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Eleonora Nadel-Golobi

Armenians and Jews in medieval Lvov : Their role in oriental trade, 1400-1600
In: Cahiers du monde russe et soviétique. Vol. 20 N°3-4. Juillet-Décembre 1979. pp. 345-388.

Citer ce document / Cite this document : Nadel-Golobič Eleonora. Armenians and Jews in medieval Lvov : Their role in oriental trade, 1400-1600. In: Cahiers du monde russe et soviétique. Vol. 20 N°3-4. Juillet-Décembre 1979. pp. 345-388. doi : 10.3406/cmr.1979.1366 http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/cmr_0008-0160_1979_num_20_3_1366

Résumé Eleonora Nadel-Golobič, Arméniens et Juifs à Lvov au Moyen Age. Leur rôle dans le commerce avec l'Orient, 1400-1600. Au cours de la période considérée, Lvov commerça avec la Moldavie et avec la Crimée jusqu'à la fin du XVe siècle, puis avec l'Empire ottoman au XVIe siècle. Au XVe siècle et antérieurement, le commerce de Lvov avec l'Orient était transitaire. En revanche, à partir du XVIe siècle, une partie des marchandises provenant de la Perse ou de l'Extrême-Orient et une quantité de produits d'origine balkanique étaient vendus sur le marché local. Deux minorités ethniques — les Arméniens et les Juifs — avaient la haute main sur le commerce de Lvov avec l'Orient, alors que le rôle des autres commerçants était de moindre importance. Les minorités arménienne et juive étaient volontiers acceptées par les rois de Pologne (Lvov était une ville de la Couronne), car elles disposaient non seulement des capitaux nécessaires et des relations internationales, mais elles avaient de surcroît l'expérience du commerce. Au début de la période considérée, les Juifs de la Russie Rouge et ceux de Lvov se livraient au commerce local (qui comprenait également des marchandises originaires de l'Orient) alors que les Arméniens opéraient à l'échelle internationale. Il n'est pas fait mention de la participation des Juifs au commerce international avant la seconde moitié du XVIe siècle. Abstract Eleonora Nadel-Golobič, Armenians and Jews in medieval Lvov. Their role in oriental trade, 1400-1600. The oriental trade of Lvov in the discussed period was connected with Moldavia and Crimea until the end of the fifteenth century and with the Ottoman Empire in the sixteenth century. In the fifteenth century and earlier Lvov's oriental trade was of a transit character, however beginning with the sixteenth century a part of the Far Eastern or Persian goods and a considerable part of local Balkan products were sold on the local market. Lvov's oriental trade was dominated by two ethnic minorities: Armenians and Jews, while the role of other traders was less significant. Both Armenian and Jewish minorities were readily accepted by the Polish kings (Lvov was a Crown city) since they had at their disposal not only the necessary capital and international contacts, but also trading experience. In the earlier stage of this period the Jews of Red Russia and Lvov's Jews as well were engaged in local trade (which included also the articles from Orient), while the Armenians operated on an international scale. Jewish participation in international trade is attested only in the second half of the sixteenth century.

DOSSIER

ELEONORA

N A D E L - GО LОВ I Č

ARMENIANS

AND JEWS

IN MEDIEVAL LVOV

THEIR ROLE IN ORIENTAL TRADE 1 400- 1 600*

The city of Lvov1 arose in Ruthenian lands on the territory of GalicianVolhynian principality in the middle of the thirteenth century. The founding of the city is attributed to Galician Prince Daniil Romanovich (1202-1264), who named the city after his son and successor Lev (12641300). The first historical mention of the city is found in the GalicianVolhynian Chronicle under the year 1256 when the chronicler describing the fire of Kholm added that 'the flames were such that their glow was seen all over the country, even looking from Lvov.'2 By 1349, upon the extinction of Galician princely line, Lvov was occupied by the Poles. After the death of King Casimir in 1370, Lvov, with Galician Ruthenia, was incorporated into Hungary (on the basis of the Vyšehrad Agreement between the Polish King Casimir and his nephew, Hungarian King Louis of Anjou). The Hungarian rule lasted till 1387 when Lvov, along with Galician Ruthenia, were again annexed by Poland. Lvov's geographical location at the crossroads of the trade routes leading from the Black Sea to the Baltic and connecting the Orient with Western Europe served to further its development and growth as a commercial center. The trade which created prosperous conditions for the city's merchants attracted different nationalities to Lvov. The fundamental privilege given to the city in 13563 mentions Armenians, Jews, Saracens, Tatars and Ruthenians. The Polish rule added the burghers, mostly of German stock and Poles to the city's population. We have also later information about Greek, Italian, Moldavian, Vallachian and Turkish merchants, who visited the city or settled here. The nationalities who played important roles in international trade, i.e., Armenians, Jews, Italians and Greeks, settled along the trade routes of Ruthenia, bringing with them the knowledge of oriental languages (Armenians spoke Kypchak which was the trade language of the Golden * I wish to express my profound gratitude for invaluable suggestions and biblio graphic assistance to Alexandre Bennigsen, Richard Hellie and Arcadius Kahan of the University of Chicago, and Matei Cazacu in Paris. Cahiers du Monde russe et soviétique, XX (3-4), juil.-déc. 1979, pp. 345-388. 5

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Horde), the beginnings of the banking system (Italians) and the knowledge of the markets (Jews, Greeks). These eastern and western settlers strengthened Lvov's trade by maintaining commercial ties with the communities they left behind upon moving to Lvov. The scope of this paper is, however, limited only to the role of two ethnic groups: the Armenians and Jews who for centuries became a part of the city life in Lvov and played the most prominent role in the trade with the Orient. Besides, some features of their social-economic and cultural existence in dispersion (diaspora), lack of a backing by a strong ethnic state in vicinity, the influence of a long recorded historical tra dition make them similar in many respects to each other in spite of obvious differences and justify their treatment as a special topic selected from the history of other trading minorities of Lvov whose role in oriental trade was of lesser importance.

Documentary sources for the history of trade in Lvov in frame of social and economic history in general derive essentially from the archival depositories: the local Lvov archives and the central Archives of Ancient Acts in Warsaw where the A bstracts of the Records of the Crown Chancery or the Metryka koronna are kept. The edition undertaken by T. Wierzbowski and his continuators in 1905- 1961, Matricularum Regni Poloniae Summaria, part 1-5 covers the period 1447-1572. As to the local archives of Lvov before World War II the most important were the City Archives and the so-called District, or Bernardine Archives, founded in 1784. The Bernardine collections are now in the Central State Historical Archives in Lvov as far as the medieval period is concerned. The State Archives of Lvov also contain the Acts of the City Council, the City Jury, the Court of the wójt, the Armenian Court, the City Books and other manuscripts. A rich material for the history of trade in Lvov can be found in the collection of A. Czolowski, Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa z archiwiim miasta, volumes II-IV (city records to the beginning of the fifteenth century)4 and especially in the series of Akty grodzkie i ziemskie z czasów Rzeczypospolitej polskiej z Archiwum tak zwanego Bernardynskiego we Lwowie. • Of the twenty- five- volume collection, of most interest to us are volumes III-V (acts from the City Archives 1334-1496), VI (acts of the guilds 1386-1496), VII (documents from various archives before 1665 including Moldavian material), IX (City acts 1375-1521), X (abstracts of court documentation of the Castle and the County before 1783), XIV, XV, XVII and XIX (notes of court procedures 1440-1570). Besides abstracts of court claims and verdicts the Akty contain the texts of royal charters, privileges and statutes. The charters of Moldavian hospodars in volume VII are of importance when dealing with Lvov's Moldavian trade. Volumes X and XV contain valuable data on Armenian and Jewish commerce. After the publication of E. Kaluzniacki's edition of Dokumenty moldawskie i multanskie z Archiwum m. Lwowa in volume VII of the Akty* documents concerning Lvov's trade with Moldavia, Vallachia and Hungary were published by N. Iorga in his Studii si documente eu privire la istoria Româmlor,7 in volume XXIII (for the period 1404-1602), M. Costachescu in Documentele moldovenesti înainte de Stefan cel Mare, including his Documentele moldovenesti de la Bogdan voievod and Documentele moldovenesti de la Stefàmfa voievod (for the years 1387-1456 and 1504-1527),8 as well as volume XV, part I of the collection of E. Hurmuzaki, Documente privitoare la istoria Românilor* for the sixteenth century.

XV. J. Simeon Lehatsi. mid XVI." St." Fundamental monographs on aspects of Lvov's oriental trade in connection with social. Die auswârtigen Handelsbeziehungen der Moldau im XIV. statutes of the guilds. economic and cultural development of Poland. besides decisions related strictly to administrative matters also court materials. ambassador of Emperor Rudolf II to the Zaporozhian Cossacks (1594). T. Still of value is the monograph of W. such as A. Ceny we Lwowie w XVI i . Otwinowski.11 J. Historja handlu w Polsce (1920)." Of higher quality is the chronicle compiled by D. Rutkowski. the City Jury (Inducta et protocolla iudicii civilis scabinalis). manifestoes. companion of the Polish ambassador to Turkey (1557). records of elections and grants of citizenship and so on. Handel Ukrainy w XVI wieku (1895) and A. Burgundian errant knight and diplomatic agent of Henry V of England (1421). canon of the local Roman-Catholic chapter. "Handel Polski ze Wschodem w wiekach árednich" (1903). Lemberg's Stapelrecht (1909). property cases involving the City patriciate and other data. Lewicki. Ukraine and Romania were essentially written in the first three decades of this century. Zimorowicz (1597-1677) presented a chronicle of events for the period 1 292-1633 (Leopolis triplex)1* and a book on the Viri illustres civitatis Leopoliensis (1671) being himseli a distinguished citizen of Lvov and officeholder: councillor. a Dominican monk who was prefect of Kaffa and Tartaria (1633). Lippomano. a successful merchant and poet. Charewiczowa. Archival materials from the end of the sixteenth century still unpublished contain documents issued by the City Council. envoy of the Polish King Stephen Bathory to Crimea (1578). Armenian deacon who tra veled from Lvov to Istanbul (1608) and D.1* St. Z ary s gospodarczych dziejów Polski w czasach przedrozbiorowych (1923). The Acts of the City Council include. E. H. the Armenian Court. Jablonowski. "Ocherki torgovli iuzhnoi Rusi s 1480 po 1569 god" (1898). Nistor. Heyd's Geschichte des Levanthandels im Mittelalter. Jahrhundert (19ц). Verzilov." Of pure compilatory character in regard to the medieval period is the chronicle of Father I.11 Local historiography of Lvov is going back to the seventeenth century as far as the history of the city in this period is concerned. V. Hrushevsky. Broniewski. Among the better known reports are those of G. Armenian merchant in service of Sigismund III of Poland who reached Persia (1601). Kutrzeba. li The later part of the seventeenth century is covered in the chronicle of J. de Lannoy. M. papal nuncio (1575). mandates. the Volumina legum et constitutionum10 reprinted by J. Alembek. Lassota von Steblau. Patrycyat i mieszczanstwo Iwowskie w XVI-XVII wieku (1895)20 and to some degree also early attempts at synthesis of the trade history of the Ukraine.'* L. a concise outline still to consult. the English traveler Master Henry Austell (1585). wrote a brief outline of Lvov's history in his "Topographia civitates Leopolitanae" (1618)13 and J." M. Chodynicki. Lewicki. volumes I-II (1879). Ohryzko. This literature is presented among others by St. Emiddio Dortelli d'Ascoli. Hoszowski. B. Sefer Muratowicz. Zubrzycki who was also the first to introduce to a larger extent archival data in his Kronika miasta Lwowa (1844)." I.ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV 347 Lvov's merchant privileges may also be traced to the eighteenth-century edition of medieval Polish law. Józefowicz. Lozinski. E. Volume I (1347-1547) and volume II (1550-1609) pertain to the period under scrutiny. Handel šredniowiecznego Lwowa (1925). volume VI (1907). St. the Court of the City Judge (wójt). Historia stolecznego królestw Galicyi i Lodomeryi miasta Lwowa od zalozenia jego až do czasów teraznieyszych (1829). royal edicts. Istoriia Ukrainy-Rusy.1» The modern scholarly literature dealing with our subject started a century ago with W. secretary of the Council and mayor.1» Among the numerous memoirs of the period of fifteenth-beginning seventeenth centuries of special importance are various travelogues which enable us to trace the trade routes used and to better understand the organization of travel and transpor tation at that time. claims.

41 the important studies of St. an important statistical monograph. Cazacu in collaboration with К.Podol'skoi Armianskoi obshchiny) covering the years 1559-1567. Kaffa — Kolonia genuenska na Krymie i problem wschodni w latách 1453-1475 (1947). 8* A revived interest in aspects of Lvov's trade and the Black Sea connection started recently in the sixties with publications in Eastern Europe as well as in the West.*0 To the role of the Black Sea trade in connection with the Ottoman expansion and changes in the structure of trade and trade routes of Eastern Europe are devoted the works of M. Information on unpubl ished sources can be found in W. Lemercier-Quelquejay wrote on "Les marchands de la Cour ottomane et le commerce des fourrures moscovites dans la seconde moitié du xvie siècle" (i97o)M and M. Malowist. Dziubinski. The most important source in this category is the Armenian statute confirmed by King Sigismund I in 15 19 which was the base of Armenian courts in Poland up to 1784. Kiá published monog raphs. "Drogi handlowe polsko-tureckie w XVI wieku" (1965). Dokumenty na polovetskom iazyke XVI w. Bis choff 's Das alte Recht der Armenier in Polen (1857) and his Das alte Recht der Armenier in Lemberg (1862). Veinstein in "La Tana-Azak. Berindei and G.40 Legal sources for history of the Armenians in Lvov and medieval Poland were edited and studied much more often than the other materials starting with F. Rybarski. Kotliar and la. M. (1968)34 using unpublished data from the Lvov archives." J. Kutrzeba41 and O. "Urkunden zur Geschichte der Armenier in Lemberg" (1865) for the period 1377-1736.81 T. Grunin in 1967. 8l G. Mankowski. 1601" (1953) and A. VII and IX. Bratianu.. *• It is superseded by the edition of the same documents in the Akty although the material regarding Armenians is scattered there in volumes III. Bennigsen and Ch. Kévonian contributed new materials on the collapse of Italian dominion in the Black Sea region. La route moldavopolonaise 1453-1700" (1971). all three books appeared during 1968). A. Berindei on the Moldavian-Polish route of the same trade. Panaitescu. I. de la présence italienne à l'emprise ottomane (fin xine-milieu xvie siècle)" which was published in 1976. Similarly E. The Armenian law in the Polish kingdom (1356-151Ç) published in 1966 in Rome. Handel i polityka handlowa Polski w XVI wieku. Badecki's "Zaginione ksiçgi šredniowiecznego Lwowa" (1927) which deals with lost city records of medieval Lvov. V. based on numismatic materials.17 R. 8i The Shevchenko Scientific Society published a volume. 8в Special source collections and abundant historical literature are dealing with the trading minorities of Lvov. "Wyprawa po kobierce do Persji w r. P. the first on Halyts "ka Rus" и druhii polovyni XIV — pershii chverti XV st. Miasta i mieszczaûstwo w dawnej Polsce (1934). Olea. omitting some earlier documents. Bischoff. in "La chute de Caffa en 1475 à la lumière de nouveaux documents" along with M. the second on Promyslovysť L'vova и period feodalizmu XIII-XIX st.87 M. volumes I-II ( 1928-1929). "La route commerciale de Pologne à la mer Noire au Moyen Age" (1933). *• P. Lozinski's Patry cy at i mieszczanstwo and in K. Grigorian prepared an edition of the portion of the same Acts written in Armenian for the period 1572-1575. Soviet Ukrainian scholars M. Torgovye sviazi Moldávii so L'vovom v XVI-XVII vekakh (Kishinev. R. Ptaánik. F. (Stidebnye akty Kamenets.4* Documentary materials . especially with the Armenians and Jews to whom the scope of this paper is limited. Balzer48 and the recent work of M. Lviv.44 Acts of the Armenian court in Kamenets were edited partially by T.348 ELEONORA NADEL-GOLOBIČ XVII wieku (1928). an important synthesis. A collection of royal privileges and mandates concerning the Armenians of Lvov was compiled by F. La mer Noire des origines à la conquête ottomane (1969). "Contribution à l'étude du commerce ottoman des fourrures moscovites. A Symposium on its 700th anniversary (1962). Podgradskaia elaborated the problem of trade between Moldavia and Lvov. Other materials related to the Armenian colony in Lvov are included in volumes XIV and XV of the same series and in the Pomniki dziejowe.

