy. in Medical History 45 (2001). pp. claims that the acceptance of the corrections of Galen's anatomy.1 Sixteen years ago Richard Toellner categorically denied that the confessional struggles had any effect on the medical faculties. on p. 203-240. Miihlpfordt. important innovations of sixteenthcentury medicine and their adoption by contemporaries were basically influenced by the Reformation and its consequences. Gegenscitze und Gemeinsamkeiten [Wolfenbiitteler Abhandlungen zur Renaissanceforschung 5]. because Martin Luther (1483-1546) was personally interested only in theology and the law. A. '"Medicinam aspemari impietas est." 3 Toellner. Kaiser. and id. ed.RELIGION AND MEDICINE: ANATOMICAL EDUCATION AT WITTENBERG AND INGOLSTADT JURGEN HELM Introduction Research about the relationship between religion and medicine in the sixteenth century has produced contradictory results. in Medizin und Naturwissenschaften in der Wittenberger Reformationsara [Wissenschaftliche Beitrage der Martin-Luther-Universitat Halle-Wittenberg 82/7 (T 45)]. 1982). respectively. Buck (Wiesbaden. Many Catholics wanted to defend Galen and the learned tradition in general".2 As Toellner argues. See J. 287-297. was primarily a matter of religious confession: "By the end of the sixteenth century. in Sudhoffs Archiv 83 (1999).. in Renaissance . 2 R. 297: "In Wittenberg findet ein EinfluB der Reformation auf die Medizinische Fakultat nicht statt. the Wittenberg example demonstrates that medicine was completely untouched by the Reformation. 'Fakultaten'. 'Protestant and Catholic Medicine in the Sixteenth Century? The Case of Ingolstadt Anatomy'.

Benrath. The Anatomical Renaissance. 215-361.4 And considering the reasons of anatomical innovation in the sixteenth century. Cunningham's paper in the present volume is more reserved in claiming Vesal's putative Protestantism. V. O. 'Die deutsche evangelische Universitat der Reformationszeit'. bis 17. 88. pp. eds. 282-292. Wear (Cambridge. French. 'The Anatomical Tradition'. on pp. Vivian Nutton points out that "Lutheran anatomists" focussed anatomical education on theological implications. Bynum. but does not distinguish between specifically Catholic and Protestant views on anatomical matters. on pp. Neve. W.the "Leucorea".as French assumes . eds. K. Nutton. Hammerstein (Munchen. L. in Companion Encyclopedia of the Histoiy of Medicine. ed. 11-32.6 and are there any differences between Catholics and Protestants?7 The present paper deals with anatomical education at a Protestant and at a Catholic university. 1995). P. 800 BC to AD 1800. New York. perceived as Protestant by contemporary Catholic anatomical teachers? And anyway. Nutton. 1997). M. Grell. 9 See G. Conrad. 5 A.more conservative than their Protestant colleagues in adopting Vesal's corrections of the ancients? Was Vesal himself. Seifert. See. pp. is out of question . F. 1:75. R. eds. 1. Rossler. Porter. eds. for example.5 In the light of these contradictory positions. In the first half of the century its character was moulded by Johannes Eck (1486-1543) and his numerous writings. 1500-1700'. who Cunningham supposes to have been a Lutheran. 1996). See V. 312-329. A. A. 1970). H. pp. Jahrhundert. A. which was founded in 1502. Martin Luther's and Philipp Melanchthon's (1497-1560) academic home. it would be fruitful to compare in detail the work and the writings of these sixteenth-century anatomists whose affiliations were unambiguously Catholic or Protestant. Biidinger Vortrage 1966 [Deutsche Fiihrungsschichten in der Neuzeit 4]. in The Western Medical Tradition. 197-374. because "his work in anatomical reform [was] replicating precisely Luther's work in religious reform". Porter (London.9 There is also no doubt that the University of Ingolstadt belonged to the Catholic camp. did anatomists of the sixteenth century connect their activities with religion. 1993). 'Wittenberg Anatomy'. Eck had been appointed to a chair for theology in 1510 4 R.52 JURGEN HELM had to be given to personal observation". 'Das hohere Schulwesen. But Nutton's paper does not define what was specifically 'Lutheran' in Wittenberg anatomy. A. vol. Were the Catholics . 1. on p. Cunningham (London. 1993). Cunningham. pp. 63-83. pp. vol. N. 6 In his paper on 'Wittenberg Anatomy'. was the starting point of the Reformation and served as a model for all universities joining the ranks of Protestantism. Wear. in Handbuch der deutschen Bildungsgeschichte. 7 Andrew Wear perceives interactions between Christian religion and anatomy.8 The Protestant orientation of Wittenberg University. G. The Resurrection of the Anatomical Projects of the Ancients (Aldershot. 'Medicine in Early Modem Europe. Franz (Limburg/Lahn. R. 287-289. 81-101. . Universitaten und Gymnasien'. in Medicine and the Reformation. See A. 8 In the sixteenth century the universities of the Empire had split up according to confession. Andrew Cunningham suggests in his book The Anatomical Renaissance that Vesal himself was a Lutheran. pp. Von der Renaissance und der Reformation bis zitm Ende der Glaubenskampfe. 234 f. in Universitat und Gelehrtenstand 1400-1800.



and turned out to be Luther's and Melanchthon's strongest academic opponent in the years after 1517.10 In 1550 the Bavarian Duke Albrecht V felt himself entitled to write to Pope Julius III that his University had been particularly firm "in sowing and planting of the Catholic faith and the orthodox doctrine".11 In the second half of the century the confessional orientation of the Ingolstadt University became even stronger, because it was more and more controlled by the Jesuits. Finally, in 1588, the Arts Faculty was completely taken over by the Society of Jesus.12 The universities' confessional orientation is reflected by the academic careers of several sixteenth-century graduates. The best known of them is Leonhart Fuchs (1501-1566), who left Ingolstadt twice for religious reasons before finally being appointed to a chair at the Protestant University of Tubingen.13 Veit Amerbach's (1503-1557) case was the exact opposite: He left Wittenberg because of irreconcilable theological differences with Luther and Melanchthon and made his way in Ingolstadt from 1543 on.14 After 1568, when (according to a papal instruction) the professio fidei tridentinum was required for all graduates at Ingolstadt, the orthodox faith of Ingolstadt teachers was constantly supervised.15 As a consequence, Philipp Apian (1531-1589) was no longer permitted to teach in the Arts Faculty because he refused the oath. But later, when teaching at the Protestant University of Tubingen, he was unlucky as well: In 1582 he opposed the Formula of Concord and lost a chair of mathematics for the second time because of theological reasons.16 To sum up, there is no doubt that confessional differences between Protestant and Catholic anatomical education must become evident by compar10 For a brief sketch of Eck's life and work see M. Weitlauff, 'Eck, Johannes', in Biographisclies Lexikon der Ludwig-Maximilians-UniversMt Miinchen, part 1: Ingolstadt-Landshut 1472-J826, eds. L. Boehm, W. Miiller, W. J. Smolka, H. Zedelmaier (Berlin, 1998), pp. 88-91. For the history of the University of Ingolstadt see C. Prantl, Geschichte der LudwigMaximilians-Universitat in Ingolstadt, Landshut, Miinchen, 2 vols. (Miinchen, 1872). 11 Quotation taken from Seifert, 'Schulwesen' (cited above, n. 8), p. 313. 12 See A. Liess, 'Die artistische Fakultat der Universitat Ingolstadt 1472-1588', in Die Ludwig-Maximilians-Universitat in ihren Fakultdten, vol. 2, eds. L. Boehm, J. Sporl (Berlin, 1980), pp. 9-35, on pp. 26-33; and in ibid., A. Seifert, 'Die jesuitische Reform', pp. 65-89, on pp. 65-73. 13 About Fuchs see E. Stubler, Leonhart Fuchs. Leben und Werk (Miinchen, 1928), and (with detailed bibliographical information) F. Krafft, 'Fuchs, Leonhart', in Biographisches Lexikon der Ludwig-Maximilians-Universitat Miinchen (cited above, n. 10), pp. 135-142. 14 See H. Flachenecker, 'Amerbach, Veit', in Biographisches Lexikon der LudwigMaximilians-Universitat Miinchen, pp. 10-11, and G. Frank, 'Veit Amerbach (1503-1557). Von Wittenberg nach Ingolstadt', in Melanchthon in seinen Schiilern [Wolfenbiitteler Forschungen 73], ed. H. Scheible (Wiesbaden, 1997), pp. 103-128. 15 See Prantl, Geschichte (cited above, n. 10), pp. 269-273, and L. Liess, Geschichte der medizinischen Fakultat in Ingolstadt von 1472 bis 1600 (Miinchen, 1984), p. 104. 16 About Philipp Apian see C. Schoner, 'Apian, Philipp', in Biographisches Lexikon der Ludwig-Maximilians-Universitat Miinchen (cited above, n. 10), pp. 16-18.



ing Ingolstadt and Wittenberg academic medicine. Both of these universities were involved in the theological disputes from the very beginning, and their members not only had to teach, but also to prove their orthodox faith. To point out similarities and differences between Wittenberg and Ingolstadt anatomy, the present paper will, firstly, describe the relevance attributed to anatomy by Wittenberg teachers and, secondly, put the question, whether or not aspects of Wittenberg anatomy can be found at Ingolstadt University. Anatomy at Wittenberg An examination of Wittenberg medicine has to face the fact that it was not Martin Luther but Philipp Melanchthon who created the Protestant educational system.17 Convinced that the new religion could only flourish on the basis of classical education, Melanchthon had reorganized the Arts Faculty. His system of sciences, composed of languages, rhetoric, dialectic, natural sciences, ethics, and history, was adopted by all of the Protestant universities, and his textbooks, written for instruction in the Faculty of Arts made Melanchthon the "Praeceptor Germaniae", as he was later called.18 Even anatomy was touched by Melanchthon's educational programme, particularly because Melanchthon for himself was very interested in contemporary academic medicine.19 Melanchthon's devotion to medical subjects is clearly demonstrated by his declamations. Twenty-two of these academic orations, which were held by different Wittenberg teachers, deal with medical topics.20 There are, for
17 It is therefore not surprising that Toellner did not find any mutual influences between religion and medicine. His paper (cited above, n. 2) does not mention Melanchthon at all. 18 See W. Friedensburg, Geschichte der Universitiit Wittenberg (Halle, 1917), pp. 157-159; H. Ahrbeck, 'Melanchthon als Praeceptor Germaniae', in Philipp Melanchthon. Forschungsbeitrage zur vierhundertsten Wiederkehr seines Todestages dargeboten in Wittenberg I960, ed. W. Elliger (Berlin, 1961), pp. 133-148; P. Baumgart, 'Humanistische Bildungsreform an deutschen Universitaten des 16. Jahrhunderts', in Humanismus im Bildungswesen des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts [Mitteilung der Kommission fur Humanismusforschung 12], ed. W. Reinhard (Weinheim, 1984), pp. 171-197, on pp. 185 f.; H. Scheible, 'Melanchthons Bildungsprogramm', in Lebenslehren und Weltentwurfe im Ubergang vom Mittelalter zur Neuzeit. Politik - Bildung - Naturkunde - Theologie [Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Gottingen, Phil. Hist. K.I., 3. Folge, Nr. 179], eds. H. Boockmann, B. Moeller, K. Stackmann (Gottingen, 1989), pp. 233-248. 19 For a brief sketch on this topic see W. U. Eckart, 'Philipp Melanchthon und die Medizin', in Melanchthon und die Naturwissenschaften seiner Zeit [Melanchthon-Schriften der Stadt Bretten 4], eds. G. Frank, S. Rhein (Sigmaringen, 1998), pp. 183-202; R.-D. Hofheinz, '"Die Medizin indes zu verachten ist nicht Dummheit, sondem Frevel": Melanchthon (1497-1560) und die arztliche Kunst', in Deutsche Medizinische Wochenschrift 125 (2000), pp. 436-439. 20 Melanchthon's medical declamations were recently translated and commented on by R.-D. Hofheinz, Philipp Melanchthon und die Medizin im Spiegel seiner declamationes medicae (Diss. Med. Heidelberg, 1998). See also H. Scheible, 'Melanchthons biographische Reden', in Biographie zwischen Renaissance und Barock: Zwolf Studien, ed. W. Berschin (Heidelberg,



example, biographical texts about famous physicians like Hippocrates, Galen, or Avicenna, and there are some declamations following the humanist Laus artis medicae. One motif, however, occurs in most of these texts. In his oration De vita Avicennae Melanchthon writes: "The whole world order is a wonderful theatre, in which God wants to be looked at, and he wishes that the obvious testimonies of his presence, his wisdom, and his goodness will be considered here."21 When contemplating on the artful junction of the single parts of nature - Melanchthon points out - human reason has to accept the fact that our world is not a work of chance but is designed by a wisely acting creator.22 In the oration De dignitate artis medicae, which was presented by Melchior Fendt (1486-1564), Melanchthon asks: "What is more suitable for human beings than proving God's providence by looking for His testimonies in nature and then recognising Him as the creator?"23 And in the Encomium medicinae Melanchthon claims, that it would be foolish to despise the sciences. But disdaining medicine would be not only foolishness, but impiety.24 According to these short quotations, in Melanchthon's view the connection between observation of nature and knowledge of God was one of the main functions of academic medicine. This connection between nature study and knowledge of God was systematically elaborated in Melanchthon's Initia doctrina physicae, which were completed in 1549.25 As Melanchthon writes, the order of nature not only proves the existence of the prudent creator,26 but also shows His provi1993), pp. 73-96, on pp. 74-79. The sixteenth-century prints of Melanchton's declamations are listed in H. Koehn, Philipp Melanchthons Reden. Verzeichnis der im 16. Jahrhundert erschienenen Dnicke (Frankfurt a. M, 1985). In the present paper the declamations will be quoted according to Philippi Melanchthonis opera quae supersunt omnia, vols. 1-28 [= Corpus Reformatorum = CR], eds. K. G. Bretschneider, H. E. Bindseil (Halae Saxonum, Brunswigae, 1834-1860). 21 CR 11, col. 826: "Universa haec rerum natura mirandum theatrum est, in quo se Deus conspici, et expressa testimonia suae praesentiae, sapientiae, bonitatis, considerari voluit." 22 CR 11, col. 826. 23 CR 11, col. 809: "Quid est autem honestius et homini convenientius, quam in natura quaerentam vestigia divinitatis, confirmare veram de providentia sententiam, agnoscere Deum opificem, et custodem generis humani, [...]?" 24 CR 11, col. 199: "Stultitiam esse sentimus contemnere reliquas artes, quas humanum ingenium excogitavit. At Medicinam aspernari, non stultitia, sed impietas est." 25 Ph. Melanchthon, Initia doctrinae physicae (Vitebergae, 1549). I quote according to CR 13, cols. 179-412. A short introduction into Melanchthon's Initia doctrinae physicae is given by B. Bauer, 'Gott, Welt, Mensch und Steme in Melanchthons Initia doctrinae physicae', in Melanchthon und das Lehrbuch des 16. Jahrhunderts. Begleitband zur Ausstellung im Kulturhistorischen Museum Rostock, 25. April bis 13. Juli 1997 [Rostocker Studien zur Kulturwissenschaft 1], ed. J. Leonhardt (Rostock, 1997), pp. 149-172. See also S. Kusukawa, The Transformation of Natural Philosophy. The Case of Philip Melanchthon [Ideas in Context 34] (Cambridge, 1995), pp. 144-160, and C. Link, Schopfung. Schopfungstheologie in reformatorischer Tradition [Handbuch Systematischer Theologie 7/1] (Giitersloh, 1991), pp. 81-119. 26 CR 13, col. 200: "Ergo natura non extitit casu, sed a mente aliqua orta est, quae ordinem intelligit."

Gloy. Spam. pp. According to Luther. non Evangelii. quam definitio Ecclesiae necessaria. Rosenau. 119-132. Link. Talis est haec Platonica: Deus est mens aeterna. that human beings are able to observe the vestigia Dei in nature. 204. however. veracem. 27-80. vol. pp. Transformation (cited above. in TRE 24.29 But however. quia veram et eruditam physicam aspemati sunt. sapientiae. pp. 185 f. n. Melanchthon seems to conclude from the appearances of nature that there must be a wise and friendly God. 1994). 1960). therefore. immensae potentiae. pp. Deum non esse corpus. quae etsi multa complectitur. 31 See G. New York. necesse est saepe commonefieri homines de discrimine Legis et Evangelii. and his critical review on pp. esse Legis notitiam. causa boni in natura. et conditricem bonarum rerum. theologiCR 13. pp.. 30 See D. because He created nature for the benefit of all living and particularly of all human beings. Schopfung (cited above. adfirmat enim. who regarded nature as the contingent result of incidental combinations of atoms. 99-107. is passed off as being absurd. pp. in TRE 24. Frank. sed mentem aeternam. in Theologische Realenzyklopadie [= TRE].. n. do not look very ingenious. 84-87. as they are briefly sketched out here. 28 27 . 25). 123126. congruens naturali iudicio et demonstrationibus.28 At first glance. CR 13. Lofgren. 1964). Relying on Luther's distinction between the Gospel and law." See also Kusukawa.27 The opinion of Epicurus and Democritus.165-167. God himself and His intentions with His world reveal themselves only to those. 1995).. which is accorded to man by God sola gratia. on pp. Die Tlieologie der Schopfung bei Luther (Gottingen.30 It is not surprising. ideoque Epicureos prorsus sustulisse providentiam adparet. 25). 191:"[. G. Ebeling. 198: "Ut autem in doctrina Ecclesiae. col. tamen tenuior est.33 In Melanchthon's view (and in agreement with Luther). And it is only in the light of this belief. K. Schopfung (cited above. Luther. 33 CR 13. who created all natural things and living beings.] eruditaphysica confirmat honestas opiniones in bonis mentibus de Deo et de providentia. et furenter finxerunt confusionem atomorum. col. bonitatis. between this simple kind oftheologia naturalis and Luther's Protestant theology there would be considerable differences. 32 CR 13.56 JURGEN HELM dence and His goodness." 29 See W. Einjuhrung in sein Denken (Tubingen. physicam de Deo notitiam. In Luther's view. Hanc definitionem sciamus physicam esse. 'Naturphilosophie'. 100-103. human reason alone is unable to gain real knowledge of God.32 Melanchthon maintains that answers given by natural philosophy regarding religious truth are limited and insufficient to describe adequately God's plans for mankind (soteriology) and His Trinity. that in the past some theologians criticised Melanchthon for giving up the core of Luther's Protestant theology and preparing the way for the rational theology of the eighteenth century. 28 f. 199: "Tenenda est igitur physica aliqua definitio. 25). 85-98. 'Naturliche Theologie'. on pp. on pp. col. 'Natur'. ita hie praemoneo auditores.31 But this criticism overlooks the fact that Melanchthon in his writings constantly distinguishes philosophy from theology. pp. H. iustam. 24 (Berlin. Just like many theologians before him. Melanchthon's ideas of natural philosophy. pp. n. 259-279. See Link. 85-88. who believe in the words of the Gospel. col. Die theologische Philosophic Philipp Melanchthons (1497-1560) [Erfurter theologische Studien 67] (Leipzig.



cal statements of this kind need a foundation in the words of the Gospel.34 Nevertheless, Melanchthon considers natural philosophy very important: It produces rational evidence for defeating Epicurean materialism and for disproving the Stoics' belief in fate and should therefore be pursued despite its limitations.35 It must be pointed out that - strictly speaking - Melanchthon does not constitute a 'natural theology'. In his view, the study of nature cannot replace the word of the Gospel and cannot be regarded as a sufficient source of revelation. But, nevertheless, in Melanchthon's view natural philosophy verifies and confirms the biblical truth and is therefore useful for the rationabilitas of revelation.36 There was a close connection between Melanchthon's natural philosophy and those parts of medicine which deal with the structure and functions of the human body. Consequently, at Wittenberg anatomy was not only looked upon as a fundamental medical discipline, but as a subject worth of study by all Christians. In his declamation De doctrina anatomica, which Jakob Milich (1501-1559) gave as a lecture in 1550, Melanchthon claims that anatomy can be considered as a nutrix, as a 'provider', of many virtues. The first of them would be that anatomy helps to realize God's existence: The construction of the human body would prove that man is not accidentally but intentionally composed, and therefore man himself furnishes proof of God's providence.37 And the oration De vita Galeni points out Galen's "divine anatomical books": Not only students of medicine, but all those attracted by philosophy should read them, for Galen had wisely said that anatomical education would be the beginning of theology and an access to the knowledge of God.38 But at Wittenberg great importance was attributed to anatomy not only because of its closeness to natural philosophy, but also in the context of Melanchthon's anthropology, which was best formulated in his book Commentarius de anima. First published in 1540,39 it was one of the most read books at Wittenberg University. On the first pages Melanchthon explains
in qua Deus patefecit tres Personas, et arcanam voluntatem de colligenda Ecclesia aeterna, et de remissione peccatorum." 34 CR 13, cols. 199f.

CR 13, col. 191; see Bauer, 'Gott' (cited above, n. 25), pp. 161-163. See Frank, Philosophic (cited above, n. 31), pp. 231 f. 37 CR 11, col. 941: "Nutrix est multarum virtutum haec ipsa aspectio aedificii multarum in nobis partium. Et quia prima virtus est, agnitio Dei opificis, valde confirmatur adsensio de providentia, cum admirandam artem, in tola fabricatione hominis consideramus". 38 CR 11, col. 501: "Hoc tempore inquit se scripsisse divinos illos libros anatomicos qui extant, qui quidem non solum Medicinae studiosis, sed omnibus Philosophiae amantibus in manibus esse debent; profecto enim praecipua pars est Philosophiae, doctrina de partibus humani corporis et earum officiis. [...]. Itaque sapientissime Galenus inquit, doctrinam anatomicam initium esse Theologiae, et aditum ad agnitionem Dei". 39 Ph. Melanchthon, Commentarius de anima (Vitebergae, 1540).




why teaching about the soul requires anatomical information: Because it would be impossible to understand completely the nature of the soul, the teaching has to rely on the soul's visible actions. Starting from these actions, one can draw conclusions about the soul's basic abilities (potentiae animae) and thus acquire some knowledge about the nature of the soul.40 But this process of cognizing the soul needs detailed information about the parts and the organs of the human body, by which the soul performs its actions.41 To sum up, in Melanchthon's view the empirical foundation of his teaching about the soul depends mainly on anatomy. Consequently more than half of his Commentarius de anima deals with human anatomy, and hence his book differs basically from other sixteenthcentury textbooks about the soul. It is true that in these books the structure of some parts of the body is dealt with incidentally,42 but in none of these works do we find a turn to anatomical information in any way comparable with Melanchthon's attention to anatomy. In the Commentarius de anima Melanchthon's description of human anatomy is mainly based on Galen. As I have shown elsewhere, the anatomical and physiological passages of this book go back to at least fifteen different writings by Galen, which are quoted in the original Greek or paraphrased in Latin.43 Later, in the new edition of his De anima, published as Liber de anima in 1552,44 Melanchthon explicitly points out the value of Vesal's Fabrica.45 Some of Vesal's new anatomical findings were adopted by Melanchthon, but it is obvious that he handled these corrections of his De anima with great care. Melanchthon avoided playing Vesal off against Galen and endeavoured not to shake Galen's position as medical authority despite the shortcomings and mistakes in the latter's anatomical books.46 Nevertheless, an important role was attributed to Melanchthon's Liber de

Melanchthon, Commentarius, fols. Ir-lv: "Etsi enim substancia Animae non satis perspici potest, tamen viam ad eius agnitionem monstrant actiones. Itaque cum de actionibus dicendum erit, potenciae seu vires discernuntur, describentur organa, qua in re simul tota coiporis, ac praecipue humani, natura explicanda est. Itaque haec pars, non solum de anima, sed de tota natura hominis, inscribi debebat." 41 Melanchthon, Commentarius, fol. 21r: "Frustra autem de potentiis dicitur, nisi & organa monstrentur, quod cum faciemus, propemodum tota corporis humani descriptio inserenda erit." 42 See K. Park, 'The Organic Soul', in The Cambridge History of Renaissance Philosophy, ed. Ch. B. Schmitt (Cambridge, 1988), pp. 464-484, on pp. 482-484. 43 See J. Helm, 'Die Galenrezeption in Melanchthons De anima (1540/1552)', in Medizinhistorisches Journal 31(1996), pp. 298-321. 44 Ph. Melanchthon, Liber de anima, recognitus ab Autore Philippo Melanth. (Vitaebergae, 1552). In the present paper the Liber de anima is quoted according to CR 13. 45 CR 13, cols. 21,24,31,41,62. 46 See Helm, 'Galenrezeption' (cited above, n. 43), pp. 316-319.




anima in establishing Vesal's anatomy at German universities by several medical historians.47 It is crucial for the rank of anatomical education at the University of Wittenberg that in his De anima Melanchthon tries to explain the condition of man after the Fall with the help of contemporary anatomy and physiology. In this he relies on the Platonic-Galenic tripartition of the soul, which locates reason in the brain, affects in the heart, and natural instincts in the liver, and on Galen's ideas about the effects of the so-called spiritus (or •nveufjuna in Greek) in the human body. As Melanchthon writes, in man there was originally a perfect harmony between knowledge, will, and affects automatically congruent with God's will and His law.48 But now, after the Fall, the knowledge of God has been darkened and the affects are aimlessly wandering around and sweeping the will along with them.49 This is the situation of man, which can - as Melanchthon argues - only be mended by God, who alone is able to restore the old order: God's word impresses man's reason, renewing man's knowledge of God, and His spiritus sanctus blends with the spiritus in the heart of man, and thus renews the affects, which then correspond with God's will.50
47 See M. Roth, Andreas Vesalius Bruxellensis (Berlin, 1892), pp. 244 f., V. Fossel, 'Philipp Melanchthons Beziehungen zur Medizin', in Zwanzig Abhandlungen zur Geschichte der Medizin. Festschrift fur Hermann Baas (Hamburg, Leipzig, 1908), pp. 33-40, on pp. 37 f.; H.-Th. Koch, 'Melanchthon und die Vesal-Rezeption in Wittenberg', in Melanchthon und die Naturwissenschaften (cited above, n. 19), pp. 203-218. 48 CR 13, col. 169: "Fuit autem ante peccatum talis imago, ut potentiae omnes congruerent cum Deo. In intellectu fulsit firma Dei noticia, voluntas et cor congruebant cum Deo, id est, habebant rectitudinem et iusticiam congruentem cum Deo, et libertas voluntatis non erat impedita." See also CR 13, cols. 163-164: "Deus condidit in homine potentias adpetentes, quae si natura hominum integra mansisset, tantum ordinatos motus habuissent, et fuisset dulcissima harmonia potentiarum inter se congruentium. [...]. Et hae adpetitiones et hi adfectus omnes fuissent ordinati, congruentes ad legem mentis, imo etiam accensi ab ipso Spiritu sancto, qui suas flammas miscuisset spiritibus natis in corde et in cerebro." 49 CR 13, col. 164: "Sed haec suavissima harmonia turbata est lapsu primorum parentum. Nunc sunt quidem adpetitiones et adfectus, sed vagantur et longe aberrant a lege Dei, et in non renatis non sunt accensi a Spirito sancto." See also CR 13, col. 163: "Horribiliter enim haec hominum natura languefacta est. In mente caligo est de Deo, et magnum chaos dubitationum. Voluntas aversa est a Deo, non timet Deum, non ardet fiducia et dilectione Dei, negligit aut tristi fremitu fugit eum. Corda varie errantibus adfectibus aliis atque aliis incenduntur, et voluntatem secum rapiunt." 50 CR 13, col. 171: "Hie igitur filius aeterni patris, Dominus noster lesus Christus nobis donatus est, ut [...] sit sacerdos perpetuus, colligens Ecclesiam voce Evangelii, in qua decretum de reconciliatione patefecit, quod et ipse cum sit Aoyog aeterni patris, in mentibus nostris effatur, et ostendit nobis patrem placatum, ac Spiritum sanctum effundit in corda nostra, ut vero amore et laeticia cum aetemo patre et ipso copulemur. Ita restituitur in nobis vita et iusticia aeterna, et renovatur imago Dei verbo lucente in mente, ut agnitio Dei sit clarior et firmior, et Spiritu sancto accedente motus congruentes cum Deo in voluntate et corde." The role of the spiritus is explained by Melanchthon in a previous chapter: "Spiritu vitali et animali actiones praecipuae efficiuntur, vitae conservatio, nutritio, generatio, deinde sensus, motus, cogitatio, adfectus in corde. [...]. Et, quod mirabilius est, his ipsis spiritibus in hominibus piis miscetur ipse divinus spiritus, et effecit magis fulgentes divina luce, ut agnitio Dei sit illustrior, et adsen-

cols. . were sio firmior.52 or how the affects are evoked by certain movements of the heart and changes of the spiritus. and the connections between them. 53 CR 13. 1984).54 That Melanchthon's conception of anatomy made inroads also into the medical faculty. 'Medical spirits and God and the soul'. 88 f.. Colloquio Internazionale (Rome. Only in his doctrine about the spiritus and the effects of the Holy Spirit. e. eds. Concerning the Protestant distinction between Gospel and Law. pp.g. M. 54 Announcements of lectures held at Wittenberg University between 1540 and 1569 were collected and published in the seven volumes of the Scripta publice proposita (1560-1572). in Spiritus. 51 CR 13. J. cols. IV. cols. Helm. The rational knowledge about the condition of man after the Fall is theologically subordinated to the Gospel: It solely intends to prove man's great and absolute dependency on divine grace. but also (and perhaps mainly) for the self-knowledge of man. the structures and functions of the single parts of the body. 'Die spiritus in der medizinischen Tradition und in Melanchthons Liber de anima'. not only for the few training to be physicians. . 52 CR 13. 7-9 January 1983) [Lessico Intellettuale Europeo 32]. does Melanchthon's approach come close to a reasonable explanation of divine action. 223-244. and hence anatomy was considered useful not only for the medical sciences. 125-129. 219-237. the attribution of the organs to the three body cavities. for instance.53 And for understanding these basic functions it is necessary to have some knowledge about the rough anatomy of the body. which he does not develop until the Liber de anima. Fattori. cols. Sebastian Dietrich (died about 1576) and Bartholomaus Schonborn (1530-1585)." (CR 13. Walker. 120-122. There is no doubt that Melanchthon's integration of anthropology into Protestant doctrine affected anatomical education. Information about the structure and functions of the human body was an important part of this anthropology.51 how the internal senses of the brain work and are connected to the external senses. pp. et motus sint ardentiores erga Deum. M. Therefore it is not surprising that anatomy was regarded as a basic discipline for all students. in Melanchthon und die Nalurwissenschaften (cited above.60 JURGEN HELM These statements would lack their empirical foundation. in which the importance of anatomical education is often pointed out. This fact is proved by announcements of lectures on Melanchthon's De anima held in the faculty of arts.the part of the Law. is to be supposed because lectures about De anima were often given by those Masters of Arts who some years later rose to become professors at the medical faculty.just like his natural philosophy . n.). 19). Melanchthon's anthropology plays .See D. P. 88 f. if Melanchthon had not precisely shown in the previous chapters of his book how the spiritus are prepared in the human heart by refining the blood. Bianchi (Roma. which is not at the disposal of man's reasoning.

still adhered to Galen. There was a great willingness to adopt new findings. 24r-25r. 66r-67v. it was an integral part of Melanchthon's anthropology. 1560). Hence. And the statutes of the Wittenberg Medical Faculty. 6).both of them had lectured about Melanchthon's De anima in the 1540s and 1550s. fol. Moreover. which aimed to explain the condition of man after the Fall. vol. determined that anatomy had to be taught according to the ancients. who had corrected the mistakes made in previous centuries.56 We may assume that this personnel continuity guaranteed a continuity of doctrine. 14). but without totally rejecting the ancients. Koch. W. Melanchthons de anima als medizinisches Lehrbuch'. 4 (Witebergae. it was an important constituent of Melanchthon's natural philosophy. publ.58 As for anatomical innovation. versentur in manibus discentium.59 About Dietrich see Friedensburg. which intended to prove the biblical truth and to defend it from godless heresies. 58 See Nutton.ANATOMICAL EDUCATION AT WITTENBERG AND INGOLSTADT 61 appointed to chairs of medicine in the 1570s55 .323-339. anatomical education was one of the duties of the third Professor of medicine: "Tertius tractabit anatomiam et doctrinam de simplicium alimentorum et medicamentorum differentiis ac viribus et in sectionibus corporum atque cognitione simplicium exercebit auditores pro temporum ratione ac praestabit ut. prop. particularly Galen.-Th. fol. ut Galeno. in Melanchthon in seinen Schtilern (cited above. at Wittenberg anatomy was taught within the framework of Protestant theology in two respects: firstly. ut Vesalio et Fallopio. p. p. pp. Schonbom is portrayed in H. quae de anatome a veteribus. Wittenberg anatomy was not merely a medical discipline. 304. vol. And secondly. 55 . pp. 'Bartholoma'us Schonborn (1530-1585). 59 According to the statutes. 56 Scriptorum publice propositorum a professoribus in Academia Witebergensi ab anno 1540 usque ad annum 1553. 381 f. although he did supplement Galenic anatomy with some of Vesal's findings. ed. 23. n. n.57 To summarize. and according to recent authors like Vesal and Fallopius. 280 and p. Wittenberg anatomy was up-to-date. 1926). Jakob Milich lectured about De anima in 1540. after he had joined the Medical Faculty four years ealier. but also future theologians and lawyers were confronted with anatomical information. 1 (Witebergae. Friedensburg (Magdeburg. respectively." Quotation taken from Urkitndenbuch der Universitat Wittenberg. Geschichte (cited above. to a large extent. quaeque de medicina simplici accurate perscripta sunt et superioris seculi errores corrigunt. 'Wittenberg Anatomy' (cited above. Scriptorum publice propositorum a gubernatoris studiorum in Academia Witebergensi. Not only physicians. but (as taught in the Arts Faculty) part of the basic training of all students. 177r-178r. 57 Script. n. 1561). which were set up in 1572. fol. In his Liber de anima Melanchthon. \ (cited above). part 1: 1502-1611 [Geschichtsquellen der Provinz Sachsen und des Freistaates Anhalt NS 3]. 18). et recentioribus.

