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WomenandMeninOrganizations
SexandGenderIssuesatWork

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SERIESINAPPLIEDPSYCHOLOGY EdwinA.Fleishman,GeorgeMasonUniversitySeriesEditor TeamworkandtheBottomLine:GroupsMakeaDifference NedRosen PatternsofLifeHistory:TheEcologyofHumanIndividuality MichaelD.Mumford,GarnettStokes,andWilliamA.Owens WorkMotivation UweE.Kleinbeck,HansHenningQuast,HenkThierry,andHartmutHcker PsychologyinOrganizations:IntegratingScienceandPractice KevinR.MurphyandFrankE.Saal HumanError:Cause,Prediction,andReduction JohnW.SendersandNevilleP.Moray ContemporaryCareerDevelopmentIssues RobertF.MorrisonandJeromeAdams JusticeintheWorkplace:ApproachingFairnessinHumanResourceManagement RussellCropanzano PersonnelSelectionandAssessment:IndividualandOrganizationalPerspectives HeinzSchuler,JamesL.Farr,andMikeSmith OrganizationalBehavior:theStateoftheScience JeraldGreenberg PolicePsychologyintothe21stCentury MartinI.KurkeandEllenM.Scrivner BenchmarkTasksforJobAnalysis:AGuideforFunctionalJobAnalysts(FJA)Scales SidneyA.FineandMauryGetkate StressandHumanPerformance JamesE.DriskellandEduardoSalas ImprovingTrainingEffectivenessinWorkOrganizations J.KevinFord,SteveW.J.Kozlowski,KurtKraiger,EduardoSalas,andMarkS.Teachout TeamPerformanceAssessmentandMeasurement:Theory,Research,andApplications MichaelTBrannick,EduardoSalas,andCarolynPrince JobFeedback:Giving,Seeking,andUsingFeedbackforPerformanceImprovement ManuelLondon TheRussianTheoryofActivity:CurrentApplicationstoDesignandLearning GregoryBednyandDavidMeister FunctionalJobAnalysts:AFoundationforHumanResourcesManagement SidneyA.FineandStevenF.Cronshaw WomenandMeninOrganizations:SexandGenderIssuesatWork JeanetteN.Cleveland,MargaretStockdale,andKevinR.Murphy

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WomenandMeninOrganizations
SexandGenderIssuesatWork
JeanetteN.Cleveland ColoradoStateUniversity MargaretStockdale SouthernIllinoisUniversity,Carbondale KevinR.Murphy ColoradoStateUniversity
LawrenceErlbaumAssociates,Publishers 2000Mahwah,NewJersey London

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Copyright2000byLawrenceErlbaumAssociates,Inc. Allrightsreserved.Nopartofthisbookmaybereproducedinanyform,byphotostat,microfilm,retrievalsystem,oranyothermeans,withoutthepriorwritten permissionofthepublisher. LawrenceErlbaumAssociates,Inc.,Publishers 10IndustrialAvenue Mahwah,NJ07430 coverdesignbyKathrynHoughtalingLacey LibraryofCongressCataloginginPublicationData Cleveland,Jeanette. Womenandmeninorganizations:sexandgenderissuesatwork/ JeanetteN.Cleveland,MargaretStockdale,KevinR.Murphy. p.cm.(Appliedpsychologyseries) Includesbibliographicalreferencesandindex. ISBN0805812679(cloth:alk.paper).ISBN0805812687 (pbk.:alk.paper) 1.SexroleintheworkenvironmentUnitedStates. I.Stockdale,MargaretS.II.Murphy,KevinR.,1952 III.Title.IV.Series. HD6060.65.U5C581999 331.11'43dc219937807 CIP BookspublishedbyLawrenceErlbaumAssociatesareprintedonacidfreepaper,andtheirbindingsarechosenforstrengthanddurability. PrintedintheUnitedStatesofAmerica 10987654321

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Thisbookisdedicatedtoourparentsandourchildren. Onegaveusrootsandwingstheothergivesushopesanddreams. RobertandKathleen TomandPat FrederickandJoan KathleenandMichael Sarah,Susan,andGeoffrey

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CONTENTS
SeriesForeword EdwinA.Fleishman Preface PartI: Introduction Chapter1 IntroductiontoWomenandMeninOrganizations WhatDoWeMeanbyWork? HistoryofMaleandFemaleWorkforceParticipation ModelforUnderstandingMenandWomeninaDiverseWorkforce Summary Chapter2 UnderstandingMen'sandWomen'sExperiencesintheWorkplace:Methods andTheoreticalPerspectives Men'sandWomen'sExperiencesofWork UnderstandingSexualityinOrganizations Summary xiii xi

6 7 11 16 18

19 34 36

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PartII: ProcessesUnderlyingMaleFemaleAttitudesandBehaviorinthe Workplace Chapter3 HowStereotypesAffectOurPerceptionsofMenandWomenatWork GenderStereotypes GenderStereotypesandStereotypesofRace,Age,Appearance,and Disability EffectsofGenderStereotypesintheWorkplace Summary Chapter4 PhysicalAttractiveness,InterpersonalRelationships,andRomanceatWork GenderandPhysicalAttractiveness PhysicalAttractivenessandInterpersonalRelations InterpersonalAttractionintheWorkplace WorkplaceRomance Summary Chapter5 LanguageandCommunicationAmongOrganizationalMembers FemaleandMaleWaysofSpeaking:DataVersusStereotypes UnderstandingGenderDifferencesinLanguage WomenandMenSpeakinginGroups GenderandNonverbalLanguage ASocialPsychologicalApproachtoUnderstandingLanguageand LinguisticGroups AdditionalIssuesConcerningLanguageintheWorkplace Summary Chapter6 PowerandRelationshipsatWork DefinitionsandSourcesofPowerandInfluence TheEffectsofPowerandInfluence GenderandPowerintheWorkplace Summary

41

42 50

56 63 67

69 71 76 82 90 93

95 99 102 106 112

118 121 125

126 137 143 149

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PartIII: WomenandMenintheWorkplace:ImportantIndividualand OrganizationalOutcomes Chapter7 GenderDiscriminationintheWorkplace PrejudiceandDiscrimination OccupationalSegregationandGenderDiscrimination Summary Chapter8 GenderandtheLegalContextinWhichMenandWomenWork TheLegalFrameworkforDealingWithGenderDiscriminationinthe Workplace EnforcingGenderDiscriminationLaws FamilyRelatedLegislation IsAffirmativeActionaHelporaHindrancetoWomenintheWorkplace? Summary Chapter9 SexualHarassment EmergingAwarenessandLabelingofSexualHarassment MultifacetedImpactofSexualHarassment BadApplesorBadBarrels?TheoriesandModelsofSexualHarassment CombatingSexualHarassment Summary Chapter10 CareerIssuesforWomenandMen:Mentoring,Children,andDualCareer Couples Careers:TraditionalDefinitionsandEmergingForms Women'sCareerDevelopment MentoringintheWorkplace Childbearing,ChildCare,andCareers DualCareerCouples Summary Chapter11 GenderandLeadership DefinitionsandTheoriesofLeadership GenderandLeadership TheGlassCeiling:ASpecialChallengeforWomen Summary

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157 167 182 185

187

199 207 209 214 218

220 233 238 243 247 252

253 259 265 268 274 279 285

287 303 312 319

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Chapter12 Stress,Health,andGender StressandWork Gender,Stress,andHealthOutcomes ConsequencesofStress StressReduction:CopingStrategiesandInterventions HealthIssuesUniquetoWomen Stress,Work,andEthnicMinorities Summary PartIV: WhatDoWeDoWithWhatWeKnowandDoNotKnow? Chapter13 ManagingDiversity:ResearchandInterventions WhatDoesItMeantoManageDiversity? ApproachestoDevelopingGenderInclusiveOrganizations Summary References AuthorIndex SubjectIndex

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325 334 339 344 347 349 351

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358 368 382 384 445 459

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SERIESFOREWORD
EdwinA.Fleishman SeriesEditor Thereisacompellingneedforinnovativeapproachestothesolutionofmanypressingproblemsinvolvinghumanrelationshipsintoday'ssociety.Suchapproachesare morelikelytobesuccessfulwhentheyarebasedonsoundresearchandapplications.ThisSeriesinAppliedPsychologyofferspublicationswhichemphasizestate oftheartresearchanditsapplicationtoimportantissuesofhumanbehaviorinavarietyofsocietalsettings.Theobjectiveistobridgebothacademicandapplied interests.Thisbookaccomplishesthisobjectivewithrespecttotheincreasingdiversityoccurringintheworkplace. Womennowmakeupover45%oftheU.S.workforceandthisproportionislikelytoincrease.Workingwomenareadiversegroup(e.g.,Whitewomen,minorities, womenwithchildren,immigrants,olderworkers)withwidelyvaryingneeds,values,experiences,andexpectations.Yetoftenwhenemployeesorworkersare discussed,implicitly(oroftenexplicitly)itismaleworkersthataredescribed.Furthermore,whenworkingwomenarediscussedtheyareoftendiscussedseparately andincomparisontomen. Thisbookisintendedtodiscusswomenandmenwithinthecontextofappliedworkpsychologyandmanagement.Itistheauthors'hope

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thatthebookcanbeusedforcoursesinindustrialandorganizationalpsychology,appliedworkpsychology,humanresourcesmanagement,andorganizational behavior.Itisdifficulttoimaginethatstudentsofindustrialandorganizationalpsychologyhasanaccurateorcompletegraspofleadershipunlesstheyknowthe literaturebasedonresearchonbothmenandwomenasleaders.Anydiscussionofcareerswouldbemisleading,andperhapsinaccurate,ifitexcludedmaterialon women'scareers.Totheextentthatthesediscussionsignoretheresearchliteratureonwomenintheworkplace,traditionaltextsusedinthecoursesjustmentioned reflectinformationononlyasubsetoftheworkforce. Theauthorsdiscussfourbasicprocessesthatsubstantiallyinfluencemen'sandwomen'sexperiencesatworkstereotyping,theroleofattractivenessinevaluating others,thewaysmenandwomencommunicate,andtheacquisitionandexerciseofpowerandinfluenceinorganizations.Theyshowhowtheseprocessescanbe linkedtogenderdiscrimination,sexualharassmentinorganizations,men'sandwomen'scareerdevelopment,leadershipandleaderfollowerinteractions,andstress. Theydiscusshowprogramsto''manage"genderdiversitymightbenefitfrompayingexplicitattentiontotheseissues. Thisbookdrawsfromanumberofdisciplines,includingpsychology,sociology,women'sstudies,economics,andlinguisticstohelpthereaderunderstandrelationships betweengenderandwork.Eachdisciplinecarriesitsownassumptionsandfavorsitsownparticularapproachestoresearchandscholarship.Itisclearthattheissues facingmenandwomenatworkextendbeyondtheboundariesofspecificacademicfieldsofstudy.Theapproachtakeninthisimportantbookhelpstocapturethe complexityoftherelationshipsbetweenwomen,men,andworkorganizations.