1961. volume HI of which Dokumenty k istorii pol'skikh i litovskikh evreev (1903) mostly from the Metryka koronna contain about . Wiadomošč 0 Ormianach w Polszcze (1842) and especially S. Bershadskii's Russko-evreiskii arkhiv. la. A propos d'un livre arménien publié à Amsterdam en 1669" (1975).** M. Together with papers written by critical scholars like la. 1965. Dashkevich. Z [achariasiewicz]. 30 are devoted to our topic. Zakrzewska-Dubasowa wrote a monograph on Ormianie zamojscy i ich rola w wymianie handlowej i kultur aine] miçdzy Polska a Wschodem (1965) and К.1927) . I. Katalog dokumentów tureckich.-i8oo g. Podgradskaia (to quote only a few names) there are some popular and compilatory articles designed apparently for the wider audience. Baracz. Wierzbowski. 1869). Kévonian authored a substantial paper on Armenian commerce in the seven teenth century which is of value also for the earlier period.Podol'ske v 50-60-kh godakh XVI v. Melikset-Bek and E. Kiá. Svod materialov dlia istorii Evreev v Rossii (80 g. his Armianskaia koloniia v Kamenets. ich historja. volume I (1899) up to 1670. The trade routes used by Armenian merchants can be reconstituted from the travelogues of Sefer Muratowicz and Simeon Lehatsi ("the Pole") mentioned above.48 while the Armenian Kamenets Chronicle was published in 1957 by J. R.47 Interesting data on the life and history of the Armenian communities in Lvov and Kamenets can be found in the chronicles of Józefowicz (himself of Armenian origin). Deny in L ' arméno-coman et les " Éphémérides" de Kamieniec (1604-1613) . Dokumenty do dziejów Polski i krajów osciennych w latách 1455-1672. Armianskie kolonii na Ukrainie v istochnikakh i literature XV-XIX vekov (1962) a historiographie outline. Metryka koronna ed. prawa i przywileje (1889) and W. although their value for research purposes is a mixed one. Ormjanie w Polsce. R. 197 1) dealing with various aspects of the Armenian colonies in medieval Poland among other things. Pomniki dziejowe and especially volumes X and XV (1884-1891) of the Akty grodzkie. 51 The twentieth century witnessed an interest in the study of Armenian law in Poland (see above) mostly in the early decades and also in some general surveys of the past of Armenian colonies in Poland and Romania by F. Abrahamowicz. "Marchands arméniens au xviie siècle. a version in English appeared earlier)" and his Ukrainskoarmianskie sviazi v XVII veke (1969).b% Special collections of documents concerning Jews have been published from the end of the nineteenth century: Regesty i nadpisi.).64 Of special importance are the following publications of la.58 From the total number of 76 contributions. Loziňski in Zlotnictwo Iwowskie îv dawnych wiekach 1 384-1640 (1889) as well as in his Patry cy at i mieszczanstwo introduced respectively the aspects of legal and economic history in investigation of the Armenian past in Lvov. a collection of documents (most of them newly published) in translation from the Lvov Archives. *' Documentary sources for the history of the Jews in Lvov are included in the following general collections mentioned above. Kotliar. S. Chodynicki and Zubrzycki. A. Gromnicki. by T. Žywoty stawnych Onnian w Polsce (1856) and his Rys dziejów ormianskich (Tarnopol. Armenian and Ukrainian scholars published jointly three volumes of the collection Istoricheskie sviazi i druzhba ukrainskogo i armianskogo narodov (Erevan. (1967. Dashkevich.si while a deeper scholarly concern for this theme emerged in the Soviet Union and Poland in the 1960's. V. N." Besides indications regarding the area of commercial activities of the Armenian traders the mentioned materials contain valuable data on prices and rates of exchange in sixteenth-century Poland. M. L.*• The scholarly literature on the Armenians in Lvov starts in the nineteenth century with F. Grigorian.ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV 349 related to Armenian and Jewish trade can be found in Z. ■"• T. Macler in Revue des Etudes arméniennes (1926. Krypiakevych.

Horn. Stanowisko prawne Žydów w Polsce w XV stuleciu (1901). Žydzi na Rusi Czerwonej w XVI i pierwszej polowie XVII w.*1 is based on the materials of Suchystaw and the Lvov chronicle of Zubrzycki with addenda from Zimorowicz and Józefowicz. Polin ve-Lita (History of the Jews in Russia. Balaban. Prawodawstwo polskie wzglçdem Žydów (1867). I-IV (i860.1869). J. volumes I-II (i865-i866). Buber's Anshe shem (Men offame) (1895)*» and B.6' Comprehensive histories of Polish Jewry which contain some materials on Lvov include A. Organizacya Žydów w Polsce (1897) and Rechtstellung und innere Verfassung der Juden in Polen (1917). 7l B.1968). 15741660" (published in 1963. Especially important to our topic is M. Ringelblum. Mahler's outline in Di yidn in Poyln (Jews in Poland) (1946).*' as well as important studies by M. volume I (1916) and his History of the Jews. Source materials in Hebrew derived from documentary as well as non-document ary records and incriptions. Die Generalprivile gien der polnischen Judenschaft (1892). Dyplomatariusz dotyczacy Žydów w dawnej Polsce na žródtach archiivalnych osnuty (1382-IJ82) edited in 191 1. Nussbaum.ei Documentary materials from Jewish authorities. I. St. Mark. Katz's Lekoroth ha-yehudim Ъа-Riisia. response of medieval Jewish scholars. fasc. Balaban as "Materyaly" in his Žydzi Iwowscy na przelomie XVI i XVII wieku (1906). which was uncritical and included some forgeries. Poland and Lithuania) (1899). Balaban.*8H. History of the Jews in Russia and Poland. 1973). A social and economic history of the Jewish community in Poland from 1100 to 1800 (Philadelphia. Pinkas vaad arba aratsot (Protocols of the Council of Four Lands) (1945) in Hebrew. Dubnow.35О ELEONORA NADEL-GOLOBIČ 60 documents on Lvov for the period 1364-1569. "The pro tection of Jewish religious rights by royal edicts in ancient Poland" (1943). Of importance to the legal status of Jews in Lvov are L. Lewin. M. "Regesty z Metryki Koronnej do historii Žydów w Polsce. Stud j a nad stosunkami gospodarczymi Žydów w Polsce pode zas iredniowiecza (191 1) and his monumental. The Jews of Poland. Kraushar. volume V (i89o). Sternberg. Schorr. Historya Žydów w Polsce. °f which only volume I covering the period to the midfifteenth century was published. the Protocols of the Jewish Council (vaad) of Four Lands available through I. Morgensztern. Teksty žródtowe do nauki historii Žydów w Polsce i we wschodniej Europie. biographical data on rabbis and members of the community board (kahal in Polish derived from Hebrew kehilla) are gathered in G.*1 are very rare. Horn and E. Bloch. New materials from the Metry ka koronna starting from 1574 were collected by J. Kutrzeba. Geschichte der Juden in Polen unter den Piasten und Jagiellonen (1878). Z. Gumplowicz. •• The basic work together with a collection of source materials is M. I (i93o). Bersohn." A collection of over 100 docu ments from the Lvov archives never published before. Halperin. Schipper. Caro's Geschichte der Juden in Lemberg (1894). D. For economic history of the Jews in Lvov and Poland the basic monographs are I. S. fasc. Dzialalnosc gospodarcza na tie rozxvoju . Horn's monograph. Di geshikhte fun yidn in Poyln (History of the Jews in Poland) (1957). volume III (1969). Turkish Jews as well as on legal situation and sources. Weinryb. Suchystaw's Matseveth Kodesh (Holy grave stones). Historya Žydów od Mojzesza do doby obecné j. Mahler and E. Also in textbook edition of R.7* Economie and demographic aspects of history of Jews in Red Russia or Halich Land became more recently the object of important studies of M. eo Materials on the legal situation of the Jews can be found in the Volumina legum and in the collections of privileges of the Polish Jewry: Ph. Balaban's monograph Žydzi Iwowscy na przelomie XVI i XVII wieku (1906) with special chapters on trade. and recently B. such as the book of records (pinkas) of the Lvov community (1617-1652) used by M. was edited by M.*9 S. H. a chronicle rather than a historical monograph. Dzieje handlu žydowskiego na ziemiach polskich (1937).70 R. M.

the territory of the former Kingdom of Poland is the base. while other religious groups were restricted in their city rights.74 The literature dealing with Karaites (mentioned in Lvov in 1418). for the Black Sea trade before 14 7 5." Documents issued by the Armenian and Jewish communities are very scarce for the period under study. Jews in the Black Sea region and Turkey in their relation with Lvov include T. 1972). Hundert. They were issued by the authorities of the Kingdom of Poland and the city of Lvov. on the Jewish historians of Lvov in N. Resnik. however. private accountancy. as well as in I.7e J. Ruthenians and others. Italy. . court books and records are the bulk of the published editions. It is quite probable that some materials of the lost Armenian chronicle of Lvov ( 1492-1537) were incorporated in the so-called Venetian chronicle. these nationalities chose to remain within their own jurisdictions. As far as source holdings are concerned legal documents. i. His influence on the younger generation of Jewish historians (1976). Gelber's article (1956)7»" and Ha-historyonim in M. Bataban. "Karaimi w Polsce" (i924-i926). 80 Some observations can be drawn from the survey of sources and historiography concerning the source base of our topic. M. that the Magdeburg Law favored the Catholic burghers as a whole. " Historiographie and bibliographie materials for the history of Jews in Poland are available in G. customs. Jews. Horn wrote "Položenie prawno-ekonomiczne Žydów w miastach ziemi halickiej na przetomie xvi i xvii w. if. the right to organize guilds for craftsmen and trade rights. such as the eligibility to public offices and the right to a permanent residency in Lvov.** II Lvov started to grow in importance as a center for commerce and crafts after 1356. Biderman's monograph Mayer Balaban: historian of Polish Jewry." (1961).7i A.'* E. A.e. the time when the city received the charter of Casimir the Great granting it the Magdeburg Law. commercial letters and others. Karaims in Poland (1961). Hoker. As to the provenience of the archival collections. Czacki. however.8* The same is true about the Lvov Pinkas and other Hebrew sources of the seventeenth century used in later compilations of source materials. Saracens. It would be appropriate to remark. Zajqczkowski. Le duc Joseph de Naxos (1936). 1975) and partially also his Walka klasowa i konflikty spoleczne w miastach Rusi Czerivonej w latách 1600-164J na tle stosunków gospodarczych (Wroclaw. "Recent studies related to the history of the Jews in Poland from the earliest times to the partition period"7*. Far less publications deal with fiscal institutions. they could also do so. Bataban's shel Bibliograf yehudei ja Lvov" historji (The Žydów historians w Polsce of i the krajach Jewsošciennych of Lvov) za lata içoo-гдзо (1939). Evrei v Kaffe pod genuezskim vladychestvom (I9i2). while some additional material is available from Romania for Moldavia and Vallachia81 and from Genoa. contemporary research situation and possibilities of further investigation.ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV 351 demograficznego (Warsaw.. G.84 Of very little value for our topic is the very rich polemical literature against Jews in Poland from the fifteenth century onwards8* as well as the political and religious literature concerning the union of the Armenian Church with Rome.87 This privilege involved a right to self -administration. Different nationalities of Lvov were admitted to the privileges of the Magdeburg Law: Armenians. exclusion from the jurisdiction of Polish governors (wojewody) . Rozprawa o Žydach i Karaitach (1807).

000 in the city. The Catholic community which became increasingly polonized.000 and 20. while the percentage of non-Catholics (Jews.000 people.90 The population of Lvov was divided into two major legal groups: citizens and city dwellers.000-18.2 percent among the new citizenry were Rutheni ans. A more complete datum is available for the sixteenth century. who computed Lvov's population on the basis of data collected from the birth certificates.92 In the first two periods. 7 from Kaffa. London. The fluctuation in the numbers of citizenship grants was considerable: from 2 persons in 1581 to 71 in 1589. The admissions to citizenship illustrate also the importance of certain trades in Lvov directly connected with the East-West commerce. between the years 1574-1591 Lvov had 12. The highest noted number is 79 in 1602. enjoyed .3 persons. there is no doubt. Galata. 1461-1604.916 persons were natural ized. Silesia).344 inhabitants. Although not much data on Lvov's population at that time is available. 93 After 1570 the identification as "merchant" is introduced to the records and we have 68 persons in this category.89 The ethnic breakdown of Lvov's population at the end of the sixteenth century is very incomplete.94 The analyzed figures confirm the observation that the Catholic burghers of German and Polish stock were in control of city life in Lvov.000 inhabitants (6. The citizens monopolized the political and initially also the economic life of the city.000 people lived in Lvov. 10 percent cloth industry (dominating trade in the sixteenth century) and 8 percent metallic trade. Hungary. Lvov was the major economic center of Ruthenian lands. Among 18 converts to Catholicism 4 persons who received citizenship were formerly of Jewish faith. while between 1592-1620 it contained 28. There were basically two requirements for citizenship besides residence: Catholic religion and legitimate birth.91 The city records contain registration of grants of citizenship for the periods 1405-1426. Eighty-six persons or 2.9 percent of the new citizens were szlachta who settled in Lvov and became burghers in spite of the decree of 1565 which barred the gentry from trade and commerce. Venice. Sixty-seven new citizens were Armenians (13 from Lvov. Ruthenians and Armenians) remains uncertain. Muscovy. Two hundred fifty-six persons or 7. 6 from Suceava. Dalmatia. Among the new citizens 14 percent registered as their occupation tanning industry (in first place in the fifteenth century). According to Kié. which makes a yearly ratio of 18. indicating origin and trade of the new citizens.88 For the period 1624-1635 Zubyk figured between 16. At the end of the fifteenth century Lvov had 8. 10 percent Armenians and 20 percent Jews.789 per sons. Foreigners who settled in Lvov could be granted the residence rights by the King's decree while the right to give the cit izenship was reserved to city authorities.000 in the suburbs). Kiš estimated that in the second half of the sixteenth century between 17. 6 from Kamenets and 4 from Armenia. a picture of a medium size city appears in our view when we compare Lvov's population with that of the other cities. among them 16 from abroad (Chios. however.Persia). 2.352 ELEONORA NADEL-GOLOBIČ Between the fourteenth and seventeenth centuries. 1624-1635. According to Kiš in addition to 50 percent Catholics there were 20 percent Ruthenians. as to the Catholic majority (Germans and Poles) who accounted for around 50 percent. 2.

while the Catholic group monopolized the city's political life. The ordo 40 vironim was a lifelong office that exercised control over the financial activities of the city council and other offices. in Kamenets. In administrative and judicial matters they were mostly sub jected to the jurisdiction of the Catholic city authorities. Because of their wealth the Armenians nevertheless were admitted to various committees of the city administration and their elders sometime in the seventeenth century were placed as second in importance after the city jurors.Podol' sk101 where the Armenian community dominated the economy. the city council. nor did they participate in public life of the city. office of the proper mayor which were hereditary and represented the city patriciate. and the Ruthenians constituted a separate entity with their own judge elected (from 1491) who possessed criminal jurisdiction according to Ruthenian written law. guild elders. The property of the gentry and magnates within the city became sometimes a place of asylum for artisans not admitted to the guilds and for Jews without formal residency qualifications within the city limits.96 On the legal situation of the latter we practically know very little. for instance. while to the Ruthenian elders is attributed the last place in the following order: city jurors.103 The Jews did not belong to the burghers. created in 1578 represented the "com moners": the trade guilds and the merchants. However in the cities belonging to the Crown of Poland the Lvov situation is typical of the legal disabilities of the Ruthenian population. They were tolerated on the ground of royal privi leges and agreements with the city.102 However an inspection report of 1565 is referring only to the Catholic group as citizens (cives). merchants. Armenian elders. office of the city judge (wójt). founded in 1463)97 and not legal communities like the Armenians or Jews. while the Armenians and Ruthenians are called simply city inhabitants (incolae).98 It is necessary to mention that the discrimination of Ruthenians in Lvov was a policy in flagrant violation of the royal privileges of 1433 and 157299 and diverged from the pattern of Lithuania where the Ruthenians in the cities quite early achieved virtually equal rights with the burghers.ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV 353 self-government on the basis of Magdeburgian Law completely monopol izing the access to the city's political and legal institutions: the city jury (collegium scabinorum) .104 The royal privileges exempted from the jurisdiction of the city's authorities on an individual basis certain groups of inhabitants: szlachta and most foreign merchants and traders. although they constituted also separate religious and legal communities with their own elders and limited jurisdiction according to their own law: Armenian or Ruthenian.95 Armenians and Ruthenians who dwelled in Lvov can be considered as second class burghers without political suffrage and with limited civil rights. since the Ruthenian elders acted as the superiors of religious fraternities (the most famous was the so-called Stauropigian or the Brotherhood of the Church of the Assumption. while the College of 40.100 Quite a different situation existed. They were subject to the juris diction of the royal governor and a jury of Jewish elders. These enclaves are known as the . Therefore the royal decrees are calling all three groups cives Camenecenses tam Romani quam Graeci et Arméni ritus. Ruthenian elders.