. 12: "Opiniones inanes. 62 About this curriculum see E. in Sudhoffs Archiv 40 (1956). this curriculum can serve as a model for sixteenth-century Hippocratism and Galenism. Geschichte (cited above. as a curriculum proves. there is only little evidence of periodically performed dissections and a regular anatomical education at Ingolstadt. pp. 1-15. so offt mans gelegentlich bekhommen mag. and for this reason . p. p. 'Der Ingolstadter medizinische Lehrplan aus der Mitte des 16. p." See also Liess. 15).60 The mention of anatomizing in this context suggests that such dissections were not usually performed at the time. This sounds Vesalian. presumably Johann Ammonius Agricola (1488-1570). which should not be taught by the professors. It seems clear that this catalogue of works reflects the ideal concept of a humanist physician rather than the reality of medical education. inconsistent and harmful opinions based on Aristotelian philosophy. .as the curriculum says . sollen sy die auditores zu zeiten mitt fiieren und also die practic neben der theorie lernen. "Medicine requires sensual perception". sed autopsiam vel autaisthesin desiderat medicina". Nauck. the curriculum lists more than 120 writings by Hippocrates and Galen as set texts to be read by medical students. which was probably written between 1556 and 156061 and sent to the University of Freiburg several years later. We are much better informed about the second half of the century. 'Lehrplan'. 63 Nauck. In 1555 the visitation report of a committee. pp.63 In general. 76 f.62 JURGEN HELM Anatomy at Ingolstadt For the first half of the sixteenth century. Do es auch on beschwerung der patienten beschechen khan. 284: "Sy [the medical professors] sollen verrer.. pp." 64 Ibid. and Liess. but in fact the passage ends with a strong reference to Galen: He has .principally condemned the idle. Th. The professors were admonished to present their patients to the students and to perform anatomical dissections of male and female human bodies periodically. 61 Ibid.64 Hence. but what is striking is that for the author of the curriculum. anathomias fumemen und in dem alien den auditoribus tam universal! quam particulari virilis et muliebris corporis anathomia einen augenscheinlichen gutten bericht the text goes on . Geschichte (cited above. quales multae sunt ex Aristotelis philosophia ortae. 77-86. 13. Jahrhunderts'. In the text Galen himself is called "docendi atque discendi praestantissimus magister". ac quaedam ab ipso Galeno passim damnatae. n. absurdas et noxias. 15). 78-80. which did not flatter the faculty. Geschichte. there was obviously no con- 60 Liess. pp. But the ducal message was partly understood.a skeleton should be obtained for teaching the osseous structure.62 "Non enim imaginaria est philosophia. n. resulted in a ducal order that the medical students should be educated both theoretically and practically. non serio tuebuntur professores.

Valverde and Fallopius. 68 Ibid. Boscius. which was published by Adam Landau in 1566. L. we may conclude that Vesal's De humani corporis fabrica libri septem form the background of this chapter on anatomical education.. 1571). and it is to be performed not by barbers. 7]. pp. the practical skill as well as the theoretical knowledge of the anatomists is dealt with: dissection is called "corporis humani pulcherrimae fabricae orthotomia". Columbus.The curriculum proves Wear's statement that "a true Galenic anatomy could be critical and progressive". 'Oratio de optimo medico & medicinae autoribus'." (Nauck. 13). unanimi consensu professores. data occasione. omnium facultatum materiae.68 in which the need for sensual perception is emphasized. substance. who were responsible for this catalogue of medical lectures. p. but also in his writings turned out to be a convinced Galenist. p. the skeleton mentioned in the curriculum was bought for the faculty in 1564 by Ammonius. texture. pp. n. anatomias facient.65 Consequently. suis quaeque distinctae partibus.67 A somewhat different picture emerges from a catalogue of lectures printed in 1571. .. 275v: "In anatomia Vesalius non Arabes modo.. 66 Liess. praise Vesal lavishly in their publications. because these anatomists . fols. 70 J. dissections should be performed regularly: "Virorum quoque ac mulierum quotannis unam. he writes ." (Wear. Although no anatomical author is explicitly mentioned. alUsque eruditis viris partim scriptae. Boscius. aut plures.66 who. This assumption is confirmed by the writings of the two professors teaching at the medical faculty in 1571. 69 Ibid. V. this passage is more than a vague allusion to Vesal. p. Moreover. in quo gravissimae & utilissimae. A whole chapter of this catalogue is devoted to anatomical education. p. In this context the acquired skeleton is pointed out because it could help viewers to understand the connection of the bones and the course of the muscles. 67 Ibid.ANATOMICAL EDUCATION AT WITTENBERG AND INGOLSTADT 63 tradiction between Galenism and personal observation. not only in the catalogue.69 In my view. a clarissimis & doctissimis eiusdem Academiae Professor ibus. and the connections of the single parts.have more than compensated for the shortcomings of 65 According to the curriculum. Adam Landau (died 1573) and Johann Lonaeus Boscius (1515-1585). location. 268r-276r. on fol. Landau explicitly points out Vesal. Rotmar (Ingolstadii. in Tomus primus orationum Ingolstadiensium. 301. who alone are able to show the students "exactissime" the appearance. Both of them." . 131-135. 272). sed cunctos veteres superavit. but by the professors themselves. partim ab ipsis vel aliis recilataee. continentur. 'Lehrplan'.70 And in his introduction to Laurentius Gryll's De sapore dulci et amaro. size. by the way. because "Galen himself had written that anatomy could be improved by observation. 300-302. 15). 87. Geschichte (cited above. writes in his Oratio de optima medico & medicinae autoribus that in anatomy Vesal surpasses not only the Arabs but also all the ancients. 'Medicine' [cited above. for example. n.

p. but actively practised in the years after 1571. si non solum in hac celebri schola cum conservanda..76 In opposition to Arno Seifert's objection which rejects a confessional interpretation of 'Catholic' in this context. in the Medical Faculty a restoration of the old doctrine is necessary to protect medicine against the odd opinions and obvious deceptions of certain modern authors. 298: "Mirum profecto non est. ut in hac medicinae parte declaranda nihil propemodum amplius desyderari posse videatur.. Hofmann. which should be striven for and which could counter the attack of the Paracelsists. Jahrhundert in Ingolstadt'. 15).75 The old medicine.77 I am sure that 'Catholic' here refers precisely to the confessional schism in the sixteenth century. 354. n.e. 284-286. pp. id universum discipulis sciendi cupidis optima fide communicaturus est. Landau.74 but also by further evidence.. cum ille [i. anatomizing was not only called for. pp. n. ut vetustioris solidiorisque medicinae integritas tarn contra pravas vulgi opiniones.: "[Adamus Landavus] qui quicquid iam longo tempore diversis in academiis Germaniae atque Italiae praestantissimorum virorum institutione sibi doctrinae vel experientiae comparavit. lohannes Valverde.] falsitas autem medicinae Paracelsicae principiis quibusdam imaginariis exstructae. 73 Liess. This is proved not only by the fact that they taught at Ingolstadt for quite a long time (Landau for twelve. Galenus] corpora hominum non secuerit. in Sammelblatt des Historischen Vereins Ingolstadt 83 (1974). 8)." 77 Seifert. veteremque medicinam. This assumption is supported by Landau's 71 A. ea semper explicabit industria.. . the bodies of nine executed criminals were transferred to the faculty to be anatomized between 1571 and 1588. 1566): "Sed. 139-142. sed medicinae quoque doctores conspirantibus sententiis in id sedulo incumbant. p. 305. 75 Ibid. ut [. id Vesalius. Gryllus.71 In light of these facts I think it not only chance that from 1571 onwards we have records of dissections being performed at the Medical Faculty." 76 Ibid. According to Siegfried Hoffmann. quam adversus recentiorum quorundam apertas calumnias sarta tectaque asseratur. p.72 And in 1576 Duke Albrecht V renewed the order to the municipal council that after an execution the corpses should immediately be delivered to the faculty. Quod igitur a Graecis olim propter inopiam cadaverum humanorum fuit praetermissum. 'Epistola dedicatoria'. Boscius even for 27 years). so the text says properly be called 'Catholic medicine'. Obviously in Ingolstadt the adoption of Vesalian anatomy was not hindered by the teachers' Catholic faith. Adam Landau as well as Johann Lonaeus Boscius were 'good Catholics'. in L. may . 195. The catalogue of lectures. turn aliquo modo restauranda theologiae ac iurisprudentiae professores suis praeclarissimis disciplinis optime prospectum cupiant. De sapore dulci et amaro (Pragae. 'Leichensektionen im 16. constantibus argumentis subversa corruat [. Gabriel Fallopius.73 Hence. quam non immerito catholicam appellare licebit.. for example. 74 Ibid. n. & alii praestantes anatomici tanto cum foenore recompensarunt. Realdus Columbus. Geschichte (cited above..]." 72 S.64 JURGEN HELM the Greeks caused by their lack of human bodies. 'Schulwesen' (cited above. longe plus lucis & certitudinis huic cognitioni labore & assiduo studio recentiorum quorundam accessisse. claims that just as in the Faculties of Theology and Law.

78 In his speech Landau establishes .. n. 81 Ibid. and in temporal succession up to Landau's time medicine had become more extensive and more reliable and had been formed to an art. n. praecepitque primis parentib.ANATOMICAL EDUCATION AT WITTENBERG AND INGOLSTADT 65 oration De cormptionis artium causa.a link between Luther's Reformation and Paracelsus's challenge to the medical world. we consider the evidence for Landau's and Boscius' adoption of Vesalian anatomy. and hence it is taught not at the universities. According to Landau. which was delivered in 1568. Paracelsus despises this old medicine and places himself outside the tradition. & antithesi veteris & novae medicinae. 295v-296r. 84 Ibid. pervenit. . 80 Ibid. vel prodesset hominum generi. Luther was the first to attack traditional teaching in schools and universities and thereby to damage the unity and the context of the sciences. Landau. 285r-299v. medicine had been given by God to the primi parentes. 291r "Nam simul ac Deus hanc mundi machinam creavit. As Landau writes in the above-mentioned introduction of Gryll's De 78 A. 82 Ibid. 86 Cited above. but "in angulis".. In other words: Landau's Catholicism does not imply that he was uncritically clinging to ancient authorities like Hippocrates and Galen.. however. quae vel obesset. 291r. fol.84 His confused doctrine is therefore propagated by people whom the religious and public authorities do not permit to teach..291r-291v.80 philosophy.82 Particularly Hippocrates and Galen were involved in this process. quae deinceps continuata temporum serie ad nos usque pluribus in locis auction & locupletior. it is true. fol. & in artis formam redacta. the implications of these findings are obvious: In the view of these Ingolstadt professors. fol. On the contrary: Vesal was regarded as belonging to that traditional medicine which had been given by God and which had been successively improved from the first days of God's world.83 In Landau's view. an antagonism between traditional and 'Catholic' medicine on the one hand and new and 'Protestant' medicine on the other. in the corners. & antithesi veteris & novae medicinae'. As Landau argues. fol. fol. in addition.very polemically . fol. in Rotmar. 70). Orationes (cited above. But this confessional antagonism is not . 79 Ibid. Vesal was not a reformer who needed to be singled out as one of Luther's adherents intending to shake the grounds of the medical world. 289v. 'Oratio de corruptionis artium causa.85 One aspect of this oration should be particularly pointed out: Landau constructs. fol. eo statim temporis momento medicinam quoque coli et observari voluit. 85 Ibid.. singulisque naturis vim qandam French has suggested86 .81 and medicine. 4. but between traditional medicine and Paracelsianism.constructed along a line between Galen and Vesal." 83 Ibid.. 286v-288r.79 Landau then describes the negative consequences Luther's attack had for law. If. ut earn colerent & exercerent. fol. 288v-289r.

71): "Certe [. the so-called "Wittenberger Paracelsismus".as far as the sources suggest .that a distinction between Wittenberg and Ingolstadt can be made. Rhein. 'Epistola' (cited above. See S. nevertheless. n.never taught in the Faculty of Arts.90 Do these findings imply that there is no difference for the students between learning anatomy in Ingolstadt and in Wittenberg? As the abovementioned statutes of the Wittenberg medical faculty show. lacks any textual foundation. We may assume that around 1550.] ars per se longa ac difficilis ob vitae brevitatem ab uno homine simul inchoari & perfici nequit. But. ed. amplificatam & excultam fuisse." 89 Landau ridicules certain (unnamed) contemporaries. however.66 JURGEN HELM sapore. n.89 To summarize. which has been successively completed and improved from the very beginning. 'Melanchthon und Paracelsus'..: "Quin etiam res ipsa testatur. What is striking. instead of absolutely clinging to the ancients. But this is not to say that sixteenthcentury Protestantism was absolutely unaffected by Paracelsianism: The rapid spread of Paracelsus's writings and ideas from around 1570 on was mainly due to Protestant court physicians. 1500-1837. Nutton (London.and will try to show this at the end of this paper . pp. 91 V. 1990). 79-94." 88 Ibid. While Protestantism is claimed to be a threat to this old tradition. I think . pp. 317.91 which only incidentally deal with the human body. ed. This integration of anatomy into Protestant thought resulted in an anatomical education. Wear. Telle (Stuttgart. in stressing the importance of anatomy for theological reasons. see A. 57-73. Landau insists on a medical tradition. 'The Court Physician and Paracelsianism'. 'Medicine' (cited above. V. Vesal and other recent anatomists are considered part of Catholic medicine. stated by Heinrich Haeser and later by Wolfram Kaiser. however. Amerbach. Trevor-Roper. As shown in the previous chapter. p. anatomy was . the teaching on the soul was in accordance with Veit Amerbach's Quatuor libri de anima. 1542). at Wittenberg anatomy was considered to be part of a Lutheran philosophical education established by Melanchthon during the first half of the century. post aetatem Galeni medicam artem in pluribus locis non mediocriter auctam. In Ingolstadt. when the Jesuits Landau. was taught to all students in the Arts Faculty.87 Therefore Galen's medicine was amplified and corrected in many ways. in Parerga Paracelsica. J. and H. 87 .. Quatuor libri de anima (Argentorati. 7). qui nunquam erraverit" ('Epistola'). which he states to be the Catholic one. with respect to the authorities consulted in anatomical education there was no difference between Wittenberg and Ingolstadt. in Medicine at the Courts of Europe. medical art is too broad to be constructed and perfected by only one human being because of the shortness of human life. New York. based to a large extent on Melanchthon's De anima. which.88 and it would be absolutely wrong to devote oneself slavishly to Galen's words. Later. 90 As Stefan Rhein showed convincingly. Paracelsus in Vergangenheit und Gegenwart. who "ex Galeno Deum quendam faciunt. is that Landau does not mind that exactly the same medical tradition was cultivated at Wittenberg and at several Protestant universities. 1991).

98 Ibid. Hunger. & 92 Ratio Studiorum et Institutiones Scholasticae Societatis Jesu per Germaniam olim vigentae. sic certissima medicinae pars existit) promovet ac illustrat. Orationes (cited above. . 301: "Quae quidem anatomes exercitia et oculis subiectae demonstrationes maximum in arte medica habent usum.94 and something like an overriding philosophical or theological background is definitely not mentioned. 264v-265r. Johann Ammonius Agricola. (quae ut antiquissima.97 and the brain mediating sensation and motion by the spiritus animalis is identified with the Pope. G.92 Therefore. which is claimed to correspond to the macrocosm of the political state. M. it is not astonishing that in the second half of the century the Ingolstadt discussion of De anima as part of traditional Aristotelian philosophy included only the most necessary anatomical essentials. for example. cogitativa. W. p. for example. The liver is thought to be the Duke. the teaching of medicine should not be performed by members of the Society of Jesus. caring for the nourishment and the physical well-being of his subordinates. 'De praestantia corporis humani'. Adversus veteres et novos errores de anima conclusionum centuria (Ingolstadii. 259r-268r.93 The second aspect of Wittenberg anatomy. Schroetel. is absent at Ingolstadt as well. According to Loyola's Constitutiones. A. G. In his oration De praestantia corporis humani. 1568). Agricola. Kepser). potissimum vero frequens ilia dissectionum inspectio chirurgicen. Diettmar). 70). C. In this text. On the contrary. Geschichte (cited above. in Rotmar. 94 Liess... 97 Ibid. 93 See. anatomical education of the youngest students seems to have been even more unlikely. 15). n. 54. Viepekhius. uses anatomy for a moral call on the students to keep discipline and not to hurt each other. 1968). Assertiones de anima (Ingolstadii. but these writings do not form such a uniform picture as the Wittenberg anatomical texts.. p. J.96 the heart distributing the lifegiving heat by the spiritus vitalis in the arteries is correlated with the Emperor. fracturarum.ANATOMICAL EDUCATION AT WITTENBERG AND INGOLSTADT 67 were extending their influence to the Arts Faculty. 96 Ibid. which was held in 1561. 261r-262v. luxationem. there are some texts written by Ingolstadt medical professors which put anatomical knowledge into the wider framework of sixteenth-century theology and philosophy. ab anno 1541 ad annum 1599. 1575) (resp. ed. 1590) (resp. siquidem eius praecipuum offlcium versatur in vulnerum. fol." 95 J. as the 1571 catalogue of lectures might suggest. fol. 263r-263v.98 spiritually controlling the whole organism by a triumvirate consisting of "imaginatrix facultas. anatomy is first and foremost regarded as necessary for surgery. tomus 1. tumorumque sedibus accurate cognoscendis. n. ulcerum. its conformity in stressing the theological framework of anatomical knowledge. Disputatio philosophica. This is not to say that at Ingolstadt anatomical education was performed for purely practical reasons.95 this appeal is founded on a long elaboration about the microcosm of the human body. fol. Pachtler (Osnabruck. S. desensibus internis (Ingolstadii. fol.

Galenus enim Medicos libros de usu partium corporis humani exacte scribens. De considerando statu.the Creator's ineffable providence and his immense goodness. n. more or less arbitrary attempts of this kind. & bonitatem summam esse agnoscit. wisdom and goodness. 15). et academiarum officio (Ingolstadii. pp. 102 See. C. at Wittenberg it was considered part of the philosophical training of all Protestant scholars. p. pp. 1589).]. De considerando praesenti christianae reipub. sed & aliis scientiis addiscendis & docendis. 6). potentiam. 24 f. but who spent only eight years at Ingolstadt.99 This wonderful microcosm of the human body proves . 9 f.. however. 21 f. in opificis admirationem. Conclusion Obviously the Catholic teachers at the University of Ingolstadt were no less willing than the Protestant Wittenberg professors to adopt the new anatomical findings of the sixteenth century.. 1597). 'Wittenberg Anatomy' (cited above. Theologiae utilis esse queat. a science deemed imperfect and therefore. 36 f. instituendae. fol. pp.101 emphasizes the importance of medical knowledge for theology in his books. pp. C. n. De medicina philosophica (Ingolstadii. was the same at the Protestant universities of Jena and Greifswald). & mire praedicat. Lucius. Geschichte (cited above. But this is not to say that confession did not influence anatomical education at all. by the way.102 In this context he mentions Galen's De usupartium. statu.100 In a similar manner Cyriacus Lutz (died 1599). & laudem ipsi dicendam saepius effertur. but as an integral part of medical science.g... in its details.104 and whereas the Protestant teachers meditated systematically upon possible theological implications of anatomy.. who was professor at the Medical Faculty for twenty-eight years from 1571 on. Whereas at Wittenberg anatomy was constantly taught within a theological framework (which. Ibid.103 These texts by Ammonius and Lutz.. remain unique findings: Ingolstadt anatomy is far away from the uniformity of Lutheran anatomical education found at Wittenberg University and produced by Melanchthon's power of systemizing. Vesal and his contemporaries were not looked upon as a threat to medical tradition. 100 99 .68 JURGEN HELM memoratrix"." 104 See Mutton. at Ingolstadt we can find only a few. 101 About Lutz see Liess. e. [. in Deo. sapientiam. Just as at Wittenberg. atque hoc (ut alia argumenta gravia nunc taceam) ex ipso Galeno clarissime pateat. quod scientia Medica non solum curae valetudinis corporeae in Repub. 266v. 265v. 145 f. 22: "Circa usum non est ignorandum aut negligendum. fol. 103 Lucius. ipsique S.. And furthermore: While at Ingolstadt anatomy was regarded as belonging only to medical education. 21 f.. in which contemplation of the human body is claimed to be a guide to knowledge of God's Ammonius says . Lucius. in need of correction. Ibid.


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0.1 on the contrary. Tirosh-Rothschild. thus paving the way to a new interpretation of the general laws which rule natural phenomena. 'Jewish Philosophy on the Eve of Modernity'. H. pp. New York. The role of Jews as 'transmitters' of Arabic science to Europe in the twelfth. but even humanistic and Renaissance texts. 1 . motion and time is found. Leaman (London. very little is known H. In these confutations not only a critique of Aristotle's doctrines about void. pp. Frank. 499-573. Historical research on the origins of these new theories has suggested that some of them at least were related to the critique of Aristotle's physics carried out by the so-called 'new physics' of some fourteenth-century scholastic philosophers: William of Ockham and John Buridan. this view on the farremoved. infinite. TiroshSamuelson. by confutations of Aristotelian physics. in Science in Context 10 (1997). 521-570. especially in the fields of medicine and astronomy. Now. indirect sources of modern physics might need a partial reappraisal. D. on account of the role played by some late medieval Hebrew sources. in History of Jewish Philosophy. Only very recent research has shown that the cultural exchange between Jewish science and philosophy and European science and philosophy continued until the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Studies on sixteenth-century Jewish thought have shown that some Hebrew commentators of Aristotle read and widely employed as sources not only late scholastic commentaries. but this 'transmission' of science seemed to have stopped at the end of the Middle Ages. space. but also some new theories about these points are suggested. in the sixteenth century.THE INFLUENCE OF HASDAI CRESCAS'S PHILOSOPHY ON SOME ASPECTS OF SIXTEENTH-CENTURY PHILOSOPHY AND SCIENCE MAURO ZONTA Introduction The foundation of modern physics in the seventeenth century was preceded and in some way encouraged. 1997). thirteenth and fourteenth centuries has been acknowledged. eds. 'Theology of Nature in Sixteenth-Century Italian Jewish Philosophy'.

Of course. 1520).3 The Examen vanitatis is a deep critique of philosophy. 1995). Also a recent and very valuable volume by David Ruderman2 does not say anything new about the latter point. many kabbalistic authors were known to European thinkers after the end of the fifteenth century. some of these theories were known and employed by sixteenth-century Italian non-Jewish philosophers. Examen vanitatis doctrinae gentium et veritatis Christianae disciplinae (n. 2 D. by some concepts of fourteenthcentury Christian theology (e. We are referring. in Crescas's case.. In particular. in general.g. and circulated in a new Renaissance translation from 1520 onwards. B. and which carried out important and consistent critiques of some points of Aristotelian philosophy and science. which would become a better basis for defending the Jewish religion. in particular. his philosophy in order to build a new philosophy. mostly through Latin translations or adaptations made by Jewish converts. Gianfrancesco Pico's Confutation of Aristotelian Science and Its Jewish Source One of the main witnesses of sixteenth-century criticism of Aristotle's physics is the Examen vanitatis doctrinae gentium. but Gersonides and Crescas were able to employ such suggestions for building a set of original theories. while making such a statement. which were the most original results of late medieval Jewish thought in Europe. . we do not know about the existence of any complete Latin translation of such texts as Gersonides's The Wars of the Lord or Hasdai Crescas's The Light of the Lord. John Duns Scotus's doctrine of the infinite).. to some classical texts of Jewish philosophy: apart from Maimonides's Guide of the Perplexed. Some of these Jewish confutations of Aristotle might have been suggested by contacts with followers of the 'new physics' or. London. which was translated into Latin very early (probably at the beginning of the thirteenth century). Ruderman. 3 G. which aims at showing its inconsistency and the superiority of the Christian religion: the doctrines of the refuted gentes coincide mostly with those of Aristotle. one should stress the importance of Crescas's critique of Aristotle: he aimed at destroying Aristotle's physics and. Jewish Thought and Scientific Discovery in Early Modern Europe (New Haven. As we will see. Pico della Mirandola. a work published in 1520 by the Italian philosopher Gianfrancesco Pico della Mirandola. it should be stressed that we are speaking of Hebrew philosophical texts proper.p.72 MAURO ZONTA about the direct or indirect knowledge of medieval Hebrew philosophical texts by Latin Renaissance authors. For his confutation. not of kabbalistic ones: as a matter of fact.

these same arguments were utilized by many of his successors in the name of scientific truth". Pico. Hebrew-literate friends) translated the complete text of Crescas's work from Hebrew into Latin for Pico's use seems to be rather far-fetched . As for the last point. Gianfrancesco Pico della Mirandola (1469-1533) and His Critique of Aristotle (The Hague. B. time. not the detailed reasoning behind them. Schmitt. time is rather a measure. Pico is inspired by Crescas in his explanation of void and of the motion of heavy bodies. "the measure of motion or quiet between two instants").4 In fact. Pico's original intention was clearly in agreement with Crescas's: a philosophical defence of religion through an anti-Aristotelian critique. place. but. mostly non-Aristotelian or anti-Aristotelian philosophers. using Crescas and John Philoponos. 159. We might suppose that some of Pico's associates (maybe a Jewish scholar) communicated to him the key-points of Crescas's critique of Aristotle's 4 Ch. but sometimes he follows Crescas almost literally. "whereas he combated Aristotle in the name of religious truth. pp. In particular. Galileo. Pierre Gassendi. Aristotelian way of demonstration.and seventeenth-century philosophers and scientists as Giordano Bruno. thus achieving a role in the establishment of modern science. The hypothesis that somebody (possibly. 1967). in his opinion. Finally. rather.HASDAI CRESCAS'S INFLUENCE ON PHILOSOPHY AND SCIENCE 73 which takes six books. Pico's critique inspired such sixteenth. Crescas's The Light of the Lord was one of the most important sources of Pico's book. Pico employs many arguments drawn from other. in his opinion. 128159. explicitly quotes Crescas's arguments. void. For discussing each one of these concepts. which. Rather significantly. Pico follows only Crescas's conclusions. In the sixth book of the Examen. . he employs Crescas for criticizing the eternity of the world (through a demonstration against the uniqueness of circular local motion). under the name of "Hebraeus Hasdai" or "Rabbi Hasdai". In particular. are the errors of Aristotle's physics. to build a 'new philosophy' based on a new concept of scientific demonstration. p. and for stating the non-existence of a natural place for each element. while criticizing Aristotle.5 Pico tries to point out what. Pico is not simply trying to destroy philosophy qua philosophy. But. Pico. he examines some key-concepts: motion. As a rule. and this literal correspondence leads us to think he had some direct knowledge of The Light of the Lord. and then also Tommaso Campanella and Gassendi. one of Pico's non-Jewish. would be more correct than the traditional. as observed by Charles Bernard Schmitt. builds up a concept of place as a void space which influenced Giordano Bruno's idea of space. for confuting Aristotle's definition of time as "the number of motion" (according to Crescas.such a translation has not been found. 5 The following description of Pico's dependence on Crescas is based on Schmitt. In reality.

he attacked some keypoints of Aristotle's physics. A. universo et mondi (1584).74 MAURO ZONTA physics: this might explain his use of Crescas's conclusions only.. personal contacts between Christian and Jewish scholars were rather frequent: the first evidence of them dates back to the beginning of the thirteenth century. while publishing and translating into English part of the first book of The Light of the Lord. the infinity of the universe and the plurality of worlds. Wolfson. In Italy. While any single one of his arguments might have occurred to any one who set out to study Aristotle critically. a similar hypothesis might explain the utilization of some of Crescas's physical arguments against Aristotle which are remarkably different from those known by Pico .6 In particular. Harry Austryn Wolfson. is the fact that both Bruno and Crescas confuted Aristotle's arguments against the possibility of a circular motion in an infinite body using the same proofs. Both of them at the conclusion of their refutation of the argument against infinity take up 6 H. Crescas's Critique of Aristotle (Cambridge. 1929). According to Wolfson. while discussing two points. but still one cannot help feeling that there must be some connection between them. Wolfson lists the argumentations of Bruno against Aristotle's definition of place. Giordano Bruno. the accumulation of all of those arguments creates the impression that there must have been some connecting link between Crescas and Bruno. As we will see. Mass. Both of them argue that the infinite would be figureless. pointed out similarities between the latter and some passages and argumentations found in Bruno's cited works. His writings which discussed these points ex professo are the Latin treatise De immenso et innumerabilibus (1591) and the Italian dialogue Del'infinito. according to Wolfson. that it would have no weight and another sixteenth-century Italian philosopher. both of them dismiss all these arguments by declaring that those who believe the universe to be infinite claim also that it is immovable. the name of Crescas is not mentioned by Bruno. p. that it would have neither end nor middle. But far more convincing. and that when an infinite acts upon a finite or upon another infinite the action would be finite. Bruno used arguments which might have been drawn from Crescas. In particular. Crescas as Indirect Source of Bruno's Physical Theories: Old and New Findings Bruno was one of the main and-Aristotelians of the sixteenth century: although he did not build a new system of science. in favour of the existence of the void and against the theory of the lightness of air. 35. in Wolfson's words. where he employs the same arguments of Crescas. .

pp. S. the Brunian arguments noticed by Wolfson are always drawn from the first part of the first book of The Light of the Lord.). de Leon-Jones. so. F. Each one of these lists is followed by a refutation of the listed arguments. results from God's grace and benevolence. he gives two arguments against this theory: first. but Crescas's masterwork takes no less than four books. 10 H. pp. vol. P. pp. 35 f. and. 8 7 . 3 vols.9 Of these arguments. 18791891). In the fifth book of De I'infinito. as his benevolence and generosity have no limit. and in the seventh book of his De immense et innumerabilibus. stating that the existence of the world is the result of an act of volition of God. 9 Le opere italiane di Giordano Bruno. London.d. Jerusalem. three at least show a close resemblance to the arguments employed by Crescas for his discussion of the possibility of the existence of a plurality of worlds. who has recently published a book on the use of Hebrew sources in Giordano Bruno's writings. but his suggestions on this point have found no followers. 1998). thirteen arguments are listed. so that it is possible that there are many worlds. Jordani Bruni nolani opera latine conscripta.HASDAI CRESCAS'S INFLUENCE ON PHILOSOPHY AND SCIENCE 75 Aristotle's discussion of the impossibility of many worlds and refute it by the same argument. without any limit. so. no reference to Bruno's use of Crescas is found. pp. Fiorentino (Neapoli. Are there other parts of The Light of the Lord which show some similarities to Bruno's doctrines? As I will try to show.. Bruno lists two series of arguments. ed. against the existence of an infinite number of worlds. or that of many worlds together". n. ed. universe et mondi. Physics and Metaphysics in Hasdai Crescas (Amsterdam. God might have created more than one world. Crescas. Second. where. In any case. Prophets. Giordano Bruno and the Kabbalah. An English translation and commentary of these pages by Crescas can be found also in W. 7 Wolfson was not the first scholar to point out similarities between Crescas and Bruno. what is the nature of the space placed between them? This space should be either full or void. pp. 36— l. 1998). The second question discussed by Crescas in the fourth book of The Light of the Lord is "whether the existence of one world only is possible. 389396. K. allegedly from Aristotle. he argues in favour of plurality. philosophical sources. 1555. 2 vols. 244-254.. 1888). In the De I'infinito. The ancient philosophers (Crescas clearly refers here to Aristotle) stated that a void is impossible. and this fact strengthens the hypothesis of a dependence of Bruno's physical doctrines on Crescas's. in the De immenso seventeen. Z. in particular. de Lagarde (Gottinga. [122]v-[123]v. First. Sefer or ha-shem (Ferrara. Karen Silvia de Leon-Jones. if there are many worlds. those similarities exist.10 Crescas states that there is evidence in favour of both hypotheses. repr. Harvey. and Rabbis (New Haven. the space between the worlds Ibid. however. 2. Magicians.8 has totally neglected nonkabbalistic.

also the proof against this. Bruno ascribes to Aristotle all the arguments he uses against the plurality of worlds but. and. One should notice that. drawn from the extreme perfection and simplicity of the Creator. Crescas explains that the existence of space between the worlds is not a real problem. Second. They are listed in the following table: . or at least inspired by Crescas's masterwork. this fact does not imply any absurdity. according to Crescas the plurality of worlds would have no reason. God would be limited in any case: since it is impossible that there exists an infinite number of bodies. this space is so big that it would be impossible for the inhabitants of one world to see the stars of another world. as a matter of fact. because it would imply (according to Crescas's argumentations) that we see not only the stars of our world. because.a fact which would imply an absurd limitation of God. because the only reason for the existence of a plurality of individuals in our world is generation. Finally. Crescas argues that. but this hypothesis is impossible too. because the emanated being is similar to the emanating being. which aims at the preservation of species. His grace should produce only a given number of worlds .according to Aristotle . Second. not corruptible. if it is full. so that it has no need of preserving itself through generation.a fact which is proved false by our senses. from him only one simple thing can derive. Crescas states that the existence of many worlds by divine grace is voluntary. but what is not necessary is only possible. but the world . who is unlimited. if there is an obstacle against a thing which is possible but not necessary. for each argument Crescas discusses the opposite argument. if the plurality of worlds can be but a result of divine grace. in the De immenso and in the De I 'infinite. thus not being necessary. as the unity of the world is not necessary to God's perfection and unity. Among these arguments. but also the stars of the other worlds . as the Creator is simple in the highest degree. such a thing cannot be. As for the first. After this.76 MAURO ZONTA should be occupied by a body. three seem to have been drawn from. As for the other two arguments. the non-necessity of the existence of many worlds is not a sufficient reason for stating that there cannot be a plurality of worlds. some of them are not found in any of Aristotle's writings. is not cogent. if this space is void.

n. twelfth): a plurality of individuals cannot derive from God. Eleventh argument (in reality. Bruno's confutation (ch. 9). and this space is either full or void. pp. while. who is one. the void is not existent. this might be only through a division of matter. because an infinite number of worlds implies an infinite passive potentiality in of matter . which is infinite. Eighth argument (in reality. 15): although nature is finite. Bruno's confutation: matter is ready to receive everything. as is shown from the existence of many peoples and species of animals. there must be a space between them. 251-253. De I'infmito. Jordani Bruni nolani opera latine conscripta (cited above. fifth book" Sixth argument: as the circles of the worlds. this is not clear. if he wants. But nobody thinks that the worlds are generated one by the other. pp. it must be either full or void. If so. 5): between the worlds. 408-412. So. this would be a result of God's omnipotence. are mutually tangent in one point only. seventh book12 Eighth argument (ch. 6): it is true that it is impossible to limit God's omnipotence. it does not matter if it is full or void. 6): a plurality cannot derive from one thing. 9). Giordano Bruno.HASDAI CRESCAS'S INFLUENCE ON PHILOSOPHY AND SCIENCE Giordano Bruno. ninth): if there is more than one world. there should be an interstitial space which is not part of the world. God. being circular. just like our heaven. universo et mondi. apart from ours. 393-396.which is absurd. 12): it is not absurd to imagine that this space is void. 272-283. because a void does not exist). But. which might occur only by an act of generation. this fact does not hinder God's omnipotence. 77 Twelfth argument (ch. De immenso et innumerabilibus. or it is void (which is absurd. But this does not imply necessarily that God creates them. 1 12 ' Le opere italiane di Giordano Bruno (cited above. either this space contains another world (which is impossible). But nature is finite. Fifteenth argument (ch. on the other hand. but both hypotheses are absurd because all the matter is contained in the worlds and cannot be found outside of them. Bruno's confutation (ch. . n. Bruno's confutation: worlds are placed in a space which contains them. in the case of the existence of many worlds. this plurality might only result from an act of generation. might create other worlds. If so.

where. but also other ones which are now missing. 13 . If we exclude that Bruno read Crescas's Hebrew text directly . Harari. From these considerations. Harari. not through generation. 93-155. and that Bruno might have read Crescas's above-discussed arguments in Leone Ebreo's De harmonia caeli . would further confirm the role played by late medieval Jewish philosophy in the establishment of modern philosophy and science.13 Harari has shown that Bruno read Judah Abrabanel. Bruno knew not only Leone Ebreo's still surviving writings. might be solved in the light of recent research by David Harari. and from the above-collected data. one is led to conclude that Leone Ebreo might be the Jewish scholar who communicated to Pico Crescas's critiques against Aristotle. with some quasi-literal correspondences.a fact which is highly improbable . The problem of Bruno's and Pico's Jewish intermediate source. pp.]. whom Leone Ebreo knew personally. E. also such problems as the infinity of the universe and the plurality of worlds were discussed.. in Italia 1 (1988).78 MAURO ZONTA Bruno's confutation: the existence of many things does not imply that all of them are generated one by the other. who often employed Crescas's doctrines in his Italian works (the most important of which is the famous Dialoghi d'amore.]. Bruno's confutation (ch. in Jerusalem Studies in Jewish Thought 14 (1998). As one can see. D. Among these is found the philosophical treatise De harmonia caeli. so.we should think that he resorted to a Jewish scholar who transmitted to him the contents of Crescas's discussions on the infinity of the universe and the plurality of worlds. possibly in the light of Crescas's doctrines.a conclusion which. the Renaissance Italian Jewish philosopher known as Leone Ebreo. pp. 257-269. the animal species were originally produced as a result of an action of nature. 'Who Was the Learned Jew that Made Known Hasdai Crescas's The Light of the Lord to Gianfrancesco Pico Delia Mirandola?' [Heb. D. first published in 1535). and might have been known also by Giordano Bruno. Harari has shown that the De harmonia caeli was written on the request of Gianfrancesco Pico. More significantly. or by nature directly. who made Crescas's arguments known. probably. 'Traces of the Fourth Dialogue of Judah Abrabanel in Giordano Bruno's Heroid Furori' [Heb. if proved true. 18): everything in the world is produced either through generation. it might have produced several worlds too. according to Harari.g. Bruno freely employs the argumentations given by Crescas about these three points. Nature has produced several species independently.

identified manuscripts. 'Fragments of a Judeo-Spanish Ballad from the Geniza' [Heb. the absence of a comparable tradition in the case of the research on the manuscripts in Judeo-Spanish.1 Suffice it to say here that 1 I am concerned here with the history and culture of Iberian Jews before and after the expulsions of the late fifteenth century rather than with linguistic definitions. in Jerusalem Studies in Folklore 5/6 (1984). 21- .S. given the ideologies determining their research priorities and also given the nature of the material from the Cairo Synagogue. On the Hispanic (Judeo-Spanish. They created a tradition of scholarship. leading to the creation of fields of research where scholars had more or less common goal. even unthinkable without them. the first generations of Genizah scholars devoted themselves primarily to the material in Semitic languages. or 'Genizah'. during the second half of the nineteenth century there was a movement or transfer of manuscripts from Cairo to the great libraries of Europe and the East Coast of the U.A. classified and listed them. The most spectacular and most publicized aspect of this transferral was Solomon Schechter's conveyance of approximately 140.]. present-day work is frequently indebted to these Genizah pioneers. there is a strong sense of continuity and. I use Spanish or Judeo-Spanish as an umbrella term.. The provenance of the manuscripts was the room of discarded paper. As was to be expected. Gutwirth. id. in El Olivo VIII 19 (1984). and Arabic. of the Ben Ezra Synagogue in Old Cairo. in some cases. Indeed. pp. and some material came from the Basiatyn cemetery. and the effects of.LANGUAGE AND MEDICINE IN THE EARLY MODERN OTTOMAN EMPIRE ELEAZAR GUTWIRTH Introduction As is well-known. Aramaic. These technical and scholarly achievements and the formulation of research objectives and instruments of research were extremely important.000 items to the University Library Cambridge after his journey to Cairo in the winter of 1896/97. Spanish and the vernacular in Hebrew script) fragments from the Cairo Genizah see for example E. given the tendencies of Jewish Studies in the 1890s. Hebrew. from the 1890s to 1981. pp. 71-83. 'Fechas judias y fechas cristianas'. I have tried to delineate elsewhere the reasons for.