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PREFACE
ThegenderandracialcompositionoftheU.S.workforceisrapidlychanging.Asmorewomenentertheworkforceandastheyenterjobsthathavetraditionallybeen dominatedbymen,issuesrelatedtosexandgenderinworksettingsbecomeincreasinglyimportantandcomplex.Researchaddressingsexandgenderinthe workplaceisconductedinseveraldistinctdisciplines,rangingfrompsychologyandsociologytomanagementandeconomics.Booksongenderatworkoftenreflect eitheramoretraditionalmanagementperspectiveoramorerecentfeministperspectiverarelyarethesetwoorientationsonwomenandworkacknowledgedwithin thesametext.However,giventheincrediblechallengesfacingorganizationstodayintermsoffullandeffectiveutilizationofqualityemployees,thetraditionalliterature andfeministresearchliteraturemustbebroughttogether. Thegoalofthisbookistocommunicateavarietyofsocialpsychologicalresearchongenderissuesthataffectworkbehaviorstoupperlevelundergraduateand graduatestudentsinappliedpsychologyandbusiness.Thebookisdesignedtosupplementupperlevelundergraduatecoursesinindustrialandorganizational(I/O) psychology,organizationalbehavior,managementinorganizations,personneladministration,career

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andvocationalcounseling,women'sstudies(particularlythoseaddressingworkissues),andselectedtopics.Furthermore,itcanserveasacenterpieceinatopics coursedevotedtogenderintheworkplacethatmightbeofferedwithinthecurriculumofI/O,vocationalpsychology,ormanagement,whereitcanbesupplemented byprimaryresearcharticlesorselectedbookchapters. Acknowledgments Thisbookcouldnothavebeencompletedwithoutthehelpofanumberofcolleaguesandinstitutions.First,weareextremelygratefultoFrank(Skip)Saaland BarbaraGutek,bothofwhomcollaboratedintheearlierstagesofthisproject.Theirsuggestions,insights,andcontributionswereextremelyvaluableandhelpedto shapethebook.Second,wearegratefulforthesupportwereceivedfromColoradoStateUniversity(specifically,ScottHamiltonaschairoftheDepartmentof Psychology)andSouthernIllinoisUniversityinallofthephasesofproducingthisbook.Someoftheearlyworkonthisbookwasdonewhileonvisitingappointments totheUniversityofCalifornia,Berkeley(ClevelandandMurphy),andtheUniversityofArizona(Stockdale)wegreatlyappreciatetheuseoftheirfacilitiesandthe opportunitiestointeractwithcolleaguesinseveralrelateddisciplines.We(ClevelandandMurphy)completedthisbookwhileonsabbaticalattheUniversityof Limerick,Irelandwethanktheuniversity,theCollegeofBusiness,andtheDepartmentofPersonnelandEmploymentRelations,particularlyJoeWallace,fortheir helpandsupport. Finally,weappreciatethehelpandencouragementofRayO'ConnellandAnneDuffy,whohavebeenpatientandsupportivethroughouttheprocessofwritingand publishingthisbook.

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I INTRODUCTION

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1 IntroductiontoWomenandMeninOrganizations
I.WhatDoWeMeanbyWork? II.HistoryofMaleandFemaleWorkforceParticipation III.ModelforUnderstandingMenandWomeninaDiverseWorkforce A.StructureoftheBook IV.Summary

Page4 ThefamilypictureisonHISdesk. Ah,asolid,responsiblefamilyman. ThefamilypictureisonHERdesk. Umm,herfamilywillcomebeforehercareer. HEistalkingwithhiscoworkers. Hemustbediscussingthelatestdeal. SHEistalkingwithhercoworkers. Shemustbegossiping. HE'snotintheoffice. He'smeetingcustomers. SHE'snotintheoffice. Shemustbeoutshopping. HE'shavinglunchwiththeboss. He'sonthiswayup. SHE'shavinglunchwiththeboss. Theymustbehavinganaffair. HEgotanunfairdeal. Didhegetangry? SHEgotanunfairdeal. Didshecry? HE'sgettingmarried. He'llgetmoresettled. SHE'sgettingmarried. She'llgetpregnantandleave. HE'shavingababy. He'llneedaraise. SHE'shavingababy. She'llcostthecompanymoneyinmaternitybenefits. HE'sleavingforabetterjob. Heknowshowtorecognizeagoodopportunity. SHE'sleavingforabetterjob. Womenarenotdependable. ( Gardenswartz&Rowe,1994)

Womenmakeupmorethan45%oftheU.S.workforce(W.B.Johnson&Packer,1987U.S.DepartmentofCommerce,1997),andthisproportionislikelyto grow.Workingwomenareadiversegroup(e.g.,Whitewomen,minorities,womenwithchildren,immigrants,olderworkers)withwidelyvaryingneeds,values, experiences,andexpectations.However,workingwomenshareacommonbondinthat,untilrecently,theworldofwork

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wasprimarilyorientedtowardmen.Historically,womenhavebeensegregatedintojobsthatprovidedverylimitedaccesstothetoplevelsoforganizations,andthis segregationpersistsinmanysectorsoftheeconomy.Morerecently,however,therehasbeenaninfluxofwomenintonontraditional,higherstatusoccupations,andit appearsthattraditionalpatternsofoccupationalsegregationmaybeslowlychanging. Changesintheworkforceposebothopportunitiesandchallengestoorganizations,andhumanresourcemanagement(HRM)expertshavedevotedincreasing levelsofattentiontotheissuesandproblemsthatindividualsandgroupsbringtoandencounterintheworkplace.Researchersinappliedworkpsychology, organizationalbehavior,andotherrelatedfields(socialpsychology,sociology,andeconomics)arealsoshowinggreaterinterestintherolesofgenderandsexatwork. Furthermore,thereisarichtraditionofresearchandscholarshipintheareaofwomen'sstudiesdealingwithsimilaritiesanddifferencesinmen'sandwomen's workplaceexperiences.Eachperspectivebringsitsownsetofassumptions,insight,andconclusionstobear,andthereisagooddealtobelearnedbybridgingthe manydisciplinesconcernedwithwomenandmenintheworkplace. Onegoalofthisbookistocoverarangeofissuesthatbothwomenandmenencounterintheworkplacebutthatarenotcommonlyexploredinanydepthin managementorworkpsychologytextbooks.Wehopetoexpandtheconceptualizationof"human"inHRMtoincludebothwomenandmen.Webelievethatgender andsexissueshaveimportantimplicationsforworkrelatedandHRMissues.Unfortunately,discussionsofworkoftenrefer(explicitlyorimplicitly)toworkersas men.Therefore,anydiscussionofanothergroupofworkers(inthiscasewomen)isatriskofbeingdismissedasaspecialtybook(aboutwomen).However,this bookisnotsimplyaboutwomenatwork. Thisisabookaboutpeopleinteractingwitheachotherinthecontextofworkorganizations.Ourdiscussionincludesliteraturethatrevealssimilaritiesanddifferences betweenmenandwomenatworkand,whereverpossible,amongmenandwomenofcolorandofvaryingsocioeconomicstatus.Wehopetoidentifywhatweknow aboutemployedmenandwomenaswellaswhatwedonotknowconcerninggenderandimportantworkandorganizationalproblems. Throughoutthebook,weidentifyimportanthumanresourceissuesandtopicsthathavenottraditionallybeentreatedasmainstreamtopicsinindustrialand organizational(I/O)psychologyorHRM.Amongthetopicsthathavehistoricallybeenperceived(andsometimesdismissed)aswomen'sissues,yetarenow increasinglyofconcerntobothmaleandfemaleHRMandI/Oprofessionals,aresexualharassment,childcareand

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childbearingissues,careerprogress,andstressandhealth.Webelievetheentranceofincreasingnumbersofwomenintotheworkforcerenderstheseissuesimportant tomen,women,andorganizations. Thistextisintendedprimarilyforupperlevelundergraduateandentrylevelgraduatestudentsandresearchersinmanagement,psychology,women'sstudies, sociology,andrelatedfields.Althoughthebookdrawsheavilyfromdatabasedresearchfindings,wehopethatitappealstoteachersandstudentswhoareinterested inamoregeneralunderstandingoftheprocessesandissuesencounteredbyemployedwomenandmen. Chapter1defineswhatwemeanbythesetsofactivitiesthatwecallworkandprovidesabriefhistoricalperspectiveontheparticipationofmenandwomeninthe workplace.Asthedefinitionofworkhasevolvedovertheyears,sohavethetypeandtheextentofmaleandfemaleinvolvementintheworkforce. WhatDoWeMeanbyWork? AlookatWebster'sDictionaryreveals20definitionsofthenounand30definitionsoftheverbwork(Neff,1985).Overall,thedefinitionstendtohave"purposeful activity"incommon.However,determiningthesetofactivitiesweincludeinadefinitionofworkiscomplex.Asisseeninthereviewofthehistoryofgenderand work,menandwomenhavealwaysworked(Nieva&Gutek,1981b).BeforetheIndustrialRevolution,bothmenandwomenworked,notforwages,butforfamily survivalandmaintenance.Inthiscontext,womenandmenwereconsideredpartners.However,withtheoccurrenceoftheIndustrialRevolution,laborwasdivided intoamaleworkspherethatwaspaid,public,andexternaltothefamilyandafemalefamilyspherethatwasunpaidandprivate(i.e.,workinthehome).Therefore, priortotheIndustrialRevolution,thedefinitionofworkweoftenusetoday(i.e.,whatpeopledotoearnaliving)wouldhavebeeninadequatebecauseitdoesnot includeanumberofactivitiesthathistoricallywereconsideredwork.Thisdefinitionprobablyreflectswhatmanypeopleinoursocietycurrentlyviewaswork,"the meansofsubsistence"(Schwimmer,1980).However,themeaningofwork,orspecificallythedefinitionofwork,ishistoricallyrelative(Brief&Nord,1990). Activitiesthatonedoesforpayhavealsobeencalledoccupationalwork(G.Miller,1980).Thecharacteristicsofoccupationalworkare"(1)itsexistenceasarole discreetandseparatefromotherrolesoccupiedbytheindividual,and(2)theprimaryuseofsuchdirectfinancialrewardsassalariesorwagestoobtainaminimallevel ofinvolvementintherole

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bytheworker"(G.Miller,1980,p.382).Thisdefinitionofoccupationalworkisconsistentwithwhatmostpeopletodaymeanbythetermwork(Brief&Nord, 1990).However,thereareatleasttwoproblemswiththisdefinitionofwork.First,thetermfinancialdoesnotdescribeallpossiblecompensationarrangements.For example,informalworkcanincludebarteringandsocialexchangeofservices(Brief&Nord,1990).Thesecondproblemisthatworknonworkroleseparationis rarelycompletemanytypesofoccupationalworkinvolveinterrelatedroles.Furthermore,inthe1990s,bothwomenandmenbecameincreasinglyawarethatthey weremembersoftwo"workgroups,"oneexternaltothehomeandonewithinthehome. Inthisbook,werecognizethatthetermworkcoversbothpaidandunpaidactivitiesinbothpublicandprivateareasofourlives.However,muchofthematerial reviewedinthemanagement,psychology,andsociologyliteraturesisbasedonworkthatisdefinedaspaidwork.Therefore,whenusingthetermworkor employment,werefertoactivitiesortasksthatoneengagesinforpay. Wheneverpossible,wedistinguishamongresearchfindingsandtheoriesthatarebasedlargelyonbluecollar,pinkcollar,andwhitecollar,professional/managerial jobs.Werecognizethatwhatmaybetrueforoneoccupationalgroupmaynotholdforanother.Furthermore,race,gender,and,tosomeextent,ageareconfounded withoccupationaltypeaswellassocioeconomicstatus.Therefore,weattempttohighlightthecharacteristicsoftheoccupationsandthesubjectsusedintheresearch wereview. HistoryofMaleandFemaleWorkforceParticipation Themeaningofworkhasevolvedconsiderablyoverthecenturies(Brief&Nord,1990),andourcurrentconceptionofworkasasetofstructured,paidactivitiesis relativelynew.Simplyput,womenaswellasmenhavealwaysworked(F.D.Blau&Ferber,1985HarrisKessler,1985R.Marshall&R.Paulin,1987).However, thetypesofactivitiesandforwhomoneworkshavechangeddramatically.Inpreindustrialsociety,thefamilywastheunitorfocusofwork.Thewomanandthetasks sheperformedwereanintegralpartofthatunit(R.Marshall&Paulin,1987).Menlargelyobtainedgoodsexternaltothefamily.However,atthispoint,bothwomen andmenengagedinfamilyworkactivitiesthatwereeitherpaidwork(e.g.,womensellingproducethattheirhusbandshadharvested)orexchangeofgoodsforother desiredgoods.Thepreindustrialsociety