111 which at the time was a Polish vassal (from the times of Louis of Anjou). the participation of Tatars. either to the East or to the West. as indi cated above. According to Balzer those Saracens are an explanatory note (Muslims) following the name of the Tatars. A famous case is Constantine Korniakt at the end of the sixteenth century who was a native of Crete. Karaites and Greeks in Lvov's trade with the Orient should be mentioned briefly.110 The staple right secured for Lvov a virtual monopoly of the eastern trade.105 The complexity of the legal frames in which the Lvov Armenians and Jews lived and exercised their economic activities require a detailed analysis which will be discussed below in connection with their role in oriental trade. The city was granted this right in 1379. City fairs in Lvov were held twice a year: in January and July (from 1472). It is suggested that the Lvov Tatars came from the (iolden Hoi de in pre-Polish times. Besides the Magdeburg Law. Only afterwards was the mer chant allowed to proceed with the unsold merchandise. As royal servitores they were subjected to the jurisdiction of the King's Court system. by Louis of Anjou.354 ELEONORA NADEL-GOLOBIČ jurydyki of the szlachta. Every merchant travelling through the area. the most important privilege which insured rapid economic progress to Lvov was the staple right or the right of emporium. was obliged to stop in Lvov for 14 days and offer his goods for sale to the local merchants. among them Lvov's inhabitants were exempted from customs duties in Poland and Moldavia. were Kypchak by origin and lan guage and possibly immigrated along with the Armenians. they had their own community. since the Karaites did not recognize the Talmudic part of Judaism.107 The information on Tatars in Lvov is very skimpy. was a leaseholder of royal tolls and finally achieved nobility. After 1444 Lvov received absolute staple right according to which all the goods had to be sold there. The Greeks. If the Karaites from Lvov moved here during the seventeenth century is not clear.108 As to the Karaites there is some evidence that they resided in Lvov in the fifteenth and seventeenth centuries. became a wine merchant in Lvov. Merchants and artisans to whom were granted the so-called serwitoriaty were exempted from toll duty and staple right of the city as well as local jurisdiction. Tatars are mentioned in the privilege of King Casimir given to Lvov in 1356 after the Saracens. as well as Moldavian merchants. Before I touch upon this part of the paper.106 The Ruthenian minority. A Karaite settlement existed also in Dawidow near Lvov much later. There existed a street named Tatar street in Lvov and a tradition that a mosque was formerly in the place of the later Dominican convent.109 Considered Jewish by the authorities. is beyond the scope of this paper. Besides the staple right Lvov received a number of other commercial privileges. but in any case they disappeared from the Lvov city territory. Already in 1375 Lvov was marked on a Catalonian map (dutat de Leo) as a trading station of the eastern merchants on their way to Flanders. used their Turkic idiom but were rejected as sectarians by other Jews. Tatars were active in tannery and commerce. did not form separate legal communities and joined the religious fraternities of the Ruthenians who were considered Greek Orthodox.118 .

Following the establishment of Turkish domination in the Balkans. leading from Lvov to Kaffa in Crimea and Tana on the Azov. fish and wax. pepper. while the third one was down the Danube to the Black Sea. was leading across Moldavian. The second one was down the river Dnestr and to Belgorod. called Moldavian route which during the fifteenth century carried the bulk of Lvov's trade. metal goods from Upper Germany. oriental carpets and cloth.118 From Lvov to the East via Moldavia. satins.ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV 355 Genoese sources of the fourteenth century mentioned "per viam de Lolleo" as the safest trade route to the Black Sea colonies. precious stones. arms and red dye were transporte d. From Belgorod by sea to Kaffa and Tana. Lvov's merchants brought from Turkey during the late fifteenth and in the beginning of the sixteenth century muslins. woolen cloth from Flanders and local cloth. horses. silver.116 The route went from Lvov-Galich (Halicz)Kolomyja-Sniatyn-Chernovtsy (Czerniowce)-Suceava and from Suceava through Iasi-Lopusna-Belgorod Dnestrovskii (Akkerman) or Kilia on the Danube. they were trans ported to Germany (Nuremberg) and later to Flanders (Brugge).Vallachian territories to Transyl vania. The following three main trade routes frequented between the four teenth-sixteenth centuries corresponded to the above directions: The first was the so-called Via Tartarica. From Kaffa to Trabzon and Egypt. so-called Dzikie j>ola (loca déserta) to Crimea land route. the city of Lvov soon became an uninterrupted market for spices. hides. red dye. Poland and Bohemia.114 Lvov-Ternopol' (Tarnopol')-Skala-Kamenets (Kamieniec) -Mogilev (Mohylew)-Konetspole (Koniecpole)Tavan'-to Kaffa or Tana. The second. by sea to Kaffa.119 Along with the Turkish expansion some change occurred in the character of goods traded. These goods were destined not only for internal markets of Poland but for the export as well. Lvov merchants also exported to Central Europe the products of Moldavian and local origin — oxen. From Tana the route led to SaraiAstrakhan-Persia-China. expensive wines from Greece . chronologically later route. the trade with Constantinople was achieved via Moldavia as the third most important route:116 Lvov-Khotin (Chocim)Dorohoi-Iasi-Galaji to Pazardzik-Adrianople-Constantinople. Owing to the constant exchange of goods between the Orient and the West. Turkey. which existed in the fourteenth century. the Black Sea.118 The oriental trade of Lvov in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries was carried on mainly in three directions: The first direction was down the steppes. The first mention of this route is found in Lvov's city document of 138b. silks. the coast of Asia Minor and Greek Islands.117 Among the oriental goods carried from the Orient via Lvov-Torun'Poznan' to Germany (Breslau) were silks. ornate fabrics (samites) woven with gold. ginger and thyme. silk fabrics.

furs (sables) and slaves (up to 1475). cheap cloth from Poland. Moldavian wine. hats (ready-made). lead. side laps. From Lvov to Silesia (Breslau): horses. hides. fur hats. Flanders. damask.126 2. arms. knives. plums. South-eastern direction: From Lvov towards Moldavia and Hungary: wool cloth from the West. kofftyr (kind of silk fabric). flux silver. wax.122 From Lvov towards Crimea (Kaffa): woolen cloth from Flanders.129 From Lvov to Italy: red dye. Also cattle were shipped further to Brieg (Brzeg)Saxony-Germany. reveals character the following: and directions of exchange 1. fruit (especially lemons). knives. Asian goat wool cloth (camlets). silk fabrics manufactured from raw material brought to Crimea from Northern Persia. morocco (leather). silk taffetas. spices and carpets. etc. local clothes from Silesia. shoes. swords and hunting knives.130 From Italy to Lvov: oriental goods. knives. arms. joiner' and metal' workers tools). sheepskin coats. kamkas (silk fabric often woven with gold and designs). From Silesia to Lvov: cloth. Torun'. leopard skins.356 ELEONORA NADEL-GOLOBIČ and above all the famous oriental carpets.128 From Lvov to Flanders (via Cracow-Nuremberg): belts. red dye from Eastern Poland (kermès) also wax. tin. Silesia. lead. Sables were sold in the sixteenth century by the batch of 40 skins (sorok). hammerheads. Bohemia. From Cracow towards Lvov: cloth (local and in transit from England. cutlass. brocades. velvets.120 From the West to the Ottoman Empire primarily the cloth was exported as well as arms. furs (expensive sorts like sables). honey. tin. jewelry. salted fish.123 From Crimea towards Lvov: pepper and other spices. damasks. Western direction: From Lvov towards Cracow: silks (silk taffetas. Before 1475 the red dye of East European origin was mostly designed for further transportation to Florence and Genoa. Italian silk products from the sixteenth century. carpets. fustian. Persian carpets. of "network" origin of of the trade traded routesgoods. precious stones. green wax for sealing.125 From Turkey to Lvov: spices. rice.124 From Lvov to Turkey (after 1453): different kinds of woolen cloth. From Flanders to Lvov: cloth. kamkas. silk. wines. horses. Poland. A closer look at the structure of Lvov's trade from the point of view. muslins. Poland (especially German scythes. alum for dyeing. Russian furs came to Lvov via Smolensk. herring. olive oil. furs. alum. Italy).127 As to the wide selection of silks the Lvov market was comparable to the Venetian. Brabant. metal goods from Upper Germany. hides.181 . muchair (cotton fabric with silk or wool). fur hats and the grain from Southern Poland.121 To Lvov from Moldavia and Hungary: cattle.

and on Lvov's foreign trade as reflected in the Custom Rolls of the city (1578/1579-1580).132 As to the structure of Lvov's trade from the point of view of prove nance of the goods three groups can be identified: oriental goods. Of lesser importance was also the direct northern connection with the Hansa. North-western direction: From Lvov to Toruri: furs (sables). potash. red dye (czerwiec) . local cattle. via Bóbrka-Žydaczów-Stryj.West trade of Lvov. salted fish. Lvov-Toruri (with extension to Gdansk): via Przemysl-Jaroslaw-Sandomierz. From Danzig via Toruri to Lvov: iron crates for gunpowder. western goods and local goods. the northern direction to Lithuania. beer. furs —such as wolves. fragmentary and difficult to obtain. red dye. From Toruri to Lvov: old amber trade in the fourteenth century. salt from Red Russia. potash and honey. wax. hides. Statistical data concerning the volume of Lvov's trade are very rare.. tar. which was the first stop from Lvov in the direction of Przemysl. rye. wax. The following local products were exported from the Kingdom of Poland: resin. A glance at the map of the trade routes (see map below) shows the unimportance of trading with Lithuania and Muscovy as compared with the East. the northwestern to Torun' and the southern to Hungary are represented with one or two routes respectively:133 Lvov-Cracow: via Przemysl-Jaroslaw-Rzeszów-Tarnów-Bochnia.134 . in part on the Vallachian trade as documented by the Customs House Rolls of Halich (1536). wheat. while the western connection via Cracow (the capital of Poland until 1595). Lvov-Hungary: via Gródek-Przemysl-Sanok-Dukla Pass-Munkachevo. via Sandomierz (longer route). Nevertheless. on western trade as recorded in the Rolls of the Custom House in Gródek (1546-1549). Local Lvov's products were limited to a few items like: wax. the importance of the oriental trade is documented by the existence of three different roads (see above). since there were quite a few in general. English cloth. Lvov goods went to the Hanseatic markets via Cracow (mostly furs and wax) and Breslau which had connections with Frankfurt-on-Oder and from there with the cities of Northern Germany and Flanders. hemp and linen. lynx— honey. It is perhaps a modernization to speak about a "network" of trade routes regarding medieval Lvov.Л o tv - г О ^ 3 / P\i ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV 357 3. Materials from the custom records preserved in the Archives of the Crown Treasury in Warsaw and made available through the monograph of Rybarski shed some light on the sixteenth century. Lvov-Lithuania : via Olesko-Lutsk. via Gródek-Lubaczów-Sandomierz.

TO UTHlîAMlA ШГ1& *~r v /-*k I ч НИ1 Hi я » ' / .

THE SOUTHEASTERN TRADE ROUTES OF LVOV BETWEEN 1400-1600 .

The oldest Armenian communal courts were known to have been composed of the elders of the commune and this tradition continued following the Armenian arrival to Red Russia. land. while the city judge pronounced the sentence. The local practice in Lvov had brought changes to the old Armenian usages and as a result a new codification was composed about 1434 comprising ten articles to which a larger codification was added between 1462 and 1469.137 I shall note. the Armenian judge (wójt) was limited in his actions. Since 1356 his place in the court was taken by the city judge (advocatus). bloody and bruised wounds. the Armenian bishop also had a right to judge in ecclesiastical and civil affairs. etc.f \i 360 ELEONORA NADEL-GOLOBIČ III One of the important trading communities in Lvov was Armenian whose internal organization was based on a code of law called Datastanaghirk. which was translated into Latin and was approved by King Sigismund I in 1519 as valid for the Armenian community of Lvov. There were two main sources on which Datastanaghirk was based: the Mosaic law (especially Exod. Basil and St. The leader of the elders. around the year 1 184 by Mekhitar Gosh. Levit. the works of St. Gosh (Kosh in Western-Armenian dialect) who was born in the middle of the twelfth century. belonged to the jurisdiction of the city jury.136 This Nomocanon collection was used both in Great Armenia and in Cilicia as a textbook of ecclesiastical and civil law. . of larceny and Armenian immovables such as real estate. Both of these parts formed the so-called Armenian statute.) and canon law of the Armenian church (the decrees of synods such as Dvin (645 and 719) and Partaw as well as of the Greek church (Apostolic canons. however. The cases of manslaughter. Deuteron. Bishop Gregory was granted that right in 1367. The other court cases. that the institution of Armenian judge continued to exist. The institution of Armenian elders (seniores) probably existed before the Armenians in Lvov were granted the Magdeburgian Law in 1356 and was based on the native practice of law. both civil and criminal. Starting with the decree of 1469 the institution of Armenian judge was indirectly abolished and the court of elders were to judge Armenian affairs only. The Armenian law in Poland comprised the rules of common law.. The economic struggle of the Armenian community with city authori ties is reflected by continuing limitations on the Armenian court system. were under the jurisdiction of the "mixed courts" and were judged by the Armenian Law. This codification was made in Eastern Armenia. apocryphal canons of Nicea.. The further decrees of 1476 and 1510 confirmed the previous enactment and put Armenian affairs under the supervision of "mixed courts" (city judge presiding over Armenians) and city jury. which would try these cases according to the Magdeburgian Law.186 On this Statute were based the decrees of the Polish kings given to Armenians of Kamenets in 1567 and of Zamosč in 1694. Along with Armenian elders and judge. court sentences and codes. The Mekhitar Gosh collection or Datastanaghirk consists of ecclesiastical and civil parts. he headed the jury. Athanasius). after completion of religious studies became the abbot of the Nor-Getik monastery..

Finally. and the struggle of Armenians to preserve their independence on the other. were the basis for new quarrels and disputes.138 The aspiration of the city of Lvov for the unification of judicature on one hand. Quite a few decrees and privileges issued at that period indicate the strength of the Armenian community in Lvov. The Armenians coming to Galicia came from two points of origin. Islamic. The legal documents of Armenians from Galicia and Podolia were written in Kypchak with Armenian characters. they had an option of being judged by the Magdeburg Law.144 while the latter wave who were installed by Polish magnates in private cities such as Zamošč. courts and the office of judge (wójt).14e On the basis of these charters Hungarian kings and later Vladislas Jagellon confirmed privileges of the Armenian community previously granted by Casimir the Great and transferred the . which had large Armenian colonies between the thirteenth and fifteenth cen turies in Kaffa and Sudak. court which The appeal in turn from should a consider "mixed the case according to the Armenian law. Stanislav (Stanislawow) above all came from Vallachia. Brody. the Armenian statute of 1519 which comprised the elements of Armenian. *3$7 and I4i5. 1380. The Kypchak was used by Armenians in correspondence until the end of the seventeenth century when it was replaced by Polish. Aside from Armenian court. The former group spoke the Tatar (Kypchak) language while the latter knew only common Armenian.fifteenth centuries came from Crimea. confirming their right to self-administration. according to Armenian law. Lutsk. while the joint courts played the role only when outsiders were involved. Mosaic.139 The very beginnings of an Armenian trading colony in Lvov could be ascribed to the thirteenth century. l4° The first Armenian settlers are thought to be Armenian soldiers in the Prince's army. Armenians in Crimea preserved Armen ianas a liturgical language only. In cases where the Armenians opted in favor of Armenian law the city judge (advocatus) presided over the Armenian elders (seniores). De facto. Therefore it had to be respected by the other nationalities and social groups. Prince Lev Danilovich installed Armenians in Lvov around the year 1280. Adopting Kypchak.142 When the Magdeburg Law was applied they were subject to the city judge and the bench.148 The earlier wave who settled in Crown cities (such as Vladimir. however. EasternRoman laws as well as Western Polish and German laws confirms the importance of Lvov's Armenians. Lvov) during the fourteenth.ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV 36 1 The decree of 1510 also introduced the norms regarding appeals from the court" verdicts was passed to be in made the to Armenian the royal cases. According to the legend.146 The oldest privileges concerning Armenians in Lvov were privileges of 1379. the cases of representatives of the same ethnic community were tried solely by their own court.141 The King recognized the existence of an autono mous Armenian community. The value of the statute lies in the fact that its provisions were obligatory not only within the Armenian judicature but outside as well. The elders were six in number until 1563. after that year their number increas ed to twelve. The fact of an already existing Armenian colony is confirmed by the Magdeburg Law privilege of 135b granted to the city of Lvov by Casimir the Great.