376-403. in a study of Ottoman medical history. One page has fortunately retained an incipit according to which the manuscript contained an aljamiado transcription of a work by Arnau de Villanova entitled Recevtario..] muy bueno para todo modo de esfrialdad o para bentozidad" ("oil of arodel well crushed [. id. What is left are two conjoined leaves in a Sephardi cursive. Rhoads Murphy2 has termed the "false dichotomy" between scientific and superstitious medicine. id. it may possibly be argued on paleographic grounds that it belongs to the fourteenth century..3 may be mentioned. My main objective has been the discovery of unknown material. Gutwirth. 5 Ibid... This applies to the medical manuscripts as well.. The second reason is related to what. in Bulletin of the History of Medicine 66 (1992). in Anuario de Filologia 9 (1983). 2 R.]'.und Wirtschaftsgeschichte 73 (1986). 'Geniza Fragments in Judeo-Spanish'. 3 The terms aljamia.80 ELEAZAR GUTWIRTH the research on the manuscripts in Judeo-Spanish in general and those on medicine in particular lacks this kind of tradition and starts much later. pp. in Annali dell' Istituto Orientals di Napoli 49 (1989).. see E.'genero de plantas orientales de la familia de las orquidaceas'. 'Ottoman Medicine and Transculturalism from the Sixteenth Through the Eighteenth Century'. pp. id. They cover a large spectrum of types of materials. which was classified as Arabic but contained a text in Judeo-Spanish aljamia. It is only in the last two decades that attempts have been made to identify and study with some consistency unpublished manuscripts in Spanish including medical ones. pp.* A completely different manuscript in JudeoSpanish aljamia in a Sephardi Oriental hand. pp. arundo canax or arundo cano. Murphy. 289-300. Another manuscript on paper of which some con30. Within this context another priority has been to reveal the range of genres in which Spanish was used. 'Religion.. 'A Medieval Spanish Translation ol'Avot: Genizah fragments'. Historia y las Biblias Romanceadas'. also comes from the Genizah. possibly of the seventeenth century. My thanks go to the University Library Cambridge for the permission to publish material in its possession. It is part of what was a larger codex on paper.. The case of one Genizah manuscript. 4 Incipit Recevtario qe ordeno el disqreto savio Arnau de Vil[lanov]a Disho el disqreto savio mediqo Arnau de [. poor communities of the East. pp..] se mete en una redoma de garganta larga y el azeite ke sale ensima se akoje [. i. 210-215.e. Although undated. 6 Arodel = possibly from Portuguese 'arunda' . 'The family in JudeoSpanish Geniza letters (16th-17th century)'. .5 It contains instructions on how to elaborate "Azeite de arodel6 machukado bien y bien [. isolated.] put it into a long necked flask and the oil that comes out is good for colds and flatulence").. 219-223. aljamiada and aljamiado all refer to the vernacular in Hebrew script. 115-134. in Revista Catalana de Teologia 13 (1988). which used to be described as the barbarous. The point may need emphasis for two reasons: firstly because of the traces of preconceptions about the cultural character of Judeo-Spanish speaking communities. in Vierteljahrschrift fur Sozial... These efforts have led to the publications of the text or parts of the texts of various manuscripts in Judeo-Spanish from the Genizah collections.

by now. pp. from a different perspective. it could be used to answer different types of questions. Similarly. But. date of completion or publication. as is the case with printed texts. unlike the materials they were familiar with. it should be clear that we can speak of a corpus of medical materials from the Genizah in Spanish. there are others of a more hybrid type. E. under mazal sartan li-nekevah ("sign of Cancer for female") we read alongside personal prognostications about the fate of the woman. etc. may possibly be equally pertinent to an evident phenomenon: the existence of a hispanophone reading public and linguistic community in early modern (fifteenth to seventeenth centuries) Cairo. 'Sephardi Culture of the Genizah People'.8 This wide range of types of medical material in Spanish in the Genizah might be shown further by the presence in the University Library Cambridge's other collections of Genizah material. 9-34. as may be judged by its symbols and sacred names of angels. translated by Laguna. haemorrhage and for the treatment of kidneys as well as a kind of amulet and talisman. possibly of the fifteenth century. pp. This is a completely different type of work and can be approached. Aramaic and Arabic. arranged according to birth signs.. 1080 (that is the material acquired before Schechter's journey to Cairo). . the ones now underlying scholarly endeavour in the history of medicine as in other areas. n. Of these I propose to concentrate here on the questions which touch on the history of reading and the function of read7 8 9 E. Ibid. This is possible principally because of the original material discovered in the last two decades. accustomed to the material in Hebrew. Gutwirth. questions as to title. although published without reference to the Genizah. Gutwirth. of a fragment of the printed De materia medica by Dioscorides. a few fragments. 'Geniza Fragments' (cited above. The Genizah material that I mentioned rarely answers the questions of conventional literary history based on printed material. Thus. might have seen these as eccentric curiosities which. is in a Sephardi rabbinic cursive in JudeoSpanish aljamia. under the call mark Or. mostly in Hebrew characters and mostly manuscript. in Michael 14 (1997). 219-223. authorship. others which are of a clearly physical and medical nature such as "she will have good flesh and eyes and voice [. were not representative of the culture of the Jews of Cairo who used the Genizah.9 In addition to such Genizah manuscripts where Spanish is the dominant linguistic element."7 Another manuscript. But it is possible also because of the renewed awareness that hybrid materials which include Spanish are also of relevance. 4).LANGUAGE AND MEDICINE IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE 81 joined leaves have survived.] she will be sick at the ages of five and thirty-eight and 49 and 64 and she will die of fever. seems to act both as prescriptions against ringworm. Older generations of researchers.. It contains astrological prognostications for male and female.

some of the evidence for the currents of migration from the Iberian peninsula to Cairo. see I.acronym for Rabbi Isaac ben Sheshet Prefet (or Barfat) (1326-1408). There were Jews and converses who travelled from the Iberian peninsula to Egypt and left traces of their travel throughout the fifteenth century. are also part of this history. This was done in order to reconstruct the cultural phenomenon behind the increase of manuscripts in Hebrew in the characteristic Sephardi hand of the period.82 ELEAZAR GUTWIRTH ing medical material in this linguistic community. Hinojosa Montalvo. the question of dates. Although it is sometimes assumed that the Iberian communities in Cairo originate with the expulsion of 1492. 9). 3. The Genizah material I mentioned is rarely dated but the approximate paleographic impression is that most of it is late medieval and early modern.13 There is no doubt that the expulsions enriched this community but it is also highly probable and. 218. speaks of the community of Catalanos from the time of the Ribash10 ("mi-gerush shel katalanos ve-zeh karov le-120 shanah b-ymei Ribash"11). / There is. documented that conversos continued to travel to Cairo after the expulsions. By the 1480s. that is to say. that is to say. before the expulsions of the 1490s. where he mentions fifty families of converses in Cairo. The Jews of the Kingdom of Valencia (Jerusalem. 472: "[T]he kofutsayin are like ma'araviyim for they were from the expulsion of the catalanos about 120 years ago in the days of Barfat". Goldman. . p. The Life and Times of Rabbi David Ibn Abi Zimra (New York. contemporary texts do attest to the existence of Iberian Jewish communities from at least the time of the attacks on the Iberian juderias in the summer of 1391. in his letter of 1488. Thus. p.12 The contracts between Iberian Jews and Iberian Christian shipowners around 1492 for transportation of books such as those published by Hinojosa Montalvo. I am interested in the historical and intellectual context of the Genizah corpus of medical manuscripts for a hispanophone public. Teshuvot. 1970). n. p. 12 Gutwirth. David ibn Abi Zimra. 10 Ribash . n. amongst Genizah material as well as the parallel and more noticeable increase of Genizah material in Judeo-Spanish aljamia. vol. 11 Ibn Abi Zimra. 'Sephardi Culture' (cited above. as it were. 2. in many cases. from the end of the fourteenth and beginning of the fifteenth century. 1993). M. to begin with. the sixteenth-century rabbi of Cairo. 13 J. But one also finds remarks which attest to a general perception of Egypt as a haven rather than as a purely accidental destination. Recent work has attempted to collate. Spanish rabbi and halakhic authority. there was in Cairo a fully formed and distinct linguistic community of Iberian Jews and converses who could be the object of descriptions such as those of Obadiah di Bertinoro. 85. Above all.

'Edward Lee and Alfonso de Zamora'. no. an aljamiado manuscript containing a Portuguese translation of an astrological work which includes. These considerations could possibly lead to rethinking or reinforcing what we know about the connections between Iberian Jewish scholarship and that of Renaissance England. 15 Bodley Laud. translator.] de la Bibliotheque Imperiale (Paris. 15). but of a Jewish Iberian reading public of vernacular medical texts or texts relevant to medicine. in Miscelanea de estudios arabes y hebraicos 37/38 (1988/99). Or. one. the existence of a continuity of cultural character and endeavour.18 In any case the inscription could be interpreted as showing an early. One may recall the currency amongst Iberian Jews.LANGUAGE AND MEDICINE IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE 83 // The first factor that I would like to point to here is. I. 267-272. 1954). 'Two Old Portuguese Astrological Texts' (cited above. On a leaf of the manuscript we can read the inscription. 295-299. 17 Gonzalez Llubera. a complex and sophisticated work reflecting classic Greek and Arabic astrology. or the case of the fifteenth-century Iberian Jewish scribe. O'Callaghan. in 14II. El libro conplido en los iudizios de las estrellas (Madrid. p. a serious prose which included scientific texts. The Learned King (Philadelphia. therefore. and more relevant to us. 282 I. sixteenth-century awareness of the impor14 See H. epidemics and plagues caused by the influence of the stars. Gutwirth. See also G. So that we can speak not only of one author. for example of a 23-folio aljamiado manuscript of Juan de Sacrobosco's Sphaera mundi. 16 J. who. such as marginal glosses. Joseph ben Rabbi Gedaliah. Catalogue des manuscrits hebreux [. of at least eight different hands. 'Two Old Portuguese Astrological Texts in Hebrew Characters'. pp. Zotenberg. 18 E. but here I would like to point to the sciences in general and medicine in particular as part of this project. n. in Romance Philology 6 (1952/53). a prose which was intellectually ambitious. published by Gonzalez Llubera:17 "These bookes were written by a Jewe in Hebrew characters but in a vulgar language whereof Dr Dee did make speciall Account".. that is to say. There are traces. 1105. 1866). pp. a book described by O'Callaghan16 as the most important of the Alfonsine collection of astrological treatises.. Gonzalez Llubera. amongst other sections. This manuscript was acquired by John Dee in Louvain in 1562.]4 beginning. 1993). 143. Jewish investment in this cultural project has been dealt with elsewhere.. . copyist. and scribe. the creation of a vernacular prose. on the ways of counteracting sickness. is the product of the labours of another scribe. 1 5 invested his time and effort in a Hebrew transcription of the Libra conplido en los iudizios de las estrellas by Abu al-Hasan ibn Abi al-Rijal. Also at the Bodleian Library in Oxford. in Hebrew characters: "el tratado de la esfera en cuarro capitulos". Hilty. More precisely it concerns the relation of this linguistic community to one of the most important cultural phenomena in late medieval Iberia.

845-943) Treatise on Fever. in Journal of Semitic Studies 14 (1969).20 presented as a dissertation to the Universite Laval in Canada in 1990. 20 E. Around 1450. medical preD. Simon ben Zemah Duran. amongst other sources for determining the precise nature of the substance. herbals.84 ELEAZARGUTWIRTH tance or character of the phenomenon of fifteenth-century Jewish aljamiado scientific texts. this is a case of the fifteenth-century Iberian Jews' possession and reading of Romance medical literature. Contribution al estudio paleografico y linguistico del Tratado de lasfiebres de Isaac Israeli (Montreal. and also the reading of medical texts in the vernacular there is a further context for the Spanish medical material in the Genizah. others. no. that is. This second context may be described as the engagement in medicine and related areas by the Iberian Jews in the Ottoman Empire including Egypt in general and Cairo in particular. Arabic and some Latin medicine as well as books on simples. which permits us to follow a text which is superior to Jose Llamas's earlier pioneering effort. Again. 1945). Here it may be of interest to recall that. 21 Ishak ibn Sulaiman al-Isra'ili: [Kitab al-Hummayat] Tratado de las flebres. the attention to the possession. ed. and this book of the Romans was concerned with Romance terms in current use amongst the Jewish women of Mallorca in his lifetime (1361-1444). the Mallorca-born physician. such as cases of synonyms and paraphrases.21 In the first half of the fifteenth century. 19 . 28. 'Isaac Israeli's Kitab al-Hummayat and the Latin and Castilian Texts'. Apart from its specialized lexic features. 1891). wrote a letter on a natural ingredient. materia medica. one Castilian Jewish translator engaged in this translation produced the manuscript of more than 130 folios (and. Equally relevant to the field of medicine is the case of the fifteenth-century translation into the vernacular of Isaac Israeli's (Qairwan.22 /// Apart from the factor of continuity. the creation. 80-95. Latham. pp. 1995). This engagement was closely connected with the possession of books (mostly manuscripts it would appear). approx.19 preserved at the Escorial. could be interpreted as traces of the fifteenth-century Jewish Castilian translator's own individual labours. The books were of various kinds but included the classics of Greek. Boucher. he used what he calls "a Roman book": "u-ve-sefer refu'ot la-romyim ra'iti" ("in a book of remedies of the Romans I have seen"). He already referred to Llamas's edition and asserted that "[i]t leaves much to be desired". 22 Teshuvot Simeon ben Zemah Duran (Lemberg. Jose Llamas (Madrid. according to Latham. At least this is the impression confirmed by a reading of Esther Boucher's recent paleographic transcription. eighty-four thousand words).

23 . etc. They do not understand much of it. Heyd relies partly on the Viaje. The story itself aims to show the ingenuity of the Christian Spanish captive . Pedro continues and says that they have no universities but they teach each other and do things almost by inheritance. in Oriens 16 (1963). Pedro replies that only very few are.Pedro de Urdemala . The typical book of Iberian Jewish physicians in the Ottoman Empire is described as follows: "a book which says in the Romance: 'in order to cure such and such a disease such and such a remedy'". Pedro de Urdemala's interest in the books of the Iberian Jews in the Ottoman empire is expressed elsewhere. as he puts it. tr. 24 M. asserts Pedro. in one of the dialogues Juan asks him whether their books are expensive and Pedro replies that when the physician of the Great Turk. although I would not give four reales for it". 'Moses Hamon. so that the father leaves his barreta and his book (to his heirs). To which sally Juan replies. that masterpiece of sixteenth-century Spanish prose. completed around 1552. The narrative insists on the fact that the Jewish physician wants to speak in the Romance with the Christian Spanish captive. Heyd. This is a phenomenon which may be reconstructed from the travel narratives of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. too: "Are they literate?" asks Juan de Votoadios. and those are the ones "who went there from here". But it is the circumstantial details which may be of interest here. He writes about the books of the Iberian Jewish physicians elsewhere. A. Bataillon. pp. "run away" to the Ottoman Empire from Spain. Amon. 1966). is also a storehouse of narratives about Iberian Jewish physicians in the Ottoman Empire. although without having read Bataillon's Erasme or its more upto-date rendition in translation by Alatorre. says Pedro . a description which could apply perfectly well to some of the manuscript fragments mentioned above.LANGUAGE AND MEDICINE IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE 85 scriptions. Thus. The Viaje de Turquia. But there are some who know Arabic and read Avicenna. Erasmoy Espaiia. Elsewhere attention is paid to the Jews' cures by means of herbs brought from India or U.eight thousand ducates and surely they were worth as much. Alatorre (Mexico."like those in Church" . There are certainly more than one would suspect from Heyd's article on Moses Hamon. 152-170.24 One of the Viaje's stories concerns Pedro de Urdemala's Jewish master when he was a captive in Constantinople. The Jewish physician at the Sultan's court is portrayed with a big book .written in Hebrew characters. his library was estimated to be worth five thousand ducates because it was all in manuscript and "he had paid for it . Chief Jewish Physician to Sultan Suleyman the Magnificent'.as I often heard him vanquishing his Jewish master in front of the Sultan. Their books do not contain the causes of the illness. died (in 1554). Earlier he had specified that many Jews had. "nor would he have given two reales for your library".23 a standard reference on the history of Ottoman Jewish physicians.

Above all there is the underlying subliminal message. their preservation of Spanish. 1942. their herbs and herbals. or who was its author.86 ELEAZAR GUTWIRTH to the "recetazas de un pliego". Again a description which could well apply to the Genizah manuscripts I mentioned earlier. En Maymon Galipapa's satire which I studied some time ago could be a Hebrew example of the genre of invective contra medicos. 24) on p. Munster's Cosmography also gave some information on the customs and institutions of the Turks.21 It may. the dynasties of physicians . the Jewish physician Moses Hamon.261 will not enter into the large polemic concerning the truthfulness of the account. 'Moses Hamon' (cited above.29 To us it is not particularly important whether Pedro saw one naked hand of the princess Mir-i mah at the Sultan's court or two naked hands or whether she really did take off her veil for him. What may be inferred is something different. may be found in a footnote in the Spanish edition (see above. Fernando Salinero. In 1548 there appeared in Florence the Trattato de costumi et vita de' Turchi of Giovan Antonio Menavino. 'Para la lectura completa del Viaje de Turquia Edicion de la "Tabla de materias" y de la "Turcarum origo'". 28 Bataillon's admission. n. whether it is firsthand or not. and ed. Madrid. n. in reply to his critics. be remarked that even Bataillon conceded that "pudo utilizar ciertos relates orales de cautivos fugados". n. Vian. Erasmo (cited above. Particularly noticeable are the many stories about Jewish physicians at court. Not irrelevant is Heyd's remark on the intensity and frequency of the appearance of Turkish words in the text. Heyd. 339-348.the practice of medicine as a family inheritance along with the titles and the books. F. 1992).25 Bataillon has argued that the filiation of the Viaje is with printed cosmographies or travel literature. 24). pp. their books. Bataillon. 26 27 25 . to judge by Florencio Sevilla and Ana Vian Herrero's recent article in Criticon. Indeed the Viaje contains a long series of stories about Jews in the Ottoman Empire. And here there are certain components of the stories which are of particular interest. 29 E. a polemic which has by no means abated. 682. Sevilla. XIV)'. the amalgam of the motifs of the Jewish physician at court with those of the Jewish exiles from the Iberian peninsula.28 In the final analysis it is evident that the stories as they stand bear a close resemblance to the incipient picaresque literature as well as to the Rabelesian spirit or analogues noted by Bataillon and to motifs of international folklore. so clearly communicated even after the often risible and absurd details of the stories Viaje de Turquia (Buenos Aires. with an Italian translation by Georgiewitz. 1980). 'En Maymon Galipapa: Texto y contexto de un intelectual ilerdense (s. in Criticon 45 (1989). In 1550. Gutwirth. 5-70. nevertheless. in Adas Coloquio de Historia de los Judios en la Corona de Aragon (Lerida. pp. n. It may be recalled that medieval satires against physicians referred to their books and to issues such as the immorality of the physician who examines a female patient. 42. 23). A.

The travel literature proper confirms such an interpretation. Rather than seeing it as an anecdotal.30 The narrative of the many travels of Luis de la Ysla after 1492 bears witness to the preservation of a number of cultural traits amongst the Iberian Jewish exiles in Italy and in Egypt. And yet it is not a novel but an autobiography whose provenance is the Archive of the Inquisition in Valencia. Fita 'El judio errante de Illescass'. The visual images in Nicolay's book are part of its success story. he does so as the servant of a Portuguese surgeon who is a converse: "Maestre Rodrigo cirujano Christiano Nuevo".130-140. pp. their importance in the profession of medicine and as apothecaries in early modern Egypt. present their own problems. Nicolas de Nicolay. IV The travel narratives. . decides to travel to the Ottoman Empire. which are sometimes so clearly differentiated from travel novels or fiction. Indeed the travel narrative of Luis de la Ysla. The engraving "Medicin luif' has the Ottoman Jew holding possessively a volume in his right hand. But both genres coincide in that they pay attention to such phenomena of the Iberian Jewish exiles in the Ottoman Empire. their possession of books of medicine and herbals. who was in Constantinople around the middle of the sixteenth century. He writes at relative length about the Jewish physicians in the Ottoman Empire and relates the themes of medicine to those of languages and books.LANGUAGE AND MEDICINE IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE 87 become blurred. as their preservation of the vernacular. accidental coincidence. a Spaniard who had been born as a Jew and raised as such in Illescas. one might interpret this as a random sample of the large migration of converses and Jews to the Ottoman Empire. Lyon Davent is the artist. the binding seems particularly luxurious. in Boletin de la Real Academia de la Historia 6 (1885). asserts the cultural superiority of Spain by satirizing that of the Ottomans. But what is of interest here is the fact that when Luis de la Ysla. published a book about his impressions in 1567-1568. A work written at a time of hostilities between Spain and the Ottoman Empire and trying to raise morale. namely that all these themes are significant. around 1506. It has been recently argued that the iconic element is paramount and that symbolism and a special dynamic characterize the relation between text and image in this book. that they form a noteworthy part of the culture of the period. It is a measure of the importance of Ottoman Hispano-Jewish medicine in the vernacular that such efforts are invested in attacking it. seems as fantastic as that of the Viaje. It is a dynamic of serenity but it is the serenity of the 30 F. a migration which included that of the large proportion of individuals engaged in medical professions.

Such channels work in both directions. 'Les hebraisants Chretiens de la Renaissance'. They might partly explain the phenomenon of the manuscript (part of the Hebrew manuscripts collection of Gaster at the John Rylands Library) in JudeoSpanish aljamia in an Eastern Hebrew hand that contains three medical works by the physician of the Emperor Charles V. C. Sefarad 22 (1962). The elderly man shows him all the antiquities of the island and the place where Dioscorides had died. 32 F. E. pp. Yerasimos (Paris. 1575). Luis Llobera de Avila. de Nicolay. the remnants of antiquity and the Jews of the Eastern Mediterranean that one finds in the sixteenth-century narrative of Thevet's Cosmographie Universelle (Paris. M. While the main thrust of these stories concerns the fruits of the Christian traveller's observations and his appropriations of the culture of the Orient..31 V This relation between the particular cultural practices of Renaissance Europe and the physicians of the Ottoman Empire is a subject which deserves more attention but one may mention here the frequent amalgam of interests in such themes as visual representations. a visit to the tomb of Galen elicits a comment on the Jews who have many books by Galen which are unknown to Latinate Christians and which they keep secret. 'The Hispanicity of Sephardi Jewry: A Genizah Study'. On the island of Bogaz Assar he dines with a rich Jew who is one of the greatest herbalists in Asia. a discussion which evokes for us the discussion on the nature of the pearl in the Shevet Yehudah (and of course in many other sources such as Cardan). in Revue des Etudes Juives 145 (1986). the analogy being from the rising cultural phenomenon of the sixteenth-century theatre. . In Cyprus. My main interest concerns his story about a Jew of Alexandria. p. Gomez Geraud. namely that the access to the book is an essential part of the Jewish physician's image. 1989). which I studied on another occasion. they could also be seen as evidence for the type of channels through which the Jewish population of the area could absorb the interests of learned Europe. 347-357. Dans I'Empire de Soliman le magnifique.88 ELE AZAR GUT WIRTH master. Secret. The case of the visual representation of the Ottoman Jewish physician conveys. On the island of Baharen he meets two Jewish physicians who discuss "the nature of the pearl". Thevet showed a rabbi a portrait of Dioscorides who looked like that Jew. S. the serenity of the wise en scene. during Lent. pp. One day. eds. Gutwirth. also the argument contained in the text's literary representation. apart from the high social status. 181. 122 ff.32 31 N.

Harant. and A. 18 la and 192b) he tells us how the physicians in Turkey. ed. Egypt. for the best of motives. Ko2ik(1854 and Praha. thus associating them. Harant. He also mentions the Jewish printing press in Constantinople where he asserts that Jews print in Spanish. 1988). Alfred Thomas of Harvard University for his help with this text. prides himself in citing proverbs in their original languages. Hippocrates. He refers to the books which the Jews of Cairo have on medicine: Galen. Serapion. and who seems to have read Beuter's history of Spain sees a certain congruence in speaking of the exiles. F. K. spices. 1972). e. £esta Krystofa Haranta z Polzic a z Bezdruzic a na Pecce z kralovstvi Ceskeho do Bendtek: odtud do zeme Svate. Some of the points of relevance here are obscured by the French translators of the Cairo edition33 who decided. it may be mentioned. My thanks to Prof. See. Aristoteles. zeme Judske [. of the Jews of Cairo and of their activities in fields such as medicine.. a sixteenth-century nobleman from Western Bohemia. pharmacology and commerce in medicines. 34 33 . granted that most of these productions were in Hebrew characters and that the fact had been noted before. C. drugs. to leave out much of the narrative concerning the Iberian Jews of Cairo because it perpetuates racial stereotypes.. the Almansor of Razis. In the third book of his Observations (fol. Plato. He refers to the Jews of Egypt in 1598 as engaging in medicine.34 On a first reading this seems to be a mere restatement of Pierre Belon's description.LANGUAGE AND MEDICINE IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE 89 VI KriStof Harant de Polzic et Bezdruzic (1564-1621). In other words. It may be remarked that he is not as wrong as one might imagine. he moves from a paragraph on the expulsion of the Jews from Spain to another on the economic activities of the Jews in Cairo and from there to the Jewish involvement in pharmacology and medicine. As a herbalist (amongst other interests) he was especially attentive to questions relating to herbs. a traveller with interests which include Spain and its Jews. is an example of one of these travellers who left us a narrative of his voyage to Egypt. Syria and Anatolia are mostly fact.g. botany and medicine. pharmaceutics. he quotes a Spanish proverb "la osadia mucho aprovecha en las cosas dudosas" and on occasion speaks with Jews .in Spanish. as well as others in Turkish and Arabic. Pierre Belon du Mans (1517-1564) had visited Egypt in the late 1540s (he left it in October 1547) and the editio princeps of his Observations came out in Paris in 1555. It is easy for the Jews to know everything about medicine because they are able to use the books of the Greeks. the Arabs and the Hebrews which were Voyage en Egypte de Christophe Harant.]. eds. Brejnik (Cairo. To us their importance lies not only in the data but in the contiguities of the themes and the way Harant moves from one motif to the next. a Jewish woman ..

They extract about a drachma every time. 389^01. 'Fragmentos de Siddurim espanoles de la Geniza'. The Jews of Cairo hold them in great square cages with bars. They have more simples and herbs and ingredients than they have in Europe. Again we find the association of the Cairo Jews with pharmaceutical substances. After describing the "quatre sortes de Religieux Mahometistes". pp. who was in Cairo and Alexandria around 1581. e. Sometimes it depends on earlier descriptions. The sweat is extracted twice a week. in his list of medical books available to the Jews. Needless to say. Jean Palerne. When extracted. 36 Voyage en Egypte tie Jean Palerne Foresien 1581. such travel literature has its own rules and logic. Yerasimos. Jews. The best Venetian druggist or pharmacist will not have such a range of small herbs as those in Turkey. wrote a chapter in his Peregrinations devoted to the description of the religious. For this reference. the priests of Egypt. The animal is very savage .90 ELEAZAR GUTWIRTH translated into their vernacular. They feed them with raw mutton and beef. so that his description is not identical with that of Belon. such as those by Hippocrates. Harant does seem to add some and omit others. On him and Sephardi Jewry see. 285 ff. E. 37 The first edition of Thevenot's Voyage du Levant dates from 1665. i. It is an interest which persisted for a long Thevenot tells us. 114f. It 35 The editio princeps of Belon's Observations was published in Paris in 1555 by Guillaume Cavellat and Gilles Corrozet in quarto with woodcuts by Arnold Nicolai. They are dressed like laymen and are ignorant and full of superstition like all the rest of the people without any knowledge of the sciences "apart from a few who . Observations about Jews are rarely unmediated by religious or racist bias. in Sefarad 40 (1980).imitating the Franks try to learn medicine from the Jews.. he speaks of their priests. the vernacular are components of an image which seem to be indelibly associated in these descriptions of the Levant from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. 1971).g. not in quantity but in diversity. see pp. Thus Jean Thevenot arrived in Egypt at the beginning of 1657 and stayed in Cairo about two years.35 All the same. Galen. In a chapter on Ethiopia37 he decides to devote considerable space to the civettes (civet cat or civet). Gutwirth. .. medicine. Most of the pharmacists in the cities of Turkey are Jews. Sauneron (Cairo. presentation et notes de S. of the Paris 1980 edition. it is off-white tending to grey and it slowly changes to brown. from whose anal glands a substance is extracted which is highly prized in perfumery. pp. with introduction and notes by St. the Almansor. The Jews of Cairo have many of these civets amongst them.e. Serapion and others. commerce and knowledge of pharmaceutical substances."36 This shows a particular interest on the part of European travellers in the involvement of Jews in medicine but also in their elaboration. The first edition of his Voyage du Levant appeared in 1665. Avicenna. books.

which is in an early sixteenth-century hand. for example? The internal evidence offers a rich and complex picture which contrasts with the relatively simple descriptions of the travellers. as plagiarisms or topoi. the Iberian Jewish vernaculars. 'Fragments of a Medical Vocabulary from the Cairo Genizah'. Indeed. therefore. I think both are excessive positions. books. R. substances and spices. T-S K14. Campanton's medical super-commentary in these travel narratives. foods. in Jewish Quarterly Review NS 20 (1935/36). with medicine. 39 38 .. Gottheil writes: "what the la'az is I do not know . Every theme must be examined on its own terms. on the other. pp. We do not expect to see mentions of. does this association of Ottoman and. herbs. consisted of the compilation of books of properties about the herbs.48 is a fragmentary manuscript in Hebrew concerning medicine. present-day readers move between two poles. of the type of medical literature being read in the Ottoman Empire. The author writes that he composed and collected the book N. i. Avicenna in Renaissance Italy (Princeton. etc. 1987). Siraisi. 7-27. As is well-known. G. are ignored. Others were prescriptions arranged under a heading for the symptom. Cairo Jewry. as unproblematic. which expresses the intention of the book: "we shall bring the primary. simples. On folio 28 verso we have what seems to be a statement of intentionality or introduction.LANGUAGE AND MEDICINE IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE 91 is possible that the recourse to Avicenna and to translations from the Hebrew in Europe38 is part of the background. An example of the first might be an unpublished Genizah fragment from the circles of the Sultan's court. and. and hence rejecting them outright. secondary and tertiary forces or properties of the foods and drugs and we shall mention every property's name in the Arabic tongue and afterwards in la'az". but it also confirms them. towards these travel narratives. One aspect of the working method of medical authors and. for example. determining the frequent mention of Avicenna in these travellers' narratives whereas many others. Alliance manuscript H 154 A was cited by Gottheil39 when analysing and editing another Bodleian Library manuscript. in particular. according to Gottheil. A rich array of types of writing exists. perceiving them." The characters. two attitudes. Much of the evidence is still in manuscript and the basic work of identification and provenance still remains to be done. Gottheil. Sometimes it is Spanish. as sources which may be presented or paraphrased as histories of Ottoman Jewry. such as Hispano-Jewish authors. on the one hand. Even the problem of the language cannot be said to have been resolved in all cases. The character of the work contained in the Alliance manuscript may be gauged from the statement on folio 1. such as that in Hebrew-letter manuscripts. really contradict the internal evidence.e. are similar to those in manuscript Livorno 74 (I suspect this is Gottheil's mistake for manuscript Livorno 79).