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wasorientedtowardlargelyagriculturallaborandhomemanufacture.Homeordomesticlifewasnearlyindistinguishablefromeconomiclife.Thiseconomicperiod wascalledthe"familyeconomy." Throughindustrialization,thelabormarketexpandedandpaidworkbecameworkexternaltothefamily.Hereiswhereweobserveasplitbetweenwhatiscalled private(i.e.,family),nonpaidworkperformedprimarilybywomenandpublic(i.e.,external),paidworklargelyperformedbymen.Women'sworkinsidethehome becameviewedassupplementaltothepresumablymoreimportantandprestigiousexternalandpaidemploymentofmen.Furthermore,oncemenlefttheprivate sphereoffamilyworkforpublicemploymentandwomenremainedwithinthefamilysphere,perceptionsandexpectationsdevelopedthatreinforcedthissegregation ofprivateandpublic,womenandmen,andsecondaryandprimaryfacetsofwork.Womenwereconsideredas,atbest,temporaryparticipantsinamaledominated publicrealmofwork. Duringearlystagesofindustrialization,whenwomenworkedforpayoutsidethehomethesituationtypicallyinvolvedsinglewomenworkinginlowpayingjobsthat weregendersegregated.Whenawomanmarried,shewasstronglyexpectedtorelinquishthefewrights(especiallyeconomicindependence)shehadasasingle woman.Fewmarriedwomenwereemployedoutsidethehome,althoughoccasionallyawomanmightworkformoneyifherfatherorhusbandwasunabletoprovide adequately.Additionally,duringearlyindustrialtimes,themeaningofworkformenandwomenwasverydifferentespeciallyifonefocusedonthesocialaspectsof work.Forawoman,therewaslimitedpoweroverherowndestinythehusband'soccupationandsocialstandingdefinedthewomansocially.Thewoman'sworkwas supposedtobeforthebenefitofthefamily,notforherself.Fortheman,workdefinedhimsociallyandeconomically.Womenwerefrequentlypreventedfromentering theworkforcebecausemenfearedthattheirentrywoulddecreasetheirownwages.Thesocialattitudesduringthisperiodconveyedtowomenthattheonlywayto achievewomanlinesswastobearandnurturechildren. Threefactorscontributedtotheentranceofwomenintotheworkforceby1940:demographicchanges,thewar,andtheincreaseinlaborforceparticipationof marriedwomen(R.Marshall&Paulin,1987).Thedemographictrendinvolvedpopulationgrowthandaredistributionofwomeninvariousagecategories,increasing thenumberofworkingwomenbetween20and64yearsofage.In1870,marriedwomenmadeup15%ofthefemalelaborforce,whereasby1940,theproportion was35.5%(R.Marshall&Paulin,1987).Whyweremoremarriedwomenenteringtheworkforcein1940?Thereasonsincludedmandatoryschoolingforyoung children,decreasingfertilityrates,andinadequacyofthemaleincometosustainthefamily(i.e.,theneedtohaveasecondincome).

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Interestingly,weseepreciselythesefactorscitedinthepopularpresstodayasexplanationsforcontinuedparticipationofwomenintheworkforce. WiththeonsetofWorldWarII,womenincreasedtheirpresenceinsuchfieldsasteaching,nursing,andclothingmanufacture.Additionally,womenenteredlumber mills,autoandaircraftfactories,electricalandmunitionsindustries,andtelephoneoperation.However,women'sexperiencesinthesetraditionallymasculinejobs duringthewarweretransitory.Oncethewarwasover,womenreturnedtomorefemaledominatedwork(R.Marshall&Paulin,1987).Duringthispostwarperiod, occupationalsexsegregationwasonceagainprevalent.In1900,approximately90.2%ofworkingwomenworkedinonly25of252occupations.Fortyyears later,notmuchhadchanged,for86.7%ofworkingwomenwereemployedintheseoccupations(Hooks,1947).Womenwereamajority(90%)inonly11of451 occupationsin1940. Althoughheldbackbyracialdiscrimination,Blackwomenandmenalsoenterednewoccupationsandindustriesduringthisperiod.However,aslateas1910,95%of allBlackwomencontinuedtoworkinagricultureanddomesticandpersonalservice.Blackwomenenteredthelowerlevelsoftheworkhierarchy(e.g.,textile, clothing,andfoodindustriestobaccofactoriesandwoodproductmanufacture)asWhitewomenlefttraditionaljobsforbetteroccupationsduringthewar(R. Marshall&Paulin,1987).InthesamewaythatWhitewomenlostmanyoftheirgainstomenafterthewar,BlackwomenlostthesegainsasWhitewomenmoved backintotheseprewaroccupations. AsaresultofgreatchangesintechnologyduringWorldWarII,womenagainmadesignificantprogressinlaborforceparticipation,occupationalintegration,and earnings.From1940to1944,womenincreasedintheworkforcebyalmost50%,up6millionto20.6million(24.7%35%).In1944,thenumberofmarriedwomen intheworkforceexceededthenumberofsinglewomenforthefirsttime(44%vs.43%).Thegreatestincreaseofwomenoccurredinwarrelatedmanufacturing(R. Marshall&Paulin,1987). BlackwomenalsomadesignificantgainsduringWorldWarII.Again,theyinitiallymovedintojobsatthelowerendoftheworkhierarchy(jobsleftbyWhitewomen) andthenfilteredintowarindustries.DuringthistimetherewasaparalleldecreaseinthepercentageofBlackwomeninfarming,domestics,personalservice,andso forth.Thiswasatimeofmuchchangeandnumeroussocietalandlegalcontradictions.Forexample,whereasthemeninournationwerecalledontobepatrioticand tofightforfreedomandequality,womenwereshutoutofmanyoccupationsandindustriesinmanystates.Awomanwasnotallowedtomakepropertytransactions withoutherhusband'sconsent,toenterintocontracts,orevenobtainlegalguardianshipofchildren.Further,Blackpeoplewere

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barredfromcertainrestaurantsandhotels.Economically,women(WhiteorBlack)werenotpaidthesamewagesinjobsheldbyWhitemales. Duringthepostwarperiodofthe1960sto1970s,womenbecamepermanentparticipantsintheworkforce.Furthermore,duringthe1970s,marriedwomen participatedintheworkforceatratessimilartothoseofsingleanddivorcedwomen(Reskin&Padavic,1994).Throughacombinationofeconomic,social,and technicalchanges,womenmovedfromthemargintothemainstreamintermsofparticipation.Ratherthanbeingincidentalworkers,womenwereasignificantcoreof theworkforce.By1985,menprovidedthesoleincomeinlessthan15%ofU.S.households.Historically,Blackandminoritywomenhavehadhigherparticipation ratesintheworkforcethanWhitewomen.Whitewomentypicallyarepulledintotheworkforceduetolabormarketdemands(Iglehart,1979).Furthermore, traditionalsexrolenorms,especiallyregardingworkandgender(discussedinchapter3),cannotbegeneralizedfromoneracialgrouptoanother,asmanydonot holdforBlackwomen(King,1975).Whenwritersinthepopularpressdescribedthedramaticincreaseofwomenintheworkforceduringthe1980s,theyoftenwere referringtothestatisticsonWhitewomen.Therewas,asTable1.1shows,adramaticincreaseintheparticipationofWhitewomeninpaidworkbetween1963and 1998.AlthoughbothBlackwomen(4864%)andWhitewomen(3759%)showedsignificantinroadsintotheworkforcebetween1963and1998,Blackwomen historicallyshowgreaterlaborforceparticipationthanWhitewomen.By1998,79%ofmenand60%ofwomenparticipatedinthelaborforce.Furthermore,more than75%ofwomen35to44yearsoldparticipatedinthelaborforce(Reskin&Padavic,1994).Figure1.1
Table1.1 ProportionofMenandWomeninPaidWork

Year 1963 1970 1980 990 1998

Men 81.4 79.7 77.4 76.4 79.0

Women 38.3 43.3 51.5 57.5 60.0 White 81.5 80.0 78.2 77.1 77.5

Men Black&Other 80.2 76.5 70.6 71.0 73.1 White 37.7 42.6 51.2 57.4 59.3

Women Black&Other 48.1 49.5 53.2 58.3 64.3

Note:19631976datafromU.S.WorkingWomen:ADatabook,U.S.DepartmentofLabor,Bureauof LaborStatistics,1977,Washington,DC:U.S.GovernmentPrintingOffice.19771982datafrom StatisticalAbstracts,U.S.DepartmentofCommerce,BureauoftheCensus,1991,1997,Washington, DC:U.SDepartmentofCommerce.1990datafromBulletin2307,U.S.BureauofLaborStatistics, 1995,Washington,DC:U.S.GovernmentPrintingOffice.1998datafromTheEmploymentSituation, [online],1998,July2,available:stats.bls.gov.newrels.htms.

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Fig11. TrendsinUSlaborforceparticipationratesbysex,1890to1992DatafromUS BureauoftheCensus,1975,pp.131132USBureauoftheCensus,1992d, Table609U.SWomen'sBureau,1993,p.1Source:Reskin,BandPadavic, 1(1994).Womenandmenatwork.pp24,copyright1999byPineForgePress. ReprintedbypermissionofPineForgePress

showsmaleandfemaleparticipationratesintheU.S.workforcefrom1890to1992.Participationratesin1990ofmenandwomenfromaroundtheworldareshown inFig.1.2. ModelforUnderstandingMenandWomeninaDiverseWorkforce AframeworkoutlinedinTable1.2isproposedforexaminingsexandgenderissuesatwork.Theframeworkorganizesthematerialpresentedinthistextintheway thatweseethelinkagesamongthechapters.Althoughthisframeworkisstraightforward,itconveysthenotionthatbehavioratworkiscomplexlydeterminedbyboth personalandsituationalfactors,someofwhicharemoremutableormodifiablethanothers.The

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Fig.1.2. Percentageofeconomicallyactivewomenandmenages15andoverforselectedcountries,1990FromUnitedNations,1991, Table8,pp.104107.Source:Reskin,BandPadavic,I(1994).womenandmenatwork.pp.2828.copyright1999byPine ForgePressReprintedbypermissionofPineForgePress.