Around 1497. In 1505 Armenians were partially exempted from custom duties on the merchandise brought from Vallachia. On July 7. Hungary. which ruled in favor of the Armenians. which was afraid that the incoming merchants would sell their goods to Armenians and then enter the city without payment of taxes or deposit of merchandise.161 In view of growing Armenian commerce the city strived to restrict Armenians in the same way as the Jews and limit their trade only to certain goods. In the beginning of the fifteenth century Armenians were limited in their commercial pursuits. Crimea and Silesia. when the Special Armenian Courts were abolished. only in 1402 Lvov's Armenians received the right of trade in all Ruthenian.149 From this privilege it is apparent that as the Tatar trade with Crimea diminished.150 This was only a partial exemption since they were obliged to pay for it. This statute was the basis for the Armenian judiciary until 1784. to produce and sell beverages and hindering their professions. The oldest Armenian settlement which was located at Podzamche is confirmed by such names as Armenian street. the latter appealed to the king who repealed this restriction. to King Alexander. Polish and Lithuanian lands. Armenian . according to the privilege of Stephen Bathory.163 From the document of November 12. German or Lithuanian origin. suburban Armenians were denied the right to trade. Bathory confirmed Armenians in their right to sell silks. In 1574. a sum of 30 kopa of grossit. when Lvov merchants entered the phase of their strug gle against the commerce of suburbia.362 ELEONORA NADEL-GOLOBIČ Armenian inhabitants of the suburb of St. 1587. In 15 19 the Armenian law code Datastan was translated into Latin and confirmed by Sigismund I. thus equalizing them with the rest of Lvov's citizens. The Armenian community brought a suit against the city in front of King's Court. produce beverages and the right to crafts. denying them the right to sell expensive cloth. Written sources preserved various information regarding the Armenian colony in Lvov. Turkey. the trade of Armenians began to orient itself toward Constantinople (the wines from Greece were exported via Lvov to Poland and Muscovy). The nature of merchandise in the big stores corr esponded to Turkish products coming from Istanbul. Despite the kings' protectionist policy the city of Lvov did not observe Armenian rights.162 This clause was insisted upon by the city. when Casimir Jagellon confirmed the privilege of 1402. city Armenians who did not own any property outside of Lvov were allowed to buy land in the suburbs under the condition that they could not put up any inns or taverns. John under jurisdiction of Armenians in the city. while the goods sold in small stores were mostly of local. At this time the city further attempted to curtail Armenian rights.147 The Armenians received the right to retain trade in 1462. The Council attempted to hinder Armenian commerce (under the pretext of not paying the city dues the officials stopped Armenian caravans going to the Cracow fair). 148 Beginning in the middle of the fifteenth century Polish kings strived to increase the number of Armenians in the city and as a result Armenians received the right to import and sell malmsey and other wines. 1577164 we have a description of the goods Armenians were allowed to sell.

saddle-makers. The head of the caravan was always an Armenian. the fabric made from goat and camel wool in Asia Minor) and cloth.161 .ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV 363 bridge. dyers of leather. In the fourteenth-fifteenth centuries Lvov was one of the three main Armenian centers of Europe. In the beginning of the fifteenth century there were over sixty houses in this quarter. Armen ians were also employed as coin strikers starting from the fourteenth century. The caravans had the right of extra-territoriality and were pro tected by the trade treaties between Poland and Turkey. when Gregory (Krikor) became the first Armenian bishop of Lvov. etc. goldsmiths and embroidery makers. The Armenians had a monopo ly on the organization of trade caravans. particularly with Crimea. of the thirty-eight existing large stores.168 The Armenians played an important role in the economi c life of Lvov. The subject of the letter is the matter of inheritance after deceased Constantinople merchant Elmir who dealt in camlet {ciambelloto. ginger. metal workers. its customs and languages. Podzamche Armenians had three churches." which were above centuries all luxury they objects. Anna) was founded in the thirteenth or fourteenth century. kamkas and oriental spices — pepper. In 1407 the city tax roll listed eighty names of the heads of families who paid tax. the monastery and the bathhouse. which was located in the northeastern part of the city. Despite their diaspora. while Catholic merchants owned nine and Kuthenians seven. Some Armenian merchants owned so-called "rich shops" (institntiae) in Lvov. In their travels they used the Tatar route to Kaffa and in the fifteenth century the Moldavian route. raw silk. The more prosperous Armenians and new Armenian settlers from the Orient inhabited the Armenian quarter of Lvov. In 1588. goodsembroideries. their services were sought since they had a profound knowledge of the Orient. 1540. along with Venice and Amsterdam. called "Armenian arms adorned with precious stones.159 The Armenian trade was entirely oriented towards the East.166 The Podzamche community became a suburb after 1360 when a new city was founded to the south of the community. Armenians were often employed by Poles as diplomatic interpreters or customs officials. large stores in the center of the market square.e. Polish Armenians kept close ties with their metropolitanate in Echmiadzin until 1630. saffron and nutmeg.166 The Armenian cathedral church was erected here in 1361157 and in 1365 a special bishopric was established. It is estimated that the oldest of the churches (St. Armenians owned twenty-two. jewelry. dealt with carpets. In the sixteenth-seventeenth goods. who carried the title of karavanbasha and had absolute power during the trip. Armen ians helped make Lvov a desirable center of international trade as they had no equals as the organizers of trade with the Orient.160 Armen iantrade with Constantinople is attested by the letter from Sultan Suleyman I to King Sigismund I of June 27-July 5. shoe-makers. espe cially in such professions as tanners. King Casimir recognized Armenian religious freedom in 1367. In the medieval ages the Armenians were the most commercially oriented nationality and settled predominantly in main trading centers.. There were many skilled craftsmen among them. i.

Their mer chandise included silk carpets. The caravans of brothers Iwaszkowicz followed via Moldavia to Lvov for several years. Muscovy and even England. In the spring of 1601. carpets. besides the carpets for King Sigismund III.166 Christophor Bernatowicz was able to loan to King Vladislas IV 300. magnificent and worthy as princes. reached Constant inople. kerchiefs woven with gold. Danzig and other Polish cities.000 zlotys. The townsmen were rich and reverend.423 zlotys. In each house there were two or three tauntery (city seniors). one-third in gold. however. bought in Constantinople in 1593 several thousand thalers worth of goods. musk.163 The prosperity of Armenian colony in Lvov is also attested by reports of the travellers. In 1575 there were three hundred families in Kamenets. red fabric and cloth. such as silk. Kamenets-Podol'sk. pepper and other oriental articles which he sent to Lvov to his brother Zachariasz Iwaszkowicz. wool. Simeon described Armenians of Lvov as follows: "In the city stood seventy Armenian houses. The Kamenets community had three Armenian churches (first one. who travelled through Lvov in 142 1164 as well as in later times by Armenian traveller Simeon Lekhatsi (Leatsi) who visited Lvov in the 1620's. Furek Iwaszkowicz.200.168 The other Armenian communities in Poland were in Kamenets (exact date of founding unknown. Jaroslaw. Muratowicz's records mention the goods he brought back from Persia. morocco and brocades for 14. They kept an uninterrupted tie with Warsaw and at the same time visited fairs in Lublin. their hats were made of velvet (trimmed) with fur. The image of the prosperous community was rendered by Ghillebert de Lannoy. saffron.162 A Lvovian merchant. stately and azvaury (noble). was constructed in 1394).167 At the same time the income of the richest Catholic Jan Alternmayer was appraised at 120. Towards the middle of the sixteenth century this colony had its school and its bishop.200 families who possessed nine hundred houses. The main seat of trade was in Lvov. who was supposed to buy silks.364 ELEONORA NADEL-GOLOBIČ The previously mentioned Sefer Muratowicz worked for two Armenian merchants. The cost of the goods totaled 876 thalers.) 16e Kamenets contained the most important Armenian colony after Lvov. Nichol as.170 In 1600 the colony numbered 1. small bells of damask steel. In the mid-seventeenth century the income of 147 Armenian families was valued at 3.000 zlotys.919 thalers. Murat Kierymowicz and Norberg Popowicz. their business contacts.171 The colony . they were dressed in rich clothes of kamkas. samite (zlotoglow). horsecloth (czaprak). outside of (the city) stood sixty houses. one-third in silver and one-third in copper.000 zlotys. During the siege of Lvov in 1648 the Armenian community was able to pay Khmelnitsky the ransom money of 91. there were outer garments (wielence). Sefer Muratowicz left for the Persian city of Kashan which was famous for its oriental carpets. St.000 zlotys. while one Jan Warteresowicz had a fortune of 600. in 1344 Casimir the Great conceded to the Kamenets community the right to Armenian court."165 Many Armenian merchants made great fortunes in Lvov. however. Torun'. Russian leather (skora juchtowa) and Tatar herbs among other things. doublets (kaftany). The latter again sent Gabriel Kaprius to Turkey.

Despite their relatively small numbers Armenians constituted the second most important group in Lvov after Catholics. Bendery. The other cities with Armenian communities were Bar (the Armenians were granted the privileges in 1540). In the late sixteenth century the Armenians lost their dominant posi tion in international trade to Jewish merchants who became prevalent in Lvov's oriental commerce. There used to be Armenian colonies in Jaroslaw (which disappeared at the end of the seventeenth century). was very different from the position of Armenians in Lvov. After the Turks took Kamenets in 1672. forty "men of confidence" and their city hall. Vaslui. Sniatyn (1630). at first glance. Zamošč (1585). Vladimir Volynskii. Lutsk (colony formed in 1400). the Jews had to work out also some practical arrangement of coexistence with the burghers who guarded jealously their citizenship monopoly. the situation of Jews was similar but not identical with that of "serfs of the treasury" (servi camerae) in Germany and Austria. Podolia) as early as the eleventh century. Izmail. In Bessarabia. John Albrecht (1491) and Stephen Bathory (1576). The Armenians had their mayor. became quickly polonized and assimilated.ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV 365 received privileges from Vladislas Jagellon. Settled there by decrees of Polish kings and fulfilling an economic role which was not taken up by any other nationali ty. Protected by the policy of Polish kings. Iazlovets (1600). IV The situation of the Jews. Lublin (disappeared in the eighteenth century). Settled by the king in autonomous cities with Magdeburgian Law.172 The separation of the Jewish community from other nationalities was due not only to its religious denomination (non-Christian) but also to its special economic role in the Polish Kingdom. The Jews constituted an autonomous religious and legal community subjected only to the king or later to the local lords (magnates). factual companions in income of Jewish financiers. they were an isolated ethnic group in the sixteenth-century Lvov and in the seven teenth century upon the union with Rome. the Armenian community diminished. Khotin and Urman. in Vallachia the colonies were Galami. as already mentioned.173 The Jews arrived in what was later known as Red Ruthenia (East Galicia. eight consuls. The king or the great lords acted as protectors of Jewry and at the same time as ultimate masters of Jewish wealth. some families found refuge in Lvov. Armenian elders had to take an annual oath of loyalty to the city council and had restricted residency until 1630) Armenians contributed a large part to Lvov's development. Armenian colonies numbered among them Akkerman. Jews in medieval Poland were never regarded as citizens (burghers) of Lvov. to their religious adherence. some 121 families in Macedonia. but because of lack of . Despite their status as second-class citizens (with no political rights. benef iciaries of special taxes on Jews and of their many credit operations. Due. Galich.

This caused clashes with the royal jurisdiction. Legally the Jews of Lvov as elsewhere in Poland were not servi camerae of the German or Austrian type. but rather free. All civil cases among Jews were decided by . for instance. In practice. freedom of worship and state protection against persecution. a certain Matthews.191 The appellate court for the province of Red Russia was located in Lvov. while nobility (szlachta) were taken up to the royal court at first instance administrated by the starosta (sad grodzki). and that for Volhynia and Ukraine in Ostrog. 177 On the basis of this privilege Jews were granted internal autonomy. while the cases involving Christians and Jews were going to the court of the under-wojewoda (sad podwojewodzinski ) only when the defendant was a Jew. The type of court. So. a Lvov Jew. however. since it was the prerogative of the king's governor in Red Russia.366 ELEONORA NADEL-GOLOBIČ concrete documentation the history of the Jewish community in Lvov can be examined only beginning with the fourteenth century. If the defendant was a Christian. which were confirmed earlier for the Jews of Little Poland (statute of 1334. had the right to travel and trade in Polish provinces and were subjected only to royal jurisdiction. however.178 In practice during the discussed period. and the widow of Jacob Tatarian. Wislica statute of 1347). burghers were referred to the city bench.174 First mention of Lvov's Jews came down to us in the privilege of Casimir the Great granting Magdeburgian Law to the city of Lvov in 1356. protected and at the same time dependent people. as stated previously. the type of the court depended upon the social status of the defendant. while criminal cases against Jews as well as cases between Jews and Christians fell under the jurisdiction of Polish courts. the Jewish (rabbinical) court was in charge of civil cases between Jews.179 In some cases the city authorities of Lvov tried to usurp jurisdiction over Jews and to try them for felonies. Red Russia or Podolia and Volhynia.1™ In 1367 Casimir granted to the Jews of Lvov the same privileges. the evolution of the status of Jews was tending from the former freer situation to the later dependency of the type mentioned above. Little Poland. a royal decision was issued in a case between a Lvov burgher. In 1571. for instance. the cases in which both parties were Jewish were subject to rabbinical courts.180 From the mid-sixteenth century Jewish communities in Poland devel oped an autonomous organization with judicial functions called the Council of Four Lands with courts in every town inhabited by Jews and appellate courts for each of the four provinces: Great Poland. During this period the King's Court itself and the High Criminal Court in the seventeenth century acted as courts of appeals in cases involving Jews. historically. depended upon the social status of the defendant. m According to this charter the Jews were given the legal option of being judged cither on the basis of Magdeburgian Law or on the basis of Jewish (Talmudic-rabbinical) law under the supervision of the city judge (wôjt). Jews had to pay taxes directly to the royal treasury. In 1554 a royal ordinance prohibited the Lvov city magistrate from putting Jews on trial.

as already mentioned. finances.183 Isaac Nachmanowicz was a financ ier. Before that time each community dealt with those affairs on their own. The organization of the local Jewish communities in Poland was modeled after the structure of city autonomy according to Magdeburgian Law.182 regulation of religious practices and some other. Across the street from the synagogue. right to petition the authorities. the Jewish communities practically were ruled by an oligarchy which had almost unlimited power regarding all aspects of Jewish life including taxation.188 With the spread of urban colonization and Magdeburgian Law in the . 18e After the great fire of Lvov. priority of ownership.185 The older Jewish community in Lvov and also the poorer was the community founded in the suburb called Krakowskie Podzamche in 1352 outside the city walls. senior of the urban kahal.184 Since the kahal offices were inher itedby the richest families. The newer and richer Jewish com munity was located within the new city occupying its southeastern part. David Alexander. with separate administration (kahal). In the seventeenth century the Council met twice a year. Jewish shops and slaughterhouses were located. Marc Izakowicz (city. better prospects for auton omy and trade activities. For the second half of the sixteenth century the following most prominent Jewish elders were attested: Isaac Nachmanowicz (1565-1595). trade.200 florins and a lease holder of royal and city revenues. With the emer gence of the Council of Four Lands (separately existed also a Council of Lithuanian Jews) the Jewry in Poland centralized into one agency many of the former activities of the separate communities. Abraham Wolfowicz (suburb). The same cemetery was also used by the Karaites. complicated matters regarding fines.ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV 367 provincial judges chosen by the Council. It was hierarchical with eiders (seniores) recognized by the authorities. collection of state taxes paid by Jews (poll-tax. Casimir founded a new city in the dell above the Peltev River and granted to its inhabitants Magdeburgian Law. There was a prayer-house which burned in 1624 and a cemetery used until 1855. the oldest attested in the sources. which was also the main synagogue of the city until 1582 and the residence of the Jewish court. money-lender giving loans to nobles up to 3. etc. the so-called powrotne tax). were judged by the leaders of the Council themselves who acted as a High Court of Appeals. senior of the suburban kahal. the other outside the city walls but still within the city limits (suburban). during the spring fair at Lublin and during the early autumn fair in Jaroslaw.187 Soon the wealthier families moved from the suburb to the city attracted by consideration of safety. From 1383 there is mention of a Jewish street which had 60 houses and a synagogue. The seniores were usually the wealthiest members of the Jewish population. tax on behalf of the kahal organization. such as defence of Jewish rights at the King's Court and before the Polish Diet (sejm). from 1588) and his brother Nachman Izakowicz and a certain Moses who represented the urban community at the King's residence.. At the end of the sixteenth century the two communities became completely separated and each created its own rab binate and rabbinical court. In Lvov existed two Jewish communities: one within the city walls (urban).