. the interest in writing lists or treatises on simples based on reading. Crews. 1600'. including C. father of Suleiman. Two of these have been transliterated and analysed in a number of model linguistic studies by Cynthia Crews. One was dated paleographically by Birnbaum to between 1400 and 1450. in Revue des Etudes Juives (1967). Heb. 192-218.40 None of them is a complete codex. The second manuscript contrasts quite sharply with this first one. 1400-1450)'. Crews assumes that 'her doctor' was either an old exile himself in 1492 or that his writings were brought over to the Middle East (?) by HispanoJewish exiles after 1492. He continues and asserts that people had become ill "because of the (torah) exertions of the journey and the heat and the cold" and "people as they are people cannot remember all the simples which are in existence and the various remedies [trufot ha-mithalfot be hiluf ha-zeman] which change with time".92 ELEAZAR GUTWIRTH ("kibasti ve-hibarti") from the writings of the great men of the past. pp. The author could read not only Judeo-Spanish but also other forms of Ibero-Romance. id. He identified the Hebrew hand as Spanish. "because many times I was with the King Sultan Salim may his soul repose in Eden when he was hunting in the cold or in the heat we would be travelling in the cities and in the fields and in the vineyards to hunt". in Vox Romanica 22 (1963).. his exalted son who evidently was alive at the time of writing unlike his father who had died in 1520 of cancer (if it is indeed Selim I. 'A Judeo-Spanish Medical MS (c. This manuscript contains prescriptions for various symptoms or afflictions arranged by brief rubrics in Hebrew which are translated into Spanish. The paper is Oriental. It is important to recall that he is copying from a number of older sources then extant and at his disposal. Bound from folios 95r to 102v. field observation and experience. it contains a large number of Turkish words.e.. that is. such as Avicenna. This is one example of the currency of the practices described vaguely by the travellers. That is to say. this would be an example of that medical literature which the Viaje de Turquia presents somewhat contentiously as typical of Ottoman Jewish medicine and written in the Ibero-Romance language. 40 . the language of the prescription itself. pp. 'One Hundred Medical Recipes in Judeo-Spanish of c. That is to say that we have works resulting from the selection of previous written sources according to the needs of the time and place and also works based on observation. This again confirms and refines the impression given by the Viaje de Turquia and other sources.] imtseah kol over veshav u-ve-zeh yhieh lo yeter se'et"). That is why he decided to write in a book the medicines which are in the field so that anyone may find them ("trufah asher ba-sadeh [. 203 ff. He also was with "bno yarum ve-nitsa ve-gava me'od". as opposed to Selim II who died in 1574 of a concussion and alcohol).63 at the Bodleian Library contains three separate manuscripts of different dates and characteristics.

the reading habits of these Jewish medical writers are particularly interesting. T-S K.e. This is also the time when he mentions explicitly the Genizah as a source and place of provenance of manuscripts. on folio 2v.6 is another unpublished manuscript work of medical lexicography from the Cairo Genizah. The identification of Cairo as a likely place of the provenance of such manuscript fragments would have been improbable at a time when few Judeo-Spanish texts from the Genizah had been identified. morel) we find the explanation la'az trufes ("hem shorashim agulim nimtsa'im tokh ha-arets") or again. are unvocalized. The letter dalet infigado has been added but the reading is quite unambiguous as it contains the diacritics while most other words. the Balkans and North Africa as points of reference. liver. for example. i. of course. under letter kaf.LANGUAGE AND MEDICINE IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE 93 sources in Judeo-Spanish. Here again the text is fragmentary. in Revue des Etudes Juives 155 (1996). "ve-khen be-aravi" ("the same in Arabic"). 'Coplas de Yo$ef from Cairo'. That is to say. both medical. tetimale. 387-400. studied or published. we find the item kaved.. On folio 2 eighteenthcentury . the author adds "it is good for getting rid of verugas". is directed at a public which could understand a Castilian Romance equivalent. and both bought from Wertheimer.14. that is to say. This manuscript. and then we readfigado be-la'az. in what seems to me to be an exquisite example of a regular Sephardi Hebrew hand of the late Middle Ages. Even the few that had been referred to in print were not mentioned by her. That is to say. the language of the instructions for the preparation of the ingredients and also of some of the names of the ingredients.rather than fifteenth. It is arranged alphabetically. . This is the public of works in Spanish but also of more hybrid works where Spanish is one of the elements. as I have argued in a recent article. pp. This is the time when he was offering material to Oxford. This is quite natural if we bear in mind that most of the linguistic studies at her disposal in the 1960s were on twentieth-century . This may deserve emphasis as it is frequently the case that editions of Hebrew manuscripts from the Genizah confuse Ibero-Romance terms with Italian giving a false image of the provenance and culture of the manuscript's writers and readers. For us the compilation from older sources in Spanish.41 Crews thought of the Judeo-Spanish of Constantinople and Salonika. Under kmehin (a kind of mushroom. a herb which contains liquid and is a purgative. we have two texts. both assumed to be 'Oriental' but in JudeoSpanish. Gutwirth. there is no possible mistaking the term forfegato. Thus. both fragmentary. transcribed. the Hungarian Orthodox Jewish bookseller in Jerusalem.Judeo-Spanish and were based mostly on oral research in these locations. writing about yatu'a. 41 E. in 1896.

ethical questions are raised about the fees of doctors and also of pharmacists. he knew what he was saying. 43 G. Thus there are mentions of frequent plagues in various communities. would be read in Turkey. medical ethics. There are references to bloodletting by pricking the ear lobe. Zimmels and Goldman do not exhaust the richness and value of the material at all. Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdes. Cairo in the first half of the sixteenth century. that of Iberian Jewish exiles who have functional and historical reasons for the proliferation in their communities of medical and herbalists' texts in their Romance vernaculars in the Near East between the fifteenth and seventeenth centuries. described as the flesh from a viper or adder or other snakes. or questions about male doctors feeling the pulse of a woman patient or those. the studies of Friedenwald. to mahkuh. When Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo mentioned that his book on the Natural History of the Indies. to blindness and diseases of the eyes. medical practice and herbs. ed. to mummy powder. texts on simples and medicine was a cosmopolitan one. J. Conclusion I have tried to show the possibilities of reconstructing a historical context for the reading culture of Iberian Jews.43 The world of readers of herbals. to contraceptives. Zimmels and others). Scholarship which aims at reconstructing it cannot exclude cultures such as the Iberian. such as roses.more than two are at issue . written in Spanish. to semak. see the bibliography there for the works of his predecessors (H. In any case this Hebrew source gives us an idea of the types of interests in medicine pursued by the Jews of his period and place. H. to tariak.. whose books are being identified Goldman. Rabbi David ibn Abi Zimra (cited above. Friedenwald. In the Teshuvot (responsa) of David ibn Abi Zimra we witness42 a flourishing concern with matters relating to drugs. J. n. to sugar water. 42 . which confirms and enriches the impressions of travellers and serves as background to the Genizah corpus. Historia generaly natural de las Indias [Biblioteca de autores espanoles]. Perez de Tudela Bueso (Madrid.inscribe themselves quite naturally in the cultural context we are trying to reconstruct. 1959). about a married female nurse who touches the private parts of a male under her care. to trees and plants used for medicinal purpose. to kahua made from a fruit called albon. a drug to help bring up children. This may be the context reflected in the correspondence of a Spanish-born rabbi who was the Rabbi of Cairo for about forty years in the sixteenth century. described as the congealed blood of an unclean animal. Evidently.94 ELEAZAR GUTWIRTH These medical texts . again. 11). to the medicinal quality of mother's milk used in medicine and cosmetics and also to cool off fever and as an eyeliner when mixed with egg white. references to the medical uses of barley water.

For reasons which are quite unrelated to the history of medicine but closely bound with the history of religion (the pogroms of 1391. the culture and the religion of the Iberian Jews. the history of medicine in the early modern Ottoman Empire is related to that of the culture of the fifteenth-century Iberian Jews. the expulsions from the Iberian peninsula. .LANGUAGE AND MEDICINE IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE 95 amongst the Genizah and other materials. the rise of the converses). Its study can therefore benefit from close attention to the language.

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by Azariah Figo. a father teaches his sons. which overwhelmed me. through their polished words. 16: 13]. because my feelings and my ability to move around are lost. . to his commentary on Giddulei terwnah is similar to the above by Portaleone: As the Omniscient knows: no sooner had I left my childhood and adolescence behind me .but immediately upon 1 A. the outcry of my neglect of the Torah. led me astray to eat impious bread on a dark path [cf. 33: 4]. 2b. SCIENCE AND JEWISH CULTURE BETWEEN THE SIXTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES GlANFRANCO MlLETTO In the introduction to his encyclopaedic work Shiltei ha-gibborim. Therefore. before God. My nerves yielded to the pains and my sighs still have not ceased. because the whole left side of my body is dead and I can neither put my hand on my lap. / remained silent about goodness and my distress was aroused! [Ps. how they are able to become righteous through God [Isa. as a reparation for my trespasses. I said to myself: 'perhaps my sins will be atoned for. because I let myself be satisfied in my youth with the Sages of the Greeks. who sees me [Gen. when they take the Torah to their hearts and meditate on it day and night. Portaleone.this time is vain and I went after the vanity of a love of the 'children of strangers'. nor go out. in order to maintain caution and composure' [see Job 3:21]. God became enraged with me and I was shaken with horrible pains. I was neither able to get any sleep. since. has grown loud.' The introduction. 45: 25]. secular studies of various kinds . p. so that owing to the bitterness in my soul. 39: 3] But when I lifted my eyes [to the heavens] and repented in my heart. nor to endure. and I did not meditate on the legacy of the community of Jacob dutifully enough [Deut. I had the arrogance to pursue the philosophy and medicine. two years have elapsed and are wasted. in addition to my sins. I have considered my actions and looked at him. which.TRADITION AND INNOVATION: RELIGION. supported on my cane. if. 1612). which are more numerous than the hairs on my head. 4: 17]. the Manto vian physician Abraham Portaleone wrote the following: Since God wanted to punish me and I fell ill. Prov. Shiltei ha-gibborim (Mantova.

p. Sefer binah le-ittim (Lemberg. which deal with it. who bestows kindness upon sinners. 77-85). p. ist wie die Hebe selbst" (Mischnah Terumot. 3 A. which should not be taken seriously. whereby even the current trading prices in Amsterdam are given. see also D. that my hands were weakened from the essential words of the Torah. 175. L. namely the books. since Portaleone and Figo would display a inconsistent behaviour. p. '"Was aus der Hebe erwachst. Italian Jewry in the Renaissance Era (New York. Zinberg. Mention of animal sacrifices and incense gives rise to thoroughgoing discussions on biology and botany (chapters 50-56.]. leads a thoroughgoing explanation of precious stones and their power and value. A description of the vestments of the High Priest. The human mind is too weak to establish the truth. Only the wisdom of the sacred Torah.. whereby I had made the principal thing unimportant and the unimportant the principal thing. vol. So I beheld and recognized the shame of my youth.. Figo appears to be more convincing in his rejection of the secular sciences. chapters 4-12 include a thorough discussion on music and musical instruments.]. a standard opening. The main theme of his collection of sermons. A History of Jewish Literature. from God Himself. B. from which one learns. 42. 1995). quoted from R. which leads mankind to eternal happiness. praise be to Him!2 Such acknowledgements are to be considered as no more than a literary device. Portaleone inserts many chapters on the secular sciences. 'Geschichte und Kultur der Juden in der Renaissance: Neue Wege der Forschung'. For example. so that my eyes were opened wide to my ignorance [. granted me mercy. London. which draws nourishment from the source of knowledge. 1974). p.3 2 Giddulei terwnah. is the appeal to his listeners to occupy themselves with the Torah and to follow its commandments. 1864). Zum hermeneutischen Anliegen Azarja Figos in seinem halachischen Kommentar Gidulei Teruma\ lecture held at the colloquium of the Leopold-Zunz-Zentrum zur Erforschung des europaischen Judentums.. Ruderman. I. along with the techniques used to recognize forgeries (chapters 48-49). Reichman. which would place the credibility of their words in question.. ed. 1648). Sefer bina le-ittim (Venice. 202. Introduction. The wisdom that man attains with his mind is altogether false [. sermon 20. because the truth. how one arrives at bliss through observance of His precepts. I was exceedingly ashamed. Jewish Thought and Scientific Discovery in Early Modern Europe (New Haven. the study of the Gemarah and all related to it. Goldschmidt. 56b. In addition the description of the various tasks of the priests and Levites during the Temple's service offers Portaleone the opportunity to explain the social and political structure of old Israel (chapters 40-43).4). One should not listen to those who assert that man's highest bliss consists in speculation and philosophical investigation. .100 GIANFRANCO MILETTO reaching the beginning of the harvests of the time of my adolescence. 28-30 June 1998. can only be found in the Torah. In his description of Solomon's Temple. 9. quoted from I. is the firm foundation of truth. Figo.

as in it he merely reiterates the criticisms of his great predecessor. rather than by their inner shortcomings and inadequacies. is actually of a very qualified nature and motivated by national and social considerations. Though. 230. Paris. acknowledges that Figo's resistance to rationalism and secular learning. especially in the fields of optics and astronomy. that Figo had no objections or criticisms about Modena's studies in medicine and sciences. a great pietist. From Spanish Court to Italian Ghetto (New York. This was a time of profound cultural transformations Ibid.7 What should our opinion be concerning these apparent contradictions? Is it right to speak of an oscillation between acceptance and rejection of gentile wisdom in Italian-Jewish culture of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries?8 The differentiation between rationalists and anti-rationalists . a fanatical teacher of morality and a strict supervisor of piety. H. SCIENCE AND JEWISH CULTURE 101 Zinberg considers Figo "a typical preacher of the old Franco-German type. although he considers Figo a "anti-rationalist". 203. In the final analysis. pp. 373 f. Barzilay. Bettan admitted that Figo's renunciation of his secular interests was either made too late or was not quite complete enough to affect the essential character of his preaching. it must not be treated very seriously. 1939). D. 1971). Anti-Rationalism in Italian Jewish Thought 1250-1650 (The Hague. Ruderman. 2). were challenged by the new discoveries and knowledge. 1967). Between Reason and Faith. pp. who wishes to know of no theories where it is a question of commandments and religious laws and customs."4 Recently Ruderman has seen the judgement on Figo in the right perspective.. unquestioned principles of the era. he points out the use in Figo's sermons of medical analogies and references to scientific inventions and discoveries. on the other hand Ruderman deduces from the ongoing friendly relationship with Leone Modena. 8 See Y. p. B. n. Judah Moscato. 203. and the traditional culture were thrown into a state of turmoil.the juxtaposition of centrifugal and heterodox forces as opposed to the traditionalists and the representatives of orthodoxy . Jewish Thought (cited above. far from being absolute. Bettan.6 And Barzilay. 7 I. Studies in Jewish Preaching (Cincinnati. pp. n. See also Ruderman. pp. an analysis of the inner weaknesses of rationalism and secular learning is found in his writings. Jewish Thought. 9 See Sermoneta's review of Barzilay's book in Kiryat Sefer 45 (1969/70). 203-208.5 On the one hand. 5 6 4 . p. Yerushalmi. quoted from Ruderman. 539-546. 203 f. I. Also. the prime motivation for Figo's resistance to secular learning and rationalism stems from his deep concern for the Jewish community and its spiritual survival in the face of grave external and internal dangers. E. extraneous to philosophy and science as such. 2). as pointed out not these concepts correspond more with our modern-day way of thinking than with the historical reality?9 The established. p.RELIGION. Jewish Thought (cited above.

The Holy Scriptures use a simple and graphic language for the common people. it is better not to use the Holy Scriptures when it comes to matters of science. who set against the dogmatism of many Aristotelians a new philosophy based on the observation of nature and on experience.10 The precepts of the Holy Scriptures .13 10 Lettera a don Benedetto Castelli. was attacked by Francis Bacon. pp. The new geographical and astronomical discoveries gave rise to a new conception of the world. particularly if they take them literally. Both have their origin in God: the Holy Scriptures are inspired by the Holy Ghost and nature is ruled by the laws which are laid down by God. the Scripture interpreters must try to find the true meaning of the words. In the field of philosophy the Aristotelian system. 18901909).12 Because two truths cannot contradict each other. As a result of the humanistic confidence in the powers of human intelligence. 12 Ibid. which still dominated in the universities.102 GIANFRANCO MILETTO and crises which was not just problematic for Jewish culture. 281-288. vol. 11 Ibid. They must be interpreted. But nature behaves steadily and immutably. God has provided mankind with reason and senses.. but even heresies. not on the authority of Aristotle. such as attributing to God human form and feelings. which agree with the knowledge of nature gained through experience and reasoning.. In the letter. (Firenze." In the questions which concern nature the Holy Scriptures should be the last to be considered. because they are in themselves not of the same precision and consistency as nature. Bernardino Telesio. which Galileo sent on 21 December 1613 to father Benedetto Castelli. and the separation of the sciences from theology was demanded. 5. The Holy Scriptures cannot be wrong. but those who interpret them can be. pp. was questioned. Because the interpreters are not directed by the Holy Ghost and thus can be mistaken. 13 Ibid. The purpose of the Scriptures is to relate a moral lesson to mankind and not to teach the natural sciences. 283 f. may not be challenged by the apparently opposing words of the Holy Scriptures.are absolutely true and indisputable. there grows an intolerance vis-a-vis any type of authoritative limitations on the reason. but for Christian culture as well. not only many contradictions would be manifest. p. In this case. What the effects of nature and experience show us to be true. in Le opere di Galileo Galilei. pp. in order to understand the true meaning of their words. Giordano Bruno and Tommaso Campanella. without regard as to whether her laws are understandable to humans. The medieval principle philosophia ancillafidei. 282 f.. which states that science must come from and be enlightened by theology. 282. For these.writes Galileo . this question is clearly formulated. . 20 vols.

Segal. pp.RELIGION. as. such as astrology or the form of heaven and earth and so on. for example. we needn't be 14 For the opinion of A. 'The Humanist Sense of History and the Azariah de' Rossi Critique of Philo Alexandrinus'. it is easy for every intelligent person to understand that. This does not imply any judgement on the value of one or the other side. not having been bound by Holy Scripture. ed. In love and fear. 1864-1866) [repr. that these writings are in harmony with what is known to succeeding generations [. For other bibliographical references see R. Secondly. Azariah writes: Subject-matter. 196. 372-393.15 And in another passage correlated with Maimonides's opinion about rabbinical statements on astronomy. originates purely in their own human mind. in Italia Studies 46 (1991). The latter is an area of research. therefore. Jerusalem. some historical account. SCIENCE AND JEWISH CULTURE 103 A few decades before Galileo.. here vol. The Voice of God: Jewish and Christian Responses to the Ferrara Earthquake of November 1570'. 15 A. And here they are talking about secondary aspects (milleta bealtna. such as astrology or scientific questions. 1989).14 For de' Rossi. p. everything is the Word of God. A. "side aspects") of the tradition. about which differences of opinion should be allowed. what the Sages stated. . Cassel. we hold it as a crown on top of our heads [. and about which an autonomous personal opinion is legitimate. Selected Chapters from Sefer Me'or einayim and Matsrefla-kessef[Heb. her roots and branches till the top. Historical Consciousness and Religious Tradition in Azariah de' Rossi's Me'or 'einayim (Philadelphia. the rabbinical authority was only valid in the essential aspects of Jewish tradition. whatever our Sages say on scholarly topics. Weinberg.e. Azariah's understanding on this matter is given in the following quote: There is no doubt that everything that we received from our Sages regarding the commandments of the Tora. 1574) caused quite a stir among Jewish intellectuals. Azariah de' Rossi. i. which by its very nature could not conceivably have been uttered at Sinai. of human knowledge. 6981. G. Bonfil. There is no gift of prophesy involved... does not conform to known truth. When they dealt with this kind of research. But. de' Rossi concerning the relationship between religion and science see L. or based on the traditions of the previous generations from whatever nation. For de' Rossi's conception of nature see J. neither changeable nor challengeable. 3 vols. in Jewish Studies Quarterly 2 (1995). which has grown continuously from generation to generation. Veltri. pp. should be considered to be their personal opinion. and. pp. 131-133.] (Jerusalem. In this regard. what the old masters had to say on other subjects. namely for the Halakhah and the fundamental principles of the religious faith.1 have quoted from the translation in G. 1. 390 f. 1970]. 1991). the publication of the work of Azariah de' Rossi entitled Me'or einayim (Mantua..] if.. In this area [of scholarship] we have their permission to listen to those who opposed their views in order to test them by our level of knowledge. Veltri. 'The Humanist Sense' (cited above. D.]. n. or matters which you clearly know they stated as their own opinion. their conclusions are part of God's revelation. 14). everyone did it according to his own talent. pp. de' Rossi. should be interpreted by every intelligent person in such a way. (Vilna. Sefer me'or einayim.

ed. as. Bonfil. see also Ruderman. 16 De' Rossi. 19 Ibid. Externally. 'Expressions of the Unity of People of Israel in Italy during the Renaissance' [Heb. Cooperman (Cambridge. but only as scholars of the time with respect to that matter.19 The risk for Judaism was great. 2). the rabbinical chronology. Internally. Mass.16 Azariah's intention was apologetic in nature. p. and. 270 f. and an attempt to react to a sense of cultural inferiority towards the new discoveries and inventions.18 The numerous assertions of the superiority of the Jewish culture that pervade much of Jewish literature in the sixteenth century. pp. Azariah de' Rossi remained an isolated voice in the Jewish cultural milieu of his time. as much as possible. in Sinai 76 (5735 [1975]). or because they heard it from scholars of those times. The distinction between normative and non-normative issues in the rabbinical literature. in the spirit of the Counter-Reformation. 37. since they had not spoken on the issue in the matter of a prophetic tradition. p. that de' Rossi regarded the critical approach to marginal aspects of the Jewish tradition as the most effective means of defending Judaism. which was manifest in mystical and eclectic tendencies.]. but his intention was misunderstood. 270. their respective religions found themselves in a state of weakness.. and freely examine the rabbinic statements in such matters without placing the authority of the rabbis on the "main points" (the normative issues) of Judaism in question. to endanger the whole system of the religious tradition. . and the restricting of rabbinical authority to only the religious and ethical area. p.. which explains the violent reaction to each suggested innovation. he was considered to be a heretic. in Jewish Thought in the Sixteenth Century. The intellectual position of Azariah was increasingly challenged by his Jewish contemporaries. 35. Jewish Thought (cited above. esp. and id. Unfortunately. 36-46. 23-48. Their intention . at that time. has as an effect that one could accept the presence of inconsistencies in the "side aspects" of the Jewish tradition. 17 R. 34. 'Some Reflections on the Place of Azariah de' Rossi's Meor Einayim in the Cultural Milieu of Italian Renaissance Jewry'. 18 Ibid. who preferred to integrate. B.17 It appears.104 GIANFRANCO MILETTO too particular. which. the Jews were exposed to attacks from the Catholic Church. just like Galileo.. Jewish culture was in a state of deep crisis. It was a matter of preserving their own cultural identity. for example. 2. n. are a symptomatic expression of the consequences of the collapse of the medieval philosophical edifice. and.. The Catholic Church was weakened by the Protestant Reformation and the Jewish tradition was troubled by external and internal difficulties. pp. 33. 1983) separate the science from the faith . London. the whole of the Jewish tradition with the secular world. strove even harder to convert the Jews or to remove them from Christian society through oppressive social and cultural policies. p. vol. Me'or einayim. pp.

toward perfection in his political life. so there is nothing lacking in the Torah.]. 4la. 26b. 2. from all of the world's ways. quoted from that we might enjoy the splendour of God's presence. inadequate and bound to falter. Nor can a person acquire any knowledge unless he is accustomed to logic [. sermon 14. 119-121. n. in which everything is contained. sermon 43. which is condemned. the one which we must follow and what we must do. 3). the Torah is complete and stands on its own: Someone cannot be an astronomer without prior knowledge of physics and mathematics.23 The Jewish tradition is therefore considered a whole. in its nature. in order to remain in the shadow of wisdom. n.21 And Judah Moscato had this to say about the Bible: "Everything is contained in our perfect Torah either explicitly or by way of implication.. 7). p. Sefer nefutsot Yehudah (Warsaw. which guide us to the eternal blessedness . whereas the secular sciences are interdependent. the one which follows would have no foundation. Between Reason (cited above. But our Torah does not require any other wisdom nor any external knowledge. protected from the impiety of the Gentiles. through its words.. 2). otherwise. Between Reason (cited above. sermon 43.20 This was carried out through a revised interpretation of the Bible. n. 22). in the light of the life of the future world . pp. n. pp. 23 Figo. see also Moscato. 24 Figo. which. as such. considered to be the origin of all science and knowledge. 210. Sefer binah le-ittim (cited above. which claims alone to have. at all times. 201. n. 27a. 2. and shows us in a flash. p. from that which is useful. without straining our eyes. that one [field] justifies and prepares for the next..RELIGION. 21 22 . the Torah enlightens us effortlessly. 35b-36a. or to be able to reach the truth . vol. 180. she guides and informs herself with her own conclusions. lacking empirical foundations based solely on intellectual constructs of the human reason. Sefer binah le-ittim. for everything is in her. chap. but only that science. sermon 14 (cited above. p. Jewish Thought (cited above. Jewish Thought (cited above. an absolute standard of truth.. quoted from Barzilay. 41. Whereas some Gentile scholars have spent all days of their life trying to establish which course of action must be taken during times of war and peace. n. and ideas."24 Genuine wisdom is based exclu20 Ibid. Just as its commandments and precepts. Shiltei ha-gibborim (cited above. principles. 1)."22 The proof of the epistemological superiority of the Torah is that. quoted from not remain inaccessible for us. 1871). Portaleone.that is. 2). theoretical knowledge. p. Judah Moscato. Portaleone introduces his chapter about the art of war as follows: All intelligent people know that our Holy Torah is a means of salvation. n. p. SCIENCE AND JEWISH CULTURE 105 thereby. to guide mankind. 36 f. nor a doctor without prior knowledge of natural philosophy. 7). inclusive entity. vol. pp. to prove Judaism's superiority. "is weak. It is not science. p. and Ruderman. the Gematria or the mere form of the letters. It follows.

Vitale da Pisa. acquired through experience. Washington. trans.27 Some years later. And.106 GIANFRANCO MILETTO sively upon empirical knowledge. they sound modern and are up-to-date. but are also consonant with the empiricism of this era. is commendable and should be furthered. 27 See C. namely.. to me is meaningless. 26b. 2).26 Figo's words remind one patently of Judah Halevi's medieval critique of philosophy. was meant for publication) answered the question of Rabbi David ben Judah Messer Leon concerning secular wisdom. even though studies in the practical sciences are nowadays taken from the works of foreign authors. "What is proved from the senses and experience . 1983). in a letter.. is true. Jewish Thought (cited above. even if it was related in a foreign language.] but rather with things felt and familiar through seeing and hearing. similar ideas were asserted in the work of Rabbi Jehiel Nissim Vitale da Pisa. 2. which in Italian-Jewish culture was already being debated at the beginning of the Renaissance. 1993). p. 28 R. as was usual during the Renaissance. . The letter She'elot u-teshuvot bi-debar limmud ha-hokhmot was published by E.28 25 Figo. Minhat Kena'ot (Berlin. 1849). is subject to doubt and arrives at false conclusions. La philosophic juive au Moyen age selon les textes manuscrits et imprimes (Paris. Bonfil. 287. Divrei hakhamim (Metz. 26 Ibid. Because the Torah is truth and all that is true is the Torah. 110-112. the study of the practical sciences."25 Divine Providence also preferred to communicate the Torah on the basis of perceptual knowledge. 1898). 1990). as La filosofia ebraica medievale (Brescia. Minhat kena'ot. On the other hand. see also R. quoted from Ruderman. Thus Figo: The Divine Wisdom understood that the Holy Torah would not be accepted by the Israelite Nation on the basis of knowledge stemming from study and research [. And the rabbis have never rejected knowledge. For Rabbi Jehiel.says Figo . such as metalworking and agriculture.. namely. into It. vol. 63-75. 526 f. They agree with that understanding of wisdom. sermon 43 p. Jacob ben David Provenzale. Rabbis and Jewish Communities in Renaissance Italy (London. according to experience. astronomy and the pursuit of truthful [. pp. pp. the practical sciences are already to be found in the Torah. whereas knowledge beyond nature (namely metaphysics). which pretends to explain all phenomena trough logical argumentation. (which. that only theoretical philosophy. nature. Chiesa. because the practical sciences give us knowledge about things which are a part of God's creation..] but theoretical speculation. publ. by B. pp. Aristotelianism. Ashkenazi. denuded of perceptive knowledge. p. At the end of the fifteenth century. Sirat. was to be censured. n. which. which is contrary to the Torah and denies the creation of the world. medicine. 210. Sefer binah le-ittim. the natural sciences such as geometry and medicine are wisdom.

For the Jewish scholar. 211. 29 See Ruderman. who challenge the dogmatic authority of the Aristotelianism. n. 2). which does not pretend to possess absolute truth. his treatment of scientific subjects is not in conflict with his decision to return to his faith. SCIENCE AND JEWISH CULTURE 107 The conception of science as a result of experiential knowledge is also the fundamental principle of the modern philosophers. can be integrated into Jewish tradition without great difficulties. What Portaleone and Figo regret is not the study of the sciences. Jewish Thought (cited above. but confines itself to describe the appearance of things. but rather the study of the sciences without the enlightenment of the Torah.RELIGION. A science. if one considers the natural sciences as a part of the divine revelation. as he stated in the introduction to his work. it is easier on the basis of this common conception of science. The return of Portaleone and Figo to their faith involves a new conception of science according to the Bible's principle of timor domini initium sapientiae.29 And. to integrate the foreign culture into Jewish tradition. as such. p. It follows then that in a religious work such as Portaleone's Shiltei hagibborim. every distinction between the secular science and religion fades away. .

Weiss. We worked several years ago on a manuscript written by Guglielmo Portaleone and treasured in the Budapest Kaufmann Collection. David Kaufmann (Frankfurt a. Dr. p. Guglielmo (Benjamin) Portaleone was particularly successful and was awarded a title of nobility by the King of Naples in 1438. 'Benjamin (Guglielmo) Portaleone. Kottek. Katalog der Hebraischen Handschriften und Bucher in der Bibliothek des Prof. 269*-278* [Eng. in Ha-rofe ha-ivri 33 (I960). On Shiltei hagibborim. Abraham fathered three sons and a daughter. and followed his father in this tenure.] and 223-238 [Heb. 7-8 (1983). The manuscript bears the number 458 in the catalogue. In 1591 the Pope Gregory XIV granted him the official permit to treat Christian patients. Only his son David continued the medical tradition of the family. S.and his book Shiltei ha-gibborim' [Heb. Anati. He became personal physician to the Dukes of Mantua. in Koroth 8. Abraham's father. 1906). pp. a Jewish Physician in Mantua (17th century)'. A brief bibliography is appended. KOTTEK Introduction Abraham Portaleone (1542-1612) was the son of a family of physicians who served the Dukes of Mantua for six generations. pp. 1987). S. His Life and Will: Reflections on Early Burial'. 2 See S. M. was allowed to treat Christians by special permit of the Pope.]. . In 1566 he became town physician in Mantua. 92109. David's son Guglielmo2 (Benjamin) is the last known of this dynasty of physicians. Shapiro. David Portaleone. see N. 'Abraham Portaleone (1542-1612): An Italian Jewish Physician of the Renaissance Period. 137-144.. 158. in Memorial Volume for Nathan Cassuto (Jerusalem.physician and encyclopaedist .JEWS BETWEEN PROFANE AND SACRED SCIENCE IN RENAISSANCE ITALY: THE CASE OF ABRAHAM PORTALEONE SAMUEL S. 1 See S. Guglielmo and Vincenzo Gonzaga.1 Among Abraham's forefathers. 3 See M. pp. 'R.]. together with his nephew Solomon Portaleone who succeeded him in 1684. Kottek and E.3 Abraham Portaleone earned his medical doctorate in 1563 at the University of Pavia. Abraham Portaleone .

al regel ehad]. botany.. He was rather critical toward his helping hand. Abraham Portaleone never completely neglected Talmudic studies. Portaleone thus appears as a Renaissance scholar. See R. Portaleone remarked that his aim was "to examine whether gold has medical indications as believed physicians of old. including zoology. abuse. Abraham Portaleone was given a thorough Jewish education with some of the best Italian rabbis and scholars. He then settled in Mantua. helped and later succeeded his father in his practice and also performed circumcisions. 775-776. Portaleone. Rabbi Joseph Zarka (Bonaiuto) of Mantua. years] with the help of the Almighty. Portaleone's detailed description of the preparation of grains of refined gold. chemistry. copiose disputatur (Venetiis. 78a. Azariah de' Rossi refers to him as a "storehouse of science". in Mantua. He taught Abraham Portaleone not only Talmud. This brief essay is dated 1582. a book in Latin (on the use of gold). mineralogy. cursing . or aurum potabile) were in use as well. under his own direction.JEWS IN RENAISSANCE ITALY: ABRAHAM PORTALEONE 109 In 1584 he published De auro dialogi tres. as well as music. The Rabbinate in Renaissance Italy [Heb. ta'alat lev]". or not. philology . Paracelsus used it against infections. is a description of the Temple in Jerusalem. Shiltei ha-gibborini1 (in Hebrew). such as Rabbi Meir Katzenellenbogen of Padua (1482-1565).e. 10 Portaleone performed 360 circumcisions and entered all details on these ceremonies in a special booklet as was (and is) the custom. in quibus non solum de auri in re medica facilitate.4 where Portaleone described not only the medical virtues of gold. and you will suffer no heart condition [lit. Rabbi Joseph Sinai8 and others. the way Priests and Levites performed their duties. 1584). 9 Abraham Provenzale was the Rabbi of Casale Monferrato in the Po Valley. fol. Elishama (cf. fol. ac duplici potestate qua mixtis in omnibus ilia operatur. It was allegedly printed in his own house. and was considered heart-strengthening by Ibn Sina. but the author devotes whole chapters to a wide range of topics. pro Ser"+11 Duci'.] (Jerusalem."6 The second book. to whom he had sent earlier a brief sketch on this topic. Bonfil. pp. 5 'Questio de auro. 1612). Joseph Sinai was most probably the son of Leon Sinai who owned a remarkable library including 112 books and manuscripts.and more. 8 R. 25. 3).10 4 A. et caeterarum rerum forma. on his [Guglielmo Gonzaga's] request and hurriedly [Heb. 185b. 7 Shiltei ha-gibborim ("Shields of the Mighty") was published in Mantua in 1612. Shiltei ha-gibborim (Mantova. but also its chemical (and alchemical) properties according to the best available sources. The autobiographic details which are contained in the conclusion of the work are enlightening. Solutions of gold (aurum solubile. 184b). . a few months before the author's death. verum etiam de specified ejus. fol. the printer R. Portaleone. see Ms. warfare. n. 177. 1979)." See A. De auro dialogi tres. This work was addressed to the Duke of Mantua. he studied with Rabbi Judah and Rabbi Abraham Provenzale.5 Gold had been used in pharmacopoeia since antiquity. 458 of the Kaufmann Collection in Budapest (cited above. Later.Heb. n. "which will protect your health for many days [i. interested in all possible avenues of science. See also ibid. left. but also Latin and logic. p.9 Even during his medical studies in Pavia. 6 Quotation from the conclusion of Shiltei ha-gibborim: "I compiled.