Page14 Table1.2 FrameworkDepictingLinkagesAmongChaptersPresentedinThisBook Context Processes Stereotypes (chapter3) Physicalattractiveness (chapter4) Languageandcommunication (chapter5) Powerandworkrelationships (chapter6) IndividualandOrganizationalOutcomes Discrimination/occupationalsegregation (chapters7&8) Sexualharassment (chapter9) Careermanagement (chapter10) Leadership (chapter11) Stressandhealth (chapter12)


Culture

Society

Organization

bookdescribestopicsintermsofbothpersoncenteredandsituationcenteredexplanations,buttheemphasisvariesfromonechaptertothenext.Attributesofthe individualareusedastheprimarycausesofoutcomeswhenpersoncenteredexplanationsareemployed.Theseindividualfactorscanincludeone'sphysical attractiveness,thewayonespeaks,andhowfeminineormasculineoneappearstobe.Ontheotherhand,whencharacteristicsofthesituationareemployedas primaryexplanatoryagents,thenamoresituationcenteredapproachistaken. AsTable1.2suggests,thesocietyandcultureinwhichweliveandtheorganizationsinwhichweworkreflectthecontextorsituation,andthiscontextinfluences severalbasicprocessesthatinturninfluencebehaviorsandoutcomesintheworkplace.Examplesofbasicprocessesincludestereotypes(especiallymaleandfemale sexrolestereotypes),theeffectsofattractivenessonmenandwomeninorganizations,malefemalesimilaritiesanddifferencesintheuseoflanguageandin communicationstyles,andmalefemalesimilaritiesanddifferencesinaccesstoanduseofpowerinorganizations.Thesebasicprocessvariablesinfluenceanumber oforganizationaloutcomes,includingdiscriminationandoccupationalsegregationintheworkplace,sexualharassment,malefemaledifferencesincareer development,theexerciseandtheeffectsofleadershipinorganizationalsettings,andstress. StructureoftheBook Theprincipalgoalofthisbookistointegrateresearchliteraturesongenderissuesthataffectworkplacebehaviorsandcommunicatethesefindingstoupperlevel undergraduateandgraduatestudentsinappliedpsychologyandbusiness.Currentsocialpsychologicalandmanagementtheoriesandempiricalresearchonthe processesandbasicissuesrelated

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tosexandgenderinorganizationsarepresented.Thefirsttwochapterslaythegroundworkfordiscussingtherangeoftopicsinthisbook.Followingthese introductorychapters,thebookisorganizedintotwoparts.InPartI,thebasicsocialpsychologicalandsocietalelementsthatsetthestageformalefemale interactionsintheworkplacearepresented.Researchonsocialstereotypesofwomenandmenisreviewedinchapter3.Thischapterconsiderstheinfluenceofsuch stereotypesonone'ssenseofselfandonothers'expectationsandbehaviors.Chapter4coverstheempiricalliteratureonattractiveness,akeyphysicalcharacteristic thataffectsbothmen'sandwomen'sbehaviorsandinteractions.Thisalsoconsidersthelinksbetweenattractivenessandinterpersonalrelationshipsandonefacetof sexualityromanceintheworkplace.Inchapter5,similaritiesanddifferencesinwomen'sandmen'suseoflanguageandcommunicationintheworkplaceare presented.Becauseoralcommunicationisabasicchannelforconveyinginformation,differencesbetweenmenandwomeninstylesorcontentofcommunicationmay leadtomisperceptions,misunderstanding,andperpetuationofcounterproductivestereotypesandattitudesintheworkplace.ThefinalchapterinPartI(chapter6) examinesresearchonpowerintheworkplace,includingvariousbasesofpowerandperceptionsandreactionsbyotherstotheexerciseofpowerbywomenand men. PartIIfocusesonworkrelateddomainswheretheprocessesdescribedinPartIarelikelytoaffectworkbehavior.Inchapter7,psychologicalexplanations underlyingdiscriminationatworkarediscussed.Researchonoccupationalsegregationandgenderdiscriminationisreviewed,anddifferentexplanationsfor discriminationarecompared.Chapter8presentslegalissuesandlawsprotectingthestatusofwomenandmenintheworkplace.Chapter9presentspsychological researchandtheorydealingwithsexualharassmentintheworkplace.Ourexaminationofsexualharassmentpaysparticularattentiontotheconditionsunderwhichitis morelikelytooccuranditseffectsonwomenandmen. Oneofthemostcriticalissuestoemergefromchangingpatternsofwomen'semploymentistheneedforbothmenandwomentobalanceworkandfamily.Thecareer developmentcycleisdescribedinchapter10aswellassomeuniquefactorsthatinfluenceandshapewomen'scareers.Inaddition,suchissuesasmentoring, pregnancyandchildcare,anddualcareerissuesarediscussedastheyimpactcareerexperiencesofwomenandmen.Inchapter11,thediscussionturnsto leadership.Therehasbeenmuchpopularliteratureontheneedfornewleadershipstylesthatwillbeeffectiveforanincreasinglydiverseworkforce.Researchonmale andfemaleleadershipbehaviorsisreviewedinchapter11,withspecialemphasisonstudiesexamininggendercomparisonsinleaderstyles,decisionmaking,and glassceilingeffects.Chapter12examines

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stressandhealthrelatedfactorsthataffectmaleandfemaleworkers,includingstressresearchconductedusingbiologicalandpsychologicalperspectives. Thefinalchapterofthebook(chapter13)examineswhatorganizationsandindividualscandototurndiversityfromaproblemintoanopportunity,enhancingthe responsivenessoftheworkplacetoindividualdifferences,andwaysinwhichorganizationscanenhancetheproductivityandsatisfactionofalltheirmembers. Summary Althoughwomenandmenhavealwaysengagedinpurposefulactivity,thesetofactivitiesthatmanypeopleconsiderworkoremploymentisnotalwaysclear. Historically,menandwomenworkedsidebysidetogetherinthefields.Today,however,adistinctionismadebetweenpaid,publicworkexternaltothefamilyand unpaid,privateworkinthehome.Eachofthesespheresofworkhascometobesextyped,withpaidworkbeingviewedbymanyasthedomainofmalesandunpaid workinthehomethedomainoffemales.Theseperceptionsarechangingbutarestilldeepseatedinmanyrespects. Historically,menandwomenhavehadverydifferentexperiencesofwork.Menhaveeithersecuredgoodsorworkedexternaltothefamilyunit,whereaswomen oftenhaveworkedmoreintegrallyaspartofthatunit.Beginningwithindustrializationandcontinuingtotheworkplacetoday,men'sandwomen'sexperiencesofwork havevariedsignificantly,largelyduetothecontinuingsexsegregationofoccupations.However,withtheonsetoftwoworldwars,bothBlackandWhitewomen steadilyincreasedtheirnumbersintheexternal,paidworkforce.Duringthe1990s,themajorityofbothmenandwomen,BlackandWhite,wereemployedoutsideof thefamilyunit. Withtheinfluxofwomenintotheworkforceduringthelast20years,therehasbeenincreasedattentiontocomparisonsbetweenmenandwomenonanumberof workrelatedattributesandbehaviors.Thisbookisdesignedtointegrateresearchfromanumberoffieldstoprovidemultipleperspectivesontheissuesfacingmen andwomenintoday'sworkplace.Theformatofthisbookisguidedbyamultilevelmodeloffactorsthatshapeandinfluencetherelationshipsandbehaviorsamong menandwomenatwork.Keyfactorsthatprovidethefoundationformalefemale,malemale,andfemalefemaleinteractionsatworkarediscussedinchapters 3through6(genderstereotyping,physicalattractivenessandinterpersonalrelations,languageandcommunication,andpowerrelations).These

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factorsarecriticalinunderstandinghowmenandwomenbehaveandcomparetoeachotherintermsofmoretraditionalandworkrelatedconcernssuchassexual harassment,workplacediscrimination,leadership,careersanddualcareerissues,andworkstressandhealth,topicsthatareaddressedinchapters7through13. Glossary Employment:Activitiesortasksthatoneengagesinforpay. Humanresourcemanagement:Sectionwithinanorganizationwhosefunctionistoattractandselectqualifiedjobapplicants,developperformancemanagement andcompensationsystemsthatalignemployeebehaviorswithorganizationalgoals,andassistinthedevelopmentandretentionofadiverseworkforcetomeetcurrent andfutureorganizationalrequirements. Occupationalsexsegregation:Theconcentrationofwomeninoccupationsthatarepredominantlyfemaleandtheconcentrationofmeninoccupationsthatare largelymale. Personcenteredexplanations:Explanationsthatuseattributesoftheindividualastheprimarycausesofimportantoutcomesordifferences. Situationcenteredexplanations:Explanationsthatusecharacteristicsofthesituationasprimaryexplanatoryagentsofsimilaritiesordifferencesinimportant behaviorsandoutcomes. Work:Purposefulactivity,usuallyforpay,gain,ormaintenance.

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2 UnderstandingMen'sandWomen'sExperiencesintheWorkplace:MethodsandTheoreticalPerspectives
I.Men'sandWomen'sExperiencesofWork A.ApproachestoUnderstandingSexandGenderComparisons 1.BiologicalModels 2.SocializationModels 3.SocialStructural/CulturalModelsofGender B.Connotationsof''SexDifferences"and"GenderDifferences" C.ConsiderationsintheConductofResearchonSexandGender 1.TheoreticalParadigms 2.BiasesintheStagesofResearch 3.EvolutionofResearchonGenderComparisons II.UnderstandingSexualityinOrganizations III.Summary

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Beforeweexamineresearchandtheoryonthewaysmenandwomendealwith,progressin,andinteractintheworkplace,itisusefultostepbackandexaminethe wayswetalkabout,thinkabout,andwriteaboutsex,gender,andsexuality.Someauthorswouldhaveusbelievemenandwomenaresofundamentallydifferentthat theymightaswellinhabitdifferentplanets(e.g.,MenAreFromMars,WomenAreFromVenusbyGray,1992),whereasotherssuggestthattherearenoreal differencesandthatwhatweseeasessentialdifferencesinthebehaviorsofmenandwomenareinfactnothingmorethansocialconventions.Theoryandresearchon sex,gender,andsexualityaregreatlycomplicatedbythenumberofperspectivesonhowweshouldviewwhethermenandwomenaresimilarordifferentandhowwe shouldintegrateresearchonsimilaritiesanddifferencesatonelevel(e.g.,adultmenandwomenshowsimilarlevelsofverbalability)withsimilaritiesanddifferencesat another(e.g.,regardlessofoccupation,womenaremorelikelythanmentotakegreaterresponsibilityforchildcare). Men'sandWomen'sExperiencesofWork Inrecentyears,theinfluxofwomenintotheworkforceingeneral,andintonontraditionaloccupationsinparticular,hasledtoincreasedattentioninthepopular media.Oneresultoftherecentprofusionofbooks,magazinearticles,andnewspaperstoriesdealingwiththesetopicsisanincreasinglevelofconfusionaboutwhether thereare,infact,sexorgenderdifferencesbetweenwomenandmenoriftherearesuchdifferences,inwhatways(i.e.,personality,skills,leadership,intelligence, etc.)menandwomendiffer,howmuchtheydiffer,andwhetherthedifferencesreallymeananything.Althoughitwouldbeconvenienttoplacemuchofthisconfusion onthedoorstepofthemedia,theresponsibilitycanbeequallysharedbothbythescientificcommunityandbythemediainattemptingtointerpretresearchfindings, andcommunicatethemtothepublic. Thereareatleastthreesourcesofconfusioninunderstandingandinterpretingresearchfindingscomparingmenandwomen: 1.Theapproaches,theories,orexplanationsforobservedorunobserveddifferencesbetweenwomenandmen. 2.Thetermsusedtodescribesuchcomparisons(i.e.,sexorgenderdifferences). 3.Researchbiasesassociatedwithcomparingmenandwomenatworkandinothersettings.