Krosno (1426). Jews immigrated from some Polish cities after 1538. which made them forbidden cities to Jews with the exception of short visits during fairs. Silesia (where in 1350 Jewish communities existed in at least 33 cities).190 The exile of Jews from Cologne. 15 families living in the so-called Podgrodzie and approximately 50 famil iesunder private jurisdiction (the count is based on the figure of a sixperson family). With its 1. In 1550. while in 1578 it rose to 17. Jews from Poland. Cor respondingly.500 Jews. Drohobych (1404). Lvov received a number of physicians. the total Jewish population in Red Russia was approxi mately3. Following the arrival of Jews from Spain. Lvov's Jewry became the most significant. In 1538. mills. At the very beginning of the sixteenth century Lvov received a number of Lithuanian Jews expelled by Alexander Jagellon in 1495. Seventy-eight Jewish families were counted in the center of Lvov.189 As a rule Jews settled primarily in Crown cities. financial operations.500. so that the Jewish population in Red Russia soon num bered one-third of all the Jewish inhabitants of medieval Poland.500 Jews in Lvov as computed from the registers of poll-tax. while 559 lived in 52 houses outside the walls. In the beginning of the sixteenth century Lvov's Jewry paid the largest sum of yearly tax (300 zlotys) of all Jewish com munities in Poland. Prague in Bohemia (1485) and Spain (1492) generated new waves of Jewish immi gration to the East. moved East. not being admitted at all to cities belonging to the church.368 ELEONORA NADEL-GOLOBIČ Red Russian provinces. 352 Jews lived in Lvov in 29 houses within the city walls. Casimir Jagellon granted to Lvov Jews the right to trade in . Breslau in Silesia (1453). In 1453. and also those from Germany and Bohemia. The new settlements became populous and important. Augsburg. endorsing a complete ban on Jews for city govern ment roles and the attempts of some elements among the nobility to cancel financial indebtedness to Jewish money-lenders. At the beginning of the sixteenth century jews lived in every fourth city in Red Russia. Jews from Bohemia. Spire. breweries and taverns as well as the collection of state and city taxes. In 15201530. Podhajce (1420). handic raftand the leaseholding of small farms. The church generated anti-semitic feelings among the Catholic population. malthouses. Magdeburg in Germany during the years 1426-1450. In 1578. when these received the "privilege of not tolerating Jews" (privilegium de non tolerandis judeis). with the largest settlements in Lvov and Belz. Some of the immigrants reached Red Russia and Lvov in particular. 103 families in the suburb.191 The main occupations of Jews were trade. Jewish settlements emerged in Lubomla (between 1372-1382). rarely in private cities from the end of the sixteenth century.900. there were 1. Hungary and Germany appeared in Lvov. if not in numbers. pharmacists and scientists. Halich (1436). certainly in wealth. the Jewish community was in constant struggle over the right to trade and engage in crafts. Later. which from around 1420 became actively anti-Jewish. although they were soon allowed to return to Lithuania (1503). Because of the policy of the Catholic burghers in Lvov to control the economic life of the city. and Belz (1439). Lvov sheltered about one-twelfth of all the Jewish population of Red Russia.

191 On the basis of this agreement Jews were allowed to trade in Turkish goods.5 percent of Lvov's total cattle trade. the same king had fo rbidden the Jews to trade in woolens. Jews imported knives.e. Nuremberg iron goods. woolens.194 Despite these and other imposed obstacles. Alexander Jagellon granted the Jews the right of free trade as well as the right to benefit from tax reductions bestowed upon other citizens. However. and secondly. King Sigismund I confirmed in 1515 the right of free trade with the following restrictions. In 1488-1490. while in 15391540 the Jewish share in cattle trade topped 54. first. moroccos. Jews could only sell hides. From other sources . velvet. also to Kamieniec. the Jews were allowed to travel to any fairs in order to exchange 1 . From the West. sacks. Przemysl and Jaroslaw. at least partially. Turkish sheepskin coats. King John Albrecht re stricted Jewish trade to two wholesale items: woolen cloth and livestock. Jews could sell cloth at retail during fairs only (lifting. blankets. As early as 1484. and (d) during fairs. At the same time Gdansk forbade Jews to enter the city so that they could only visit it during the local fairs.196 As a result the City Council was compelled in 1581 to conclude a trade agreement for eight years with the Lvov Jews (Pacta judaica). Jewish trade grew and played an important economic role. in 1521 the same king repealed this privi lege in the following charter: (a) Jews could not maintain shops in their houses. they could sell cloth only in two places. silk taffetas. There is a preserved list of merchandise from 1577 to 1582 under the title "Short description of goods which city Jews and suburban Jews carried to Lvov from Germany. scythes. the ban on retail sale issued by Casimir Jagellon) . which caused great damage to the Jews.ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV 369 Poland.. cattle and wax. however. carpets and spices. as well as Lvov to the border (i. As for woolens. he exempted them from taxes for five years. In 1493. (c) Jews were not permitted to trade other goods. (b) Jews were allowed to sell woolens in wholesale lengths only during the Lvov fairs and elsewhere at retail either for cash or in exchange for cattle or raw hides of cattle. saltpeter. were improving the legal trade position of the Jews.192 In 1503-1505. raw silk and silk fabrics. Sniatyn). since the king was not interested in completely destroying the economic role of Jews. exchange with the East included raw hides.2 percent of this business.000 heads of cattle for woolen cloth. But the situation in Lvov was different. and after a fire of that same year. and only in the quantity of 500 lengths wholesale in each place. when King Sigismund forbade practically all trade activities by Jews in that suburb for two years. The idea was to stir up competition between Lvov's Jews and the Turkish merchants among whom Jews also were prevailing.193 In response. King Stephen Bathory gave Jews in Lvov the privilege of free trade on an equal footing with other merchants. Jews could sell or buy only 2.195 In 1578. In 1534-1535.000 heads of cattle per year. nevertheless. while the former ban on retail trade was still valid. but were not allowed to buy those items. the Lvov burghers complained that Jews were violating the city's staple right. which. Jewish trade moved from the city to the suburban com munity of Lvov until 1527. Jewish cattle trade amounted to 32. "198 Accordi ng to this list.

Przemysl. copper. Kolomyja for Moldavian goods.2 percent in 1547. 37. iron. Buchach.9 per cent in 1548 and 63. Jews were per mitted to sell them to Lvov's burghers at any time. considered them useful and indispensable. Turkish Jews received trade privileges in Lvov in 1567- . 46. wax. (b) As to goods barred from Jewish trade. be resold by them. During the fairs Jews were permitted to trade all goods with the exception of merchandise brought from Austrian lands (rakusskie towary) and Nuremberg (tin. (c) As to goods of southern and oriental trade. According to the Pacta of 1592 the following trade agreement was reached:199 1. for self-interest and interest of the entire city. fairs were also held in Sniatyn. Turkish goods. trade of hides. not insisting on the letter of royal legislation and conflicting interpretations of the parties involved. They had to wait a week before they could buy merchandise brought to the city. Besides fairs in Lvov from the end of the fifteenth century. Jazlovets. The Jews were prevalent in cattle trade. where both sides were willing to compromise. they could. In 1589. if bought by Jews in Lvov. the burghers failed to achieve their goal in complete suppression of Jewish trade. In spite of partial support by the royal authority prior to and after Bathory's reign. 1629) and were a testimony to the relative importance of Jewish trade in Lvov. tallow and red dye. Moldavian goods. Trembovlia. in spite of their temporary character. covered a period of more than fifty years (1581. Ostrog. 3. Bar for regional or local goods. table 4). the trade agreement of 1592 concluded between the city authorities and the Jews for the next eight years depicts a situation. copper. Tarnopol'. Zlochev. Kamenets for Ruthenian goods. (a) Jews could sell certain goods to Lvov burghers at all times and not only during the fairs. Lublin. table 3): 44. to outsiders only during the fairs. The jews had an important role also in international trade. The agreements on trade concluded between the city of Lvov and the local Jews. Nevertheless. honey. however. Jews could trade in tallow. They were not allowed to form partnerships with Jews living outside the city or with foreigners.5 percent in 1546. 1592.3 percent in 1549. as well as in Jaroslaw. Moravian and Nuremberg cloth (see Appendix 2. Jews were obliged to observe Lvov's staple rights. The renewal of these contracts was usually accompanied by protest from the townsmen. Sigismund III restricted Jewish trade in the city and in 1591 returned to the tenor of the charter of 1521 excluding the suburban Jews consistently from trade activities.370 ELEONORA NADEL-GOLOBIČ we know that they brought also nails. furs and hides. This category included: Italian silk fabrics. At the end of the sixteenth century Lvov's trade with Constantinople was in Jewish hands.2o° Especially important was the Jewish share in cattle trade as attested by the Custom Rolls of Gródek near Lvov (see Appendix 2. but the ruling patriciate. furs. 2. The trade policy of Lvov and the other medieval Polish cities aimed at creating a restricted type of a Jewish merchant active only during the fairs who would not become a competitor for city merchants. steel and nails).

Mordechai Cohen.203 The trade itself declined considerably and what was left was taken over by Armenians. the Turkish traders saved in Lvov at least 1. 1569 to May 25. What was left was cattle and raw hides purchased in Moldav ia. The decline of the Jewish share in international trade was paralleled by an increase of Jewish activities in local trade. One of the Turkish traders. 212 kufa of muscatel wine worth about 30. 70 kufa of muscatel and other goods costing 5. Again in one year (from May 25.000 flor ens approximately. Those Jews were personal trade representatives of Don Joseph Nasi. In 1587." Hethe mentions hostile attitude also the of invitation Lvov Jews of and Chancellor calls them Jan "Our Zamojski (jealous) for Turkish Jews to settle in the new founded city of Zamoáč. Sicily. Around 1600 Turkish Jews disappeared from Lvov's scene.000 florens on custom duties.202 The trade venture of the brothers de Mosso Cohen in Lvov led to their bankruptcy and even imprisonment of Moshe for a few days. bought a house in Lvov. while the Lvov Jews sided with the Lvov burghers against the Turkish Jews. haberdashery and silks). Duke of Naxos. In some respect they were replaced by Sephardic Jews from Italy who settled in Zamosč.201 The trade concession given to Don Nasi's representatives concerned the trade of Mediterranean wine from Greece. By 1620. another was the growing rate of tolls imposed by the various customs along the route Lvov-Constanti nople by land. One of the reasons was their lack of cash and borrowing money at very high rates from Lvov lenders of 50 to 150 percent. the third and decisive. Owing to their privileges. sold in Lvov 377 kufa of malmazya worth 33.750 zlotys in 1654. Zamoéé and Lvov. Moshe in a letter complains to his brother Mordechai about hindrances made by the Lvov burghers in his trade activities. that as a result it eliminated completely Jewish trade with Austrian. Pero Galanthus over a contract breach.000 florens and other goods for 5. and the islands Paros and Naxos called malmazya (malmsey). He charact erizes also dogs. During three years (1567-1569) those representatives of Don Nasi. however.000 florens. the land route Lvov-Moldavia-Constantinople became so unsafe. His older brother Moshe de Mosso Cohen participated in the wine trade residing temporarily in Zamoáč and commuting between Constantinople. the growth of maritime trade and shipping of Mediterranean wine by sea to Gdansk. Jacob Sydis of Constantinople. son of Abraham. a former Portuguese Marrano who became an important Ottoman statesman. and wholesale western cloth. It is interesting that King Sigismund August in granting these privileges curtailed the prior existing prerogat ives of the Lvov burghers and caused a conflict with the Piotrkow Diet which supported them. received from the Turkish Sultan the monopoly of wine export to Poland and settled in Lvov. This conclusion can be drawn from the fact that the sum of tax paid to the city of Lvov for trade permits issued to Jews increased from 50 zlotys in 1581 to 1. Nuremberg and Flanders goods (iron wares. but the prevalence of Jews in Lvov's oriental trade was gone forever. Chaim Cohen and Abraham de Mosso.000 florens. Some of the Turkish Jews even settled in Lvov. 1570) they brought to Lvov 374 kufa of malmazya.ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV 37I 1570.204 . He was also in litigation with a rich Lvov Italian.

Trade connected with Moldavia and Crimea until the fall of the Italian colonies in Tana (1471). however. considered from whatever standpoint (as an entity per se. Calef.207 These studies are rather outlines and the first step toward respective monographs.210 These colonies became important at the turn of the thirteenth century. as a part of Polish oriental trade or as a part of the East. Around 1440. a Kaffa Jew of Crimea. The studies by Kutrzeba and Charewiczowa in spite of many merits were incomplete even at the time when they were composed. Akkerman. There are also some other source indi cations on indebtedness of Red Russian Jews to Jews in Turkey in the fifteenth century. guaranteed the sum of 100 grivna of Prag grossi for Sachna of Lvov. Kaffa (1475) and Akkerman (1484) along the Moldavian route. It became obvious that Lvov's oriental trade. if we assume such a participation. Trade connected with the Golden Horde along Via Tartarica which declined after the invasion of Timur at the end of the fourteenth century and the cřvil war in Sarai (1421).372 ELEONORA NADEL-GOLOBIČ We do not have statistical data about the participation of Jewish financiers in Lvov's oriental trade. The trade with Crimea lost importance. Tana). Far from being comprehensive the collective evidence. 3. Crimea and near the Azov Sea (Kaffa.209 2. structural and demographic issues involved and to illustrate them with convincing source data or samples. Trade connected with the Ottoman Empire in the sixteenth cen tury following the establishment of Turkish control over the Black Sea. Around 1600. It can also be suggested that such a participation existed in the case of the banker Isaac Nachmanowicz who concluded a series of financial deals with Constantine Korniakt.West trade)208 can be subdivided in three stages: 1. permitted for the first time elucidation of the main chronological. The Moldavian route was extended through the Balkans to Constanti nople. they started the indispensable process of gathering together all the source evidence which is available in the archival materials.206 The study of Lvov's oriental trade was introduced in European hist oriography in the nineteenth century in connection with the so-called Levantine commerce and especially with the trade colonies of the Italians in Kilia. one of the richest Lvov merchants at that time and a big importer of malmsey from Turk ey.206 As far as the historiography of this subject is concerned. the entire complex of problems of Lvov's oriental trade has not yet been the object of a comprehensive monograph. Nevertheless. some figures are available only indirectly. Generally speaking. for safety and economic reasons (price reduction of sea transportation)211 the Balkan route lost importance except for local Moldavian cattle trade. During all three stages the eastern or south-eastern routes of Lvov provided connection to the oriental trade with silk and spices along the .

sweeping genera lizations. We do not have at our disposal. With some exceptions. Jewish participation in international trade is attested only in the second half of the sixteenth century when oriental Jews (Sefardim) became prominent for awhile in Lvov's trade with the Otto man Empire. but also experience in trading. The fragmentary character of the source evidence permits only speculation on the volume of this trade. although statistical data on this subject are not available. the oriental trade as far as Lvov is concerned was of a transit character. Both Armenian and Jewish minorities were readily accepted since they had at their disposal not only the necessary capital. money operations involved. In the existing historiography there is a body of unfounded conclusions reached on the basis of inadequate sources-materials. These minorities encouraged by the Polish kings who desired to repopulate Red Russia played an important role in the commercial development of Lvov. Torun'. hides and wines were imported. while the Armenians operated on an inter national scale. Lvov was a Crown city with a strong preponderance of minorities. the balance of trade213 and its social implications. spices. As the city was the main source of income for the Polish kings. Silesia and metallic products from Nuremb erg. some of them were the largest money-lenders to kings and magnates. wines) were sold on the local market. jewels and rugs) and a considerable part of local Balkan products (cattle. Among these implica tions the following questions could be of interest for discussion. that the kings' policy was often inconsistent depending on their financial needs. while from the Balkans cattle.212 The character of this trade changed from the sixteenth century on: a part of the Far East or Persian articles (silk. Local goods exchanged with the Orient were represented by honey. I would like to note. identification of the factual situation with the picture that can be . The Jews of Red Russia played an important role in the development of credit transactions. red dye and furs. wax. not destined for the local consum ers. Goods from the West included woolens from Flanders. the Jews (of Ashkenazi descent) were engaged in local trade (which included also articles of eastern origin). What was the role of the market of oriental goods in Poland? Did it influence trade policies of the Kingdom?214 Did it affect the situation of the Armenian and Jewish merchants? Did it influence the attitude of the Catholic and Orthodox majority of the population? How did various social strata of the majority groups react under this influence? and so on.ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV 373 historical Silk road (to the Caspian-Persia-China). disregard of chronological and local peculiarities of develop ment. however. their policy tended to protect the economically active ethnic city elements. however. who were isolated religiously or nationally from the rest of the population (Catholic Polish-German burghers and the indigenous Ruthenian population).215 One of the peculiarities of Lvov's oriental trade is the fact of control exercised over it by ethnic minorities which is a product of local history as well as of economics. the data on how much money was invested in oriental trade operations. who came to the city because of its unique commercial location along the important East-West and North-South trade routes. In the fifteenth century and earlier.