The Levites performed a number of duties while helping the priests. 6a-9a). Shiltei ha-gibborim was researched and compiled between 1605 and 1607. 1996). Music and Musical Instruments Portaleone has an elaborate chapter (ch. 25: 7). Tel Aviv. notes 2 and 3. Music in Ancient Israel (London.'' In 1605.13 Portaleone describes the biblical instruments. A few selected examples will now be discussed. According to the author himself. written in 1605. n. 12 Cf. fol. S. 23: 3-5). who most probably handed them over to those of the next generation who practised medicine.]. see (for instance) A. cited above.000 were gatekeepers. This illness prompted him to resume his Jewish studies and to write his work on Jewish antiquities. But this is beside the topic of the present study. 6. On Abraham Portaleone's will. Some twenty names of musical instruments have been identified through the biblical text. Contrary to Jewish custom. Abraham apparently left these two medical works to his son David. the other on medical cases (written in Latin). 6a-7b) on music.110 SAMUEL S. while speaking basically of the Levites' duties in the Temple. 4. the number of Levites fit for work was 38. and practically to enlightened Jewish readers. several chapters of Portaleone's work deal with various aspects of music (chapters 4 to 11. Musical Instruments of the Bible (Oxford. Larrick. 6. 13 On music and musical instruments in the Bible. 228-233 [Heb. 1969). Abraham Portaleone commanded his sons not to bury him until 72 hours had elapsed after his death. He also expands on the laws of harmony and brings a wealth of details on music in ancient times in other cultures. Portaleone was influenced by the Mantuan rabbi and scholar 11 Some of Abraham's cases were described by his grandson Guglielmo (Benjamin) in his own work entitled Consulti medici (still in manuscript). Portaleone suffered a left hemiplegia.the instrument played by David. G. 24. all who were skillful. When King David planned the Temple. 1). see Daniel Sandier. S. and 4.12 We intend to show in the present study how Abraham Portaleone intimately combines sacred and profane science in a work pertaining basically to Jewish antiquities and addressed formally to his sons.] and pp. referring extensively to 'similar' instruments of his time. 271*-274* [Eng.000 praised the Lord with their instruments (1 Chr. the most famous one being the kinnor. Montagu. we did a paper years ago.] (Diss. from which he slowly recovered. As a matter of fact.000 were officers and judges. fol.000 were overseers of daily work at the Temple. which have seemingly not survived. KOTTEK Abraham Portaleone mentions two works. 1990). On music in Shiltei ha-gibborim. at least partially. . was two hundred and eighty eight" (1 Chr. Kottek in Koroth (cited above. a kind of lyre . They were actually never published. Sendrey. But the number of the Levites "who were instructed in the songs of the Lord. Of these.000. pp. The Music Chapters in Shiltei ha-gibborim by Abraham Portaleone [Heb. Musical References and Song-Texts in the Bible (Lewiston. J. one on materia medico. Most probably. 1980).

the camp's lighting . which counted several other musicians .14 published in 1589. in Medicorum graecorum opera quae exstant. 42.e. Nefutsot Yehuda (Venice. gunpowder etc. C. 827: "Atramentum. quoting from Agricola and Paracelsus.JEWS IN RENAISSANCE ITALY: ABRAHAM PORTALEONE 111 Judah Moscato (c. etc. . p. 1821). Arms and shields are described (as well as 'modern' arms. 1622-1623]).and the famous philosopher Azariah de' Rossi. and atramentum sutorium fossile nigrum et album: "gegraben weiss und schwarz Vitriol". The author mentions that the word was often spelled kankanthum by 14 See J. Allegro Porto. Portaleone had therefore no difficulty in finding accurate information on this topic. the Holy Table. the author describes how the Tabernacle itself and the utensils (the Ark. illustravit C.]. book 5. and more particularly Salomone de' Rossi15 were contemporaries to Abraham Portaleone. the laws of ballistics. commune scriptorium ("Gemeine Dinte zum schreiben").v. he has a long development on music (sermon 1). It should be mentioned that Mantua was then a renowned musical centre. Sprengel (Lipsiae. 1589). fol. in his Schatzkammer medicinisch und natiirlicher Dinge (Leipzig. 1593). Jewish composers such as David Civita. therefore the author indulges in a long development on military art and practice. i. while passing through alien or hostile territory. ed. some of them became famous in the synagogal festive liturgy. vol. and therefore a whole chapter is devoted to this technology. quo scribimus [. In the context of warfare. In his book on sermons. Moscato. a full weekly cycle through the year. These pieces were composed for special festive occasions.. in such cases 'sympathetic ink' may be useful. Salomone de' Rossi composed a number of works of Jewish (Hebrew) content (Ha-shirim asher li-Shelomo [Venice. G. 25: Pedant Dioscoridis Anazarbei de materia medicina libri quinque [. 1821-1833). 39b): (1) Prepare a solution of atramentum sutorium16 (called %aAxavS-ov in Greek).) were dismantled and carried by the Levites from one encampment to the other. the altars. 15 Salomone de' Rossi was a scion of the Min-ha-Adumim family. 1530-c. Mantua was thus a particularly prominent location in the history of music in general and of Jewish music in particular.).]". 16 Atramentum is the last entry in Dioscorides's De materia medica. ch. 41726) (s.. Claudio Monteverdi spent there twenty-two years of his life at the court of the Dukes of Mantua. The camp of the Children of Israel was organized like a military camp. another example of enlightened Renaissance Jews. The work contains 52 sermons... secret messages sometimes have to be sent to friends or allies. Glyptography (Sympathetic Ink) When describing the Holy Tabernacle in the desert. Johann Jacob Woyt. Both authors argued that even the basic concepts of Renaissance music were prefigured in the Psalms and that King David may be considered a pioneer of the discipline of music. atramentum) distinguishes between atr. Kiihn (Lipsiae. 182 (183).. Portaleone advocates three methods (ch.and much more.

v. 18 Portaleone's knowledge on materia medica and botany. cap. Seven years after Portaleone's work. (3) Write on someone's body with the milky. 19 See Babylonian Talmud. . 1. the writing appears to sight. Agricola. Fallopius. also Shulhan arukh.] in sex descriptiones digestum (Venetiis. nor print any marks upon you " (Lev. XXV. The work of Giovanni Battista della Porta. Canepario speaks on "Plerique modi scribendi literas latentes" (pp. but if you put on it some solution of Vitriol [i. 1554) and De rerum varietate (Basileae. If the place is later warmed up. sulfuric acid]. Makkot 21a. but we call attention to the fact that a city pharmacopoeia was published in Mantua in 1559 (one of the first ones. may have stemmed from the Dispensatorium of Valerius Cordus (1535). Canepario. if you later rub the place with charcoal. This work was translated into Italian and published in Venice (1560. 1557). repr. 282-285). KOTTEK ignorant scribes. if not the first). Magiae naturalis. In the Quarto descriptio. as well as using succus limonis. 19: 28). Pharmacopee universelle. an observant Jew should prefer the other methods. the script will become visible (s. published De atramentis cuiuscunque generis [. The first method may be called 'scientific'. "Venetiis medicinam profitenti". as Portaleone..18 whereas the others are based on popular lore. you will be able to read. Nevertheless. 1619. sticky juice of unripe figs. The ketovet ka'aka ("a printed mark") is a hapax legomenon in the Bible. the script appears. leaning on Lemery (cf. Other possible sources of the Renaissance period were Matthiolus. and use of juice of fruit or vegetables). or from the works of Leonhart Fuchs.e.31588). he adds. in order not to come close to the biblical prohibition. although the Sages discuss the question whether this is only so if the inscription is related to idolatry. shoemakers' black) mentions that it was used as a drug as well. was a physician. 1560). once it has dried out. are not actually tattooing.. see Geronimo Cardano who mentions it in two of his works: De subtilitate (Lugduni. Portaleone rightly remarks that such inscriptions on the body. He quotes the verse "You shall not make any cuttings in your flesh for the dead.112 SAM UEL S. Pliny (Naturalis historia = Nat. 11. which is illustrated in several parts of his work. 1728). Hist. this will be invisible. Tattooing is thus prohibited by Jewish law. another Italian. it is invisible. 16). Yore Deah 180. above. and remarks "appellant enim chalcanthon". Be this as it may. 283). 17 Woyt (cf. 1680. When one writes something (on the clothes of the messenger) using this solution. atramentum sympatheticum)". gives all the details (use of vitriol and solution of gall. n. or vice versa. Among ancient sources which Portaleone may have used. sive de miraculis rerum naturalium (Antverpiae. Brasavola. or of Foes or Wecker. 125-128). advocates the same method in the opposite way: "Write with a solution of acorn (Gallapfelwasser). being easily washed away by water.21584. or is a general prohibition19.17 (2) Write with a solution of lemon juice or apple juice. He mentions how to write on the body (aliquo membro corporis humani). Yad.. Pietro Maria Canepario. Then Portaleone introduces a remark based on Jewish law. speaking of atramentum sutoriwn (here. If you then put on it some solution of acorn (gall). 1697). And in the Codes: Maimonides. and does not omit the use of aqua stillatitia gallatum and thereafter solutum vitriolum (p. On its use for sympathetic ink. 34. Avodah Zarah 12.



Skirmish (Warfare) After his chapter on cryptography, Portaleone describes several ways of sending messages over a distance, with smoke (during day-time) or fire (at night), or with carrier-doves.20 Then the author has a development on the danger of skirmishes in warfare. He uses the term scaramouche,21 stressing the effect of surprise, particularly at night. Here, the author quotes from the Bible, the passage featuring Abraham's attack on the army that had taken his nephew Lot prisoner. His party counted only 318 fighters, but "He divided himself against them, he and his servants, by night, and smote them, and pursued them [...]" (Gen. 14: 15). This method is quite efficient, Portaleone remarks, but dangerous, for it may happen that two portions of the same party attack one another in the dark; therefore he suggests wearing white clothes above the armour and helmet, in order to be able to recognize each other. He even ventures an original commentary to the biblical source, the Hebrew va-yeihalek ("he divided himself) being similar to a word meaning cloth, or overall (haluk, close to halak). So, according to Portaleone, Abraham used this stratagem of wearing (white) overalls. It appears that Portaleone's interest in philology and linguistics knew no limits. The importance of infiltrating groups of warriors behind the lines of the enemy is also stressed (ibid.). And again the author quotes from the Bible. In case your own army is taken into such a snare, he says, your rear-guard should turn round and face the enemy, as did David's general Joab in his battle against Ammon and their allies led by Aram (2 Sam. 10: 9-10).22 Finally Portaleone remarks that the speed of an attack and the effect of surprise are of prime importance, as documented in the Bible (Josh. 10: 9; 11: 7).23 In one word, these are the lessons of the Bible for 'modern' warfare.

20 When speaking of doves, Portaleone mentions a chapter in the Babylonian Talmud (Hullin fol. 139b) where the Sages deal with the breeding of birds. 21 Scaramouche (Hal. Scaramuccio) was the name of a famous character of the Italian and later French theatre (early seventeenth century but after Portaleone's times). In fact escarmouche (Ital. scaramuccia) means a limited battle, sometimes also an ambush, or, as the author puts it, "playing with the enemies in order to keep them worrying" [fol. 39b and 40a]. 22 (2 Sam. 10: 9-10): "When Joab saw that the front of the battle was against him before and behind, he chose of all the choice men of Israel and put them in array against Aram"; the rest of the army was put in array against Ammon on the rear front. 23 (Josh. 10: 9): "So Joshua came unto them suddenly [...] (at) night". This was the battle at Giv'on, won by Joshua against a coalition of five kings. The other episode (Josh. 11:7) features another battle, at the waters of Merom, against an even stronger coalition, including horses and chariots. Here again Joshua won the battle.



Chemistry: Common Salt Salt was directly related to the performance of sacrifices at the Temple: "Every meal offering you will season with salt" (Lev. 2: 13). Salt is a substance that prevents decay, therefore the Bible speaks of "a covenant of salt forever before the Lord" (Num. 18: 19).24 Portaleone devoted chapter 76 of his work to salt, its various kinds and ways of preparation. Only one aspect will be considered in the frame of this essay.25 In the territory of the Dukes of Parma and Piacenza there is a place called Sales (or Salis). A well (or a pool?) containing salted waters exuding from the depth of the earth, on which floats some kind of natural oil with a very strong smell, can be found there. This oil, writes Portaleone, is very effective in healing "cold" diseases caused by (excess of) phlegm (i.e., the white humor), in the form of ointments. In order to separate the salt from the water, once the oil has been removed, the water is boiled in big copper vessels together with the blood of cattle and sheep. This method is, "as agreed upon by all", the only way to isolate the salt from the water, for it causes the salt to solidify. This effect (so Portaleone) is akin to the effect of lab-ferment on milk in the curdling process (preparation of cheese). With Jewish law forbidding the consumption of blood,26 were Jews allowed to use salt prepared in that way? The problem was that no other kind of salt could be imported in the Duchy of Parma, and this rule was strictly implemented. Portaleone states that "a renowned Jewish rabbinical authority" (whom he does not name) had given permission to all Jews to use this salt. Salt is obviously considered a basic, if not vital, component of the human diet. I think I was able to identify this rabbinical authority: Rabbi Menahem Azariah da Fano (1548-1620), in his Responsa (no. 27) published in 1600.27 Even a good part of the wording has been faithfully reproduced by Portaleone. The topic was again mentioned, quite similarly, in the halakhic
The context is here that of heave offerings (Heb. terumah) which are instituted as "a statute forever" (ibid.). A "covenant of salt" is a bond lasting forever, as the biblical allegory has it. 25 See Portaleone, Shiltei ha-gibborim (cited above, n. 6), fol. 78a. 26 According to Jewish law, meat can only be cooked and eaten once the blood has been extracted. It. is stated in the Talmud that blood cannot be thoroughly extracted from meat unless it is well salted [Hullin fol. 113a]. Blood takes the salt out of the water by allowing it to coagulate, whereas salt takes the blood out of meat by absorption and draining; this is indeed an interesting case of reciprocity. 27 The Responsa of Menahem Azariah da Fano were first published in Venice (1600), then in 1788 (Dyhernfurth) and again in Szeged in 1892. Da Fano lived for some time in Mantua and was still alive when Portaleone died. It seems to me that Portaleone refrained from mentioning his source - possibly because he disagreed with allowing the use of salted products from the Duchy of Parma outside the Duchy. He indeed cautiously remarked: "But I certainly have no intention of objecting to this ruling or of abolishing a custom which has been established for a long period" (Portaleone, Shiltei ha-gibborim [cited above, n. 6], fol. 78a, left col.).



encyclopedia Pahad Yitshak28 compiled by another Italian scholar (and physician), Isaac Lampronti (1679-1756). Precious Stones This topic will be only briefly mentioned, as we studied this aspect in a previous paper.29 When describing the Priests' garments, Portaleone has a long development on the twelve precious and semi-precious stones of Aaron's breastplate. The High Priest's breastplate was called hoshen mishpat ("the breastplate of judgment"), due to its oracular properties. But Portaleone does not restrict his study to the twelve stones; he expands to a (limited) lapidarium. Let us give two examples:
Aetites30 is a stone of intensely green colour [...]. It is called in the language of our ancestors "the stone of conservation" [Heb. even tekumah] [...] and it is permitted to wear it on the Sabbath [...].31 It will be helpful for a woman in order not to miscarry [...]. Some (authors) call aetites the eagle-stone, for they (the eagles) put them with their eggs when they hatch them. These (stones) can be found at the shore of the Ocean and in Persia. Inside this stone there is a second one which can be perceived when shaking it. If aetites is hung at the left arm of the woman, she will not miscarry. And it will be helpful to a birthing woman, if tied at her hip. It helps against epilepsy. And the Chaldeans [i.e., magicians]32 said that if you place one (such stone) on food, if there is in it any poison, you will not be able to swallow the food; but as soon as you put the stone away, the food may be swallowed easily, (fol. 5la, left col.)

28 See Pahad Yitshak, s.v. melah (= salt). This encyclopedia was published irregularly over a long period (from 1750 until well into the nineteenth century). This excursus first appeared in print in part 5, fol. 125b (Livorno, 1839). 29 See S. S. Kottek, 'Names, Roots and Stones in Jewish Lore. Between Magic, Theology and Medicine: An Overview', in Proceedings of the 32th International Congress on History of Medicine, Antwerp, 3-7 September 1990 (n.d. [1991]), pp. 63-74. - Chapters 46 to 49 of Shiltei ha-gibborim deal with this topic. 30 Aetites is not one of the twelve stones of the breast-plate. It is however mentioned in ancient Jewish sources, as we shall see. 31 This even tekumah is mentioned in the Babylonian Talmud, Shabbat fol. 66b. The rabbis - echoing obviously popular belief- allowed wearing this preventive means even for a woman who had never before aborted, and even for a woman who did not actually know that she was pregnant, but could possible be with child. This excursus is not mentioned in the parallel section of the Jerusalem Talmud - which does not prove that aetites was unknown to Palestinian Jewish women. 32 This statement on the 'Chaldeans' is taken verbatim from Pseudo-Albertus, The Book of Secrets, book 2, no. 41. See The Book of Secrets ofAlbertus Magnus of the Virtues of Herbs, Stones and Certain Beasts Also, A book of the Marvels of the World, eds. M. R. Best, F. H. Brightman (Oxford, 1973), p. 46. See also Albertus Magnus, Book of Minerals, trans. D. Wyckoff (Oxford, 1967), book 2, ch. 5 (s.v. echites), pp. 87 f. In the (genuine) Book of Minerals, Albertus adds another version of the 'Chaldean' method: if aetites is put into the food of someone suspected of being a poisoner, he cannot swallow it, but if he is innocent he will readily eat.

1582. 'Bissanagua' stands for Vijayanagar. But it is not listed in Max Wellmann's critical edition.34 PseudoDioscorides mentions wearing the stone on the left arm. 50a). 1978]. libri II (Francofurti. as it could not be found in early manuscripts of Dioscorides's work. 1895. in Cannanore. quarum itsus aevi apud omnes percrebuit. vol. no. 385 f. Rosner [New York. Its use against epilepsy is there as well: "comitiales insigniter juvat". Elsewhere. he published De gemmis aliquot. and in the towns of the realm of Bissanagua. like the colour of clear pure skies. Sapphire (Greek a-a-ntpsiQog. 37 Francesco Roeo (Rueus. which is not the first one. 130). whose Coloquios dos simples e drogas da India was first published in Goa in 1563 (cf. Rueo) = Francois de la Rue (c. It was the second stone of the second row. 36 These towns are located in the Kerala province. Here Portaleone's source was apparently Garcia da Orta. two traditions regarding the relationship between the stones and the Tribes. on the south-west coast of India. Da Orta's work was translated into Latin (by Clusius) and into Italian (Venice. followed by R. is appended to a work of Levinus Lemnius (= Lievens Lemmens) on biblical parables and metaphors relating to herbs and trees. It is also listed in Kiihn's edition of Dioscorides's De materia medico. Roeo describes the precious stones mentioned in the Apocalypse of St John (21: 18-21). and has been traditionally related to the tribe of Issakhar. 2. as a matter of fact. Then Portaleone quotes Francesco Roeo37 accord33 Pliny states: "Lapis aetites in aquilae repertus nido custodit partus contra omnes abortuum insidias" (Nat. I wish to thank the staff of the Osier Library (McGill University. pp. . 30. Bahya ben Asher (thirteenth century) . 46a). In his lapidariwn (fol. which was overthrown by the Mogul ruler Akbar at the battle of Talikota. and Cananor [sic] and in several places in the kingdom of Bisnagua [sic]". KOTTEK In this case. 1576. 1608).). sapir) was one of the stones of the High Priest's breastplate. There Sapphire is the second stone of which the fundamenta of the Holy City's walls were made. De aliis quoque. adding that this stone was "surely worn as a birth amulet by the Assyrians". speaking of sapphire (cafira).35 This stone comes from the Orient and from India (fol. Portaleone more precisely states that sapphire is found "in Calicut. ibid. who speaks of the eagle-stone. F. 35 There are. a Hindu kingdom in the South of India (1336-1565). The author. Portaleone leans on Pseudo-Albertus Magnus. This one is defended by Maimonides (cf.. Roe'o's De gemmis was first published in Paris in 1547. I am afraid that in this case Preuss's comment was neither relevant nor justified. da Orta writes 'Bisnaguer' (cf. also Targum Yerushalmi). Lisboa. pp. p. I am grateful to Dr Gianfranco Miletto for this reference to da Orta.116 SAMUEL S."36 Sapphire. but it seems that it was inserted by some later author or copyist. but also apparently on Pliny (Natural History 30. 130). Heb. 16]). 215 f. The work went through at least ten editions. Sapphire is found in Ceylon and Burma as well. 1520-1585). 151. Montreal).who wrote an elaborate commentary on the stones of the breastplate. loannes Apostolus in sue apocalypsi meminit. he says. Us praesertim quarum D. see also Natural History 36. but he thinks that he was describing in fact "the green jasper of modern mineralogists". This edition. Hist. n. has a greenish (or yellowish) colour resembling that of crocus (in its pale kind). also on the hip "ut cita dolores pariunt". Julius Preuss (Biblical and Talmudic Medicine. As explained in the title. states that it may be found "in Calecut. trans. Aetius of Amidos mentions this stone. 34 Aetites is listed in Dioscorides's book 5.33 Among the Byzantine authors. Ms Wayne LeBel in particular. 161 (160) (in Kuhn's edition [cited above. 198). 1589). for checking for me in Roe'o's work.) mentions the fact that Abraham Portaleone identified even tekuma with aetites.

40 "Understanding the times" is related to the science of astronomy and to the calendar. It wards off terror. 39 This is the version on fol. carbono in the vernacular. the approach of the Jewish tradition to sapphire . 32). segulot) of this stone are numerous: it preserves the health of the eyes and of the whole organism.was most probably lapis lazuli. zemech = lapis lazuli (p. Stephanus's Biblia hebraica [Parisiis. a pavement of sapphire stone" (Ex. they are described s. It causes the face to look bright and nice. in fact. During the Theophany at Mount Sinai. 125). It also works on the soul. . 2. "There was under His feet. 1539-1542]). These people were devoted to the study of the Law and stayed in their tents (cf. Portaleone adds that "the magicians" know how to make sapphire become "white and translucid". with small dots looking like bright gold. Portaleone acknowledges that he is indebted to Pseudo-Albertus when describing the geographic origins of sapphire (fol. David Kimhi (1160-1235) on 1 Chr. as it were. 12: 32). n.g. 19: 9): "The precept of the Lord is pure.. Deut. Gr.ff-afrp/p/poi'. they one of high spirituality. 24: 10). It is also effective for achieving peace and serenity.v. It is stated elsewhere that Moses' staff was made of samphirinon (Midrash Tanhuma. 33: 18).40 Moreover.. looking "like a diamond of first quality".42 In his lapidarium (fol. restoring the soul"(Ps.. (Kimhi's biblical commentaries were so valuable and popular that the earliest printed Hebrew Bibles included them. Beshallah 21). 1: 26. In Ezekiel's vision the divine throne is made of sapphire (Ex. gerev] and impedes abundant perspiration. Its effect on the soul may be related to the verse "The Law of the Lord is perfect. 12: 32. Heb.serving as an introduction to the virtues and peculiarities of the tribe of Issakhar. according to the Midrash.38 The proprieties (Heb. The fact that sapphire has the color of "clear pure skies" is related to the fact that Issakhar "have the understanding of the times" (1 Chr. and there are inside the stone kinds of darker clouds resembling the flame of sulfur when it is set on fire.] it also protects against scabies [or itch. Portaleone now 'explains' the relationship to the tribe of Issakhar. And (this is here repeated) it prevents eye diseases. 46a . trembling and melancholy. It extirpates the abscess called carbuncle. grains of pyrite. 42 Even the widely accepted protection of eyesight attributed to sapphire has been related to the biblical statement (Ps. 50a). 19:8). enlightening the eyes". II. e. Portaleone mentions proprieties of the sapphire stone that are more practical.JEWS IN RENAISSANCE ITALY: ABRAHAM PORTALEONE 117 ing to whom its colour is "caeruleo".in prophetic as well as homiletical texts . See the commentary of R. Thus. 10: 1). 46a).20 (cited above. But apparently he 38 The "small dots looking like gold" are characteristic of lapis lazuli (which was the sapphire of the ancients). In Albertus's Book of Minerals. enabling it to be constantly prepared to serve the Lord and to study his Laws and precepts39. [. KiTissa 26)41. Without indicating his sources. the first Tables of the Law were made of sapphire or a sapphire-like stone (Midrash Tanhuma. 41 This samphirinon (or sanphirinon).

For Bahya. R. It was aimed. Dioscorides43 mentions that it is considered effective for those who have been bitten by a scorpion. botany. abscesses and boils.118 SAMUEL S. Most impressive in our eyes is the blending between detailed scholarship in Jewish antiquities and in the science and technology of his time. oenology. Kiihn (cited above. also for those suffering from ulcerations of the bowels. weights and measures. 50a). music and philology -1 am afraid the list is incomplete. "It is written in books on Natural Science that these twelve precious stones are the basic ones. and is helpful for any pain or swelling anywhere. Asher's commentary on Exod. This may seem (and actually often is) somewhat irritating for a historically trained mind. however. warfare. Conclusion We have discussed in this essay some aspects of the multi-faceted work of Abraham Portaleone. in this case. Materia medica. 16). 44 . by a crippled scholar who must have had a sizeable library and/or learned informants at his disposal. 817. all the others being only variants or derivations". mineralogy. Bahya b. ed. and to us it appeals as a lesson in Renaissance scholarship. Portaleone illustrates 'modern' technology with comparable (?) ancient Jewish sources and brings 'modern' aspects in his description of the Temple of Jerusalem. Obviously. Shiltei ha-gibborim was composed within a period of two years. p.44 sapphire is good for the eyes. Portaleone's source of information. Dioscorides was not. One can find detailed information on multifarious disciplines. ch. It helps to close ruptured membranes (Gr. It stops tumors developing in the eyes. numismatics. such as zoology. 156 (157). Regarding the medical properties of sapphire. book 5. to whom the book was dedicated (and his readers beyond them) a testimony from a highly cultured mind. L/jitevov). chemistry. 28: 18 has most probably been used by Portaleone for his development on Issakhar (and the other tribes as well). a Jewish physician and touche-a-tout of the Italian late-Renaissance period. According to Bahya. KOTTEK leans as well on Albertus Magnus when speaking of its medical proprieties (fol. at giving his children. 43 Dioscorides. n.

however. Die jtidische Mystik in ihren Hauptstromungen (Frankfurt a.. M. p. Scholem."1 In the last thirty years. the Rabbi Loew"). Katz. According to the numerous posthumous legends. which spread even beyond the world of the Ashkenazim. by his Hebrew acronym. 3 Thus L.SCIENCE AND RELIGIOUS HERMENEUTICS: THE 'PHILOSOPHY' OF RABBI LOEW OF PRAGUE GIUSEPPE VELTRI Introduction Known as the "Hohe Rabbi Loew" or. Judah Loew received scant attention from scholars.2 Judah Loew belongs to the leading lights of Prague Jewry's so-called aetas aurea or "Golden Age". Indeed. scholarly interest in his work has undergone a veritable revival. Studien iiber Glaube und Schicksal. 372. Until well into the 1950s. 1976). Rabbi Loew is even regarded as the only philosopher of the Ashkenazic world of his time to have constructed a system of far-reaching significance. cf. p. 1957). 141. 1995). Judah Loew ben Bezalel was portrayed in his lifetime above all as a Talmud teacher and rabbi. 1 (Berlin.e. sixteenth] century until about 1611 during the reign of Rudolf. p. 140. namely of having been summoned to the Hradshin (Prague Castle) by the German Emperor Rudolf II. a short period towards the end of the sixteenth century until about 1611 when an atmosphere of relative tolerance between Christians and Jews is said to have prevailed. Hildesheim. in Das aschkenasische Rabbinat. Gross. B. Zur Geschichte und Literatur. Ben yehudim le-goyim (Jerusalem. however. "our teacher. vol. Innumerable studies have been and are being devoted to different aspects of his Weltanschauung and philosophy. 'Der hohe Rabbi Juda Loew als Theologe und Gemeinderabbiner'. and allowed to discuss secret matters (Kabbalah and alchemy) with him. 269: "The happiest epoch at all of Prague's Jewish community seems to have been the last quarter of that [i. he became famous as the creator par excellence of the Golem and was extolled as the rabbi who had been granted the highest possible favour.. 1845. Carlebach (Berlin." . "the Maharal" (Morenu ha-Rabbi Liva.3 He left behind a leg1 G. repr. Gershom Scholem wrote in 1957 that Loew's writings were "well-nigh forgotten. 2 Thus J. p. when Rabbi Loew was the Chief Rabbi and the generous Mardochai ben Samuel Meisel leader of the community. J. ed. 1960). Zunz.

more as if his pupils and contemporaries had actually tried to cast a saintly aura about him rather than to pass down authentic facts about the nature of his work. Lieben. 187-189. his father Bezalel and his own four sons. pp. As a methodical approach to portraying the Maharal against his Jewish background and within the Christian environment of his time. As a rule. S. so much so that it would be hazardous to undertake an analysis of his ideas without taking all these factors into consideration. two main aspects will be focussed upon: Loew's reaction to Azariah de' Rossi and his confrontations concerning the citing of contemporary Christian authorities. who in 1718 authored the Sefer megilat yuhasin meharal mi-Prag ("Book of the Genealogy of the Maharal of Prague") for his relative Isaiah Katz. 1864). and introd. but no proof of this can be found. trans. most modern scholars follow the speculations of his first biographer and distant relative Meir Perles. Because of the lack of reliable sources. pp. This is already evident in the places where the author praises the virtuousness and erudition of the whole Loew family. It is no mere coincidence that the biographer underscores the origins of the Loew family: he wants to stress precisely the line of continuity from Judah to his great-grandfather. At the outset. Die Deszendenztafel des hohen Rabbi Loew von Rabbi Meir Perles'. A German translation is available: 'Megillath Juchassin Mehral miPrag. Sefer megilat yuhasin [. Perles.. Toronto. Perles's Sefer megilat turns out to be a hagiography. Mystical Theology and Social Dissent (London. 1982). in Jahrbuch der judischliterarischen Gesellschaft 20 (1929).4 Because of this family connection it is usually assumed that the contents of Perles's memoirs were somehow reported to him. . Sherwin.] meharal mi-Prag (Prague. About His Life The Maharal was born at the beginning of the sixteenth century. weaving in some of the ideas of his theological system. 315-336. H. however. his grandfather Hayyim. But he is also one of those figures who themselves contributed to the welding of their own lives to their teachings and politics. The following is thus an attempt to sketch the main strands of his vita.120 GIUSEPPE VELTRI acy steeped in legends. namely Judah's great-grandfather. ascertaining more precise details about his life is extremely difficult. L. claiming that on the younger man's tombstone in Prague the following words were engraved: 4 M. a sign of his endeavour to have his systematic teachings appear consistent and monolithic. it should be pointed out that changes and developments in his thought are hardly noticeable. It was not unusual for Rabbi Loew to prepare his writings and sermons in a parallel fashion. but historically pale.. A thorough analysis and discussion of the sources and secondary literature on Loew's life is offered by B.

a school comrade of Moses Isserles. a French scholar who has devoted several important studies to the Maharal. writes on this point: "We take 1512 to be the year of the Maharal's birth. establishing his exact birth date is no mere idle pursuit. for instance. 39 and p. p.5 Some of the problems in the biography of Loew and his family are solved in an elegant manner by Perles.7 was already voicing doubts about the reliability of this claim. p. A Social and Economic History of the Jewish Community in Poland from 1100 to 1800 (Philadelphia. as Byron L. versed in the six orders of the Talmud. The suggested date of 1520 is even more problematic. p. 320. He is from the line of the Gaonim. . he cast doubt on Perles's assertion. He writes (according to Lieben's translation) about Rabbi Loew's tombstone thus: "He rests with his wife under a tombstone. On the basis of observations about the birth date of the Maharal's older brother Hayyim. as only the period from 1512 (Perles) to 1525 (a date provided without further evidence)8 comes into question. But it was actually the general and-Jewish climate of fifteenth-century Germany with its diverse expulsions and pogroms which was more likely to have actuated the migration. The Jews of Poland. No serious reason can be in5 See the German translation by Lieben. Andre Neher. The determination of the exact birth date is accordingly extremely difficult. such a tombstone is not preserved. i. 272-278. Muneles (Jerusalem. Bezalel. Theology (cited above." The rendering is quite imprecise and does not at all correspond to the wording of the tombstone which has been preserved. the Rabbi Judah Liva'i. who are descended from our Lord David. in the whole world there is nobody who can equal him in acuity of understanding and comprehensive knowledge and memory. 339. moved to Poland despite the difficulties involved.SCIENCE AND RELIGIOUS HERMENEUTICS: RABBI LOEW 121 Our master and teacher. it is true that this country was noted for its scholarship at that time: Jacob Polak (1460-1532) and later his pupils Solomon Luria (1510-1574) and Moses Isserles (d. Indeed. Nathan Griin. ed. O. 1988). 7 N. To my knowledge. Perles considers Poland to be the place for scholars already in the time of grandfather Hayyim. 25. a sage. 26. it is scholarly researchers who are attempting to attribute a biblical age to him in order to date the beginning of his published teachings in his mature years.e. Perles's reliability is to be doubted. 1973). c. 'Megillath Juchassin'. This is supposed to explain why Judah's father. see B. As a matter of note. 1885). Sherwin has thoroughly demonstrated. as a teaching and a testimony. see Epitaphs from the Ancient Jewish Cemetery of Prague [Heb.] [Fontes ad Res Judaicas Spectantes 162]. daughter of Rabbi Samuel. This is. 4). p. Sherwin. and because of the pious modesty of both of them. In Loew's case. n. 6 On this. who published the first critical biography of Rabbi Loew in 1885. On the latter.. Der hohe R. Griin. however. 8 Encyclopaedia Judaica 10 (1971).6 Perles opines that Loew was born in 1512. Weinryb. Loew und sein Sagenkreis (Prag. however. And this for Judah.1572) taught there. the son of Jesse. neither the title of Rabbi nor Rabbi's wife is mentioned. 374. cf. n. the case with the question of the supposed reason for Loew's migration to the East. pp. but only: Here rests (!) Rabbi Judah ben Bezalel and his likeminded wife Perel.