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Thesethreesourcesofconfusionarenotcompletelyindependentfromeithertheresearcherinvestigatinggendercomparisonsorthestudentlearningaboutthem.For example,anindividualmaybelieve,aspartofhisorhervaluesystem,thatmenandwomendodiffersubstantiallyfromeachotherbecause,"Gee,justlookatthem. Theylookdifferent,sotheirbiologicalmakeupmustbedifferent."Giventhisbeliefaboutthesourceofdifferencesbetweenmenandwomen,anindividualmayuse wordsorlanguagesthatconnotesorimpliesthatalldifferencesbetweenmenandwomenarebiologicalandperhapsimmutable. Bothone'sbeliefsaboutexplanationsforobservedgenderdifferencesandthewordsoneusestoreinforcethosebeliefsinfluenceand,perhapstosomeextent, determinetheinformationthatboththeresearcherandthestudentgatherabouttheactualbehaviorofmenandwomen.Forexample,ifaresearcherbelievedthatall differencesbetweenwomenandmenweretheresultofanunfaireducationalsystemandadiscriminatoryworkenvironment,thenprogramscouldbedesignedand implementedattheearlyschoolagelevelaswellaswithinorganizationstocombatsuchbehavior.Ontheotherhand,ifaresearcherbelievedthatmaleandfemale behaviorwasbiologicallydetermined,therewouldbelittleincentivetodesignorimplementsuchprograms.Eachofthesethreesourcesofconfusioninunderstanding gendercomparisonsisdiscussednext.Inaddition,thenotionofsexualityinorganizationsisaddressedasamuchignoredissueintheorganizationalresearchliterature. ApproachestoUnderstandingSexandGenderComparisons Numeroustheoriesandmodelsexisttoexplainhowsexandgenderrelatedbehaviorsemergeorareacquired(Deaux&Major,1987).Theseapproachescanbe groupedintothreemajorcategories:biological,socialization,andstructuralculturalmodels.Theseperspectivesarenotmutuallyexclusive.AsTable2.1indicates, eachperspectivemakescertainassumptionsaboutthebasesandchangeabilityofdifferentbehaviorsamongmenandwomen. BiologicalModels Thefocusofthebiologicalmodelsofsexandgenderrelatedbehavioristoidentifygenetic,hormonal,andphysicalfactorsthatdeterminethebehaviorofmenand women(e.g.,E.O.Wilson,1975).Fewpeopledoubtthatbiologicaldifferencesbetweenmenandwomeninfluencebehavioratleasttosomedegree.However,there isdisagreementbothamongexpertsinthisfieldandamongthepublicastothedegreetowhichourbehavior,especiallysocialbehavior,isdeterminedbyoursex. Twoassumptionsofthebiologicalapproachesare

Page21 Table2.1 KeyFeaturesofthePerspectivesforUnderstandingSexandGenderComparisons PerspectiveKeyFeatures Biological Implicitlyassumesexistingdifferencesbetweenwomenandmen. Differencesareduetogenetic,hormonal,andphysicalfactors. Differencesareimmutable. Differencesarenecessaryforsurvival. Researchgoalistoreinforcedetectingdifferencesbetweenmenandwomen. Drawbackisthatdifferencesmaybeexaggerated. Acknowledgesobserveddifferencesbetweenmenandwomen. Assumesthatmenandwomenbehavedifferentlyasaresultoflearning. Differencesobservedarenotimmutableandaresubjecttochange. Differencesemergeaspartofsocialandcognitivedevelopmentprocess. Researchfocusisondescribingwayschildrenandadultslearngenderidentityandsocial rulesthatcontributetoobserveddifferences. Drawbackisthatsmall,systematicbiologicalvariationsamongmenandwomenmightbe ignored.


Socialization

Structural/cultural Assumesfewinherentdifferencesbetweenmenandwomen.

Differencesobservedaretheresultofsocialstructuresandsystemsthatreinforcesuch differencestoreinforcecurrentpowerhierarchy Differencesarechangeable. Differencesexisttokeepthepowerfulincontrolandthepowerlesswithoutpower. Researchfocusisonidentifyingsimilarityorsamenessbetweenmenandwomenin similaroridenticalcontexts. Drawbackispotentialtoignoresmallyetrealindividualvariationamongmenand women.

thatdifferencesexistbetweenmenandwomen,andthatmalenessandfemalenessaregivencharacteristicsoftheindividualthatprovidethefoundationfordifferences insocialbehavior(Hess&Ferree,1987). Usingthebiologicalapproach,researcherstendtoexpect,lookfor,andconfirmdifferencesbetweenmenandwomenandtousethesedifferencestoexplainmale superiorityanddominancebyimplyingthatsuchdifferencesare"large,sociallysignificantandconsistentlyfavormen"(Hess&Ferree,1987,p.14).Forexample, earlyresearchonthetopicofintelligencefocusedonidentifyingdifferencesbetweenmenandwomeninintellectualfunction.Thepopularargumentwasthatbrainsize wasadirectindicatorofintelligencetherefore,women,whoonaveragehavesmallerbrains,mustbelessintelligentthanmen(Hyde,1990).Althoughactualevidence ofthiswasmixed,researchers"refining"thislogicthenhypothesizedthatvariousfunctionsofthebrainwerelocatedindifferentregions.Itwasfurtherbelievedatthis timethatthefrontallobesofthebrainwerethelocationofthehighestmentalabilitiesnotsurprisingly,

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researchersclaimedthatmenhadlargerfrontallobesthanwomen.Whenempiricaldataonceagainfailedtosupportthisclaim,researchersreconsideredandasserted thattheparietallobeswerethesiteofintelligence.Onceagain,becausewomenpossessedsmallerparietallobesthanmen,theywerethereforedeemedlessintelligent (Shields,1975Unger&Crawford,1992).In1910,areviewofthepsychologicalresearchongenderdifferencesinintelligencefoundnosupportfortheargument thatbrainsizewasanindicatorofintelligence.Furthermore,researchinthisareawasfoundtobeflawedandtoreflect"flagrantpersonalbias...andunfounded assertions"(Woolley,1910,p.340).Aftercorrectingforbodysize,theresimplyisnosignificantdifferencebetweenthebrainsizesofwomenandmen(Gould,1981 Unger&Crawford,1992). Thereareatleasttwovariationsofthebiologicalapproachtoexplainingdifferencesamongmenandwomen.Functionalism(Lips,1988Shields,1975)involves understandinghowanimalbehaviorsandmentalprocessesarefunctionalforsurvival.Itisassumedthatmenandwomenhavedifferentandcomplementaryfunctions toensuresurvivalandthattheyhaveeachevolvedinwaysthataddressthesedifferentfunctions(Lips,1988).Forexample,accordingtofunctionalism,womenare naturallymorenurturantthanmenandmenarenaturallymoreaggressivethanwomen,tofacilitatehumansurvivalthroughchildrearingandprovidingfoodandshelter. Althoughfunctionalismisseductively(nopunintended)simple,thereislittleevidencesupportingitsassumptions. Asecondbiologicalperspectivethathasemergedrecentlyisknownassociobiology.Accordingtothisapproach,menandwomenhaveevolveddifferentmethodsof sexualselectionandreproductiontoensurethesurvivaloftheirowngenes(Lips,1988).Thatis,itisbelievedthatmenhaveaninnatetendencytotrytoreproduce theirowngeneswithasmanywomenaspossible.Women,ontheotherhand,tendtobemoreselectiveandattempttochooseonlythebestmalesforreproduction becausewomencommitmoretimeandenergytoreproduction(i.e.,bearingandnurturingthechild).Sociobiologistsstatethatoursocialbehaviorsandcharacteristics aregeneticallybased,whichmakessocialpatternsofbehaviorpredeterminedor"wiredin."WhereasDarwinwasconcernedwithsurvivalofthefittestwithrespectto physicalcharacteristics,sociobiologistsareconcernedwiththegeneticbasesofsocialbehavior.Therefore,thetheoryimpliesthatsocialbehaviorssuchaswar,rape, andracismarelargelyinevitableandthatfundamentalchangesinthesocialbehaviorsofmenandwomenareunlikely(Lips,1988).Scientificopponentsofthisposition emphasizethreethemes: 1.Completelackofevidencethatspecificsocialbehaviorsarelinkedtogivengenesorsubgroupsofgenes.

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2.Useofcircularlogicifabehaviorcontinuesacrossgenerations,itisgeneticandbecauseitisgenetic,thebehaviorwillpersist. 3.Selectiveinclusionoromissionofdatabasedonanimalresearchtosupportclaimsforthegeneticbasesofhumanbehavior(Lips,1988). Onecontributionofthebiologicaldeterministsistheirrecognitionthatmenandwomenarenotbiologicallyalikeandthattheremaybelinksbetweenourbodies,our minds,andourbehaviors.However,biologicaldeterministserroneouslyinferthatbiologicaldifferencesbetweenmenandwomenpredictspecificactionsorbehaviors. Experience,learning,andculturalstructuresinoursocietycanaffectandmaydominatetheinfluenceofbiologicalfactorsonourbehavior.Forexample,people interpretandlabelbodilychangesconsistentwithculturalandsocialnormsandthecuesprovidedintheimmediatesocialcontext(Averill,1982Mandler,1984 Tavris&Wade,1984).Furthermore,whenpeoplebelievethatatraitissexlinked,thebiologicalapproachsuggeststhatallmembersofonesexandnoneoftheother sexpossessit.Thiscertainlyisnottrue.Finally,becausewetendtobecomeimmersedinourownviewpoint(Tavris&Wade,1984),biologicalresearchersmay exaggeratesexdifferencesorassumesexdifferencesinareaswheretheyhavenotbeendocumented.Theremayalsobeatendencytoinferinappropriatelyfrom researchonbraincellstocomplexsocialandbehavioraldifferences. SocializationModels Thesocializationmodelssuggestthatgenderidentityanddifferencesbetweenwomenandmenareacquiredbyhowwepassthroughvariousdevelopmentalstages. Sexdifferencesingenderidentityandrolesresultfromalearningprocessthatinvolvesmodeling,imitation,andreinforcement.Forexample,knowledgeofgender stereotypesincreasesbetweenpreschoolandcollege(DelBoca&Ashmore,1980),andsamesexmodelingalsoincreasesduringthesameperiod(Bussey& Bandura,1984)withboyswatchingotherboysandmentolearnacceptablebehaviorandgirlsobservingothergirlsandwomen.Thelearningprocessmaybemore complexthansimplymodelingandimitation,however.Thereisevidencethatchildrenareactiveparticipantsinlearningandactivelystrivetounderstandsocialrules andtobeviewedassociallycompetent.However,genderroleexpectationscannotbelearneduntilthechildhasreachedaspecificstageofintellectualdevelopment. Oncethechildhaslearnedtocategorizehimorherselfasmaleorfemale,thegendercategorywillbeusedtorecognize,organize,andattachvaluetoother behaviors.Thechildactivelysearchesforcuesregardingcompetentandcorrectbehaviorratherthanbeingapassiverecipientinthelearningprocess(Lips,1988).