Jews (Schipper) and even Greeks (Panaitescu) as the decisive element in seventeenth century trade.217 A long series of authors for various reasons reached exaggerated conclu sions on the role of Lvov minorities in oriental trade. cooperation and division of activities between indi viduals and groups of merchants participating in oriental trade and especially in relation to the ethnicity of the traders: Armenians and Jews. 1. the year 1256 is accepted by leading Ukrainian and Soviet-Russian historians. 351. The text of the privilege is included in Appendix 1. Quite often bias has influenced also the judgment of serious scholars who dealt with the problem. It deals with the earlier period.218 Open unfavorable opinions on Jews and their role in this trade can be found in Heck. Lvov's Polish pre-war historians favored the earlier date 1249. 2. 1956): 8. Kutrzeba and especially Szelagowski tried to pass judgment on the character and development of Polish oriental trade practically from the viewpoint of only one city: Cracow in Kutrzeba's case and Gdansk in Szel^gowski's case. 1 appeared in 1892. (Lvov. The city is also known as Lviv in Ukrainian. Charewiczowa. See M. The other city names are given in their contemporary sounding with the historical names when appropriate in brackets. Fr." Zapysky NTSh.221 Chicago. 1924): 22.220 (b) Competition. 41 (Lviv. Although the exact date of Lvov's founding is uncertain. Handel éredniowiecznego Lwowa (Lwów. favoring Armenians (Baranowski). Papee. Hrushevsky. 3. . N. Tikhomirov as quoted in Istoriia Lvova (Lviv.1255. 4. p. 1979.216 Charewiczowa accepted uncritically the nineteenth century assumption that the fall of Constantinople and the advance of the Ottoman Empire cut down the development of oriental trade. Polnoe sobranie russkikh letopisei.219 In dealing with the problem of Lvov's oriental trade in 1400-1600 and the role played by Armenian and Jewish merchants. Vol. the prevailing type of documentation at my disposal. 1925): 31. Lemberg in German and Leopolis in Latin. The transcription from the Cyrillic alphabet (Russian and Ukrainian) is used according to the practice of the Library of Congress. (c) Trade contacts of Lvov's Armenians and Jews with their coreli gionists in Kaffa and Turkey. Historia miasta Lwowa (Lwów. II: 195. See below. Lwów in Polish. "Khronolohiia polii HalytskoVolyns'koi Litopysy.374 ELEONORA NADEL-GOLOBIČ drawn from the legal sources. the influence of these changes on the economic activity of the Armenians and Jews of Lvov. Cha rewiczowa and Hrushevsky. 1 895-1921). See L. I am using the form Lvov (old Russian) as common for the English usage. This interrelationship can be subdivided for systematic purposes into at least three aspects: (a) Structural changes that occurred in oriental trade of Europe in connection with displacement of the trade routes as results of the great geographic discoveries and Turkish expansion in fifteenth-seventeenth centuries. I have elucidated to a certain degree also the interrelationship of the factual data available in the sources directly pertaining to the topic with the knowledge of the major trends in the economic development of Europe at this period and especially of its eastern parts. 1901): 40.

Armianskie kolonii na Ukraine v istochnikakh i literature XV -XIX vekov (Erevan. Brasov. (Lvov. 1940) and the documents of Stefanita (Bucharest. 1942). Isaievych. I. 1-15) and A. R. On the compilatory character of Alembek's information on the Armenian colony see la. the documents of Bogdan (Bucharest. V. Petersburg. 6 (Cologne. S. "Archiwum Akt Dawnych m. 1953): 54-58. Volume edited by N. 1910). " in Ksiçgi i akta administracyjno-sqdowe 1 382-1 joy. Jabtonowski's monograph is volume 10 of his series. Kajetán Maramoross. (Lwów. 15. J. The collec tion is intended for the general reader. Published in Civitates orbis terrarum. Podraze i poselstwa polskie do Turcji (Cracow. 1894). 17 (1953): 184-211. Verzilov's "Ocherki" were published in Zemskii sborník Chernigovskoi gubernii. 6. Sibiu). The reports of Lannoy and Lassota are summarized in V. 14. J. Sichynsky's Ukraine in foreign comments and descriptions from the Vlth to the XXth century. the Armenian archbishop and "Zacharyasiewicz. 5 (Glasgow. K. Pamiçtnik Lwowski." Rocztiik orientalistyczny. Volume XXIII (Bucharest. Kronika miasta Lwowa od roku 1634 do ióco. is identical with the founder of modern historiography on Armenians in Lvov. B. I. 1913): 292-456: Acte privitoare la negotul romanescu cu Lembergul contain 423 documents. III (Lwów. 149: 512-537.ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV 375 5. 462496. Piwocki published a Polish translation from the original manuscript (Lvov. Heck (Leopoli. Zubrits'kyi i ioho diial'nist' v haluzi spetsial'nykh istorychnykh dystsyplin" in Naukovo-istorychnyi biuleten' arkovnoho upravlinnia. 12. Rykaczewski. 21. Opera quibus res gestae urbis Leopolis illustrantur. Liske (vol. Rachwal. Ohryzko's reprint (St. I found 3 Lvov Armenians: Jacob Axentowicz. (Lvov. 17. On the reports of Otwinowski and Lippomano see J. 1 (1816): 3-14. 24 (1902): 95-107. 1962): 42-44. 1868-1935). 1912) and Sztuka Iwowska w XVI i XVII wieku. 1903) 148 : 189-219. 1 (1963): 48-57. tióm. 1864).1845). Kraszewski. ed. 216-18. przez B. A. M. M. 16. 10) who. I believe. 8. 19. la. 1854). 1935). 1901). Lwowa. The principal navigations of the English nation. O. 150: ri5:i4523. E. Published by K. 1859). 1835): Historya m. J. Piwockiego (Lvov. Original edition by the Piarist Fathers in Warsaw. Dashkevich. director of school at Armenian Nunnery. Professor in Stanislav" (p. 1910) published the original manuscript of Alembek. i860): 9-12. Among the 142 subscribers of his publication. Polska XVI wieku pod wzglçdem geograficzno-statystycznym. 2nd ed. 1899). 16). D. Also in a Polish version as Prawo skladu w Polsce (Lwów. Published originally in Przeglad polski (Cracow. 97-120. Hakluyt Society. Hakluyt. M. Helpful for our topic are also W. his Codex archivalis Civitatis Leopoliensis. vicar of the Armenian cathedral church. Chodynicki used among other sources some books of Zimorowicz and in manuscript. Prochaska (starting with vol. 1-8 (1898). "D. Lwowa a Oddzial Staropolski. On Muratowicz see T. 1931-1932). Lozinski's books Zlotnictwo Iwowskie 2nd ed. "Wyprawa po kobierce do Persji w roku 1601. 9. 11. K. Žycie i dziela Bartolomieja i Szymona Zitnorowiczów (Ozimków) na tle stosunków ówczesnego Lwowa (Cracow. Austell's itinerary is included in R. Badecki. New York (Ukrainian Congress Committee. Costachescu edited the documents of Stephen the Great in 2 volumes (Iasi. . First translation into Polish by J. 1732 ft.P. Kajetán Warterasiewicz. Bonkowski. królestw Galicyi i Lodomeryi stolicy . 18. Heck. 7. Zimorowicza przelozona przez M. 22. 1965) and the "Description of the Black Sea and Tartaria" of Ascoli is available in Zapiski imperatorskogo obshchestva istorii i drevnosti. (Lwów. Jan Alnpek i jego "Opis miasta Lwowa" z poczqtku XVII wieku (Lvov. The Akty grodzkie i ziemskie are abbreviated as AGZ. 1597-1618): 49 ff. Józefowicz. 19ц: Acte si scrisori din arhivele oraselor ardelene (Bistrita. 13. Zimorowicz. Darbinian (Moscow. Lehatsi was published by M. Iorga in Bucharest. 1904): 320-329. 1878). 10. Relacye nuncjuszów apostolskich i innych osob o Polsce od roku 1548 do гбдо (Berlin-Poznaň. I. Franciszek-Xawery z Abgaro Zacharyasiewicz (1770. 20. Maňkowski. . .

1949). Chapter 7 is literally repeating his earlier paper "Walki o demokraty zacjç Lwowa od xvi do xvin wieku. Contains the text with translation. 1925): 228-257. 14-16. of St.: 118-129. 19 1 2)." ibid.. 1954) Hoszowski's with charts book and was diagrams. (1927): 519-579. gospodarcze Lwowskie nacyj organizacje schyzmatyckich zawodowe i Žydów za czasów we Lwowie Polski xv przedrozi xvi biorowej (Lwów. und 16. (1857).. -hist. op. 33.. 12-56) and an introductory article of la.: 193-227.. Balzer. Bratianu's review in Études byzantines. 3 (1970): 363-390. F. G." ibid. V.) with enlarged bibliography (pp. 9 (1969): юб-112. Podgradskaia's paper. 6 (1926): 8-17 and "Rapport sur une mission scientifique en Galicie et en Bukovině. 1965): 232-259. 20-21. 49. Armianskie kolonii." Revue des Études arméniennes. 1961): 253-263. 32 (Wien. See above n. Armenier in philos. О. 1604 (Lwów. "Das Alte Recht der Armenier in Polen" appeared in Oesterreichische Blatter Lemberg" fur was Literatur.. 51." Kwartalnik historyczny. 3 (1933): 172-193. 19. Turcica. 35. 33. 34 (Leipzig. is the author of other important studies connected with our topic: "Handel Lwowa z Moidawi^ i Multanami w wiekach árednich. A. R. I. Sitzungsberichte 39. Jhdt. 1910). "Do pytannia pro rol' KamiantsiaPodil's'kogo v torhivli Ukrainy z Moldavieiu v xvi-xvíi st. 42. Kotliar published a paper "Torhivlia na Ukraini v xivxv st. 1909). 45. published as Les prix à Lwow.Ibid. 39 (Lwów. 1865): I-I55Lwowa. It contains a lengthy introduction of the editor E. 48. cit. and Porzqdek sqdów i spraw prawa ormianskiego z r. 39 (Lwów. Revista istoricà rornânà. historyczny. 1924): 37-67.. С MRS. The second volume of R. See above n.: 139-14352. 40: 255-302. 30. Baracz see la. On T. See Kwartalnik above п. 31. 39. 56 (Warsaw.4 (1971): 393-4°938. 65-96) on the Armenian colony at Kamenets-Podol'sk. I. 19. "Das der Akademie Alte Recht der der Wissenschaften." Jahrbuch fur Gesetzgebung. 1967). M. Dashkevich. 28. 40-65. 4-6. 32." in Istoricheskie sviazi i druzhba ukrainskogo i armianskogo narodov (Erevan. wieku. Dziubinski's paper was published in Przeglqd historyczny.. "Aktovye knigi armianskogo suda goroda Kamenets-Podol'skogo. (Warsaw. A French siècles edition (Paris. 7 (1927): especially pp. Lucja Chare wiczowa. (Moscow. Statut ormianski (Lwów. XVII. 36. 4 (1976): 495-538 (Cazacu-Kévonian). St. Horn's review on Promyslouisť in Kwartalnik historyczny. 1929). Ibid. 43. See also M. R. F. Rybarski contains statistical data. Sevortian (pp. Kutrzeba. Bischoff. Dashkevich (pp. "Zaginione ksiçgi áredniowiecznego 41." "Ograniczenia ibid. 50. Sqdownictwo ormianskie w éredniowiecznym Lwowie (Lwów. Rutkowski's book was re-edited in 1953 as Historia gospodarcza Polski (do 1864 r. a victim of the Nazi atrocities in Lvov. 34. R." Ukrains'kyi istorychnyi zhnrnal. On S. J." 40. Bratianu covers the events up to the fall of Kilia and Akkerman in 1484. 39. 1 (1975): 38-47. 2 (1976): 1 10-201 (Berindei-Veinstein). 22 (1908): 658-679. See also his "Das moldavische Zollwesen im 15. "Les Arméniens de Galicie. Klasse (Wien. 467-537). 1912). 29.." Kwartalnik historyczny. The first scholarly edition belongs to F. . 1959). published 28. Macler. For criticism see G. See above n. 1862).376 ELEONORA NADEL-GOLOBIČ 24. See also E. Mankowski's article see above n. Grigorian. 41 Badecki. in 37. К. 37. See also V. 1519. 44. 26. " Datastanagirk Mechitara Gosza i statut ormianski z r. XI. 46. M. XVIe-XVIIe 27. VIII. XII. a glossary and an introduction in which a historical as well as a linguistical analysis of the source is given. Ptasnik's Miasta are available in a second edition (Warsaw. Archiv fur Kunde der ôsterreichischen Geschichtsquellen. 25. го..." Kwartalnik historyczny. 16-18. 6 (1948): 128-130. 76 (1969): 736-739. 47. Ibid.

Balaban. M. On I. 29). 5 (191 1): 40-45. for instance. 59. archival materials concerning the history of Armenians in Lvov. 74. Biderman's book contains as well a bibliography of Balaban's writings (pp. See also M.2 (1975): 199-24458. there are also some documents from the archives of Armenia (no. cit. Grabovetskii. acts of the Armenian courts of Kamenets-Podol'sk. 58 (1966): 107-150. "Armenianskie poseleniia na zapadnoukrainskikh zemliakh. where Polish titles are quoted. "Pravovoi stroi evreev v Pol'she.: 235-245. 56. Biderman. 323-340. 1976): 123-128. 1965). Biuletyn zydoivskiego Instytutu historyczne go. 2 (1924): 14-26. The first volume contains papers on the following subjects: Lvov historians on relations between Armenians and Ukrainians. 166-176." Ural-Altaische Jahr bûcher. 1906): col. Sixty among the 7." Istoricheskie sviazi (1961): 92-109 with copious misprints in the notes. XVI. the travelogue of Lehatsi. Bataban. CMRS. Biderman. Bataban's study was published in Nowe Žycie. 3 (New York. Ibid. 62. 672-674. 1." Istoriia evreiskogo národa. 1 (St. "Akty istoricheskie. 73. M. 246-55) contains letters of King Sigismund II August of Poland addressed to Don Joseph Nasi. 64.ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV 377 53. 4 (1910): 324-345. 5-6. 61. 1924): 1-23." in Evreiskaia entsiklopediia. while the second monograph is devoted to social conflicts in seventeenth-century Red Russia. See also B. .. 309-320). À.).: 551-558. V.) was printed in Lvov 1909 (24 + 577 p. Duke of Naxos previously publ ished by A. Bersohn (1869) and M. Ibid. See also I. 57. 54.: 27-31. 67. . 10 of A GZ concern the Jews of Lvov. See also Dr. It is still the only available monograph on the Jews of Lvov in a Western European language. Poland (nos 28. See above n. "ZurGeschichtedes . Bulletin of the Polish Institute of Arts and Sciences in America." Evreiskaia starina. On R. ibid. M. op. See above n. Katz. cit. 11 (Moscow. 3 (1910): 39-66. 75. 55. 180-186. For a bibliography of S. 1943): 556-57766. 72. Hoker is a pseudonym of Simon Dubnov. 47-48 (Warsaw. Petersburg. 71. 68.: 87-102. I. 1899). Poland ami Lithuania) (Berlin. Sadok Baracz as a historian. 70. Polin ie-Lita (History of the Jews in Russia. G. 10. 1957): 163-189. op. Materials for the history of Jews in Red Russia are scattered in volumes 1-7 of Dzherela do istorii Ukrainy-Rusy edited by the Shevchenko Society (Lviv. cit. "Kipchakacts ot the Armenian law court at Kamenetz-Podolsk (1559-1567) as a cultural and historical monument. 1 (Warsaw. On the kahal. op. 161-191.: 20-27. 65.: 132-160. Schorr. Only a few of the 65 documents in the Dashkevich collection were published earlier. Zydzi hvotvscy. M. As. V.3 (Apr. Mayer Balaban : historian of Polish jeivry (New York. Biuletyn žydowskiego Instytutu history czne go. Mahler see I. 60.500 abstracts in vol. 142-157. 1914): 161-205. Dubnov's writings see his Kniga zhizni. Abstracts of the rabbinical response in part dealing with the Council of Four Lands are collected in A. 76.: 275-284. 40 (1961): 3-36. Exceptiona lly. Schipper. "Evreiskii seim v Pol' she ili vaad koronnyi i seimiki ili vaady okrugov. The source appendix (pp. monuments of Armenian culture in Lvov. M. 1963): 113129. The same book in a popular edition without the collection of documents (188 p. №8 1-27 belong to the first half of the seventeenth century. Graetz's Dibre yemei Israel (History of the Jeics) in Hebrew for the period 1514-1614. 189519 13). 63. 51 (1964): 59-78. Harkavy's appendix to volume 7 of H. Biderman. 69. 36 (Wiesbaden. 77. role of Armenians in the cultural life of Lvov. Armenian sources for the history of Ukraine. Horn's Žydzi is an important study of the economic activities of the Jews of Red Russia in the sixteenth and first half of the seventeenth century. Mayer Balaban. 192-206. ibid. Balaban. Kraushar (1866). Lekoroth ha-yehudim ba-Russia. 22) and Wroclaw.