It is worth our while to look at this episode: From my fathers I heard that at the age of 32 he [Rabbi Loew] took a wife under special circumstances. a spear in his hand. as he was called. head of the Levites. Tradition et modernite: la pensee du Maharal de Prague. but he did not want. Rabbi Loew. [Paris. the honourable and glorious Rabbi Samuel. aucune raison serieuse ne pouvant etre invoquee pour une date posterieure. n. head of the Levites. to make the marriage impossible for him. Neher. Posen 1510 . therefore he was leaving it up to him to enter another marriage if he saw fit to do so. (for) he hoped for God's help. Lepuits de I'exil. who was the head of the court of the holy Trani community.Lublin 1573].g. for Perles's claims are not historically reliable. regardless of whether or not the rabbi's longevity has any bearing on the evaluation of his work.if he [Shmelke] feared she would otherwise remain unmarried .he should marry her off elsewhere. the son-in-law replied to him that he did want to keep his promise. this 'rich Shmelke'. and only through a miracle did she manage to obtain a dowry and thus marry the respected rabbi.. he therefore wrote his son-in-law that it was impossible for him to carry out his duties. but . However. Horvitz. Shmelke himself had a very respected son in Przemysl named Joshua Shmelke. 9 . for this would have the effect of shortening the Maharal's life and of making his ceuvre a more youthful product. Meanwhile four evil criminal courts fell over Prague. qui aurait pour effet de raccourcir la vie due Maharal et de rajeunir son ceuvre" (A. as she was poor and had to feed her aged parents with her little business."9 This dubious argument is indefensible. and the man was so fleeced by them that only his bare life was left him. advanced in years and unable to move about as before. who thrust it into a loaf of bread. then he would know what to do. an assertion which Neher has still failed to explain.122 GIUSEPPE VELTRI voked for a later date. A third of his story about Loew's vita is concerned with the circumstances surrounding his marriage to Mrs. property and good standing was a great man of his day and also had close relations to the court. He was namely betrothed with the daughter of the (community's) leading official. The man was already old. the son of the great rabbi our master and teacher Joshua he-Arukh. e. since criminal courts had left her rich father with "nothing but his bare life". The bride now set up a business for herself in order to feed her elderly parents by selling bread and other baked goods. the Gaon our master and teacher. 10. one day there came a rider on horseback. intending to make off with it. It was then a time of war. The maiden grasped the reins of the horse and wept and implored him not to rob her of the bread. p. Nothing is known about Loew's youth. 2nd ed. In this respect. the rabbi Rabbi Shmelke from Ostra. 1991]. and the Gaon our master and teacher Shmelke. God forbid. too. 2). "Nous adoptons la date de 1512 pour la naissance du Maharal. from whom the line of the Shmelkes branches off. sent him to Przemysl at his expense to study with Gaon Maharshal [= Solomon Luria. son of Rabbi Jacob who through wealth. his biographer Perles is at pains to blend the historical with the legendary.

for through a miracle he had become rich.SCIENCE AND RELIGIOUS HERMENEUTICS: RABBI LOEW 123 The rider answered: 'Look. M. p.. Zemah David. 'Megillath Juchassin' (cited above. Whereupon he [the father] wrote and let his son-in-law know that he wanted to come to the wedding. I have been gripped by hunger. he cites the following figures and works in his polemics: Azariah de' Rossi's (c.a word he often uses . 9. The verifiable data of his life concern the period from 1559 to 1573 when Loew . 15 Cf.13 but rather indicates his awarenesss that he was the homo novus of the new generation. for three days now I have tasted no bread. 12 In his sermon on the Great Sabbath.14 This silence as well as the harsh polemics he directed against his contemporaries aim consciously at highlighting the stupidity . Quoted from: Perles. (even) if I bring you the two groschen for it within 24 hours. 1511-1578) Me'or einayim. A Chronicle of Jewish and World History (Prague. a pearl with no imperfections. ed.15 His leadership of the Jewish community of Moravia demonstrates how closely his personal experiences and The word is not clear. p. Tsemah David.of his generation. the bridegroom thirty-two. and Don Isaac Abrabanel (1437-1508). The fact that Rabbi Loew does not remember his teachers does not in the first instance imply that he wished to distance himself from them.12 By contrast. then it is the information that Judah Loew was quite poor. Apart from his brother Hayyim. 11 10 . The only historical fact to be derived from this story is the legend of the origin of the Perles family. This aspect also has ontological connotations (see details below). 13 Sherwin. 25. quoted according to the following edition: David Gans. Theology (cited above.was Rabbi of Nikolsburg and Chief Rabbi of Moravia. 1983). 4). Loew seldom mentions contemporary scholars by name. In the financing of his rabbinical studies he was supported by his father-in-law. published in 1589 (Derashah le-shabbat ha-gadol). and then without naming any names. take the cloth as compensation. from whom the Perles family name originated. 145 f. Breuer (Jerusalem. his brother Hayyim is not inhibited about mentioning his teacher Sefardi (in his introduction to Be'er mayim Hayyim). n. who taught him the Pentateuch with Rashi's commentary. After a longer while she opened up the cloth and found gold ducats amidst all its seams. should I then die of hunger? On my horse I have a Pastav10 cloth which I will give to you as a pawn for the loaf of bread. Moses Isserles and his Sefer torat ha-olah are not mentioned explicitly.11 The story with its fairytale-like features serves to extol in a literary fashion the virtuousness of Loew's wife. 14 For the details see ibid. her name was Perel. At that time the bride was twenty-eight years old. If it does contain a historical core.' And so it happened. Only once does Rabbi Loew speak of his teachers. Eliezer Ashkenazi's (1513-1586) Ma'ase ha-Shem.according to the historiographer David Gans . p. 322. David Gans. 197. but are nevertheless implied several times. n. p. 4). 1592). n.

n. Teufel. and the community structure. dealing with teachings and school matters. In this manner a rabbi was forced to follow the will of the community. which of these statutes date back to the sixteenth century and the influence of Rabbi Loew. It is not certain. for those who obtained their office without the benefit of governmental influence.e.which indeed corresponded to the situation at that time . and as a king is distinct from his entourage. 'Der hohe Rabbi Juda Loew' (cited above. developing as it did because of the circumstances of the rabbinical office in Moravia. According to the Council. which under the direction of Menahem Krochmal served after 1662 as the basis of a binding canon for the Moravian Jewish communities. but rather on the semikha (i. and also theoretical. as the result of reflections on the rabbinical office. 1971). as Luther thought. so is a rabbi distinct from his followers. . pp. 16 On this. underscored precisely its separation from the community. 141-150. basing his argument on the principle that "the law of the king is the law. During his time as Chief Rabbi of Moravia the statutes which had been in effect until then were collected. e.16 The task of re-organizing the Jewish communities was twofold in nature: political..was above all of a theological nature. usually ascribed to Rabbi Loew. however. He should be the forma and his community his materia. to the community.g. A rabbi. should be able to assume the leadership of his people. he recognized the appointment of a rabbi by the king. The first 311 paragraphs. While the emphasis on the royal dignity of the rabbinical office reflects the messianic expectations of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Niimberg. 302-305. Rabbi Loew's concern that the rabbinical leadership would lose its authority if it were influenced by lay people and their demands . but to his ordination by the bishop in his jurisdiction. Zurpolitischen undsozialen Geschichte derJuden in Mahren vom Antritt der Habsburger bis zur Schlacht am Wei/ten Berg (1526-1620) (Erlangen. which had been expressed in the Council of Trento some decades before. 17 On this see Gross. like a king.. A rabbi's authority is not based on the election by his community.18 and also about the limitation of the office to a mere three years. 18 Moses Isserles offered another opinion. 2). a priest had to practice celibacy. basing its authority on the semikha probably indicates a parallel discussion in the world of Christianity. Moravia's Constitutiones contain a prayer. the funds for the support of Palestine.17 Throughout his work Rabbi Loew complains about the then prevailing situation in which a rabbi's election was subject to governmental influence.124 GIUSEPPE VELTRI consequently his reform plans of Jewish life were bound up with his philosophical premises. the rabbinic ordination)." Accordingly. pp. see H. the standardization of the election of the elders. as he would otherwise fear he would not be re-elected. The papal view of the priesthood. at least the reasoning behind it was theological. he owes his vested authority not. wherefore.

1984)." In his ethical tractate Netivot olam Loew quotes a letter from his former pupil Israel.g. pp. If Rabbi Loew. The reason for its prohibition was already provided by classical rabbinic Judaism: as non-Jewish wine may have served as a libation for idolatrous purposes. J. In Gevurot ha-Shem 72 (cf. pp. to whom the gift of the Holy Spirit and of prophecy was vouchsafed." That Israel is a community of "chosen" people is no accident but the very determinant of its being. e. Israel. Israel complains that the rabbinic authorities were not managing to prevent the scandal of nadlerism within the Jewish community. then the Jewish people of Moravia would obey and the problem would be eliminated. 144-148. See L. and the other nations as a natural (God-given?) one between human beings and other creatures: human beings were bestowed with an intellect higher than that of other creatures.22 Whether Israel actually wrote him such a letter or not cannot be de19 In the Middle Ages this issue was a vexata quaestio. Tiferet yisra'el 1) Rabbi Loew explains the relationship between Israel. 8. would only take a stand on it. Exclusiveness and Tolerance. Theology (cited above. a swearword that was making the rounds. Katz. Guttmann. this circumstance comes to light in a polemic against an odd custom that is known as "nadlerism". like. In the Exodus from Egypt and in accepting the gift of the Torah on Mount Sinai. . ch. 22 Judah Loew ben Bezalel. Sefer netivot olam. 169-172. cf. 4).SCIENCE AND RELIGIOUS HERMENEUTICS: RABBI LOEW 125 A further problem which likewise had theological-philosophical implications and was presumably also raised in Moravia concerned the use of nonJewish wine. especially among the upper classes. Jacobs. 20 On this see J. 21 On this see Sherwin. p. 140 f. "bastard. which are only in antithesis to each other. Israel chose between "being" and "not-being". Besides excessively praising Rabbi Loew. Diversity.20 Therefore the nations and Israel share no common ground.21 "Nadler" is Middle High German for "bastard". In this way he explains the rabbinic aggadah about the rejection of the Torah by the nations of the world. Most authorities. however. "Nadlerism" accordingly is a term for the use of nasty swearwords by Jews against fellow Jews. 93 f. 1933). had ended up sanctioning its use because Christians were not (or no longer) regarded as idolaters. n. 1961). the first effect of the Creation. Flexibility and Creativity in Jewish Law (Oxford. The nations had no such natural disposition from the outset. a Jew who drank of it could thus be guilty of idolatry. Die Philosophic des Judentums (Munchen. between them is only opposition. A Tree of Life. is the "form" and the nations are the "material. On this point Katz thinks Rabbi Loew was relying on Judah Halevi's Sefer kuzari. 31 and pp. Neither privately nor as a rabbi was his life in Moravia crowned by great success. as between form and material. however.19 Loew's resistance to this relaxation of the rabbinic Halakhah was due less to the tendency not to treat Christians as idolatrous any more than to the isolation of the Jewish community. Studies in Jewish-Gentile Relations in Medieval and Modern Times (Oxford. pp..

already mentioned above. Kisch. Solomon Luria. Alexander Kisch clearly pointed out Meisel's role as Rabbi Loew's patron. 1929).126 GIUSEPPE VELTRI termined beyond doubt. treats nadlerism in Yad shel Solomon and in several of his responsa. but Rabbi Loew. pp. the "holy society" responsible for religious burials. n. 87 f. 25-40. 321 and p. 30. as some scholars maintain. What they discussed has not been passed down. p. because Meisel's patronage had considerable weight. for Rabbi Loew as Chief Rabbi of Moravia had also not been able to solve this problem. 328. Ten years after the founding of the Hevra Kadisha. 'Das Testament Mardochai Meysels mitgetheilt und nach handschriftlichen Quellen beleuchtet'. 24 Hardly any critical historical literature about the personality of Meisel (Meisl. it became necessary to draw up new statutes in order to continue carrying out this work. A confirma23 On this see H. 4). H. p. n.: "Without a doubt it seems to me that Meisel's great humanistic deeds are partly due to Rabbi Loew's spiritual inspiration. ed. Isaac Melnik. we do have good reason to doubt that Rabbi Loew's authority was so highly esteemed that everyone would approve of intervening words from him. conversely. An episode illustrates this point.131-146. In fact. and many other variants) is available. In view of this the letter takes on a very personal dimension: Rabbi Loew's complaint that he suffered from a continual loss of authority in Moravia and his struggle against a unpleasant custom which he himself had to put up with. however: did Loew owe his authority primarily to Meisel's influence or rather to the low opinion in which Melnik was held? . pp. however. 8. Under his direction a meeting of all the rabbis in Moravia took place in 1573. and. he was appointed head of the Klaus Synagogue (Die Klaus)." 25 Here 1 am following the interpretation of Sherwin. that for unknown reasons he resigned his office in 1573 and moved as a private person to Prague. In an essay published in 1893. however. where. From the letter we can infer that it was precisely the rabbi's claim to authority which was called into question. in DieJuden und Judengemeinden Mahrens in Vergangenheit und Gegenwart. Rabbi Loew seemed to be the most promising candidate for the vacant rabbinical post of Prague. at least in this matter. Schwengen. with the support of the Jewish patron Mordecai Meisel. Considerable doubts remain. It was not the incumbent rabbi of Prague. in one responsum he condemns nadlerism with reference to a particular family who had been affected by it: Rabbi Loew's own family. both within and outside of the community. in Monatschrift fur Geschichte und Wissenschaft desJudentums 37 (1893).23 It is also not certain whether doubts were cast on Rabbi Loew's leadership at this meeting or whether his reform plans were quashed.24 The move to Prague apparently meant no loss of personal authority. However. 'Geschichte der Juden in Ludenberg'. esp. see A.25 When Isaac Melnik died in 1578. This conclusion is confirmed by another source where we learn about his special interest in the subject. 82-91. that the work of the high Rabbi was only possible because of Meisel's material support. Meysel. Theology (cited above. Gold (Briinn. It is a matter of certainty. who was entrusted with the task.

. 28 For other opinions see R.SCIENCE AND RELIGIOUS HERMENEUTICS: RABBI LOEW 127 tion of this impression is the invitation he received to deliver the sermon for the Sabbath of Repentance (shabbat teshuvah) in the Old-New Synagague (Altneuschul) . but merely that the subject matter was kept secret. Z. the sharp-witted handling of the casuistry of halakhic and aggadic questions). In 1597 he again returned to Prague where he held the rabbinical post from 1599 until his death in 1609. 31. The attempt to set up his son Bezalel as his direct successor in the office failed. also B. Evans. especially alchemy and Kabbala. This choice could be interpreted as being directed against Rabbi Loew. p. Bokser. The Philosophy of Rabbi Judah Loew of Prague (New York. Tsemah David (cited above. Although the Chief Rabbi post was vacant. n. Loew (cited above. sealed. In 1589 he delivered a sermon on the occasion of the Great Sabbath (shabbat ha-gadol) of Passover. Rabbi Loew left Prague and moved to Posen where he became Chief Rabbi of Poland. Theology (cited above. 1973). p. a hermeneutic method. hidden things". a method which Rabbi Loew opposed. Rudolf II and His World (Oxford.. This is also how one can interpret the tradition originating with Loew's son-in-law. 7). Thereupon his only son left Prague for the Bohemian town of Kolin where he died shortly afterward in 1600. About Loew's life from 1578 to 1597 we are in the dark because of the scarcity of sources. DerHohe R. Isaac Hayyot became Melnik's successor. 16). Griin. that they dealt with "coded. died on 14 March 1601. and Sherwin. 19-22.e. The opinion of the historiographer David Gans.26 Instead of Rabbi Loew. Mordecai Meisel.a privilege normally reserved for Prague's Chief Rabbi. n. his application was again turned down and Rabbi Mordecai Yaffe was selected instead. "pepper". has not been passed down. however. From 1584 to 1587 he seems to have been Chief Rabbi of Posen. Isaac Kate. 4). i. according to which Loew and Rudolf spoke about nistarot ("something secret"). cf. Most likely with the help of the influential Meisel he had a meeting with the German Emperor Rudolf II. n. as David Gans reports. chapters 6 and 7. In the following year Rabbi Loew suffered a second major loss: his patron. 1954). His time as Chief Rabbi was not a quiet one.27 What they discussed. because Rabbi Hayyot subscribed to the pilpul (lit. as a result the Prague community lost an influential connection to the court of the Emperor. 47. From the World of the Cnbbalah. pp. considering it dangerous for the education of young people. 27 Gans. It is difficult to establish whether it was the contents of his quite vehement sermon or even internal conflicts within the community which were to blame for his failure to secure the office. should not be understood as meaning that Rudolf II and Rabbi Loew talked about esoterica.28 Several months after paying the visit to the Hrad. W. The bitter consequences of this loss were first felt later that year when the President of the Bohemian Chamber and the Emperor Rudolf 26 Cf. J. and from 1588 to 1592 again head of the Klaus Synagogue.

As a consequence the synagogues of the city were shut. 1993). "The Lion's Cub").documents that any goodwill the Emperor may have previously shown to Prague's Jews turned sour after the death of the banker and patron Meisel or. Rabbi Loew and other community figures were arrested in the Town Hall because they had been accused of the murder of Elijah Pollak by two informers. Among his extant works the following deserve special mention: (1) A supercommentary on Rashi's commentary on the Pentateuch (Gur arye.250 gulden. hardly any of the halakhic writings and responsa are extant. At the same time it can be inferred that the term aetas aurea when applied to the lot of Prague's Jews at that time must be considered extremely problematic. in A.128 GIUSEPPE VELTRI II confiscated Meisel's entire property: the cash alone amounted to 516. (4) Netsah yisra'el. published in 1600. pp. London. numbers eighteen volumes. is "a very handsome. Indeed. (2) the encyclopedic. Much has certainly been lost or was destroyed in the fire which engulfed Prague in 1689. and dealing with revelation. which is however by no means complete. "The Fame of Israel"). splendid construction" that can still be admired today. The legends of the rabbi who met with the Emperor and created the golem only began to evolve later. Rabbi Loew's tomb. David. which appeared in 1578. In the following year the Jewish community had to suffer through a rather gloomy affair. at least in the latter period of Rudolf s rule. The Hermeneutics of the Awareness of the Past Rabbi Loew's literary production is impressive. as Meir Perles reports. These appeared together with the apologetic work (7) Be'er ha-golah ("The 29 Eng. a book bearing the imprint of messianic ideas which Loew dedicated to the Ninth of Av. trans. On 27 July 1602. c. He was buried there together with his wife.1615 (Tuscaloosa. Only after supplying a large sum of money were those arrested set free. The commonly used edition of his works. Other works not included in his original plan and dedicated to Jewish festivals are: (5) Or hadash ("The New Light") for Purim. 55-67. This obscure episode from Rabbi Loew's life became known only recently when Abraham David discovered a chronicle of the Jews of Prague dating back to 1615. it deals with exile and salvation. where he sketched a plan of his future literary work. A Hebrew Chronicle from Prague. . (3) Tiferet yisra'el (1599.29 The episode . anonymously published (1582) Gevurot ha-Shem ("The Powers of God"). dedicated to the festival of Shavu'ot. that now the true money-grabbing face of imperial politics revealed itself. although he doubtless had to make many decisions in the course of his work as a rabbi. (6) Ner mitsvah ("Candelabra of the Commandment") for Hanukka.assuming it really did take place .

an Italian Jewish scholar. "Guide for the Perplexed") he described the aggadot as "poetic parables". pp. two ethical works appeared in 1589 and 1595: (8) Derekh hayyim ("The Way of Life") and (9) Netivot olam ("The Eternal Paths"). 'Zur jiidischen und christlichen Wertung der Aggada'.. however. not only in connection with reservations about Maimonides's rationalist tendency.31 In any case rabbinical writings were spoken of in denigrative terms. when the Mantuan 30 W. 75-82. Several centuries earlier Maimonides (1136-1204) had already expressed doubts about the historical credibility of the rabbinic non-legal literature. the wisdom vouchsafed by God to the people of Israel. the task of the recipient consists in the jealous safekeeping of this treasure and in carefully passing it on to future generations. Rabbi Loew formulates his conception of the past with clear and sometimes hair-raising polemical language which backs up his philosophy of Judaism as an ontological unit. 186. 61-75. Die christlichen Adversus-Judaeos-Texte (II. Jewish-Christian Disputations in the Middle Ages (Oxford. When wisdom is given once and for all. Schreckenberg. did the subject of Judaism's critical attitude to its own tradition become an open dispute. Barcelona 1263 (Fray Pablo Christiani and Rabbi Moses ben Nahman) and Tortosa 1413-1414 (Geronimo de Santa Fe and Joseph Albo). In addition. a commentary on the Mishna tractate Pirkei avot ("The Sayings of the Fathers").SCIENCE AND RELIGIOUS HERMENEUTICS: RABBI LOEW 129 Fountain of Exile") in 1600. 1982). G. was one of the main subjects of the compulsory disputations of Paris in 1240 (Nicholas Donin and Rabbi Jehiel ben Joseph).32 Not until the Renaissance. One need only mention that the evaluation of the rabbinical storytelling art. the aggadah. 'Maimonides' Attitude Towards Midrash'. It was concerned above all with truth and the authority of the rabbinic tradition derived from it. the aggadot. Kiev (New York. History and Literature in Honour of I. In his polemic with Azariah de' Rossi of Ferrara. in Frankfurter Judaistische Beitriige 22 (1995). Judaism on Trial.30 Critics regarded this attitude as dangerous. 1971). 31 On this see H. in Studies in Jewish Bibliography. for instance. In his Moreh nevukhim (1190. but also with respect to the Christian exploitation of internal Jewish quarrels. p.) (Frankfurt a. . 32 H. see also G. M. Maccoby. to which he devoted a further special commentary: (10) Hiddushei aggadot ("Commentary on the Aggadot"). Braude. Loew saw himself as a commentator and exegete of the Jewish past. Petrus Venerabilis. interpreting it in a rationalist-literary way.-J3. With this in mind it is possible to understand his harsh polemics against the typical humanistic view of the past. At bottom Loew's entire richly shaped literary oeuvre is nothing but a continuous commentary and a study of talmudic stories. Jh. which was characterised by using the new scientific achievements also to criticise the "simple-minded" past. pp. Veltri. referred to them as "diabolici libri". which has only recently been discovered and published. 1991). E.

what was novel . The aggadah. much less the deeper ones? How could he dare to speak against them and to discuss with them as if they were men of his generation or even his fellows? With all his strength Rabbi Loew defended himself against a comparison of the rabbinic authorities with the new scholarly disciplines. which regarded him as a Temple-destroyer deserving of punishment had him die because of a mosquito which. 219. not even one of the most minor points.34 Rabbi Loew saw Azariah's ideas as being in opposition to Jewish tradition. Woe befall the eyes that have seen it! Woe befall the ears that have heard such words! Cursed be the day that these things were published and made known! A human being who is not in a position to understand the words of the Sages. every one its any case enormous . you will find that the amoraim did not contradict their predecessors (rishonim). Have we had anything to compare with them? If you look attentively at them. after the Palestine War. perhaps malaria. his tractate "Fountain of Exile" (Be'er ha-golah). see also G. Azariah was of the opinion that the nature of the aggadah could not be historically qualified. 73 ff. 'Wertung der Aggada' (cited above. however. which at least still had a certain connection to the deadly insect.130 GIUSEPPE VELTRl scholar Azariah de' Rossi. but also . being well aware of 33 On this see J. 31). thesis] (London.. also on the basis of a comparison of pagan. also as a result of the influence of Christian colleagues. if a book from someone belonging to our people had not reached my hands. however. Also the successors of the amoraim did not contradict them. 224. I was told that the book contains some new ideas. Azariah disputed this fairy-tale story not only because of its physiological impossibility. The Me'or 'Enayim of Azariah de' Rossi: A Critical Study and Selected Translations [unpubl. The creature was found during the autopsy which Titus himself had ordered. pp. p. but the rabbis voiced differing opinions about its . 34 Ibid. It ought not to be taken literally. and considered it to be a fabrication of primarily ethical significance. my heart broke and my spirit poured out in my insides. p. When I saw it. Weinberg. 1982). In his view even the mere mention of foreign authorities had to be rebuked: Every generation has its scholars. While reading it.on the basis of nonJewish descriptions of the death of Emperor Titus. Christian and Jewish sources. I was very pleased as a bridegroom is very pleased when he looks at his bride. He reached this opinion. One of the most famous examples he cites as proof that the aggadah is a fabrication is its treatment of the death of Emperor Titus. Veltri. n. therefore he sharply attacked them in the sixth chapter of his apology of Judaism. which appeared in 1600: I would have already ended what I had to say. the tannaim. dismissed the aggadot as unreliable.size and appearance. .33 because it consisted of "fabricated conjectures". Ph.D. who died of a fever. had gotten into his nose and had bored itself into his brain.

3 vols.' For in truth they say in the section Ketsad ma'avarin [Babylonian Talmud Eruvin 53a]: 'The intellect of the former is like the entrance of an arbour.. The rabbins (rabbanan) of Yavneh used to say (according to the section Haya koreh [Babylonian Talmud Berakhot 17]): 'I am a creature and my fellow-man is a creature'. in our generation. which is characterized by imperfection and stupidity. is like that of the eye of a needle. Moreover. astrology. Sefer me'or einayim.]. that what is found in their [the rabbins'] works about science. Cassel (Vilna.g.. de' Rossi. ed. comes entirely from their human comprehension. which is a matter of course for every honest person. each according to his intellectual gifts or on the basis of what he received as tradition from the Sages of the preceding generations. He was a scholar who in his research refers to the achievements of scientific analysis. which the Tosafists explained thus: 'He has just as much as intellect as I do to distinguish between good and evil. like. And now. Indeed. that of the latter. those who follow are not the equals of those who have gone earlier.. etc. All this occurred with the gifts of the Prophets or their help.corresponds to that which the Last possess over the First in the newly sprouting branch of science and experimentation.SCIENCE AND RELIGIOUS HERMENEUTICS: RABBI LOEW 131 their worth. however. e. 1864-1866). Azariah gives us clearly to understand that in his study of the past he represents the principle of judgement through the individual. from whatever nation. The ideas that the Maharal would obviously like to combat are contained in Azariah's work:35 It stands without a doubt that everything that has been passed down by our Sages about the arrangements of the Torah.because they were closer to the Prophets . after what the predecessors (rishonim) accomplished has come (down) to the descendants (aharonini) and gone beyond what they (the descendants) themselves achieved. someone is standing up and speaking against the holy ones who lived more than a millenium before us and saying: 'Observe my method and be wise!' In several places he has drawn upon the support of worldly and idolatrous writings and treated the words of our sacred Sages who were faithful to God like trivial and inconstant speeches. D. We would not like to compare the worth of these figures with the work of those. . p. For they devoted themselves to their research. there is a second thing (to take into account). 196. and that is. and in the first section of the tractate Yoma [Babylonian Talmud Yoma 9b): 'Better the fingernail of the former than the belly of the latter. is God's word which we are to set upon our heads with love and fear like a crown [. its roots and branches up to the treetops. In this area (of science) we are permitted with their consent to listen to those who wrote against them and to investigate the issues according to our knowledge.. then we are donkeys' etc.' Truly. doesn't it seem that the parable of the dwarf riding on the shoulders of giants applies to these very attainments. the form heaven and earth.' Or as they say in different places: 'If the former were human beings. who were close to the Prophets.. Thus 35 A.. a parable that the author of the Shibbolei ha-leket mentions in the name of an old Sage in his introduction? In this way one can rightfully claim that the superiority which the First possess over the Last with respect to prophecy .

Meir Loeb and Isaac Breuer. just as Azariah de' Rossi left his mark on what came to be known as "Science of Judaism" (Wissenschaft des Judentums)?g I shall 36 On this see H. Geschichte derjildischen Religion (Freiburg.37 He owed his salient interest in the natural sciences. that is expressed by Maharal is Platonic in nature: in the beginning. Leone Ebreo.36 which took place in the Renaissance despite or probably precisely because of the cultic reverence of Antiquity. the destroyer of the Temple. The idea. Kristeller. Wien. once again the Maharal emphasizes that Azariah has not understood anything. his attitude to secular scholarship. 95-114. The sources of wisdom have already been sealed. David Gans (1541-1613). . 1974). In his worldview the earlier generations are closer to the truth than the later ones. 38 A. Because of the decline of wisdom. O.132 GIUSEPPE VELTRI his work is an echo of the Querelle des anciens et des modernes. Maier. which is the reason why all criticism per se is taboo. pp. It is difficult to classify Rabbi Loew according to clear categories. Neher regards him as the precursor of the Neo-Orthodoxy of the likes of Samson Rafael Hirsch. 527. Le puits de I 'exit (cited above. Azariah de' Rossi. in Renaissance Essays. 81. assistant de Tycho Brahe et de Jean Kepler (Paris. Titus. The astronomers Tycho Brahe (1546-1601) and Johannes Kepler (1571-1630) were contemporaries whom he came to know through David Gans. hence his rejection of the ideas of Jewish Renaissance figures such as Elijah Levita. p.38 Nevertheless. contradict the texts of the Sages. wisdom was perfect. in particular if one considers a critical look at the past and the belief in progress to be essentials of the humanist's worldview. As for the legend about Titus. was vanquished by one of the smallest creatures of Divine Creation. P. For his critical attitude towards the Ashkenazi pilpul and his educational reform plans he certainly deserves a place among the scholars of the Late Renaissance. albeit limited to certain areas. Weiner (New York. Of course the Sages do not speak of a material mosquito. this does not permit us to draw any conclusions about the truth of tradition. Ph. P. where we can use them. the restoration of the original status. however. J. p. 9). The story is the expression of a deeper science. 21992). disciple du Maharal de Prague. Baron 'Querelle of Ancients and Modems'. to the Prague intellectual scene of his time. Hope rests in the tikkun olatn. If the profane sciences. the arch-villain of Jewish history who wanted to drive a wedge between God and Israel. 1968). eds. n. his total opposition to the use of non-Jewish sources by commentators on Jewish traditional literature to call it into question. Neher. 37 Cf. Basel. then it is our fault. and also Eliezer Ashkenazi indicate that he belongs rather to the anti-humanistic direction of thought. since the Fall of Man up to our days things have only been going downhill. but about the effective force which penetrated Titus's brain. 39 Neher.

The nations by contrast were created after Israel. Doubt about the trustworthiness of Antiquity would break down precisely the holistic system of tradition. The Maharal replied that the critics had failed to recognize the truth. but not the Sages. what is close to the matter. One example will explain this attitude. not to the cause. Although they were not so far away from them. the sibbat ha-sibbot (causa causarum). only mutual opposition. It is safe to say that this radical stance was due to the then prevailing anti-Jewish atmosphere. nevertheless they spoke about the sciences as if these were completely alien to them..SCIENCE AND RELIGIOUS HERMENEUTICS: RABBI LOEW 133 leave open the question of whether this is a more plausible picture of the long-term influence of the rabbi from Posen. Israel had wisdom passed on to it which belongs intrinsically to its being and can ontologically no longer be separated from it. and represent the materia: Ontologically they can add nothing to the form. Rabbi Loew was both a theologist as well as a philosopher of Judaism. the literal meaning. What they regard as the cause is the obvious reality. causa causarum (sibbat ha-sibbot).e. i. the latter seems to him to be the actualisation of a choice of being which was already in effect in God's first act.e. Israel. The search for the "real meaning" or. the natural. The sixth section of his Be'er hagolah deals with the criticism of rabbinic literature formulated by scholarly circles who claimed that the Sages had hardly any idea or knowledge of the human sciences.. His view of the sciences and of history can in no way be said to stem from a brusquely reactionary attitude nor is it at all tantamount to a relapse into the dogmatic religious ideas of the Middle Ages. The criticism was even more scathing: The scholars alleged that the rabbis had attributed wholly wrong causes to happenings in the natural-science sphere. It is hidden. To explain his meaning Rabbi Loew cites an example from Babylonian Talmud Sukkah 29a: . For this reason the rabbinic authorities are not to be reproached and their utterances decried as mere worldly wisdom. He sees the Creation as not being separated from the Revelation on Mount Sinai. His philosophy of Judaism is an attempt to reflect philosophically on Jewish tradition. should be the task of exegetes. This could only satisfy physicists and mathematicians. The latter had spoken of supernatural causes. both in Moravia as well as in Bohemia. as some modern authors maintain. This explains why there is no common ground between the nations and Israel. i. as Loew expresses it. The fact that rabbinic sayings are occasionally not accepted because they are inconsistent with reason only means that people have not understood anything. sometimes in contrast to the moderate policies of the Emperor. The truth always lies beyond the sibbah kuruvah (causa proximo). if one assumes that the Revelation took place once for all time.

yet also sees them as dangerous because of the autonomy they claim. which. Mentioning (Christian) sages in connection with rabbinic literature is therefore inappropriate. because of those who chop down trees in good condition. on their length or width. we would have no eclipses of celestial bodies. "defect" and also "punishment".40 To answer this . it is true. on their conjunction and opposition. the legend of the golem which he created. On could illustrate the scientific vision of the Maharal with the image of the legend associated with him. no longer exists. 1967). The Rabbi plays with the word Ikh. but because all crea40 The theory of a connection between sins and atmospheric events is very old. the main concern of his studies. because they constitute an imperfection and a flaw in the universe. served its master in every possible task throughout the whole week.for it is a truism that eclipses of celestial bodies are influenced by their paths . as everyone realizes. Medicina magica e religione popolare in Greciafino all'eta di Ippocrate (Roma. He does not tell us why certain sins cause eclipses of the sun and celestial bodies. But at first the summarised version of the Prague legend by Gershom Scholem: Rabbi Loew (is supposed) to have made a golem. namely to prove that the knowledge of the rabbis is on a level different from that of the scholars of the world. the order of creation would not permit eclipses to happen.according to the Rabbi . because of the simultaneous murder of two brothers. on this see G. . because of those who allow false witnesses to step forward. In this way Rabbi Loew reaffirms his refrain. Hesiod maintained that because of the sins of an evil person there are famines and infectious diseases (Erga.exceeds the limits of human understanding.but they named the causa causorum. because of those who breed small animals in the land of Israel. because of the lack of aid to a fiancee who has asked the city for help when at the point of being raped. For it is known that eclipses of celestial bodies depend on the paths of these bodies. because of homosexuality. If there were no sin. Lanata. Eclipses of the moon and sun are also due to four reasons: because of those who falsify records (or signatures). because of sins. For it was not in the interests of the rabbis to determine the ha-sibbah ha-keruvah (causa proximo) . 30 f. at first as the technical term for eclipses of the sun and celestial bodies and then as a verb and noun meaning "fault". For there is no doubt that the eclipse of a celestial body is an imperfection and a flaw in the universe. Thus how can they say that eclipses depend on such things when we know the exact point of time on the basis of a calculation? How is it that the rabbins want to make these things dependent on certain sins? The question is wrongly put. The core of the discussion is that the perfection of the universe and the world is only a paradisiacal condition which. If we had no sin in the world. pp. These causes of eclipses of celestial bodies named by the rabbins according to their knowledge are rejected by human understanding (ha-hush ha-nigleh).134 GIUSEPPE VELTRI Eclipses of the sun occur for four reasons: because of the lack of prayers for the dead on the part of the head (High Priest) of the Sanhedrin. on their remoteness or closeness. Without a doubt Rabbi Loew regards the sciences merely as ancillae theologiae. 240-245).

as long as it submits to it.]. the golem. 30.e. However. The Maharal saw himself forced to snatch the theological support of a science wildly out of control in order thereby to halt the march of the (heteronomous) sciences. Dichtungen und Dokumente iiber Golems. Some examples of the legend are also to be found in Kunstliche Menschen. pp. But in the case of a programming mistake.SCIENCE AND RELIGIOUS HERMENEUTICS: RABBI LOEW 135 tures rest on the Sabbath. the Rabbi transformed the golem back to clay before the onset of the Sabbath each time by removing the life-giving name of God [Shem]. 1973). 41 G. The community was already gathered for the service in the synagogue. one time the Rabbi forgot to remove the Shem. driven by the motor of God's name. K. [. It works. Zur Kabbala und ihrer Symbolik (Frankfurt a. 257 f. Homunculi. 1994). ed. in G. i. Scholem.. Scholem.ancilla was the name already given to it by the scholastics. shaking houses and threatening to destroy everything. p. . He rushed to the maniacal golem and snatched the Shem from him and the golem crumbled into earth. Rabbi Loew was summoned. Volker (Frankfurt a. 41 Secular science is the golem as it is like a handmaiden of theology . The remains of (secular) scholarship still lie today in mouldering university records. it was still twilight and the Sabbath had actually not yet begun. lebende Statuen und Androiden. where they still lie. 'Die Vorstellung vom Golem in ihren tellurischen und magischen Beziehungen'. indeed had already recited the Sabbath Psalm 92 when the golem with all his tremendous strength started to go wild. M.. M.. runs amok. The Rabbi was not able to reawaken the golem to life and buried his remains in the attic of the ancient synagogue. science...