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Thesocializationmodelshavereceivedempiricalsupport(Bussey&Bandura,1984Bussey&Perry,1982Coker,1984DelBoca&Ashmore,1980Leahy& Shirk,1984Reis&Wright,1982)althoughsomeresearchfindingsaremixed(Bussey&Bandura,1984C.L.Martin&Halverson,1983O'Keefe&Hyde,1983). Twoexamplesofthisapproach,sociallearningandcognitivedevelopmenttheories,focusmoreonhowgendersimilaritiesanddifferencesoccurratherthanonwhy suchdifferencesoccur(Lips,1988).Foramoredetaileddiscussionoftheseapproaches,refertoLips(1988).Onecontributionofthesocializationmodelsistheview thatbehaviorsamongwomenandmencananddochange.Furthermore,thisapproachsuggeststhatlearningatvariousdevelopmentalstagesmaybeonemethodfor implementingoraffectingbehaviorchangeamongmenandwomen. SocialStructuralCulturalModelsofGender Biologists,physiologists,andpsychophysiologistshavebeenthesourceofbiologicaltheoriesofsexandgender,whereassociallearningandsocializationtheorieshave beenpopularamongpsychologists.Thesocialstructuralapproach,whichisgainingacceptanceinpsychology,haslongbeenpopularamongsociologistsand anthropologists(Lips,1988).Thisapproachfocusesonthesocialstructure,systems,andarrangementsthatdefineandsupportgenderdifferencesandonthereasons whyoursocietysupportslittleboysandgirlslearningthesemessages(Lips,1988).Thefeaturesofsocialstructurethathavebeenexaminedoftenarepowerand statusdifferencesbetweenmenandwomen(Gitter,Black,&Mostofsky,1972Henley,1972Kanter,1975,1977aWeitz,1976)andthedivisionoflaborreflecting men'sworkandwomen'swork(W.T.Bielby&Baron,1984Nieva&Gutek,1981bWalby,1986). Accordingtothisperspective,numerousinstitutions(e.g.,educational,political,military,andreligious,amongothers)havetraditionalwaysofperformingtheir functions.Thesetraditionshavebecomeinstitutionalizedasthecorrectorfightwaystooperate(LipmenBlumen,1984).Societalmembers,includingthosewho acquiredandmaintainpowerthroughthesetraditionsandthosewhoarerenderedpowerlessthroughsuchtraditions,cometoacceptthemasnatural(Cleveland& Kerst,1993Lips,1991).Thenaturalappearanceofsocietalsystemsisasourceofinstitutionalizedorsocietalpowerthathelpstokeepthepowerfulinpowerand thepowerlessdocile.Structuralorinstitutionalpowerappearssonaturalthatitisdifficultforeitherthepowerfulorthepowerlesstoquestionit.Thereisevidencethat itisparticularlydifficultforwomentoseetheirpowerlessnessatworkbecausetheyfrequentlyjoinmorepowerfulmeninothersexgendersystemsincluding marriageandchildbearing(LipmenBlumen,1984).Thatis,especiallyWhitewomenmayhavedifficultyseeing

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theirpowerlessnessbecausetheyarenotseparateorsegregatedfromthemorepowerfulgroup.Becausethesewomenderivesomeadvantagefrommorepowerful males,itisdifficulttoidentifytheirownweakness. Ontheotherhand,whenthelesspowerfulliveapartfromthepowerful(e.g.,racialsegregation),thereisincreasedawarenessofpowerimbalances(LipmenBlumen, 1984).Poweristhe"infrastructure"ofthesexgendersystem.Genderrolesprovidethebasisforallotherpowerrelationsincludingpowerrelationsbetween generations,socioeconomicclasses,andreligious,racial,andethnicgroups(LipmenBlumen,1984).Therefore,reinforcementandsupportforgenderrolesarevery importantformaintainingthestatusquoandimpedingrealchange. Asecondwaytheculturalstructuralapproachhasbeenappliedtocomparisonsbetweenmenandwomenistoinvestigatethesexstructureandsegregationofmen andwomeninworkactivitiespaidandunpaid,internalandexternaltothehome.Thislineofresearchisnotcompletelyindependentoftheresearchonpower.For example,Kanter(1977a)andothers(Eagly,1983Ragins&Sundstrom,1989)foundthatthestructureofjobsinorganizationsaffectsone'sabilitytoexercisepower andinfluence.Womenaremorelikelytooccupyjobsthatlackpowerand,therefore,findlittleopportunitytoexerciseit.Thereisevidencethatwomenarealso excludedfrominformalpowerandopportunitystructureswithinorganizations(Kanter,1977a).Thewaysinwhichwomenaretreatedinorganizationsperpetuatethis structuralsegregation.Forexample,althoughthereislittleevidenceofgenderbiasinperformanceappraisalbasedonpastperformance,thereisconsistentbiasin selection,promotion,andperceivedcausesofperformancethatfavorsmen(Cleveland&Kerst,1993Nieva&Gutek,1981a).Furthermore,womenfinditdifficult togainpowerbyeitherpersonalstrategies(e.g.,beingassertiveorhavingcontroloverrewards)orbystructuralones(e.g.,beinginapositiontosecurevalued organizationalinformation).Personalpowercannotovercomestructuralbarriers(H.L.Smith&Grenier,1982).Forexample,althoughawomanpersonallycanbe assertiveandhavecontrolovertheallocationsofrewards,shewillremainlesspowerfulifsheoccupiesapositionoroccupationthatisnotvitaltoorganizational survivalorishousedwithinadepartmentthatisnotcentraltotheorganization'smission(Kanter,1977aRagins&Sundstrom,1989V.E.Schein,1977). Sexsegregationinmostoccupationshasbeenresistanttochange(Colwill,1982).Giventhepercentageofwomenwhowouldberequiredtochangejobsinorderto balancetheproportionofmenandwomeninoccupationswithintheworkplace(F.D.Blau,1978),therewaslittlechangebetween1900and1970.Althoughwomen havebeenenteringprofessionalschoolsinincreasingnumberssince1970,estimatessuggestthatitwouldtake100yearsatthecurrentrateofchangebeforewomen's representation

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inmanagerialjobsequalstheirrepresentationinthejobmarket(Colwill,1982).Thehighestpercentagesofemployedwomenaresecretaries,nurses,teachers,and socialworkerstheyarealsomarried.Furthermore,increasesinfemaleemploymentmayreinforceandexacerbatesexsegregationofjobsbecausemostwomen continuetoenterservicepositionsthatentailnurturingandcaretakingorpositionsthatrequirephysicalbeauty(Colwill,1982Prather,1971).Jobsegregationbysex providesthebasisandjustificationforlowerwagesforwomen(Hartmann,1979).Furthermore,itisaprimarymeansbywhichoursocietymaintainsmen'spower overwomen.Occupationalsegregationwillbediscussedinrelationtoworkplacediscriminationinchapter7. ImplicationsofSexSegregationofWork Sexsegregationofworkhasimplications,beyondwomen'sandmen'semployment,forsocialization,educationalaspirations,discrimination,andorganizationstructure (Colwill,1982).Socializationdoesnotendonceoneleaveschildhoodandenterstheworkforce.Womenaresociallyreinforcedforabilitiesnecessaryforcaretaking jobs,abilitiesthatareseenasnaturalforwomen.Menatworkarealsoreinforcedforsuchstereotypicalabilitiesortraitsasassertiveness,leadership,andstrength. Beyondthesesocialrewards,organizationseconomicallyrewardandreinforcedisplaysofsexorgenderrolesandbehaviorsthatperpetuatethesegregationofwork. Sexsegregationofoccupationscontributestodifferenteducationalandtrainingaspirationsamongyounggirlsandboys.Girlslearnearlytoavoidhighprestigejobs, whereasboysprefersuchoccupations.Thesepreferencesmaypromptboysandgirlstoseekdifferenttrainingandeducationconsistentwiththeirsexroles(Barnett, 1975Colwill,1982).Sexsegregationofoccupationsprovidesthefoundationforsexbaseddiscriminationinatleasttwoways:accesstojobs(e.g.,refusingtohire individualsforspecificpositionsonthebasisofsex,ordiscriminatoryrecruiting),andpreferentialtreatmentonthejobwithrespecttopayorpromotion(Levitin, Quinn,&Staines,1971).Finally,organizationalstructuresreflectthestructureoftheU.S.societyandshapewomen'sandmen'sbehaviors(Colwill,1982).Thatis, thestructureoforganizations(includingoccupationalstructures)andsocietyprovidesdifferentialopportunitiesandresourcestomenandwomen,whichdifferentially influencetheiraspirations,ambitions,andcommitmenttowork,whichinturnperpetuatesgenderdifferencesandreinforcessocietalexpectationsofmaleandfemale behavioratwork.Occupationalsexsegregationisdiscussedintermsoflinkstodiscriminationintheworkplaceinchapter6. Proponentsofthestructuralapproachmaintainthattoomuchattentionhasbeengiventoidentifyingdifferencesbetweenmenandwomenandexplainingthose observeddifferencesasgeneticallybased,immutableto

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culturalinfluences.Structuralproponentspointtoresearchevidencethatsocialtrainingcanovercometraditionalsextypingandtopsychologicalandphysiologicaldata showingasignificantoverlapbetweenmenandwomenonsexlinkedtraitsthatmaybemoreimportantthantheaveragedifferencesbetweenthem(Maccoby& Jacklin,1974).Forexample,someresearchershavefoundthat40%ofwomenmayshowgreaterassertivenessthanmales,whereasasimilarpercentageofmen exhibitmoreinterdependence(ordependenceonothers)thanfemales(McCleland,1975).However,theseresearchfindingstendtobeignoredinboththescientific andpopularpress(LipmenBlumen,1984). Connotationsof"SexDifferences"and"GenderDifferences" Thedebatesinthemediaovertheuseoftermssuchasgenderversussex,comparisonsversusdifferences,mayseemlikesplittinghairs.However,anumberof importantissuesareinvolvedinthechoiceoftermsandinthespecificlanguageusedtodescribetheissuesfacedbybothwomenandmeninwhatwasoncethe exclusivedomainofthemale,thatis,theworldofpaidwork.Specifically,thetermsexisdefinedbybiologicaldifferencesingeneticcompositionandreproductive anatomyandfunction(Unger&Crawford,1992).Thetermgenderreflectsasociety'sorculture'sinterpretationsoforconstructionsbasedonthecharacteristics associatedwithbiologicalsex.Biologicalsexservesasaphysicalcuetobegintheprocessofsocializingahumanbeingintomaleorfemalebeginningatbirthbasedon theappearanceoftheinfant'sgenitals. Althoughgenderandsexareoftenusedinterchangeably(aswellasgenderdifferencesandsexdifferences),expertsonresearchonmenandwomen(e.g.,Unger, 1979)recommendedthatsexbedistinguishedfromgenderinresearchfortworeasons.First,byusingtheminterchangeably,onecaneasilyslipintobelievingthat differencesintraitsbetweenmenandwomenarebiologicallydeterminedandimmutablewhensuchtraitsorbehavioraldifferencesmaybeattributabletosocietyor culture.Second,bykeepingthemdistinct,wearebetterabletorememberthathumanbehaviorisdeterminedincomplexways.Biologicalapproachestendto describeobserveddifferencesas"sexdifferences,"implyinggenetic,immutabledifferences,whereassocializationandsocialstructural/culturalmodelsrefertosuch observationsas"genderdifferences,"implyingtheyarenotimmutablebutaresociallydetermined. Thetermgenderiscomplexandcanbereflectedatthreelevels:individual,interpersonal,andsocietal(Unger&Crawford,1992).Attheindividuallevel,gender referstothenotionsofmasculinityandfemininity.Wehavecometoassociatecertaincharacteristicsandbehaviorswithmen

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andwomenandassumetheyareappropriatetoeachsex.Furthermore,genderisassumedtobedichotomousanindividualiseithermasculineorfeminine,butnot both.Genderattheindividuallevelreflectsaformofstereotyping.Forexample,itisdifficultformostpeopletobelievethatapersoncouldhavetwooppositetraits (e.g.,becompetitiveandnurturing).Ontheotherhand,theconceptofandrogynysuggeststhatmenandwomencanpossessseeminglyoppositetraits(e.g.,both masculineandfemininecharacteristicsBem,1979).Attheinterpersonallevel,genderinformsushowtobehaveproperlyininteractionswithothers.Oftenwhenmen andwomenbehaveidentically,theirbehaviorsareinterpretedverydifferently.Thesamebehaviorbyawomanandamanmayelicitverydifferentreactionsbyothers, reactionsthatmaydifferentiallyinhibitorenhancesubsequentbehaviorsbythemanorwoman.Thatis,others'reactionsmayreinforceandtherebyincreasethe occurrenceofcertainbehaviorsormaydiscourageandtherebyeliminatethebehavior.Atthesocietalandstructurallevel,gendercanserveasasystemofpower relationsinthatitreflectsasystemofsocialclassificationorstatus.Assuch,genderinfluencesone'saccesstopowerandresources(Unger&Crawford,1992).For example,variousworktaskshavecometobeknownas''men'swork"or"women'swork."Thevalue,prestige,andeconomicrewardsassociatedwiththese genderedtasksvarydramaticallywithmen'sworkmoreoftenlinkedwithgreaterpowerandfinancialrewards. Notonlyisitimportanttoarticulateclearlytheunderlyingdistinctionsbetweensexandgender,itiscriticaltonote(andkeepinmindthroughoutthisbook)the dramaticindividualdifferencesthatcharacterizemen'sandwomen'sbehaviors.Simplyput,menarediverseanddifferonawidevarietyofphysical,mental,and emotionalcharacteristicswomenareequallydiverse.Weoftenneglectorforgetthisdiversitywithingroupsofpeople.Forexample,inoursociety,weoftenhave spokespersonsforthe"women'sview"orforthe"Blackcommunityview,"apracticethatminimizestherealityofdiversitywithinthesegroups.Yetthererarelyisonly onespokespersonrepresentingthediverseviewsfoundinthemajoritygroup. ConsiderationsintheConductofResearchonSexandGender Inthissection,wediscusstheassumptionsofscientificparadigmsusedinpsychologicalandsociologicalresearchandhowourorientationstoresearchandtheworld caninfluenceeachphaseofthescientificprocess.Thesephasesincludeproblemidentification,formulationofresearchquestions,researchdesign,analysisofresults, andinterpretationoffindings.