87. 83. cit.. 82.: 276. cit. Ibid. cit. 1953): 3 attributed to the si xte nth-century figures reached for the seventeenth century by R. 1966): 364-365. Ukrainian studies. 90. A. ." Studja z historii spolecznej i gospodarczej poswiçcone Prof. which are now in the library of the Mehitarist Monastery in Vienna. . Breslau — 19. 2: Ksiçgi przychodów i rozchodów miasta 1 405-1 41 4 (Lwów. 364-368. Kiá. This article contains a brief historio graphie survey of Polish Jewish historiography and a bibliography of publications for the period i960. The Latin phrase denotes the Catholics as Roman by religion. 1897): 228-237. R.: 382-383. J. 4 (Jerusalem. op. . cit. . Hrushevsky. 84. vol. Dashkevich. 96. For the unpublished records registering citizenship grants for the period 14611604 see A. . Miasta i mieszczanstwo. who discusses also the requirements of property and married status. I. English section. contain copies of marriage certificates and wills of the merchant families who were active in oriental trade. .Paris. 89.1972. 1892-192 1). la. Petrowicz. Milan and Naples in Italy with a population over 100. 80. . M. 100. Ptaánik. Bartoszewicz. Ibid. 99. .: 40-41.: 280-282. For the text and translation of the privilege see below Appendix 1. . Antysemityzm w liter aturze polskiej XV -XV II wieku. .: 74. op. Gilewicz. op. A symposium. the Ruthe- .000. A. A symposium. cit.: 27-28... op. "Lvov. 19 14).: 200. op. On the Assumption Brotherhood. Ibid. P. . . Miasta i mieszczanstwo. R. op. 97. 1956) in Hebrew.. The largest medieval cities were Venice. Zubyk. cit. op.. cit. 88. cit. Lviv. op. 1967): 80 (Shevchenko Scientific Society. la. 412-414. 7-9. 86. cit. 94. J. Andrusiak). 3: Ksiçgi przychodów i rozchodów miasta 1 414-1426 (Lwów. op. I: 93. 1930): 6-7. L' unione degli Arméni di Polonia con la Santa Sede (Roma. 79. art. 1896). Žydzi Iwowscy. M. cit. op.. 1. . 1905). 85. 6 (Kiev-Lviv. The Archives of Lvov's cathedral church of the Armenian community. Cracow had 12. . For the citizenship records of 1624-1635 see R. from separation to unity (Toron to-New York. L'arméno-coman. "Przyjçcie do prawa miejskiego we Lwowie w latách 14051604. For the privilege of May 20. "Naselenie i sotsial'naia struktura Lvova v period feodalizma. Pomniki dziejoue Lwowa z archiwum miasta. 1959): 23. Orient w polskiej kulturze artystycznej (Wroclaw-Cracow. Dashkevich." in Entsiklopedia shel galuyot. op. M.. Kiá. Olea.: 213-215. J.: 108-117.: 133-134. " Monatsschrift fur Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judenthums (Berlin. Gdansk (Danzig) —nearly 20. . 102. On the complexity of the notion of anti-semitism as applied to medieval Poland see B. M. 5. see M. cit. Ptaánik. Weinryb. 1572 see L. AGZ. 18 (1973): 84-99. Papée. . (Warsaw. . op. 93. Deny. Armianskie kolonii. 4 vols (Lwów. German and Italian cities in the fifteenth century.000. la. cit. Zubyk. . J. 8 of Studia z historii sztuki. op.000 (the same as Prague in Bohemia). 97-100. op. D. 91. Mayer Balaban. cit. P. . The Polish review...: 244 . 78.." Goroda féodal' noi Rossii (Moscow. Balaban. op. .: 408-409. Ptaánik.: 37-38. Volumina legum. «/. . Istoriia UkrainyRusy.000. cit. 1950).. 3 (1872): no.. Franciszkowi Bujakowi (Lwów. . ../80-82 (chapter written by M. cit. For compari son see figures on other Polish. Yaremko. 92. G. See above n. . O. cit. Galicia-Halychyna. cit.: 283. op. while Cologne and Nuremberg around 50.: 63. cit. n. Biderman. Miasta i mieszczanstwo. . art. op. . Charewiczowa. 101. . 1955). Armianskie kolonii. Czolowski.. . cit. op.: 274-275. Fr. 70-71. T. Miasta i mieszczanstwo. vol. Gospodarka finansowa miasta Lwowa w latách 1624-163$ (Lwów. Mankowski. 18. Of special interest are here registers listing property and commodities. Ptaánik.. Olea.000 inhabitants.: 556 ff. 81. 1907): 506 (reprint New York.: 24. 1931): 375-414. 95. Mankowski's work was published as vol. Promyslovisť Lvova. Stepaniv. 98.: 61-65. Lviv. Suchasnyi L'viv (New York.. la.378 ELEONORA NADEL-GOLOBIČ Don Josef Naši. K. Dr. 3). : 74. J. Gilewicz.

art. op. cit. Papée. cit. Putevye zametki. E. n. See above n.. Weinryb. op. "K kharakteristike istochnikov po istorii armianskikh kolonii Ukrainy i blizhnego Vostoka v kontse xiv-nachale xvi w... op. . op. Charewiczowa. Handel. L. 1943): 3.: 281.. Lwów i ziemia czerwienska (Lwów. Sqdownictwo ormianskie. op. AGZ.. . the carpets were often left as security in pawn shops of sixteenth-century Kamenets-Podol'sk or used to pay debts. P. 117.." See la.. cit. 116. . cit.: 6-7. 3: 204.: 195.). cit. : 47. The inscription on the Catalonian map of the world reads that "To the City of Lion (ciutat de Leo) arrive various merchants from Levant who continue later across the German Sea to Flanders. . Balaban. cit. Сотр. 3.. M. 119. Tryjarski. M. Handel.: 58 compares the privilege of Stefan III granted to Lvov merchants on July 3.: 92-94. op. 103. Panaitescu. Kotliar. The oriental carpet trade was very profitable. 124. op. F. 115.: 36. 1460 which contains the list of goods destined for Moldavia.: 82-83.: 63-64. in. Miasta i mieszczanstwo. . Ptaánik. 125. ." in Istoricheskie sviazi. op. 66. M. Handel. op. . Balaban quoted above in n. D.. Historja handlu w Polsce. 172.. this land route took about one and a half months. Isaevich.: 6. L. 1973): 185. 113. The name "Tatar goods" (tovar tatar'skyi) did not point to the origin of the goods which came from the Orient and Far East but rather indicated that the merchants had brought it to Lvov through Kaffa. . cit. A symposium. 23 (i960): 12-13. . cit. M. .. 112. See the monographs of M. For an updated and comprehensive approach see B. Dokumenty na polovetskom iazyke. See Simeon Lehatsi... Podgradskaia.: 50-51. Lewicki. M. Charewiczowa. Myshko. Hospodař of Vallachia.. Podgradskaia.: 178. 44 (polemics againts Lewicki's reconstruction of this route). op. Rudnicki. n." in ibid. edited by M. n° 2i. Maleczyňski et al. I. Žydzi Iwowscy. . op. Lviv. 176-178. Wschod a Záchod Europy w XIII-XVI wieku (Warsaw. 160-165. Hrushevsky. Darbinian (Moscow. T. M.: 33. i860): 9-12. cit. Macler. cit. 120. "Armiane v ekonomike srednevekovogo L'vova (xiv-xv w.: 37. Zubrzycki. "O ogólnej sytuacji jçzykowej w gminach Ormian polskich. op. Wschód. . cit. Handel. . Mafowist. Quoted in ibid. . s. 114. no. Ladislas Jagellon exempted in 1425 Lvov's inhabitants from customs duties in Poland. E.: 185. F.: 339. cit.. 105. part 7. O. 122. L. Balzer. op.: 257. . Orient." Rocznik orientalistyczny . 1. D. . 112. L. 108. 1965): 34-36. Kraszewski. 121. . op. M. Based on Moldavian toll tariffs (ibid.: 62.) : 107. The Lvov Tatars were still in existence around 1509. J. op. 123.. Charewiczowa. op. n° 32. 106.. Arkhiv higo-zapadnoi Rossii. op. op. cit. О. 107. Mircea. " in Istoricheskie sviazi. cit. cit. J. Hrushevsky. This trade is attested by court acts of Armenian community of KamenetsPodol'sk. A page of Polish history. .: 134-137. "Zhizn Armian v Podolii v xiv-xvn w. Rapport. granted a trading privilege to Lvov. The Moldavian route to Constantinople is also attested by the travelogue of Simeon Lekhatsi whose journey from Lvov to Constantinople in 1608 included stops at Sniatyn-Suceava-Iasi-Vaslui-Barlad-Galati-Masin-Harsova-Bazarcoh-Bravat-Aidos-Kirkllis. M. . cit. . . AGZ. 6 : 28.: 136. op. Charewiczowa. According to Erazm Otwinowski who travelled to Constantinople in 1551 from Belz. Maňkowski. op. D. Podraze i poselstwa polskie do Turcji (Cracow.: 82-83. II (Kiev. In 1408 the Moldavian Hospodař Alexander bestowed a privilege of free trade upon the merchants of Lvov.d. which is confirmed by the privilege of Sigismund to Lvov's burghers. J. Akty otnosiashchiesia k istorii iugo-zapadnoi Rossii. Cf. К. op.. n° 75. . cit. 104. Fr. Handel.. .. The privilege of 1408 specified these commodities as so-called "Tatar goods". . 126. cit. D. 6: 58.ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV 379 nians as Greek (Orthodox) and the Armenians by the name of their national church. St. See L. cit. 4. Charewiczowa. . In 1391. cit. 1863). 1 : 136115Q8 (SPb.: 61-64).. 109. Malowist. op. cit. E. op. cit: 37.: 88. Lwów (London. 118. cit. . . cit.. 1890): 165.

op. 3." Kwartalnik history сzny . Herenthals and Eysden as well as from England made in London fpannum lundense) or Colchester.: 185.. 150. . Ibid. 151. J. 4. . " Rocznik Krakowski. 147.: 92. Balzer. Dubiňska.. I... See Appendix 2.. Krypiakevych. 127. cit. 139. cit. 128.: 30.: 24. 148. 38 (1975): 204. Balzer. Charewiczowa." in Istoricheskie sviazi. Istoriia Ukrainy-Rusy. n° 1916 de la Bibliothèque Ossolineum. cheaper kinds were Silesian cloths (from Breslau. O. Hrushevsky. Handel. The date of their first arrival is uncertain. 138. M. 131. op.. 15 (1894): 90. Žydzi lu-ou-scy. 6: 68. 1356). op. op. n° 16: 28 (the privilege of Casimir Jagellon of 1476). Crimea was called Great Armenia. Of a certain interest for our topic is also the linguistic literature dealing with the idioms used in medieval Lvov's trading communities.2. . cit... .. op.. Mechelen (red and black). 79-80. op. 4 (1415): 85-87.: 92-93.: 43.. Thuin (black). n° 21: 34-36 (King Alexander's privilege of 1505). cit. "Rapport. 154. 49).: 41. Hrushevsky. . .: 31.: 6. "O ogólnej sytuacji. n° 40: 79-81.: 142. Bischoff. L. Sadownictwo ormianskie. 45. cit. . 135. Macler.: 10. Ypres. green or brown shade).: 393-394. "La version turque-kiptchak du Code des lois des Arméniens polonais d'après le ms. Kutrzeba. St.. See D." art. cit.4. "Z badaň nad psalterzami ormiaňskimi w jçzyku kipczackim. A GZ. 133. Kortrijk. Dubiňska. Balzer. cit. Tryjarski. art. Louvain (black and yellow). Dubiňska. The biggest slave market in medieval ages was in Kaffa. . "K voprosu o nachale armianskoi kolonii vo L'vove. I. "Rapport. Bischoff. Statut ormianski. F. See the Magdeburgian privilege. Balzer. cit. Also ibid. cit. . cit. Simpler.: 56. cit. Oppeln [Opole]. Oies. n° 37: 72-73. Ibid. . art.5. op.: 8-27. art.. Ibid. 6: 67.. 134. 137. Lierre. L. St. See M. op. Cf. cit. Charewiczowa. 23 (i960): 8. L.: 189. Olea. "Dzieje handlu i kupiectwa krakowskiego. . "Rapport. F. In contemporary sources of the thirteenth century. cit.: 102. M. Ibid. Dendermonde. L. cit.: 204-205. On the languages of the Armenians see besides the studies of Grunin and Deny (above n. 145. n° 4: 8-9. art. op... . cit." Przeglqd orientalistyczny." ibid. . Lewicki and R. cit.: 87. cit. 143. M. 140. tables 1. F. op. Z. 3 (1387): 75-76. See also the register of goods sent by merchant Mehmed to Poland and Muscovy from Ottoman Porte. Z. "Dzieje. 129. Z. Kutrzeba. 141. op. Istoriia Ukrainy-Rusy. F. Macler. 152. . cit. 156. 3 (1379): 58-59. F. 1604 (Lwów. 3 (1380): 60-61.: 22." art. op.." art.: 20. cit." art. Moravian. Charewiczowa. 144. art. . Until the fall of Kaffa in 1475 the slaves were trans ported via Lvov to Genoa and Venice. Prussian and Polish.. L. op. cit. St. Z. cit. in Appendix. art. Abrahamowicz. M. . op.: 97-98. Macler. . Deny. Handel. .: 210. 142.380 ELEONORA NADEL-GOLOBIČ 126. M. 136. Kutrzeba. Istoriia Ukrainy-Rusy. Charewiczowa. . It is considered that the change was brought about indirectly as a result of religious union with Rome in 1630. cit.: и.. 155. 6: 20-21. Italian cloth on Lvov's markets came from Florence. 132. Cf. I. Hrushevsky. Balaban. op. cit. . О. 146. Zittau [Zytawa].. yellow. op. Charewiczowa. As we find out from Lvov's city records in the fifteenth-sixteenth centuries more expensive kind of cloth would include cloth from Brussels (usually in black. cit. . AGZ. "Z badán nad psalterzami ormiaňskimi. Gorlitz). . Porzadek sqdow i spraw prawa ormianskie go z r. . Krypiakevych.". n° 15: 26-28." art. Myshko. . 10 (1884) n° 267: 18. "Rapport.: 52. Ibid. Macler. cit. op. AGZ. M. . F. cit. Sqc/oivnictwo ormianskie. Ibid. O. 21 (1948): 153-300. Tryjarski.3. 130.: 664. cit. n" 5 (June 17. O. as well as the above mentioned E. "Ograniczenia gospodarcze nacyj i Žydów we Lwowie. Handel.". 39 (1925): 208. A GZ. 150. op.: 122. Handel.. 149. op. See E. cit. " Datastanagirk.. J. cit. .: 126. cit. XIV (1910): 8. 1912): 13.: 7." Rocznik orientalistyczny. 153. Kohnowa. Deny.

op. Ibid. cit.: 157. Loziňski. cit. 180...: 431-445 for the period to mid-six teenthcentury. J. cit. cit. the Armenian church was founded in 1361. 37.ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV 381 157. cit." art. cit. 187. . Macler.: 306. Balaban. op. AGZ. cit. 182. В.: 62-63. Weinryb. L.: 46. . 161.: 3-12..: 66. Lewicki. 183. Z. op. op. ..: 141." in Istoricheskie sviazi.: 15. F. M. M. . 169. 3 (1872).: 17.: 395. cit. Weinryb.: 271-272. Horn. op. Rys dziejów ormianskich. J." in op. n° 1633: 109. . 1894): 38.: 65. cit.: 107 (63 names). Abrahamovicz. Ibid. op. Schipper.. 105. Balaban. . 188.: 431-445. .: 17.: 98. . Macler. E. 163. Zydzi Iwowscy. Žycie i dziela Bartlomieja i Szymona Zimorowiczów (Kraków. K. "Ormianie polscy. 170. 104. Loziňski. Walka. Putevye zametki (Moscow. For the statistical data on Lvov Jews in 1550-1578. "Materyaiy. . cit. . cit. 195. 172. in detail on the community organization." art." art. 173. Mark. D. Krypiakevich. cit. cit. Žydzi na Rusi Czerwonej. .. G. Handel.: 61.. Horn. cit. Baràcz. M. Horn. 190. cit.: 340. 184. 10 (1884). AGZ.. . Baiaban. The date of the founding is uncertain. 174.. Horn. cit. op. Charewiczowa.. 73 (1966): 410. 194. The Jews of Lvov entered into several trade agreements with the city authorities. 1937): 35-36196. op. V. . 168. while B. The first took place in 1581. Patrycyat i mieszczans two. op.. cit. .. Miasta i mieszczanstwo.. On the Council of Four Lands. 267 ff. op." art. op.: 11. I. according to J. 159. n° 391. In addition 19 small stores were owned by Armenians in 1589. F. cit.: 7. 10 (1884).: 290-291. cit. 166.. n° 1007: 67. Deny. 167. Cf. 160. 77 (1907): 77-79186. Weinryb. Ibid. Žydzi Iwowscy.. .: 566-568.185 ducats (camlets. de Lannoy. review of Balaban's book. 10 (1884). . Patrycyati mieszczanstwo. 178.: 41-52. AGZ. Žydzi na Rusi Czerwonej. St. M. . cit. E. no 5. op.: 231 ff. M. Heck. op. Zydzi Iwowscy." in op. See sources in M.. cit. op. cit. I. F. cit. see ibid." Kwartalnik historyczny.: 36 confers that the term servi camerae was not used in Poland. "Rapport. so-called Pacta judaica. . 171.: 126. Ibid. op. cit. the second in 1592 and the third in 1629. AGZ. Mark. art.: 16. "Rapport. Balaban. op. 176. According to Kronika miasta Lwowa.: 64. cit. 172. E. also B. Macler. . 164. "Armianskie poseleniia na zapadno-ukrainskikh zemliakh. 197. W. . .. Ibid. Balaban. Iwaszkowicz karavan sent from Con stantinople to Lvov in 1600 contained goods worth 12. D.: 2. op. В. I. 175. Žydzi Iwowscy. See above n. also 396-398. op. op. В. op.. Ptašnik. Krypiakevych. In 1489 Sultan Bayezid II granted the Polish Armenians the right to trade in the Ottoman Empire. Cf.: 117. 158. "Wyprawa. 1965): 244. 192. Œuvres (Louvain. cit. Gh. op. S. Petrowicz.: 288.: 4-7. cit. . Lekhatsi. op.: 13. 189. E. 1878) : 54. Žydzi Iwowscy. 185. cit. See W.: 36 is stressing the opposite tendency of this development. 181. Podgradskaia. T. E. 191. Ibid. Dzieje handlu éydowskiego na ziemiach polskich (Warsaw. op. Brusa belts and one bale of silks). . Balaban. S. Zapysky NTSh. 162. on the rabbinate. Baiaban. V. "Materyaty. 193. .. cit. 66. cit.: 15 established the date as 1363. cit. . D. Grabovetskii. "Rapport. . carpets.: n° 16: also 408-413. M.: 209. . 177. Maňkowski..: 211. op. op. .. . 179. see above n. 165. . Žydzi na Rusi Czerwonej. Deny. .. . M. op. cit. . cit.