Hunger. as the navel of the world. of the shape of coastlines and of the course of rivers.2 particularly not in comparison with the development of geography in the Muslim countries. M.' The Christians shared the concept of the "Holy Land" as the centre of the world and. pp. 'Die Bedeutung des "Landes Israel" in der rabbinischen Tradition'. to characteristically different results than the investigation of the relevance of a certain religion on the development of geography as a science. in Kairos 25 (1983). have to begin with a description of Jerusalem and its Temple as the centre of the entire cosmos or creation. Stemberger. Centre and Diaspora. the prevailing religion exercised a considerable influence on the development of a more or less coherent picture of the world. Jewish Perceptions of National Dispersion and Land Generality in Late Antiquity (Sheffield. as a consequence. 'Geographic'. Land. . H. The effects were not to the advantage of the development of geography as a science in the Christian world. 1997). Kratochwil. this idea dominated the geographical conceptions in the Christian realm throughout the Middle Ages. with the Land of Israel as a unique part of the creation related to the election of the people of Israel and to the Torah. In addition. 1 G. An investigation of the relevance of geography (in the sense of reliable knowledge) for developments within a religion leads. 1265-1270. remained a rather limited matter and was usually mixed up with fantastic ideas. 176-199. for instance. 2 M.THE RELEVANCE OF GEOGRAPHY FOR THE JEWISH RELIGION JOHANN MAIER Introductory remarks Religion and geography Until the modern era reliable knowledge of the real nature of the form and extent of large regions and continents. enforced by pilgrimages to the Holy Land and the crusades as pilgrimages in arms. cols. therefore. A paper treating the relevance of the Jewish religion for geography would. in Lexikon des Mittelalters 4 (1988). I. Gafni.

Kiichler. 1992). in Bolletin de la Societat Arqueologica Luliana 40 (1984). New York. The main reason was the Diaspora situation of the Jewish people. and this was due to certain traditional presuppositions. leur role'. Teil 1: Der Text und sein Kontext'. and maritime trade presupposed a professional skill including even astronomical elements. messengers sent by communities in the Land of Israel to the Diaspora. In the era of the printed book an additional phenomenon emerged: learned Jews were eager to see their literary products in print and travelled sometimes over long distances in order to find an appropriate printer. Bibliography of Mediaeval Arabic and Jewish Medicine and Allied Sciences (London. Sheluhei eretsyisra'el (Jerusalem. 6 G. Menache (Leiden. Tiera i Sans. 29-136. ed. however.6 A prominent stimulant for the collection of geographical facts was. 1930. for rabbis changed their position usually several times during their lifetime. an appropriate familiarity with the relevant geographical conditions. which also played a major role in commercial activities. Freudenthal. L. ed. ed. Arabic Box 53. La ciencia en la Espana medieval. 3 Communication in the Jewish Diaspora. 10-25.5 Commercial relations presupposed. in the case of the Jews was of lesser practical significance. G. 1996). 5 A. Y. Beiheft Judaica 4 (1992). 4 Jewish Travellers in the Middle Ages. Such communal contacts relied in many cases on family connections. Ebied. 1980).GEOGRAPHY AND THE JEWISH RELIGION 137 Practical knowledge In spite of the described Israel-centred concept Jews generally disposed of a wider knowledge of geographical facts than ordinary Christians or Muslims.4 and ofshelihim. 2 1987). N. But despite all the practical knowledge accumulated under the described circumstances an astonishing lack of interest for geography as a science prevailed. M. in Bulletin der Schweierischen Gesellschaft fur Judaistische Forschung. from reports of travellers. 'Ein judischer Reisefuhrer aus der Kairoer Geniza (UCL T. S. Y. An additional source of practical knowledge was the astonishing grade of mobility among Jews. 341-350. particularly among the rabbinic class. J. of course. pp. pp. 'Les sciences dans les communautes juives medievales de Provence. There existed. Adler (London.3 Some of the extant evidence results. 19 Firsthand Accounts. Levanon. Yaari. particularly in contrast to the rich Muslim literature on the subject. of course.-S. \97\). The Jewish Travellers in the Twelfth Century (Winnipeg. Geography in Judaism By comparison with disciplines like medicine or astronomy7 the medieval Jewish contribution to geography appears as a rather modest one. Leur appropriation. Mes documents sobre els jueus pintors de cartes de navegar (Mallorca segle XIV)'. by E. . The Pre-Modern World. 21977). furthermore. Congreso internacional 'Encuentro de las ires Cultures' 7. 2). with an introd. Ferre (Granada. fol. the art of warfare which. 'Jufuda Cresques i Samuel Corcos. pp. in Revue des Etudes Juives 152 (1993). 7 R. Llompart. the necessity to maintain close relations between the dispersed communities.

169-178.11 And it was mainly for that reason that many Jews did not regard Abraham bar Hiyya's book as out of date so that it appeared in print in Offenbach in as late as 1720. D. contained in various literary contexts or transmitted in narratives. 'Iggeret orhot olam le-Abraham Farissol'.138 JOHANNMAIER of course. Ruderman. Rudermann. Neher. Latina versione donavit & notas passim adjecit Thomas Hyde (Oxonii. However. 1986). in addition to Abraham bar Hiyya's book. The popularity of both works. for instance. S. resulted not exclusively from their scientific character but also from the fact that both also contained popular traditions of specific Jewish interest. da Ponte. the most important Jewish work on the subject until the nineteenth century. pp. 1995). New York. London. Most of them resulted from experiences of merchants and travellers. .8 Abraham Farissol (1451-C. by that time many aspects of Ptolemaic geography had already become obsolete. 2 (Jerusalem. D. being of some interest to Christian readers because of the Ptolemaic concepts which it shared with other geographic works in the Muslim world. B. however. a lot of information on certain localities or regions. autore Abrahamo Perisol. It appeared 1546 in a Latin translation by D. The same is true for other disciplines as. 47-51. 1976). in details enriched by some 'modern' ethnographic information. eds. B. id est. 10 In Latin: Iggeret orhot olam. Ruderman. 9 A. Jewish Thought and the Scientific Revolution of the Sixteenth Century: David Cans (1541-1613). Maisel (Oxford. H. Ravenna. D. Schreckenfuchs. They followed certain traditional patterns deeply rooted in religious convictions and theological preferences. This is true also with respect to the Jewish realm where certain circles and personalities shared the new orientations of the Renaissance culture. Most of its contents concern the division of the earth into the traditional seven clime zones. 'Abramo Farissol e la sua opera geografica'. Romero (Lisboa. itinera mundi: sic dicta nempe cosmographias. vol. But in fact it was only Abraham bar Hiyya who towards the end of the twelfth century composed in Spain a geographical work. 1981). pp. Os Judeus e os descubrimentos Portugueses. which appeared in Ferrara in 1524 and again in Venice in 1586. general history. for an ardent interest in cosmography on the basis of new discoveries in the sixteenth century led to impressive publications and soon replaced the Ptolemaic picture of the world. trans. B. the Tsurat ha-arets. 11 D. It remained for a long time the Jewish standard work of that kind.1525)9 composed his Iggeret orhot olam on the basis of new achievements and information. The only 8 A. 1998).10 remained. Even in the nineteenth century popular Jewish conceptions of geography remained under the impact of a non-scientific trend. The World of a Renaissance Jew: The Life and Thought of Abraham ben Mordechai Farissol (Cincinnati. originally as part of his book Hokhmat ha-hizzayon. in Annuario di studi ebraici 3 (1965). even after the close of the Middle Ages. His work. 1691). which left only a limited scope for geography. Jewish Thought and Scientific Discovery in Early Modern Europe (New Haven. in Proceedings of the Sixth World Congress of Jewish Studies.

back at home in Nuremberg. Martin Behaim travelled to Portugal in 1483 in order to obtain such new information. A specific Jewish interest in landscape. The combination of geographical/topographical information with folkloristic. which in Hebrew exercised an enormous influence on later Jewish religious convictions concerning Israel. Die Geographic Palastinas. Griinhut (Jerusalem. however. 13 Sefer kaftor u-ferah. 293-295. cf. L. 1912). localities and natural conditions existed only in relation to the Land of Israel. also Estori haFarchi. Later. Rabbinic authorities regarded the study of the history of foreign peoples and the genealogies of their dynasties as a waste of time. on the contrary. exploiting biblical and talmudic sources for the identification of Arabic local names. 1994/96). Isaac ben Moses Estori ha-Parhi described the Land of Israel in his Sefer kaftor u-ferah. usually mixed up with legendary qualities attributed to the land. It represents also an impressive early example of historical geography. The same reluctant attitude applied to geography: its relevance was restricted to realms in which 'Israel' took some part. It was only after the fall of Constantinople in 1453 that western Christianity became again acquainted with Ptolemy's geography. The relevant information was.^ Printed for the first time in Venice in 1549. trans. and it was he who. at a time when the news about discoveries of areas overseas replaced more and more of the Ptolemaic picture of the world. ed. A. this book remained for a long time the main source of information on geographical details and localities of Palestine. It appeared in print in Ulm in 1492. but it was in the Middle Ages that they were collected. The most significant example was provided in the early twelfth century by Judah Halevi in his book Kuzari (originally in Arabic). In such contexts geography served as a tool for explaining the geopolitical situation of the Jewish people. 1964). it formed part of an emerging geographical science. reworked in a systematic manner and presented in books. the Temple and prophetic revelation. Hirschfeld.GEOGRAPHY AND THE JEWISH RELIGION 139 legitimate scope of secular disciplines was usually that of an auxiliary information for the requirements of Torah study. Judah Halevi: The Kuzari (New York. social and economic observations and notices is of particular interest. J. In the Muslim realm. Havazeleth (Jerusalem.12 Position and function of the Land of Israel correspond to the function of Israel as the 'heart' of an organism consisting of the nations of the world. its land. . Many of them are already attested to in the rabbinic sources. 88-108. pp. The reputation of Jews as experts in geography among Christians around 1500 was due to the fact that the geography of Ptolemy in the western Christian world was lost and forgotten for centuries. In 12 For an English translation of the relevant passages see H. with the existence of Israel in Exile perceived as the anomalous and disastrous opposite to Israel's existence in its proper land. 2 vols. constructed the first extant globe.. in the early fourteenth century. and ed.

The basic scheme consists of a tripartite division of mankind after the sons of Noah: Sem. The prestige of Jewish knowledge of Ptolemy at the beginnings of modern geography was. particularly. and serves. and only then also on Israel in the Diaspora.140 JOHANN MAIER the year 1507 Martin Waldseemuller published his Universalis cosmographia and described in one of its parts the newly discovered 'America'. focussing on the people of Israel and. therefore. are essentially at the fringes of the Jewish sphere of interest. therefore. Ham. Israel's history is the really relevant part of world history. 10 is closely related to a corresponding geographic one: the realm of the descendants of Sem represents the zone with the best climatic conditions. The chapter comprises genealogies of nations in existence at the time of the text's composers who with their help try to explain their own ethno-geographic situation and status of political power. like all other nations of the World. and Japheth. whether in a positive or in a negative manner. for the biblical tradition contains first of all an account of the creation and of the pre-diluvial history of mankind before focussing on the pre-history of Israel. above all. geography is only an interesting subject insofar as it serves as a means to explain a Jewish situation or to substantiate Jewish claims. Isaac and. as the frame for the Land of Israel. as ethnogeography. i. Scholars assume that the 'table of nations' in its final redactional phase reflects a particular situation during the late period of the Kings of Israel and Judah under the impact of the Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian empire. All other countries. The group of the descendants of Japheth is of principally secondary significance. But it is particularly this group which plays a prominent role in the sources throughout the centuries with regards to ethno-geographic as- . Genesis 10 supplies the so-called 'table of nations' and reports the distribution of the earth among the sons of Noah as a kind of prelude to the story of Abraham. Sem is the ancestral figure on whom the biblical account concentrates its interest. on Israel in the Land of Israel. Consequently. The 'Table of Nations' in Genesis 10 and Its Actualizations Basic concept The Israel-centric attitude of the Jewish tradition in principle did not exclude a wider outlook. The ethnographic scheme of Gen. Jacob. for among the offspring of Sem are the representatives of the elected people of God: Abraham. In 1513 Nunez de Balba arrived in Panama at the shores of the Pacific. the rest of the nations is only of concern as far as the fate of Israel is concerned.e. of a rather short-lived significance. and in 1519-1522 the ships of Ferdinand Magellan succeeded in sailing around the world..



pects, always connected with regions in the North of Palestine/Syria and, in the course of time, with areas and tribes in a more western position. The Sons of Japheth are, according to Gen. 10 (cf. 1 Chr. 1): Gomer, Magog, Madai, Javan, Tubal, Meshech, and Tiras. The sons of Gomer are: Ashkenaz, Riphath, and Togarmah. The sons of Javan are: Elishah, Tarshish, Kittim, and Dodanim. From the beginning the group of Javan represented the Greeks in the widest sense of the term. It was, consequently, the group of Gomer, which offered more possibilities to explain new ethno-geographic phenomena. And according to the historical experience, it was a fact that peoples from hitherto unknown regions in the North of the Mediterranean and the Near East represented a continuous threat for the Near East. Since Madai seems to have been connected with Persia from the very beginning, the north-eastern areas remained for Gomer and Magog, and Tobal, Meshech and Tiras had to be placed somewhere to the West and North-West of the Javan group. The Book of Jubilees The first notable actualization of the biblical scheme appears in the Book of Jubilees.™ It is an account of the history from the creation to the arrival at the borders of the Land of Israel, applying a chronographic system based on a solar calendar and on periods of 7 x 7 = 49 years, so-called year weeks and jubilee periods. Scholars used to date the book to the second half of the first century BCE but Qumran fragments point to a much earlier date, to the early Hellenistic period of Palestine. Chapters 9-13 contain an actualization of the 'table of nations', which points not only to the wide geographical outlook of the Persian empire but probably also to information gained through the Phoenician trade and colonization in the West. Its main concern relates to the Land of Israel and the realm of Sem. Its western boundaries are described as running from the Tanis (Don) in the North to the Black Sea, the Bosporus and the Mediterranean, thus including Asia Minor, Crete and Cyprus in the realm of Sem.15 Compared with Gen. 10, the Book of Jubilees also exhibits a remarkable ethno-geographic range for the sons of Japheth. It distributed to them practically the whole of Europe save Scandinavia. The group of Gomer still occupies the eastern parts of the North. Magog appears
14 For recent research see J. Frey, 'Zum Weltbild im Jubilaenbuch', in Studies in the Book of Jubilees, eds. M. Albani, J. Frey, A. Lange (Tubingen, 1997), pp. 261-292. Prey's study concentrates on the theological significance of the Land of Israel. 15 A similar claim is attested to in the Sybilline Oracles, attributing to the kingdom of Solomon parts of Asia Minor (Sybilline Oracles III, vv. 167-217; cf. Ill, vv. 569 ff). The motif of Solomon's universal reign was also known in rabbinical traditions (Targum II Esther, chap. 1; Yalkut Shim'oni II, § 172 [concerning 1 Kgs. 5: 1 ff.]), and on that basis it was not so farfetched when in the tenth century the Sefer Yosippon presupposed an alliance between King David and Romulus.



in the centre, with Madai at his western side, but the land was not what he expected. He left his land, returned to the East and settled among the Semites in Persia. Tubal is situated in northern Italy and on the Balkans, Meshech on the Iberian Peninsula as far as Gadir, and Tiras on the islands of the Mediterranean. Similar traditions contained also some, though fragmentary, Qumran texts. The systematic compilation of ethnographic, geographic and cosmographic traditions during the Jewish-Hellenistic period apparently was an urgent request among certain Jewish intellectuals.16 Such early knowledge of Europe is a fact worthwhile to be included and properly evaluated in a treatment of historical geography. Flavins Josephus Towards the end of the first century BCE Flavius Josephus utilized a host of geographical and ethnographical information, mostly drawn from Hellenistic-Roman geographical authors and from Roman military records. Compared with his real geographic horizon he only reluctantly treated the 'table of nations' in the first book of his Antiquities}1 His influence on later Judaism was negligible, limited to an early medieval adaptation, the Sefer Yosippon (see below). The Sibylline Oracles The Jewish Sibylline Oracles contain a wealth of geo-ethnographical information. They present the material of Gen. 9-10 in an extremely Hellenized manner, and most of the topographic details concern Asia Minor and Egypt. Pseudo-Philo Chapter 5 of Pseudo-Philo's Liber antiquitatum biblicarum also contains many interesting details, which appear again in the medieval collection Megillat Yerahme'el (later called Chronicle of Jerahme'el) by Jerahme'el ben Solomon (c. 1150).l8

16 M. Tilly, 'Geographic und Weltordnung im Aristeasbrief, in Journal for the Study ofJudaism 28 (1997), pp. 131-153. 17 D. Fraenkel, 'Die Uberlieferung der Genealogien Gen. 5,3-28 und Gen. 11,10-26 in den Antiquitates Judaicae des Flavius Josephus', in De Septuaginta. Studies in Honour of J. W. Wevers (Missisauga, Ont., 1984), pp. 175-200. 18 G. Kisch, Pseudo-Philo's Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum (Notre Dame, 1949); H. Jacobson, A Commentary on Pseudo-Philo's Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum [Arbeiten zur Geschichte des antiken Judentums und des Urchristentums 31], 2 vols., with Lat. text and Eng. trans. (Leiden, 1996); C. Dietzfelbinger, Pseudo-Philo: Antiquitates Biblicae [Judische Schriften aus hellenistisch-romischer Zeit 2] (Giitersloh, 1975).



The Rabbinic Evidence The targumic, midrashic and talmudic actualizations of Gen. 10 display a surprising picture.19 The geo-ethnographic frame is by far more narrow than that of the considerably older Book of Jubilees. It corresponds more or less to a Hellenistic outlook and concentrates on the Near East and on Asia Minor, reflecting rarely on the wider horizon of the late Roman Empire. This restricted evidence was not primarily due to a lack of information, for many rabbinic passages contain geo-ethnographic details concerning even remote regions. The Sefer Yosippon The author of this fascinating late tenth-century chronicle wrote in the Byzantine parts of southern Italy.20 His actualization of Gen. 10 corresponds to Byzantine territorial and political claims, enumerating among the sons of Javan, the forefather of the Greeks, also Lombardians, Bavarians, Burgundians and even the Danes in the North as well as the southern Slavonic tribes of the Balkans who themselves, according to Sefer Yosippon, pretended to be descendants of Dodanim. Gomer represents the Franks on the River Seine, his son Riphath the Bretons along the Loire, and under Togarmah Yosippon listed ten Turkish tribes in eastern Europe and central Asia including the Khazars. Togarmah was later also the commonly used name for Turks and finally for the Ottoman Empire. The Sefer Yosippon also provided a genealogical foundation for the identification of Edom with Rome: Zepho, a son of Eliphaz and a grandson of Esau, managed to make a military and political career in Carthage, conquered Rome and founded the dynasty of the Roman kings.21 This story eliminated the contradiction which emerged between the attachment of Italy to the realm of the Sons of Javan, a son of Japheth, and the identification of Rome as Edom with its forefather Esau, a descendant of Sem and even of Abraham.

19 A. Neubauer, La geographic du Talmud (Paris, 1868; repr. Hildesheim, 1967); J. Maier, 'Zur ethnographisch-geographischen Oberlieferung iiber Japhethiten (Gen. 10,2-4) im friihen Judentum', in Henoch 13 (1991), pp. 157-194; id., 'Zur ethnographisch-geographischen Uberlieferungen iiber Jafetiten (Gen.10, 2-4) im rabbinischen Judentum', in We-zo't le-Angelo. Raccolta di studigiudaici in memoria di Angela Vivian, ed. G. Busi (Bologna, 1993), pp. 311-356. 20 D. Flusser, Sefer Yosippon, 2 vols. (Jerusalem, 1980), vol. 1, pp. 9-20; vol. 2, pp. 98 ff.; cf. J. Dan, Sefer ha-yashar (Jerusalem, 1986), pp. 261 ff. For an English translation see M. N. Noah, The Book ofYashar (New York, 1972); pp. 185 ff. 21 For an older testimony in a Yelammedenu passage to Gen. 36 see J. Mann, The Bible as Read and Preached in the Old Synagogue, vol. 1 (New York, 2 1971), p. 327, § 152 [Heb.].

It was. author of a famous martyrological chroni- . for since the rule of John Hyrcan I (135-104 BCE) Idumaea had been a part of the Hasmonean state and its population forced to embrace Judaism. But only few authors replaced Edom with Ishmael. Later on. the prevalent name for the Christian political entity as a whole. Edom became. Its place in the 'table of nations' was. as clearly expressed in the 4 Ezra. which in itself stimulated a new interest among Jews in the geography and history of this realm. Throughout the centuries the twins Jacob and Esau in Jewish eyes represented the two main rivalling powers of the time. and particularly for the Holy Roman Empire. not by mere chance that in the sixteenth century Joseph ha-Kohen (1496-1578). It was not only due to the fact that most of the exiled Spanish and Portuguese Jews settled in the countries of the Ottoman Empire. The rise of Islam posed questions concerning the position of Edom in the frame of the four empires. and this not only among Jews. and only then it denoted also a concrete geographical and political fact. free for an actualization or re-interpretation. while Edom itself already had vanished from the 'map'. whose fall was expected to precede the appearance of the Kingdom of God or his 'Anointed King'. the representative of the Islamic world power. for the majority still saw in Edom the fourth empire and regarded the Islamic conquests as first steps towards its fall. which Jews perceived as the beginning of an inner disintegration of Edom. and the same is true regarding the Reformation. the fall of Constantinople in 1453 stimulated ardent eschatological expectations among Jews. consequently. For Jews. Initially. therefore. Edom was first and foremost a theologically defined concept and an eschatological cipher. a polemic was probably not intended. but later on. This evaluation remained valid also with respect to Christian Rome. the ambivalent character of the Esau figure allowed for a profound negative interpretation.144 JOHANNMAIER Shifting to the West Edom—Rome The application of the name Edom and its forefather Esau to the Roman empire was a result of the Roman dominion in Palestine (63 BCE). but also the eschatological significance of the rise of the Ottoman Empire. The concept of four final empires in history had an enormous impact on the views of the whole course of world history. therefore. This concept of Edom as Rome also included the notion of the fourth empire of the Book of Daniel (chapters 4 and 7) as the last of all empires. under direct Roman administration during the first century CE. Israel (or the dominion of God) and Rome. therefore. It may have had its roots in the late Hasmonean era when Rome still had the reputation for being the most important ally of Judah.

Traditions from late antiquity presumed that Canaan occupied the Land of Israel against the will of Noah. 'Sem. The introduction contains valuable information about the author and his methods. As a Hebrew author of the Renaissance period he took. more importantly. in Monatsschrift fur Geschichte und Wissenschaft desJudentumsll (\933). M. In any case. vols. illegitimately. 1-3 (Jerusalem. But the average Jewish reader at that time was more preoccupied by the fate of the exiled Sephardic Jews and by the many other acute problems of regional significance during this period of expulsions and ghettoization.d. 24 M. who in Gen.. n. 1955/56. notice of the new discoveries. This motif was not restricted to that source alone. for throughout late antiquity the problem of Canaan remained an often discussed topos in rabbinic texts. unlike the author's Hebrew translations (Sefer ha-india.22 wrote a history of the Ottoman Empire (including a wide variety of geographical and ethnographical information). Lemberg. ha-Kohen. Canaan The 'table of nations' constitutes a scheme of far-reaching historical consequence for the history of humanity and. Les langues du paradis. and this particularly in the context of Israel's claims to its land.. publication history: Sabbioneta.24 This is particularly true concerning the evaluation of Ham. Sefer Fernando Cortez) of the Historia general de las Indias and La conquista de Mexico by Francisco Lopez de Gomara. 1733. En studie i bibelsk geografi'. Philologie und Rassentheorie im 19. ha-Kohen. together with a history of the kings of France. these chronicles found a Jewish readership. 9-93. in effect. in Forum for Bibelsk Eksegese 4 (1993). None of these translations appeared in print.23 The combination points perhaps to a political-eschatological device against the backgound of the concept of "Edom". 9 are cursed to be slaves forever.25 Canaan was.pp. J. 142-180 (see particularly p. corresponding to the real political and military confrontations during that period. 1994). 1989). Sefer Emek ha-Bakha (The Vale of Tears) with the Chronicle of the Anonymous Corrector. of course. for the classification of languages. Aryens et Semites: un couple providentiel (Paris. 84-99. Hallack. Almbladh (Uppsala. his son Canaan and their offspring. Religion. an idea attested to already in the Book of Jubilees 10: 29-34 (before 200 BCE). 'Ein Rechtsstreit um den Boden Palastinas im Altertum'. ed. and in that connection also for the history of prejudices. 1554. Jahrhundert (Frankfurt a. 23 J. At the 22 J. for racial theories. Strange. pp. 25 H. 84). because Canaan's lot in the distribution of the lands was the north-western part of Africa. Ham of Jafet.GEOGRAPHY AND THE JEWISH RELIGION 145 cle. Divrei ha-yamim le-malkei tsarfat u-le-malkei otman ha-togar. Jerusalem. repr. Olender. not only a gentilicum but also term for a social status (as slaves). G. 1859). Lewy. Amsterdam. in German: Die Sprachen des Paradieses. 1981). and he was evidently eager to have access to further information about foreign peoples and lands. K. .

30 GRMMY' and GRMNY1 (or similar) also wandered from the East (Karmania in Persia?) to the West. Diez Merino. too. Tsarphat and Sepharad. Krauss.26 During the Middle Ages Canaan also served also as a geographic term. 28 P. pp. On the opposite route. 423435. kana'an and kana'ani(t). and finally to Roman Hispania. 'The Names Ashkenaz and Sepharad' [Heb. in Tarbiz 3 (1931/32). Jakobson. in Semitica 16 (1966). D. 27 R. M. used for the same purpose. . Medieval Jewish sources. 2 (1983). 5-25. 1 Kgs. a term used also in glosses to explain difficult words.slaves were brought to northern countries. The first explicit statement is that of Rabbi Solomon ben Isaac to Obad. in Journal of Near Eastern Studies 22 (1963). namely for the eastern parts of Bohemia-Slovakia. and Society (The Hague. in Miscelanea de estudios arabesy hebraicos 32. Reisinger. particularly. became a contemporary synonym for 'non-Jew' resp. 5-37. G. Sowa.]. replacing Gallia and Frantsiyah (or similar) and other older terms of a more regional meaning. 17: 9-10) and Sepharad (Obad. This seems to have been a consequence of the continuous enlargement of the geographic horizon regarding the Mediterranean world in the North and West. 'non-Jewish' in Jewish law. 423-435. 30 Krauss. Sepharad and Aspamia Some biblical geographical names which originally referred to SyriacPhoenician or East Mediterranean places such as the famous biblical Tarshish28 (in Gen. perhaps stimulated by the similar translocation of the talmudic Aspamya/Ispamia to various localities called Apamea. pp. were in the course of time transferred to localities in western regions. L. 128-132. Sepharad stood for the whole of Spain29 and Tsarphat became the commonly used name for France during the late Middle Ages. pp.146 JOHANN MAIER same time. pp. 10 also the name of a son of Javan) and. 147-172. Cintas. Some sources report that a number of Canaanites fled to the North and are identical with Slav peoples.the proper lot of the Hamites .27 Tarshish. like arammi(t). Das Ethnicon Sclavi in den lateinischen Quellen bis zum Jahr 900 (Stuttgart. in For Max Weinreich on His Seventieth Birthday. 29 S. describing in a first step territories linked to the 26 J. his legitimate lot of land being in north-western Africa. in a second step to the far West. Neiman. 'Tarsis-Tartessos-Gades'. This concept had a non-Jewish parallel in the use of the assonance slavi-sclavi. Studies in Jewish Languages. 20: "Tsarfat is the kingdom which is called Frantsa". 'Sefarad: The Name of Spain'. were convinced that Canaan usurped the Land of Israel. pp. 'Sefarad. were in a first step transposed to the region of the Bosporus. thus justifying the medieval slave trade from eastern Europe to the north-western Mediterranean. 1964). 1990). Finally. 'The Names Ashkenaz and Sepharad'. Tsarphat. pp. Halle. from Africa . Literature. Espana o Sardes?'. 'The Term Canaan in Medieval Hebrew'. 20. 20). The latter two. Tsarphat (Obad. and Slavonic idioms were called the "language of Canaan".

Kaltner. in the vicinity of the Black Sea. e. and among them particularly Ashkenaz. Olshausen. therefore. Gog (Ezek. inevitable that Ashkenaz moved to the West to the same degree that Gog/Magog draw nearer to the north-eastern boundaries of Byzantium. p. This was particularly true for the Goths. during late antiquity and the Middle Ages it never served as a name for the German kingdom. 38—39) had always symbolized a mythological threat from the North. and later. 1991). a rather ambiguous name which he may have used for an area West of the Bosporus between the Thrakians and Dakians (Moesia). Josephus (Antiquities 1. The Geographical and Topographical Texts of the Old Testament (Leiden. For biblical Ashkenaz particularly see J. Ashkenaz The history of the term Ashkenaz.. in Union Seminary Quarterly Review 49 (1995). Simons. 10: 2 as the second son of Japheth. 211 n. is more complicated. The sons of Gomer.) identified Aschanazes with Rhegines. 10: 2-5 the firstborn of Gomer. Einfiihrung in die historische Geographic der Alien Welt (Darmstadt. were originally supposed to represent peoples in the Caucasian and trans-Caucasian regions. and in Jer. cf. becoming connected with Germanic tribes and areas. It was because of the invasions of Germanic tribes into the Roman empire from regions North of the Caucasus and the Black Sea during the migration of nations that the term could be used also for them. who appears in Gen. The Gog/Magog Tradition in the Hebrew Bible and the Qur'an: Points of Similarity and Dissimilarity'. It was. p. E. 10. however. 303.GEOGRAPHY AND THE JEWISH RELIGION 147 name Armenia.31 but their names underwent continuous actualizations corresponding to the widening geographic horizon in the northern regions of the Mediterranean world. In early late antiquity the term was applied to tribes and areas in the southern Caucasian regions and later on to western areas of Asia Minor. 35-48. notwithstanding the fact that some rabbinical and early medieval sources presuppose an identification with Gomer and even mention a "Land of GRMM/NY'". first mentioned in the works of Flavius Josephus who followed Roman sources. In rabbinical sources. Perhaps derived from the similar Persian word achshaenas for 'dark' which may have caused the term 'Black Sea'. on the exact geographical position of the person using it. the firstborn of Gomer. Minni and Ashkenaz". His genealogical relationship to Ashkenaz. Ashkenaz remained within the boundaries of western Asia Minor. pp. 124 ff. 1959). presupposed a geographic position to the East of the latter. A more precise definition of this 'North' depended. a traditional and very common eschatological motif in the Byzantine empire during the early Middle Ages. also became connected with the biblical figures of Gog and Magog. of course. who. 38:2 and 39: 6 Gog is combined with Magog. However. 51:21 it appears in the phrase "kingdoms of Ararat. in Christian sources. The similarity to biblical Ashkenaz is striking and should be taken into account.32 In Ezek. 32 J. 31 . in Gen. however.g.

148 JOHANN MAIER During the early Middle Ages. But "land of the West" explicitly refers to "Germaniyah" in the Sefer Yosippon (ch. 22. Tobal somewhere in the Middle East. However. however. S(c)lavia. and the genealogy of Gen. n. 298). of the Javan group. He placed Madai in Persia. Kafah (Jerusalem. since 'Franks' for some time had been the commonly used name for Christians in general in the Near and Middle East. difficult to find a proper position for Ashkenaz: Tsarphat was already identical with northern and central France. as SK'LBH. and it may well be that Ashkenaz has to be located at the South-East of it. 64. p. p. 21). it has been supposed that the Sefer Yosippon. related Gomer to the Turks. from his Mesopotamian point of view. had to be identified with one of the members of the Gomer group in the nearest position.]. It is noteworthy that the Sefer Yosippon reports the claim of the southern Slavonic tribes to be sons of Dodanim. Y. 942). for the new political world power required a definition according to Gen. all that remained for Ashkenaz at that time was areas to the East of them. Slavonic origin. therefore. For a certain time Ashkenaz seems to have been geographically identical with the realm of Great Moravia. with Saxonia and the Danes in the north-eastern parts. Flusser. Ashkenaz may. vol. It was. this position was not primarily determined by geographic necessities but also related to the origins of those tribes who emerged from the East and finally settled in western areas: Huns. 10 provided no further possibilities. consequently. 1963). But this term appears there later (in ch. and Meshek in eastern Persia. ed. It was. in accordance with the Roman province name. However.. Lotir still remained in use for a long time for the territory of the 'middle empire'. Avares and Slavonic peoples. 1.33 Consequently. see D. . Lotir) and the 'Land of the Rhine'. however. a difficult task. The list of the campaigns rests probably on an older source in which Ashkenaz may have represented Germanic tribes or the Roman province name Germania. 33 There is no place for Ashkenaz in this list. the new reality after the division of the Carolingian empire which coined the future mode of speech: Tsarphat became the name of the kingdom of France. Saadiah ben Joseph Gaon (d. as attested to by the Sefer Yosippon (see above). the South of central Europe was already occupied by Bavarians.] came to the land of the West and (to) Ashkenaz and Britannia and Saxonia and Iskotia". in his eyes refer to a region occupied by Slavonic tribes. the future kingdom of Germany.34 and Riphat as Frandzha (the Frankonian kingdom). in the northern Balkans and northern regions adjacent to them. Ashkenaz or Togarmah.. 20. and its north-western side was framed by Lotharingia (Heb. 34 See Perushei rabbenu Sa'adya Ga'on la-torah. in connection with the campaigns of Vespasianus. Thus Ashkenaz shifted once more to the West and became the neighbour of Tsarphat. and the eastern empire. The emergence of the Carolingian empire changed the situation profoundly. but its author was aware of their different. 10. nevertheless. Sefer Yosippon [cited above. Ashkenaz of Gen. line 61. 10 he identified. The passage reads: "Vespasian [. Alemanians and Burgundians. identified Ashkenaz as Germany.