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Manystudentsandresearchersareunawareofhowtheirownbeliefsandvaluesaffecttheirperceptions,theproblemstheyselecttoinvestigate,andtheresearch methodstheyemploy(Unger,1983). TheoreticalParadigms Logicalpositivism(Wittig,1985),orthepositivistempiricistmodel,isimportanttopsychologyandmanagementbecauseitguidesmostoftheresearchintheirfields. Logicalpositivismassumesthatscientificfactsexist,thatthescientist'sjobistouncoverthosetruefacts,andthattheprocessoffactfindingisvalueneutral(Unger, 1983Wittig,1985).Thisapproachfocusesonanalyzingobservablebehaviorssothatexperimenters'ownbeliefsarenotimposedontheprocess.Thatis,whatwe studyandhowwestudyitareassumedtobeindependent.However,thisassumptionofobjectivitymaybeinaccurateandmayleadtofaultyconclusions.For example,animalandhumanbehaviorsareoftenstudiedinlaboratorieseventhoughthispracticeremovessubjectsfromtheirnaturalsurroundingsandreducesor ignoresthehistoricalcontextsoftheirbehaviors.Psychologistsandresearcherswhodenythatperceptionsoftheworlddependontheobserver'sviewpointmayalso beunable(orunwilling)toassesstheirimpactontheirownresearch(Unger,1983).Furthermore,psychologicaltrainingleadsustolookwithinthepersonfor explanationsofsocialproblemsratherthanequallyconsideringsituationalfactors.Forexample,only16%ofthestudiesdealingwithBlackAmericansthatappearedin sixissuesofthe1970PsychologicalAbstractslookedatsituationalvariablesaspossiblecausalfactorsofbehaviors,andnostudyexaminedbothsituational variablesandpersonalfactorssimultaneously(N.Caplan&Nelson,1973Unger,1983).Accordingtosome,thetendencytoexplainbehaviorfromaperson orientedperspectiveisstrongeramongpsychologiststhanamongthegeneralpublic(R.L.Kahn,1972). Althoughnotasoftenembraced,(Wittig,1985),thereareothertheoreticalperspectivesonresearchinpsychology.Subjectiverelativismassumesthatfactfinding, analysis,andconclusionsaresubjectiveinscientificresearch.Thus,itisassertedthatresearchersarequitecapableofvalidatingtheirownprejudicesthroughdata collection.Consistentwiththistheoreticalperspective,psychologyandrelateddisciplinesareaffectedbytheresearcher'svaluesbecauseexplanatorymethodsandthe objectsofresearch(e.g.,humanbeingsinasocialcontext)arevaluesensitive. Athirdtheoreticalapproachtopsychologicalresearchhasemergedinrecentyears.Themajorassumptionunderlyingconstructionismisthathumanbeingsinvent reality.Theroleassignedtotheoryhereismorecircumscribedinthatweattempttoexplainpsychologicalandsocialphenomenabutnotnecessarilytopredictthem. Morecomplexcausal

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relationshipsareexploredandencouraged,whilelessemphasisisplacedontryingtoidentifyuniversalprinciplesanddeterministiclaws(Wittig,1985). Eachofthesetheoreticalparadigmsacknowledgesinvaryingdegreesinherentbiasesthataccompanyeachapproach.However,thelogicalpositivistparadigm continuestobethemorewidelyusedapproachtothescientificstudyofmenandwomenatwork.Yetwithitsassumptionofscientificobjectivity,researcherswho enthusiasticallyembracelogicalpositivismmaylullthemselvesintobelievingthattheirresearchiswithoutbias.Sexistbiaseshavebeenidentified,however,ineach stageofscientificexperimentationandarediscussednext. BiasesintheStagesofResearch Earlyfeministpsychologistsfocusedontheomissionofbothhistoricalcontextandthesituationfrompsychologicalexperimentation,especiallyinthestudyofsexand gendercomparisons.Historically,womenwerenotincludedassubjectsinresearch(e.g.,researchonheartdisease),theeffectsoftheexperimenter'ssexonbehavior wereignored(e.g.,menoftendonotadmitfeelingsofweaknessorincompetencetoothermalesbutmaybemoreinclinedwithfemales),therewasatendencyto generalizeresearchresultstohumankindwhenfindingsweresolelybasedonmalesamples(e.g.,characteristicsofsuccessfulleadership),andthereweresexbiasesin howconstructswereoperationalizeddependingonwhichsexwasstudied(e.g.,aggressivebehaviordefinedasphysicalbehaviorformenandverbalbehavior women). Furthermore,sexistbiasescanaffectpsychologicalresearchmorespecificallyateachofthefourstagesoftheresearchprocess(Denmark,Russo,Frieze,&Sechzer, 1988Hyde,1985McHugh,Koeske,&Frieze,1986Riger,1992).Inordertomorefullyappreciateandinterprettheresearchliteraturereviewedinthisbook,we believeitiscriticaltoconveythepotentialforsuchbiasestoourreaders.Weunderstandthat,indoingso,weriskbeingperceivedasbiasedourselves(i.e.,anti scientificmethod,antimaleasnorm,etc.).However,wehopethatreaderswillnot"killthemessenger."Althoughwereadilyadmitourownbiases,wedonotbelieve wearesupportingoneperspectiveoveranother.Ouronlygoalistoilluminatesomeofthealternativeperspectivesandbiasesthataffectresearchonsexandgender comparisons. Biasedviewsonsexandgenderentereachstageoftheresearchprocess,includingquestionformulation,researchmethods,dataanalysis,andconclusions(Denmark etal.,1988).Atthequestionformulationstage,fourpotentiallybiasingfactorshavebeenidentified.First,genderstereotypesmaybeassociatedwithspecificresearch topics.Thesestereotypescanbiasthemannerinwhichaquestionisformulatedoraskedandthe

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outcomesofresearch.Untilrecently,forexample,leadershipwasdefinedusingtraitsthatareconsistentwiththemalestereotype(Loden,1985),includingstrong, forceful,competent,andlogical.Today,leadershipcharacteristicsalsoincludesupportiveness,opennesstoalternativeperspectives,facilitatingothers,andteam orientation,whichreflectbehaviorsassociatedmorewithwomen(Loden,1985).Second,newtheoriesdependheavilyonexistingtheoryandresearch,whichis basedlargelyonmalesamples.Forexample,currentconceptualizationsofjobsatisfactionoftenignoreworkfamilyflexibilityorjobdiscriminationfactorsatwork, bothofwhichareoftenfacetsofwomen'slevelsofsatisfaction.Third,women'sexperiencesinresearchareasareoftennottakenintoaccountoraremarginalized. Whenwomen'sexperiencesareacknowledged,topicsmorecloselyassociatedwithwhitemalesareviewedasmoreimportantandmorebasictostudy.Women's andminoritygroupissuesareviewedasspecializedorasexceptionsratherthanasreflectingthenorm.Topicsrelevanttowomenareconsideredlessvalued,more applied,lessbasic,taboo,ortrivialandreceivelessattentionbecausetherearefewerfemaleresearchers(McHughetal.,1986).Fourth,evencurrentreviewsof previousresearchfindingsperpetuatebiasesinquestionorproblemformulation.Thesereviewsarefrequentlyinsensitivetosubjectselectionandothermethodological biasesofearlierresearchonsexandgender.Additionally,withinscientificexperimentation,thereisapreferenceforobjectivitywheretheexperimentercanbeviewed as"neutral,disinterestedandnondisclosing"(McHughetal.,1986).Onedrawbackofthisassumptionofcompleteobjectivityisthattopicswithsocialsignificancemay beignored,andthosechoosingtoengageinsuchresearchmaybeaccusedofbeing"involved,passionate,orenthusiastic"abouttheirresearch.Anotherconsideration iswhetheritisrealistictohavedisinterestedordispassionatepeopleconductingscientificresearchonbiological,social,andorganizationalproblems.Dowereally expectscientiststodedicateyearsoftheirworklivestostudyingphenomenaaboutwhichtheyhavenoenthusiasmorpassion? Anumberofconcernshavebeenraisedabouttheresearchmethodsusedtostudysexorgenderissues(Denmarketal.,1988).Theseincludethepopulationsstudied, includingselectionofsubjectsbasedonstereotypicalassumptionsthatdonotallowforgeneralizationtoothergroupsselectionofsubjectsthatislimitedtoonesexon thebasisofconvenienceandeliminationoffemalesassubjectswhenanunexpectedsexorgenderdifferenceemerges.Inaddition,genderandgenderidentityare oftenconfoundedwithothervariablesincludingsex,race,andageandoftenthesex,race,andotherdemographiccharacteristicsofexperimentersarenotspecified, leavingthepossibilityofunexploredpotentialcombinationsofdemographicvariables,sexcompositionofgroups,andsoforth.Finally,

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theselectionofresearchorstimulustasksandmaterialsisoftenbiasedinthatmaterialsreflectstereotypicalmasculinetasks. Withinagivenresearchmethod,variablescanalsobeinappropriatelyconceptualizedandoperationalizedormeasured(Denmarketal.,1988McHughetal.,1986). Themeasurementofvariablescanbeinfluencedandguidedbystereotypes.Forexample,womenarestereotypicallyperceivedasmoredependentthanmen,yetthis mayreflecthowindependenceisdefined.Menarenotlabeledasdependenteventhoughtheyrelyonotherstocook,clean,andwritethankyounotesforthem. Furthermore,nontraditionalbehaviorexhibitedbymenandwomenisoftenperceivedandevaluatednegatively.Forexample,womenwhospeakupatmeetingsor engageindebatesarecalledaggressiveorruderatherthanindependent(McHughetal.,1986). Intermsofdataanalysis,thereismoreofanemphasisonreportingdifferencesamongpeopleorbetweengroupsthanonexaminingsimilarities.Fewjournals(ifany) makeapracticeofpublishingnonsignificantresults(Hyde,1985).Thisdataanalyticbiasselectivelyscreensoutresearchhighlightingsimilaritiesamongmenand womenandtherebyperpetuatesapotentiallybiasedresearchliterature.Thus,genderdifferencesarereportedwhenfound,butexplicitreferencesinresearchtoan absenceofgenderdifferencesarerare.Whengenderdifferencesarefound,somearemagnifiedinaccurately.Thereisaneedtodifferentiateinouranalysesbetween statisticalsignificanceandsubstantiveorpracticalsignificanceofmalefemaledifferences(Denmarketal.,1988).Finally,journalsinthedisciplineofpsychologydo notencouragereplicationoffindings,includingthosepertainingtosexorgenderdifferences.Oddlyenough,whenresearchershaveattemptedtoreplicatereportedsex andgenderdifferences,especiallyintheareaofintelligence,theinitiallyreporteddifferencesareoftennotfound(Tavris,1992). Ourinterpretationofresultsandtheconclusionswedrawonthebasisofouranalysescanreflectbias.Medicalresearchresults(Tavris,1992)arecommonlybased ononesex(males)andaregeneralizedtobothgroups.Differencesinspecifictaskperformanceareinterpretedasreflectinggeneralgenderdifferencesinglobalability. Personcenteredconclusions(e.g.,itisbecausesheisfemale)aredrawnmorefrequentlythansituationcenteredconclusions(e.g.,itisbecausethejobshavelittle rewardpower)orconclusionsbasedonanintegrationofthetwoexplanations.Usingpersoncenteredexplanationsofgenderdifferences,psychologistsand practitionerscouldconcludethatdifferencemeans"deficient"andrecommendremedialactionforthegroup(oftenwomen)thatwasdifferent.Evaluativelabelingof researchresultsoftenusesmalesasthestandardornorm(e.g.,malelevelsofaggressivenessarethenormandareviewedasacceptableHareMustin&Marecek, 1988).Finally,therearefew