cit. cit. op. ." in op. 210. Heck. Baiaban. 1865): 206-207. op. P." in op. J. cit. R. Histoire du commerce entre le Levant et l'Europe depuis les croisades jusqu'à la fondation des colonies d'Amérique (Paris. Šwitalski. cit. minerals). Baiaban. Jacob Mur or Meyer and Joseph of Jerusalem. 2. 1902): 52-53.: 116-117. "Drogi handlowe polsko-tureckie w xvi stuleciu. op. A. cit. Lemercier-Quelquejay. cit. op. Dzieje handlu. Loziňski. mentions Lvov only once: 60. About rabbi Jacob Sydis and his participation in malmsey trade. . Dzieje handlu.. Bourquelot. On these fairs in connection with the trade between the Baltic Sea and the Mediterranean. 37 (1961): 65. Lacour-Gayer. Heyd..: 50-51. Schipper. 1903). A. 220.: 342-358216. 203. Istoriia Ukrainy-Rusy. On Turkish Jews see M. Handel. From Akkerman they travelled by sea to Samsun in Asia Minor." in op. 213. Monatsschrift (Berlin. cit. 219. I. A. Szel^gowski. cit. A GZ. L. . silk). "Materyaly. Ibtd. Loziňski. 1830): 207-209 called attention to Kaffa slave trade.: 90." Biuletyn žydowskiego Instytutu history czne go. Schorr. 2: 731. . cit. "Materyaly. cit. 10 (1884). . 215. 287-294 (textiles. "O dziaialnoáci gospodarczej Žydów w Zamoáciu w xvi i xvii wieku.: 459 ff.. W.. op. op. z handlu lewantyňskiego Rzeczypospolitej w ostatních latách xvi w. W. M.. Handel. 56/2 (1965): 233-259 (the route Lvov-Constantinople: 240 ff. According to B. 3 (Varsovie. Weinryb.) 212. M. Histoire. . 1933): 9-14. Dabrowski. 1567. L. В..: 66 there was no consistent trade policy in the Polish Kingdom at all. grey squirrel) were brought to Troyes via Lvov.. Baiaban. M. The land route to Akkerman is also known as frequented by Jewish pi lgrims going to Jerusalem. As an entity per se from 1925 (Charewiczowa). op. 218. . Charewiczowa. who possessed the monopoly on the import of Polish wax are known from the message of Selim II to Sigismund August dated July 8-Aug. "Materyaty. Handel.: 366. Charewiczowa. op. Baiaban.: 41.. II (Leipzig. 730-731.: 292-294. . cit. cit. metals. В." Przeglqd historyczny. 207. К. 2 (Paris. 199. 285-287 (hides. art. furs). cit.: 419-420. Patrycyat i mieszczanstwo.: 25. cit. 205. cit.. op. although we lack decisive evidence. .. op.. mémoires présentés par divers savants à l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Ixttres. M. cit. cit. cit.." in op. . II: 195. cit. op. . cit. 204. .: 87.: 44.: 453. and Ograniczenia gospodarcze. 1897): 228237. . This trade was connected with the fairs of Champagne until the end of the fourteenth century. Handel. as a part of the oriental trade of Poland (Kutrzeba. 2: 282 (cattle). Dziubinski. op. Znajomošč Wschodu w dawnej Polsce (Lodž. art." in La Pologne au VIIe Congrès international des sciences historiques. Russia and Poland (wax. 719 and Histoire du commerce du Levant au Moyen Age. "Przyczyny wycofania sie Žydów tureckih. L. Rybarski. Hrushevsky.. It is quite possible that the goods imported from Tataria (samite. 202. but did not mention Lvov. "Handel polski. op. J. Szelagowski.. ... "Materyaty. 200." ibid. Morgensztern. 1: 245-249 (trade balance). Podgradskaia. 209. Dipping. 201. Charewiczowa. On the economic impact of the Turkish conquest see Die wirtschaftlichen Auswirkungen der Tiirken- . as a part of the Levantine trade of Europe from 1879. . . op.. M. Charewiczowa. cit. 5 (Paris.382 ELEONORA NADEL-GOLOBIČ 198. 56 (1965): 17. Geschichte. Schipper. cit.: 24. Rybarski. "Materyaty. op. W. Similarly R. St. 208. Pieniqdz i przewrót cenwXVl i X VII wieku w Polsce (Lwów. Baranowski. 4. On Lvov's trade with Moldavia. cit. Patrycyat i mieszczanstwo. "Conseguenze economiche delle scoperte geografiche nel territorio dal Baltico al Mar Nero. 313-314 (money) . On the impact of the geographic discoveries starting with the end of the fifteenth century see J. See F. beverages. V: 257-259. n° 2576. 217. Kutrzeba.. op. . Baiaban. Handel polski. . see W.: 32-33.. . See A." in op. . n° 2531. Panaitescu. 1950): 275-277.. . Handel. Histoire du commerce." art. 10 (1884). n. Étude sur les foires de Champagne . 1950): 135. cit. Bennigsen and Ch. Ibid. and E. M.: 52-53. Heyd. Handel polski. 206. 211. M. Z. .: 405-406. cit. 1886): 193. Two Jewish traders from Turkey. 296-298 (spices). L. op. 214. AGZ. op. cit. 300-310 (cloth). . .. I. uchodžców z Hiszpanii.

dantes tamen facultatem eis. Thartharorum. von O. Advocatus veo coram nobis aut Capitaneo nostro.ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV 383 kriege hrsg. notum facimus universis: quod pia consideracione zeloque regie maiestatis provide advertentes disturbia et incommoda quam plurima. Cuyauie. Iudicum. Subiudicum. Malecki on change in the trade of Cracow and Poland during the Turkish wars of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Ea propter nos Kazimirus dei gracia Rex Polonie necnon Terrarum Cracouie. Pomoranie Russieque dominus et hères. Sandomirie. In casusis autem criminalibus vel quibuscumque emergentibus Advocato dicta civitatis iudicandi sentenciandi. cuiuscumque condicionis vel status existant. quocumque nomine dicantur. 73 (1966): 407-411.. Ibid. secundum ipsum lus Thewtu nicum exigit et requirit. Pickl (Graz. Kwartalnik historyczny. Saracenorum. Syradie. Ruthenis et alys gentibus. Quod magnifica regum decrecit fieri auctoritas pro commodo subditorum. plenam et omnimodam concedimus facultatem. Ruthenorum. op. commodis et prosperitatibus per amplius valeat adaugeri. ludeorum. que ipsum lus Thewtunicum turbare seu impedire quomodolibet consueverunt. ratum atque stabile débet perpetuo perpetuo permanere. quo prefrui debeat civitas antedicta. non aliter quam si per literám nostram seu Capitanei nostri invitatus seu evocatus fuerit tantummodo suo lure Thewtunico respondebit. quod vulgariter Madeburgense [sic] appellatur removentes ibidem omnia Iura Ruthenicalia et consuetudines Ruthenicales universas quocumque nomine censeantur. 1356 In nomine domini amen. cit. review of the monograph of ZakrzewskaDubasowa (see above p. Malowist. quibus civitas nostra Lwów perplexa noscitur ab hostibus quibuslibet importunis et ut eadem civitas in utilitatibus. videlicet Ormenis. 1971). 349). APPENDIX 1 THE MAGDEBURG LAW PRIVILEGE GIVEN TO THE CITY OF LWOW ON JUNE 17.. et aliarum quarum- . Iudeis. profectibus. T. 221. licitum sit eis predicto lure Madeburgenese uti coram advocato et perfrui iuxta eorum peticionem petitam et oblatam. Ministerialium et a potestatibus quibuscumque. especially the paper of J. ita quod coram ipsis vel eorum aliquo in causis tam magnis quam parvis nulli penitus respondebunt nisi cives coram suo Advocato.: 184-185. Sin autem refutaverint predictum lus Madeburgense. tribuentes graciam speciálem. puniendi et determinandi. Saracenis. Wschôd. An attempt to confront the socio-economic structures of Eastern and Western parts of Europe from the Eastern European vantage point was made by M. Absolvimus insuper civitatem predictam et incolas ipsius ad omnibus iurisdiccionibus Castellanorum.. Lewicki. volumus eos iuxta ritus eorum in ipsorum lure illibatos conservare. qui in ibidem per nos deputatus fuerit. Pallatinorum. in consolactionem itaque dicte divitatis et ipsius fidelium incolarum augmentům damus et perpetuis temporibus tribuimus predicte civitati lus Thewtunicum. Et licet toti civitati predicte et omnibus habitantibus et communicantibus in ea tribuimus lus Madeburgense supradictum tamen ex speciali nostro favore alys gentibus habi tantibus in eadem civitate. tune dicte naciones Ormenorum. ut pro quibuscumque causis vel criminibus inter ipsos aut inter eos vel alias quibuscumque super causis vel articulis emergentibus habuerint questionem.

Petro tribuno Cracouiensi. Andrea Cracouiensi. Floriano preposito Cancellario lanciciensi. religiosorum. Ad maiorem autem melioracionem civitatis sepedicte damus eidem civitati ex speciali nostra gracia et favore. que ibidem congregate et advinvente fuerint. attribuimus dicte civitati pro melioracione eiusdem septuaginta mansos franconicos in silvis et mericis. limitet aut edificet Thabernam vel Thabernas per unum milliare mensuratum ab eadem civitate distantem. pratis et pascuis. qui vulgariter Belohoscz appellatur. secundum quod inibi enumerari sive mensurari poterint. ut nullus Terrigenarum. Actum Sandomirie feria sexta infra Octavam festi Pentecostes Anno domini M0 CCC quinquagesimo sexto. Ywano dicto Loy de Skarzeszow. In quorum omnium testimonium et ad evidenciam pleniorem sigillum nostrum in robur perpétue firmitatis duximus appendum. quilibet sue nacionis Iure. Raphaële Sandomiriensi Subcamerarys. . civitatensium aut aliarum quarumcumque personarum locet. de quibus manis sexaginta volumus esse censuales singulis annis in festo beati Martini de quolibet manso pro censu nobis solvendo viginti quatuor grossos computando Ruthenicales. tamen presidente Advocate civitatis eidem idicio. Wylczkone domino Sandomiriensi. Presentibus hys testibus nostris fidelibus et dilectis Iohanne Iura Castellano Cracouiensi. Volentes insuper predictam civitatem Lwów gracia prosequi speciali.384 ELEONORA NADEL-GOLOBIČ cunque nacionum. Dobislao Wisliciensi Castellanis. ipsorum quelibet questio debebit terminari et diffiniri. dimittimus eis pro pascuis sine cuiuslibet pecunie solucione. Datum et ordinatum per manus domini Iohannis nostri Cancellary Russie antedicti. Sluneczcone de Rosbora heredibus et alys multis fidedignis. Iohanne doctore decretorum preposito Gneznensi et Cancellario Russie et alys eciam nobilibus terre Russie videlicet Wolczkone de Drochouicze. postquam vero fuerint exstirpati reliquos decem mansos in loco vicino civitati antedicte.

except for cattle." in Istoricheskie sviazi i druzhba ukrainskogo i armianskogo narodov.since they differed greatly for various commodities and were in flux also after 1565. Podgradskaia. 1954): 32-36. XVIe-XVIIe siècles (Paris. M. "Ob ormianskikh poseleniiakh v Moldávii. 2 (Poznan'. A Lvovian pound equalled 405.2 grams around the seventeenth century. 3 (Erevan. Hoszowski. PO 5464 1 8 2 Sources: R. 1971): 219. The data for the cattle are given in heads. cit. 1 wagon — 1 cetnar— 5 kamienie — 160 medieval Polish pounds according to the Trade Statute of 1565 confirmed by the Diet. 1929): 259-260. The figures.2 & Lvov Seret Suceava Greek From Constant inople Delatyn Constantinople Romanow Unidentified Places Total 24 35 98 738 3 3 18 18 49 91 12 3 8 3 9 6 10 590 50 12 36 i 12 2 3 45 84 3 23 2 5 g. On medieval Polish measures see R. We are not converting medieval Polish weight measures to modern equival ents. op. . Handel i polity ka handlowa Polski w XVI wieku. Rybarski. Les prix à Lwow. See E. refer to wagon loads (total 266). Rybarski.: 332-340 and St.ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV 385 A PPENDI X 2 Table i Commodities checked at the custom house of Halich in 1536 g . 1 kamien — 32 pounds.

Handel i polityka handlowa Polski w XVI wieku.693 51 2. The figures above refer to horses with load. All the traders of Busko checked in 1546 and 1547 were Jewish. in 1548. 1546 127 48 117 292 985 1547 121 41 39 201 1. of the total of 75 traders. It is accepted that the average load for one horse was 5 cetnar or the load of one wagon (see above).386 ELEONORA NADEL-GOLOBIČ Table 2 Commodities checked at the custom-house of Gródek in 1 546. * All the traders were Jewish. cit. op. The data for Lvov are even more intriguing: Loads checked at Gródek Customs Nationality of Traders Armenians Jews Ruthenians Total for nationals Total for Lvov Source: R.051 Source: R.236 145 ï. Rybarski.012 7 16 332 1548 75 530 34 712 29 8 361 1549 118 305 41 32 990 5 104 456 g8i 55 87 985 16 118 381 124 20 2. 2 (1929): 253. 56 were Jews.012 1548 1549 24 39 63 712 * 990 .749 114 2.1 549 Destination Busko Cracow Jaroslaw Kamenets-Podol'sk Lvov Przemysl Tarnow 13 other Various other places in Poland Breslau Total 1546 1547 33 746 60 30 1. For some of the places the nationality of the traders is indicated. Rybarski.

482 230 5.022 21. Handel i polityka handlowa Polski w XVI wieku.635 2.105 1547 15. 1 bary la ' Source: R.979 1548 18.718 55° 4.535 20.ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV Table 3 Cattle run through Gródek to the West Social origin of traders Merchants: a) Paying custom duty b) Exempted from custom duty Szlachta Total 1546 20. The participation of the minority traders in the cattle trade is illustrated by the following figures: 1546 Armenians Jews Ruthenians Total !.300 and 22 fasy.294 1.641 387 1549 16.500 Table 4 Metals and metallic goods exported from Lvov in 1578 Goods Iron Tin Iron sheets Brass sheets Scythes Knives Razors Nails Quantities 1 wagon 2 faski and quantity worth 20 zlotys 20 faski and 13 baryly 1 fasa and 1 faska 600 and 2 faski 3. 2 (1929): 256. 25 faski.35° 1. Handel i polityka handlowa Polski wXVI wieku. 2 (1929): 253. 1 fasa = 13-14 pieces (mid-seventeenth century) 1 faska = 60 kopy (1547) —96 kopy (1636) i baryla = 1 barrel 1 lagiew = 1 bottle .056 50 2.083 1.476 1549 1. Rybarski. The numbers without specification indicate single pieces.788 3. Rybarski.803 581 4. 1 case 4 faski and 3 lagwie 30 faski.962 Source: R.6i8 1548 З1О23 3.122 875 982 16.023 43° 6.217 5>I46 1547 2.578 24.

A tun = a unit equal to 252 gallons of wine. Eng. Rybarski. Сотр. *tun.96 Шег. cask.5 3 1 faska 65 302. 2 (1929): 257.lachin я ispecif ed Nationality of Importers Lvov suburbanite Buczacz Jew Kamenets Armenian Jew Suceava Armenian Lvov Armenian Vallachian Constantinople Jews Greek Greeks Crete Greek Lvov Jew Constantinople Greek Chios Greek Constantinople Italian Italians Total i-5 12 IO 2 8 I 377 244 12 62 23 46 15 8x3-5 Д 3. 1 dolium = 1 fasa 1 baryla = 24 garnce 1 fasa = 3 baryly 1 garniec = 4 k warty 1 faska = 8 garnce =1/3 baryly 1 kwarta = 0. Du Cange. .5 fasy 1 faska 6-5 Source: R. Handel i polityka handlowa Polski wXVI wieku. Dictionary 3.388 ELEONORA NADEL-GOLOBIČ Table 5 Import of wines in Lvov in 1578 Wines ilmsey ingarian Silistrian . 1884. The Cracow quart was accepted as an all Polish unit for liquids by the Diet of 1565. All data except for the ones indicated are in dolia.