100 milin.. a land of corn and wine and oil.. . Its extension is 25. a fruitful land with many rivers and springs and with hewn-out cisterns. by which they cultivate the silk worms. pp. the king. the distance between Constantinople and their land being a way of 15 days on sea. J. [.GEOGRAPHY AND THE JEWISH RELIGION 149 It is a widely accepted opinion that the "king of Ashkenaz" in the famous correspondence between Hasdai ibn Shaprut and the king of the Khazars35 has to be identified with the Emperor.] until the arrival of diplomatic emissaries from Constantinople with a letter of their king to our king. I asked them about that matter and they answered that it is really true and that the name of the kingdom is al-Khuzar. Sefer ha-kuzari (Tel Aviv.915-c. 337-349 (letter of Hasdai ibn Shaprut). is 16 grades.000 yards and its width 10. plantations and gardens. with plenty of products and delicacies and all sorts of sweet fruits. bring tributes to him und try to please him with gifts and precious things.10 milin. which are 260.]. but that on 35 A. Otto I. Toporowski. described his country in his letter to king Joseph in the following manner: It may be known to my Lord. is in the holy language Sepharad. And the name of the kingdom is Cordoba.. the inhabitants of the land.]. But this interpretation is problematic in view of the fact that there appears also a "king of the Giblim" and a "king of the Slavs [SKL'B]". among them the king of Ashkenaz and the king of the Giblim. I could not believe to their words [. may God be with him. and in the language of the Ishmaelites [Muslims].100.970).. bringing forth every fruit tree and all sorts of the trees. it is situated to the left of the sea which extends to your country [the Mediterranean Sea and the Black Sea] and protrudes from the Great Sea surrounding the whole earth.] and my emissaries finally told me of the Harasan merchants that there exists a kingdom of Jews who are called after the name al-Khazar. the astronomers.. And the extension of the Land of Sepharad. And all these emissaries. [.. And between this land and the Great Sea. nine grades of the grades of the firmament. I am used to interrogating regularly about our brethren of Israel. And from this Great Sea which surrounds all the earth. And the kings of the earth.]. Rabbi Yehudah Halevi. Hasdai ibn Shaprut (c.000. who bring the gifts. and the king of Constantinople. an Andalusian politician and diplomat. who are al-Tsiqlab. This is the extension of the land of his reign in its boundaries. which extends to your land about 80 milin. that the name of our land. to the Land of Constantinople there are 3. the remnants of the exile [. in which we dwell. it is al-Andalus. hearing about his [the king of Cordoba's] greatness and strength. Zifroni... the kingdom of Abd al-Rahman and the Emir of the believers. and in the mountains of our country and in its woods people collect purple snails [. the distance between Cordoba and Constantinople... 1964)..].. along which the sun runs one grade every day according to the words of the scientists. which are 1. And the state of Cordoba is far from the shore of the sea. It is through my hands that their gifts arrive and through my hands that their reward is sent out. For of silk we dispose here in abundance. [. I found in the books of the scholars that the length of the Land Khazar amounts to 60 grades. behind which there is no more human settlement. and other kings.

however. who are the Giblim? As the Hungarians are mentioned as their nearest neighbours the name could refer to the Croatians who at that time played a role of some importance. also in the South (Ps.. 342-344. 379-412 (esp. In the Bible gebal is an ambiguous name with 'mountain' as basic meaning. Hasdai attempted to send a letter to the Khazars by Jews of Jerusalem via Armenia. a rather strange suggestion. which in the Bible denotes the region of Edom. for the Russians (of the kingdom of Kiev) are mentioned in the same context. 13: 5 and 1 Kgs. plural giblim (Josh. He addressed the Byzantine Emperor with a request for support. both passages presuppose a position in the North of Israel. pp. 5: 32 among the specialists of Hiram of Tyrus. They promised to deliver a letter to the king of the Giblim who would send it to the Israelites in the land of the Hungarians. 36: 21). S.37 for the letter of Hasdai presupposes the equation of the Giblim with alTsiqlab. p. 13: 5 presupposes for the Gibli land a position in the North. regarded the Ottoman empire as a satellite of Byzantium. which was written in Byzantine Italy not long after Hasdai's letter. Now. and farther to the Bulgars. and also to the Russians. 5: 32). Targum Jonathan to Gen. not worthwhile mentioning but as a usurping power. what does Ashkenaz mean. In any case. 1935). Josh. apart from the Giblim in the first passage? The Ottoman empire or the Bulgarian or Kievian state? In the eyes of contemporary Mediterraneans the prestige of the Ottoman empire was not as significant as in the eyes of later German historians. cf. If so far true. The identification with Croatians is plausible in the case of this letter. 83: 8. Kohut (New York. but at the same time two emissaries of the king of the Giblim arrived at Cordoba. Ezek. He mentioned also that according to a tradition the mountains in the Khazar region were called Se'ir. In antiquity. pp. accompanied by two Israelites. 399). 'Die hebraischen Benennungen der modernen Vdlker'. from where the letter would arrive at its destination. of unknown significance. 27: 9). From a more western. the name was also used in connection with mountainous regions. In use was also the gentilicum gibli. and that the name of the ruling king is Joseph. in Studies in Memory of George A. 37 36 . Characteristically for his attitude he used a report on the coronation Ibid.36 Hasdai sent a certain Isaac ben Nathan as his emissary to the Khazars. In Arabic Jebel is a very common name for the mountainous region South of the Caucasus. but after six months he was told to return to Cordoba because of the wars and the bad climatic conditions in the region. in connection with the building of the Temple of Jerusalem under Solomon. but also a contemporary name for Byblos (cf. and mentions the Giblim in 1 Kgs. in connection with the Lebanon.150 JOHANNMAIER the land between us and them live many nations. Byzantine view it seems to have been applied to Slavonic tribes. The author of the already mentioned Sefer Yosippon. Krauss.

7. in his Sefer ha-kabbalah. pp. 92 f. 'VYVR. 2. after the Khazars the Greek islands. from the East to the West. 4.. pp. After them he mentioned Italian territories and finally Sepharad. Critical Edition (cited above. Ashkenaz. 3. 42 See Cohen. p. 1967). S'VYR. As a second group. To the realm of Rome are attributed here: Romi. on the extension of Romi. "the whole land of Ashkenaz and Togarmah and Tsarphat". 41 Cohen translated Ashkenaz in both passages as "Slav country". Ibid. For Abraham ben David Togarmah represented probably the kingdom of Germany between Ashkenaz as land of the Slavs and Tsarphat as France. 67 f. 39 38 . which most rabbinic sources still located in Asia Minor. evidently without a detailed knowledge of the regions in the West and North-West. 39). and Sepharad. BVLGR. In Spain. 40 See ibid. It mentions. 'VGVZ. still justified.41 Togarmah certainly does not refers to the Khazars. followed by Romi ha-gedolah.40 It reflects the Byzantine-Persian wars during the early seventh century. for their place is far away on the shore of the Volga. but for his description of the coronation of Vespasianus! Doubts about the prevalent identification of the "king of Ashkenaz" and of the "king of the Giblim" are. 'VVR. D. note. and that Togarmah had ten sons: 1..GEOGRAPHY AND THE JEWISH RELIGION 151 of Otto in his work. Bulgars and Croatians appeared on the scene and for some time represented political powers of considerable significance while the former provinces of the Roman empire could still be regarded as parts of Romi. BYZL. The Khazar king responded in a letter to Hasdai38 that the Khazars affiliate themselves with Togarmah of the Japheth group. Another passage defines the spheres of interest of the rival powers Persia and Rome in a peculiar way.42 It may be that the author was aware of the targumic explanations for Togarmah as GRMM' (or similar). 9. 353-363. 8. Hungarians. c. Pelishtim (here: North Africa). But the ethno-geographic and political situation in the regions between Byzantium in the South. 5. KZR. however. TVRYS. 6. YNVR. pp. enclosed a list of the various parts of the Jewish Diaspora. Ashkenaz comprises apparently all the provinces in the North and north-eastern parts of the former Roman empire between the Black Sea and Tsarphat (Gallia). 40. its definition depends. TRN'. The position of Togarmah seems to be West of Ashkenaz or perhaps South of it. Kiev/Russia in the North and the known middle and western European lands was at that times rather complicated and characterized by many changes. 1180). consequently. Tsarphat and parts of Javan. here evidently Byzantium. Abraham ben David39 (d. 10. Egypt. G. Cohen. A Critical Edition with a Translation and Notes of the 'Book of Tradition' (Sefer ha-Qabbalah) by Abraham Ibn Daud (Philadelphia.

in the same manner. Neubauer. Philadelphia. in Monatsschrift fur Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judentums 80 (1936). assumed that the similarity between Ashkenaz and Tedeschi or Saxoni led to the new connotation 'Germany'. and 'Ashkenazim' finally became the prevalent label for Jews of all northern regions of Europe including eastern Europe. pp. Some authors of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries tried to establish a closer link between Ashkenaz as 'Germany' and Germanic tribes.die Sprache Deutschlands'. pp. Gittin 55b. the whole of later France. it was due to an assonance to Skanza/Scandz/As-Skandz/ Ascanaci. 1967). in Judaica.Deutschland'. Flusser. 842-857) as proof. 'Leshon kena'an . Flusser. 455-459. the term Ashkenaz covered the whole area of central and eastern Europe. Festschrift zu Hermann Cohens siebzigstem Geburtstag (Berlin. 1912). in most cases on the basis of the similarity of certain names. covering the whole geographical realm of the Iberian peninsula. 104 f. vol. It was. But at that time it seems already to have been an established custom to speak of the western Diaspora as that of Sepharad. Of unknown origin and date is a passage in the Seder malkei Romi49 which mentions a time when "the Ashkenazim began to rule over the Romans". 46 D. It is not clear to whom the Commentary to Babylonian Talmud Sukkah 17a. Monatsschrift fur Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judentums 83 (1939). 'Kleinigkeiten'.. and all the regions of central and eastern Europe. 49 A. pp. 44 43 . 302-304. 'Ashkenaz = Deutschland'. n.). S. Mediaeval Jewish Chronicles. 298 f. in analogy to Tsarphat for the kingdom of France. pp.48 but this text provides no evidence for an identification of Ashkenaz with 'Germany'. pp.45 or that. 'Zur Etymologic ashkenaz . D. Simonsen. Sefer Yosippon. for instance.47 D. Wallach. 1887.43 leshon Kena'an for Slavonic. 297-301. vol. A Social and Religious History of the Jews. Referring to Jewish inhabitants. representing a particular synagogal ritual and linguistic tradition of its own. 299-301. pp. Bava Metsia 73b. 20). 6 (New York. Commentary to Babylonian Talmud Ketubbot 77b. Teshuvot ge'onei mitsrah u-ma'arav (Berlin. Miiller. 3 f. in analogy to the 'Sephardim'. Hullin 93a. § 149. in connection with the German colonization during the late Middle Ages and the beginning of the modern era. W. 47 L. vol. pp. similar to Saadiah ben Joseph Gaon's identification with Slav lands. All these assumptions were far-fetched and motivated by apologetic tendencies amongst German Jews. repr. Also in the future the term Ashkenaz designated more than 'Germany': it wandered back to eastern Europe. and Ashkenaz. pointed once again to a responsum of Paltoi (bar Abbaye) Gaon (active c. Tsarphat. p. id. It is more likely that it refers to an area in eastern Europe. in his edition of the Sefer Yosippon (II. Baron. (pro Wallach). 1040-1105) was the first author who used leshon Ashkenaz for the German language. Rieger. 185 f. 45 P. Monatsschrift fur Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judentums 81 (1937). 31971). 1 (cited above. 1888). Jerusalem.152 JOHANNMAIER Solomon ben Isaac (acronym Rashi. and the term 'land of Ashkenaz'44 for a corresponding geographical area. 48 J. 37.46 Similar attempts are equally unconvincing. 1 (Oxford.

71 f. He called Cologne the capital of a kingdom which extends from Cologne as far as Regensburg.52 the latter probably in the wider sense of the Carolingian empire.54 so Very cautious in this respect also A. Grossman. 54 Ibid. 608). East of Regensburg he turns to the "Land Bohemia. Adler. which is called Praga. and adds. most likely to the Goths. 1981). New York. as Rashi had done long before him. During the period of the crusades the name Ashkenaz was preferably applied to 'Franks' .. 79 f.. but perhaps to Charles the Great. Schechter. Heb. for the people of this country sell their sons and daughters to all nations. as later in the Romance languages. . pp. p. trans. p. in central Asia and extreme eastern Europe.50 For a Jewish author in Italy or Spain it was plausible to look for Ashkenaz in northern central Europe and in eastern Europe. in its eastern part still a land of Slav peoples. from manuscripts in the State Public Library in Leningrad and in the Bodleian Library in Oxford by S. Madai. 51 S. Eng. and therefore it was sometimes also used for the Khazars. 1.the same is true for the Sefer Yosippon. it is more likely a list of traditional names aimed at impressing Jewish readers. A fragment from the Cairo Genizah of unknown exact date expresses a universal claim for the authority of the Jewish Exilarch in Mesopotamia. For authors in Spain. p. "which is called Ashkenaz". Skoss (New Haven. 84. 2 vols. Peras (!) and Javan. 42. The Spanish Jewish author Benjamin of Tudela. 1964). Hakhmei ashkenaz ha-rishonim (Jerusalem.51 But it is rather improbable that this list envisaged concrete geographic statements. None of these arguments for an identification of Ashkenaz with 'Germany' is really reliable. 19361945). 81. text pp. And the Jews who dwell in it call it Canaan. 159 (and vol. L. Sepharad. ed. and Riphat with the Franks. 1 ff. But from the viewpoint of Mesopotamian/Syrian authors before the period of the crusades Ashkenaz still remained the name for peoples North of the Caucasus. Eng. southern France and Italy Alemania was the nearest region of later Germany. This is the beginning of the Land Asklaboniah. N. The Karaite lexicographer David ben Abraham Alfasi (tenth century) connected Ashkenaz with the Khazars. 2. enlisting Tsarphat. who wrote his itinerary in the late twelfth century.. 52 The Hebrew-Aramaic Dictionary of the Bible Known as Kitabjami' al-Alfaz (Agron) of David ben Abraham al-Fasi the Karaite. The Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela (repr. called the kingdom of France explicitly 'Tsarphat'. Ashkenaz. and they used it also as pars pro toto. written from a Byzantine point of view. 74. Saadiana (Cambridge. 53 M. They are the people of Russia". trans. In the eyes of authors in the western Mediterranean and in northern France Ashkenaz was a region East of the Rhineland and in the North of Alemania.GEOGRAPHY AND THE JEWISH RELIGION 153 term Ashkenazim here really refers. text p. n.53 According to Benjamin Alemania begins at Verdun. pp. vol. p. 1903). Heb.

and introd. Additional Sources of Information 1.. Egypt. providing them with more or less fantastic information about remote regions and peoples in the Middle East and in India. most of them unsensational and.55 Such traditional names would evoke a positive theological evaluation of the role of Soliman in Israel's history. above. J.. Heb. one of the comparatively 'modern' Jewish authors of the Renaissance period. A Hebrew Alexander Romance According to Ms. Solomon ibn Verga was not the only allegedly 'modern' Jewish historian who referred to biblical genealogies. 10 exhibit a broad spectrum of actualizations. 671. Teman (South Arabia). particularly the sons of Javan.5 Paris. The chronicler Solomon ibn Verga.and this some decades after the fall of Constantinople! His word in praise of the vanished eastern Christian power are evidently intended to put an indirect blame on the western Holy Empire and its anti-Jewish attitude. 57 56 . EdomRome) began the first chapter of his History of the Kings of France and of the Ottoman Dynasty of Togar56 with a genealogy according to 1 Chron. Jews' College No. Ever ha-Nahar (Mesopotamia). Ludim (eastern North Africa). Uts. Canaan (!). Philistaea. Moab. Meshek. but not at all to the chronicler's own situation.57 55 Sefer shevet yelmdah le-rabbi Joseph ibn Verga. 1992). trans. the Greeks . van Bekkum (Leuven. who expressed an extraordinary esteem for the sons of Japheth. Baer (Jerusalem. 10 at the beginning of the tenth-century Sefer Yosippon. A Hebrew Alexander Romance According to Ms. Kushim (Ethiopians). which runs towards the Ocean. Tiras. ed. and his expanding politics and military achievements gave rise to the hope that Edom/Rome as the 'fourth empire' of Daniel was about to collapse. 145. quotes a list from an EgyptianJewish source which describes the extension of the rule of Soliman I in terms of Gen. note 23. 1: 1-7. the Great Sea. Bibliotheque Nationale (Groningen. 145." This passage (with a textual error) corresponds to the actualization of Gen. Throughout the Middle Ages the Hebrew versions of the Alexander romance exercised a far-reaching influence among Jews. Arabia and Sinai. W. with variations according to the regional viewpoints and conditions of the time. London. 1946/47).154 JOHANNMAIER The medieval commentaries on Gen. Madai. 1994). Y. See above. The last medieval example is the commentary on Genesis by Isaac Abrabanel. p. He continued: "The sons of Gomer are Francos who dwell along the river PRVNTH and the river Seine. Edom (the biblical land at the South of Judaea). Joseph ha-Kohen (s. id. 10 and uses other biblical names: Togarmah (Asia Minor). Riphat are the Bretanos who dwell in the land Bretania along the river Loire. of course. It was he who had readily received the Jews who had been expelled from the Iberian Peninsula. ed.

always a cause for the emergence of messianic movements. 4. but their main goal was. Throughout late antiquity. and information about their alleged fate and their current whereabouts stimulated geographical and eschatological fantasies. A. According to Jewish tradition the Assyrians deported the entire population of the ten northern tribes of Israel. 3. the Middle Ages and even during the modern era it was a fixed pattern of the eschatological view that the future re-appearance of the "ten lost tribes" would constitute a decisive turning point before the final phase of history. like that of Benjamin of Tudela. presupposing a divine device behind the whole course of history. of a legendary character. One of the primary aims of the traditional Jewish concern for history was the hope to learn something about the last period of world history. One of these expectations was the restoration of Israel with all its twelve tribes under an "anointed" Davidic ruler. of course. somewhere in the East. speculation and hopes. mainly regarding the geographical place and circumstances of the 58 59 See above. . The Ten Lost Tribes of Israel (Lanham. in most cases. in consequence. when Israelites were not allowed to walk farther than a limited distance. Throughout the centuries their fate remained a subject for preoccupation.59 One of them is the legend about the impassable river Sambation which. Rumours concerning the fate of the ten tribes were. n. Events of the past were used in a typological way as models for events in present times or in the future. The last part of Benjamin's book abounds with legendary material about the Middle East. In the High Middle Ages the news about the conversion of the Khazars to Judaism focussed Jewish interest on central Asia and the eastern Mediterranean regions. contain much topographical information. however. separates the "ten lost tribes of Israel" from the West. In contexts of that kind geographic information materialized. 1992). From Samaria to Samarkand. during the Sabbath. D. a region of special concern for Jewish readers because of prevalent concepts of the fate and future of the "ten lost tribes" of Israel. The waters of this fantastic stream were believed to allow passage only every seventh day. conditions and personalities of the past formed an important part of the eschatological concept.GEOGRAPHY AND THE JEWISH RELIGION 155 2. The restoration of idealized situations. Traveller accounts.58 The "Ten Lost Tribes of Israel" and Eschatological Expectations After their conquest of northern Israel in 722 BCE the Assyrians exiled parts of the population to the Middle East where they disappeared. Law. a description of Jewish communities and their environment.

The Ritual of Eldad ha-Dani. at a first glance. In view of the triumphant rise of the Ottoman empire the prospect of a second front against the new Muslim threat was. In his writings he also described some of their rulings. The Jews were. 'New Light on Some Geographical Data in the Works of Eldad ha-Dani and Benjamin of Tudela' [Heb. still under the impression of the expulsions from the Iberian peninsula and from Provence. Gad and Half-Manasseh. Schloessinger. 1908). 2: 11. and rumours about the discoveries of new territories and unknown peoples affected the Jews in a particular way: they did not see it primarily as new geo-ethnographic information in a scientific sense but as evidence hinting at a decisive eschatological phase which would be connected to the re-appearance of the "lost ten tribes". During the late ninth century a man appeared in North Africa and Spain who called himself Eldad ha-Dani. and deeply preoccupied with the difficulties they experienced during the following decades. As early as 1480 a printed version appeared in Mantua. in Tarbiz 8 (1936/37). M. To a certain extent their location was of a similar significance for the Jews as that of the "land of the Prester John" in contemporary Christian sources. At a time of general excitement about the alleged discovery of new maritime connections with India and the emerging consciousness of the discovery of a new continent and unknown peoples. later subject to intense scholarly discussion. He pretended to stem from the tribe of Dan in a Jewish kingdom consisting of some of the lost tribes in the land of Havilah (Gen. his accounts (transmitted in several versions) provoked messianic hopes and exercised a far-reaching influence. Eldad ha-Dani. Under these conditions acute messianic expectations emerged throughout the entire Diaspora. seine Berichte tiber die zehn Stamrne und deren Ritus (PreBburg. manners and customs. seem to have been particularly eager to find out about possible changes resulting from to David's ac60 A. and certainly also of potential importance for the position of the Jews in Christian countries.]. 10: 7. . The converses. S. Reconstructed and Edited From Manuscripts and a Genizah Fragment (Leipzig. The question of the "lost ten tribes" emerged again. at that time in a precarious situation. 208-232.). 10: 29. 1891/92). Epstein. etc. In two instances these preconditions led to spectacular events with remarkable consequences and repercussions. symptomatic for the widespread demand for information of that kind. He stated that the king had sent him to Europe in order to organize military support for his wars against the Muslims. The second instance leads us into the early modern period.156 JOHANNMAIER ten tribes. pp. at that time. nourished by speculations and a popularized kabbalistic theology. Krauss. an attractive perspective. Whoever he may have been.60 He also mentioned "sons of Moses" beyond the river Sambation. king over the tribes of Reuben. A certain David ha-Re'ubeni claimed to be the brother of Joseph. there appeared in Venice in 1523 a person similar to Eldad ha-Dani.

under the impression of David's appearance. About him see also M. as an ardent Catholic and realistic politician. The kabbalistic messianic prophet Abraham ben Eliezer ha-Levi was active during the twenties of the sixteenth century.GEOGRAPHY AND THE JEWISH RELIGION 157 tivities. Escoly (Jerusalem. David. which also determined the further behaviour of David. 21959). Solomon Molcho found his death in Mantua in 1532. 1998). 62 61 . Charles V. who seemed to be interested. decided to return to Judaism in 1527. But the negotiations failed because of the activities of Solomon Molcho. Finally they dared to approach the Emperor at Regensburg. condemned to the stake for being a relapsed Christian. however. He found ways to contact the Pope in order to obtain from him letters of recommendation for negotiations with kings and the Emperor. He devoted himself to kabbalistic studies and messianic speculations. A History of Messianic Speculation in Israel from the First to the Seventeenth Centuries (New York. However. Asher Lemlein began his messianic propaganda in northern Italy and southern Germany at the same time. H. in the beginning of the second part of his History of the Kings of France and the Sippur David ha-Re'uveni. and after two adventurous years continued their activities in Italy. A. however. Against this background rumours about the discoveries in America formed only details within a fixed eschatological scenario. Z.61 In a time of rumours about newly discovered lands. and that in spite of the imminent death penalty for a "relapsus". and David was brought to Spain. Halter. 1940/41). He also wrote diaries in which he described his travels from the "desert of Habour" to the West. They both had to leave Portugal.63 The famous exegete Isaac Abrabanel and some kabbalists calculated the beginnings of eschatological events for 1503/04. Boston. such 'information' could easily be regarded as reliable. ordered their imprisonment. about his last years nothing is known. Le Messie (Paris. therefore. further nourished by the fall of Constantinople in 1453 and by the sacco di Roma in 1528. when the Reformation in Germany led to expectations concerning the fall of Edom. a Marrano who. David ha-Re'ubeni also attracted the attention of prominent non-Jews. ed. 63 A. Most of its content consists of legendary material drawn from various sources. which remained an inner-Jewish event. But unlike the affair of Eldad ha-Dani.62 Jews and Geography During the Beginning Modern Era The first three decades of the sixteenth century were characterized by intensive Jewish messianic expectations. During the year 1525 he found access to the court of Pedro III of Portugal. attracted the attention of Jews and non-Jews alike. 1927. Silver.

Not from America. but preferred biblical and classical sources as well as modern (contemporary) publications in order to demonstrate that Jews in the period of the Jerusalem Temple had attained cultural standards comparable to those of the modern gentile environment. particularly in Italy. 23. in his Shiltei ha-gibborim. Abraham ben David Portaleone.64 the chronicler Joseph ha-Kohen devoted some passages to the expeditions and discoveries of Portuguese and Spanish sailors in Africa and America and mentioned Amerigo in particular. did not determine the worldview and historical outlook of the majority. Such learned Jewish circles. 64 See above. but from Asia did a Jew of that time expect news of decisive relevance for Israel's history. as a tool for the defence of Judaism within a humanistic and Renaissance culture. however. As soon as information about the new continent spread among Jews many of them assumed that the "Indians" in America might be descendants of some of the "ten lost tribes". did not so much rely on medieval Jewish authorities. but finally turned his attention to the Far East. For instance. . All this happened notwithstanding the fact that in certain Jewish circles of the late sixteenth and beginning seventeenth centuries a new approach to secular learning was beginning to emerge. n.158 JOHANNMAIER Ottoman Dynasty of Togar.

. 79. also Cardan.. c. Henerus.77-79. 71-77.158 Abu al-Hasan ibn Abi al-Rijal (fl. 27 f. Benjamin Portaleone (d. Cicero (106-43 BCE) 5. Johannes (15th c. 1525) 138 Abraham Portaleone (1542-1612) 99 f. Abraham bar Hiyya (d. 155 f. Fabricius. KriStof (1564-1621) 89 HasdaiCrescas(1340-c. 118 Duns Scotus.. 1110-c. Galileo (1564-1642). Roderigo de (1591-1667) 29 f.) 153 David ben Judah Messer Leon (1470-1526) 106 David ha-Re'ubeni (d. 138 Gassendi. 68. Josephus (d. 102 Bahya ben Asher (13th c.g. Abraham Portaleone and not Portaleone.68 Annius of Viterbo. Alexander (b. c.17 f. Azariah.1683) 109 f.. 120.. 85. See Levi ben Gerson Grynaeus. 12. 151. Gonzalo (1478-1557) 95 Ficino. 56 Euclid (325-271 BCE) 18.. 19. 27 f. Pierre (1517-1564) 89 Benedictus. Johann Amos (1592-1670) 40 Copernicus.24 f.24 f. Nicolaus (1473-1543) 17..480-524) 21 Boscius. 1193-1280) 116. Valerius (1515-1544) 112 da Orta.18 Hevel ius. Francis (1561-1626) 17. also Abraham ibn Daud 106.209) 45. 1180). 1606) 41 Gersonides. Balthasar (fl. 133. 88-90 Galilei. Fuchs. David (1541-1613) 124. 133 Bacon. 1468-1549) 133 Epicurus (341-271 BCE) 9. 158 Abraham ben David Provenzale (16th c. Johannes (1611 -1687) 42 .75. 34 Augustine (354-430) 8.102-104 Cans.. 58 f. 107-118. 1136) 138 f. 133 Elijah Levita (c.INDEX OF NAMES Jewish names are listed under the first name: e.55.41 Cordus. 1490). Philipp (1531-1589) 53. Tommaso (1568-1639) 74. John (c. 1358) 71 Campanella. 1532) 156 f. David ibn Abi Zimra (1479-1573) 82. Melchior (1486-1564) 55 Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdes. Germann. See Benjamin Portaleone Harant de Polzic et Bezdruzic.15. Tycho (1546-1601) 133 Brasavola.Johannes(1486-1543) 52 Eliezer Ashkenazi (1513-1586) 123. Clavius. Garcia (c. Veit (1503-1557) 53. Johann Lonaeus (1515-1585) 64. Jacopo (1460-1530) 45 Berosus (fl.123. Johann (c.66 Brahe. 112 Fendt. Antonio (1500-1555) 112 Bruno. Marsilius (1433-1499) 4. Georgius (1494-1555) 63.Christoph(1537-1612) 32 Comenius. also Biancani. Abraham. 90-92 Azariah de' Rossi (c. 116.) 4 Apian.47-51.17 Avicenna (980-1037) = Abu AH al-Hussain ibn Abdallah ibn Sina 55. 22. Abraham ben David (c. 64.112 Galen (129-C. 16.l 576) 61 Dioscorides (40-90) 81. 73. Blancani 27 Boethius (c. 1488-1570) 63. 112 Albertus Magnus (c. Leonhart (1501-1566) 53. 61-63.13. 17 f.67 Ammonius Agricola. 1619) 112 Cardano.970) 148 f. 46. John (1596-1680) 40 Eck. Otto (fl. 110 f. 1624). Geronimo (1501-1576). 127.. 1511-1578) 103 f. Renatus (16th c. Giordano (1548-1600) 73. 65 f. 102 Arriaga. 88. Sebastian (d.) 109 Abraham ben Eliezer ha-Levi (1460-1528) 157 Abraham Farissol (1451-c.) 117 Behaim. 94 della Porta. Pietro Maria (fl. 118 Amerbach.102 Buridan.112. 23. Martin (1459-1507) 140 Belondu Mans. 1610) 24 f. Jacob (1576-1629) 40 Fallopius. Gabriel (1523-1562) 62. 102 Canepario. 112 Cattenius.) 153.. 1295-c.. Azariah de' Rossi and not de' Rossi. 68. also Benedetti 45 Benjamin of Tudela (12th c. also Galileo 17. John (1266-1308) 72 Dury. Pierre (1592-1655) 73 f.54 Aristotle (384-322 BCE) 5-10. before 280 BCE) 4 Blancanus.l410) 71-78 Hasdai ibn Shaprut (c. Simon (1493-1541) 18 Guglielmo Portaleone. 49. Cardanus 88. c. Giovanni Battista (1535-1615) 112 Democritus (460-370 BCE) 56 Dietrich. 1499-1568) 117 David ben Abraham Alfasi (10th c. 129 f.915-c. 1040) 83 Agricola. Berengario da Carpi.) 49 Hermes Trismegistos 4. 105.36.

. Ill Judah Provenzale (16th c. 1520-1585). Bartholomaus (1530-1585) 61 Serapion(c. See Judah Loew Maimonides.113. Johannes(1507-1589) 40 Telesio.1355) 139 Isaac ben Sheshet Prefet (1326-1408) = Ribash 82 Isaac Israeli (845-943) 84 Isaac Lampronti (1679-1756) 115 Jacob ben David Provenzale (fl. also Jan Turnowski 40 Hippocrates (c. Matthias (1544-1601) 41 Meir Katzenel lenbogen (1482-1565) 109 Melanchthon.) 27 Turnovius. 65 f.133 Kriiger.83 Judah Abrabanel (c. 1550) 82 Ogier. Cyriacus (d. 105 f. 29. John (1632-1704) 33 Lopez de Gomara. 69 Menahem Azariah da Fano (1548-1620) 115 Menavino. during rule of Sultan Mehmed II. Pier Andrea (1501-1577) 112 Meinius. Jean (1633-1667) 90 Thevet. also Mondinus 44 Mordecai Meisel (1528-1601) 120. Johannes (1455-1522) 4. 1493-1572) 107 Jerahme'el ben Solomon (fl.) 127 Moses ben Maimon (1135-1204) = Maimonides 72.. See Moses ben Maimon Matthiolus..131-136 Judah Moscato (c. 139 Judah Loew (c. 23.1592) 90 Paltoi (bar Abbaye) Gaon (fl. 1488. 1450-1520) 154 Solomon Luria (1510-1574) 121 f. Philip (1497-1560) 3-8. 32 Perles. 1506) 87 Luther. 16..112 Pererius.. Simon ben Zemah Duran (1361-1444) 84 Solomon ben Isaac (1040-1105) = Rashi 123. See Avicenna Isaac Abrabanel (1437-1508) 123. 842-857) 152 Paracelsus (c. 152 Salomone de' Rossi (1570-1630) 111 Scheiner. See Isaac ben Sheshet Prefet Riccius. Peter (d.) 116. Stephanus (16th c.153 Solomon ibn Verga (c. de la Rue 117 Saadiah ben Joseph Gaon (882-942) 148. 1256) 21 f..) 109 Keckermann. 63. Nicolas de (1517-1583) 87 f. 52-61. 125. 1525-1609) = Maharal 119-129.Johannes(1571-1630) 17.116.78 Plato (428-348 BCE) 4 f.146. Martin (1597-1639) 41 Paleme.130 Moses Hamon (fl. Giovan Antonio (fl. 1275-1326). Andre (1502-1590) 88 Tidicaeus. 154. Francesco (c. 1573) 64 Leone Ebreo. 1593) 101.129.. Rueo.) 73 Pico della Mirandola. d.61 . Bernardino (1508-1588) 26. Jacob (1460-1532) 121 Pseudo-Albertus Magnus (late 14th c. Jakob (1501-1559) 57. Christophorus (d. Jean (1557-C. c.. 126 Sturm. See Judah Abrabanel LeoneModena(1571-1648) 101 Lessius.46 f. Abu All al-Hussain ibn Abdallah. Polak. 1150) 142 Joseph ben Judah Zarka (Bonaiuto) (fl. also Roeo. Ulrich (16thc. Meir (1666-1739) 120-123. Adam (d. Bartholomaus (1571-1608) 41 Kepler.157 Isaac ben Moses Estori ha-Parhi (1280-C.. 1570) 18 Nicolay. \ 530-c.. 89 f. 56 f. Opitz. 1480) 106 Jehiel Nissim Vitale da Pisa (c. 89 Plutarch(c. 47-49.) 40 f. 1551/1572) 121.Hiob (1649-1711) 18 L u i s d e l a Y s l a ( f l . 1230. 128 Philo of Alexandria (20 BCE-50 CE) 8 Philoponos. 5 f. John (6th c. 1510/1520-c.158 Joseph Sinai (16th c. 1493-1541) 49 f. 125 Lutz. Ibn Sina. Johann (1567-1629). Charles (1595-1654) 35. 25..460-c. Gianfrancesco (1469-1533) 72f. 1411) 83 Joseph ha-Kohen (1496-1578) 144f. 65 f. Schonborn. 154. 1444-1481) 85-87 Moses Isserles (c. 1548) 86 Milich.) 109 Juan de Sacrobosco (fl.ll9) 17f. Benedictus (1536-1610) 24-27. 1615) 41 Landau. See Solomon ben Isaac Razis (860-932) 89 Reuchlin. 9 f.118 Rashi. Christoph (1590-1643) 40 Rueus. Francisco (1510-1564) 145 Ludolf. 34. 133 Judah Halevi (before 1075-1141) 106. 102 Thevenot.51-54.104. Martin (1483-1546) 3. Obadiah di Bertinoro (fl. 65 f. Christoph (1575-1650) 31 Schober. d..160 INDEX OF NAMES Mondinode" Liuzzi (c. 109.42 f. 1460-1523) = Leone Ebreo 78.12 Mylaeus.46-c.126-128 MordecaiYaffe(16thc.. 18 Ribash. 8-18. Leonardus (1554-1623) 21 Levi ben Gerson (1288-1344) = Gersonides 72 Locke. 27.200-150BCE) 89 f..370 BCE) 55. 27.66 f.151.124 Muhammad (570-632) 10. Franz (1554-1617) 41 Tucci. 1599) 68 Maharal. 1391-1429) 109 Joseph ben Rabbi Gedaliah (fl.

della Valle 21 Valla. also Vallius 24 Vesal. 66.. Andreas (1514-1564) 48.. 1518) 140 Williamof Ockham (1285-1349) 71 Xenophon (430-355 BCE) 11 f. 62-64. 69 161 Waldseemuller. 59. Paulus (1522-1588).) 45 Ziegler. Lorenzo (1407-1457). Martin (c. also Vallensis. Johann Reinhard (1569-1636) 24 .INDEX OF NAMES Valla. 1470-c. Gabriele de (15th c.51 f. 15 Zerbi.

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