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referencestosubjectbasedlimitationsofstudiesinresearchtitlesorabstracts,therebyimplyingthatresultshavebroaderimplicationsthanarewarrantedbythedata (Denmarketal.,1988Gannon,Luchetta,Rhodes,Pardee,&Segrist,1992Riger,1992). Evenwiththeexplicitassumptionofscientificobjectivity,logicalpositivistparadigmsforexperimentationinvolvebiasesassociatedwitheveryphaseofresearch.Itis importanttoquestionthevalidityoraccuracyofresearchoutcomesandalsoaskwhyaresearchquestionisframedasitis,whoisaskingthequestions,andhowthe resultsareinterpreted. EvolutionofResearchonGenderComparisons Onewaytoidentifysourcesofbiasinresearchongenderandsexistousethestagesofscientificinquiryaswehavejustdoneandidentifypotentialbiasesthatenter ateachstage.Anotherwayistoexaminesomebasicassumptionsthatresearchershavemadethroughoutthelast30ormoreyears,andcontinuetomake,intheir approachtogendercomparisons(Tavris,1992).Duringthe1960s,researchonwomenandworktreatedwomenasaproblem(Crawford&Marecek,1989Tavris, 1992).Thatis,womenwerecomparedwithmen,andwhendifferencesoccurred,attemptsweremadetoexplainwhywomenweredeficientorwhytheirbehaviors deviatedfrommen'sandhowto"correct"them.Men's(masculine)behaviorwasregardedasthenorm:asnormalandcorrectandbetter.Ontheotherhand,feminist researchersatthetimewereattemptingtoshowthattherewere,infact,trivialdifferencesbetweenmenandwomen.Duringthe1970sand1980s,withtheriseof women'sstudiesprogramsandfeministresearchersexamininggendersimilaritiesanddifferences,women'sbehaviorcametobeviewedasthesolution.Specifically, differencesbetweenmen'sandwomen'sbehaviorswereacknowledged,andwomen'swaysweredeemedbetter.Today'sresearchongenderseemstohaveadopted theperspectivethatoneneverreallyknowstheessenceoressentialqualitiesofmenandwomenbecausetheyareconstantlychanging(Tavris,1991Tiefer,1987). Todaythequestionofmalefemaledifferenceshasshiftedto,"Whyarewesointerestedindifferencesandwhatarethefunctionsthatbeliefsindifferences serve?"(Tavris,1992,p.92). Allthreeoftheseapproachescontinuetoexisttodayandarereflectedincontemporarygenderresearch.Theyexistinthecontextofwhathasbeencalledthe "paradoxofgender"(Crosby,1989)thepersistentbeliefthatmalesandfemalesdifferinimportantqualitiesdespitemanystudiesthathavefailedtofindorreplicate thosedifferences(Tavris,1991,1992).Tavrisstatedthatthisparadoxofgenderistheresultof(a)usingmalebehaviorasthenorm(b)thetypesofskills,behaviors, andqualitiesthatresearchershaveselectedasimportanttostudyand(c)thescientificpracticeofattemptingtoattributegenderdifferencestobiology,

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personality,orpersoncenteredexplanationsratherthanlifeexperiences,resources,andpower.Thelattergroupoffactors,ofcourse,issubjecttobothculturaland historicalchanges(Tavris,1992).Theoverridingproblemwithalltheseperspectivesisnotthestudyofdifferences.Werecognizethatpeoplediffer.Theproblemis thatonegroup'sbehaviorisviewedasthestandardornormaccordingtowhichallotherbehaviorsarecompared,andiftheotherbehaviorsdiffer,theyarejudgedas deficient. UnderstandingSexualityinOrganizations "Entermostorganizationsandyouenteraworldofsexuality"(Hearn&Parkin,1987,p.3).Thisbookconcernsissuessurroundinggenderandemployment. Traditionally,mosttextsinmanagementorindustrialandorganizationalpsychologyignoretheissueofsexualityatwork.Infact,twoBritishmanagementresearchers statedthatorganizationalscholarsavoidtheissueofgenderina"waythatisbizarre"(Hearn&Parkin,1987,p.4).Sexualityisoneofthemostobviousaspectsof genderrelations.Therefore,wewouldberemissifweexcludedabriefdiscussionofthenotionofsexualitywithinworkorganizations.Somehavesuggestedthat ignoringsexualityatworkintheindustrialsociology,industrialandorganizationalpsychology,sociology,organizationaltheory,managementtheory,andindustrial relationsliteraturesreflectsblatantsexism(Hearn&Parkin,1987).Inanycase,thereisagreatvoidonthistopicasitpertainstoorganizations. Genderandsexualityareconceptuallydistinctbutverycloselyrelated(Hearn,Sheppard,TancredSheriff,&Burrell,1989).Theprecisenatureofeachishighly debatable,andtherearemanyinterpretationsastowhateachis,includingwhatismeantbysexuality,especiallyatwork.Sexualityatworkrefersto"thevarious waysinwhichamale(worker)seeshimselfasasexualmaleandrespondstothesexualityofafemalecoworkerandthewaysafemale(worker)experiencesher ownsexualityinrespondingtomaleworkers"(Bradford,Sargent,&Sprague,1980,p.18).Furthermore,sexualityatworkincludessuchissuesassexualattraction, officeaffairs,selfawareness,andotherawarenessofsexualattitudesandbehaviors(Lobel,1993). Onereasonforthedearthofresearchonsexualityinorganizationsisthatmanyperspectivesonorganizationalresearchsuggestorimplytheneedtoremovesexuality fromtheworkplace(Hearn&Parkin,1987Lobel,1993).Forexample,thebureaucraticidealsuggeststhatcoworkersrelatetoeachothernotasindividualsbutas positionincumbents(Smelser,

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1980).Workrolesandpersonalrelationshipsshouldbedistinguishedwithintheworkcontext.Althoughpersonalrelationshipsmaydominateoutsideofwork,the "suppressionofsexualityisoneofthefirsttasksthebureaucracysetsitself"(Burrell,1984,p.98).Onewayofsuppressingsexualityinorganizationsistoexclude womenfromparticipatinginvariousworkactivities(e.g.,jobsegregationBurrell,1984Hacker&Hacker,1987).Consistentwiththebureaucraticideal,sexualityis viewedasanirrationalbehaviorthatisbestkeptintheprivateandpersonaldomains(Lobel,1993). BothcontemporaryWesternsociety(Mead,1980)andcontemporaryorganizationalexperts(Gabarro,1986Gutek,Morasch,&Cohen,1983Kram,1985Lobel, 1993)arguefortheprohibitionofsexualityatwork.Forexample,toreducesexualtensionbetweenmentorandprotg,thereshouldbeanemphasisona"father daughter"relationship,whichcanbenefitfromincesttaboos(Kram,1985).Thisisconsistentwiththerecommendationthattaboosbedevelopedorevokedtolimit sexualbehavioratwork(Mead,1980).Again,sexualityisviewedaspersonalandthereforehaslittleplaceinthepublicworkorganization. Manyfeministsalsoviewprohibitionofsexualityatworkasdesirable.However,theyassertthatsexualityhasnotbeensuppressedatworkbutratherisassertedin termsofmalepowerandcontroloverwomeninformsofwidespreadsexsegregationofjobsandsexualizationofjobs.Ontheotherhand,thereisincreasingevidence thatpersonalrelationships,includingsexualones,maysupportratherthanconflictwithorganizationalgoals(Lobel,1993).Datasuggestthatinterpersonalcaringand trustcanbenefitboththeorganization(intermsofbottomlineproductivity,andcorporatehealth)andtheindividual(Kaplan,1991Lobel,1993).Interpersonal concernsandcaringamongworkerscouldbecomepartofone'sworkrole(M.Bell,1984Mumby&Putnam,1992).Forexample,amorefeminineapproachto leadership,whichtypicallyinvolvesmoreopennessandselfdisclosure,maybeaneffectivewaytoleadincreasinglydiversegroupsofemployees(Loden,1985).In chapters4and9,theimpactofmalefemaleinterpersonalrelationships,workplaceromance,andsexualharassmentonworkerbehaviorisdiscussed. Asecondlineofargumentsupportstheimportanceofconsideringsexualityatwork.Sexualitycannotbeconfinedtononworkprivaterelationsbecausesocialand workrolesarepermeable(D.T.Hall&Richter,1988).Infact,flexibilitybetweenworkandnonworkrolesmayincreaseasmorewomenentertheworkforce.People atworkhavegenerallyfavorableattitudestowardnonharassingsexualbehaviors(Gutek,Cohen,&Konrad,1990Mainiero,1989Rapp,1992).Inasurvey conductedbytheSocietyforHumanResourcesManagement(citedinRapp,1992),70%of1,550humanresourcesmanagersreportedthattheircompanies

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acceptdatingamongcoworkers,60%saiddatingwasnotaproblem,and92%hadnopoliciesprohibitingdatingbetweencoworkers. Sexualitycanbedirectedtowardanotherpersonasanexpressionofcaring.Thisisespeciallytruewhenthetargetiscapableofconsentordissent.Obviously,the degreeofchoicemaybeseverelylimitedinvariousculturalcontexts(Lobel,1993)andorganizationalsettings.Ratherthanunilateralprohibitionofsexualityatwork, newsocialnormsintheworkplacecanbedevelopedandthentheorganizationcandeterminewhichoneshavepositiveornegativeconsequences.Becausewomen areatgreaterrisktoexperiencenegativeconsequencesofsexualityatwork,theuseofa"reasonablewomen"standardmaybeadvisable(Conte,1997).Thatis,men andwomenmaynotagreeaboutwhichbehaviorsarenegativeornoxiousandwhicharenot.Womentendtofindmorebehaviorsoffensiveanddisruptive,sowomen shouldplayimportantrolesinformulatingnewsocialnormsatworkregardingsexualityinorganizations. Summary Withtheinfluxofwomenintotheworkforceduringthelast20years,therehasbeenincreasedattentiontocomparisonsbetweenmenandwomenonanumberof workrelatedattributesandbehaviors.Withthisincreasedattention,therehasalsobeensomeconfusionaboutwhetherwomenandmendiffertoasignificantdegree, howmuchtheydiffer,andwhetherthesedifferencestrulyaremeaningfulregardingbehavioratwork.Threesourcesofconfusioninunderstandingorinterpreting researchcomparingwomenandmenarepresentedinthischapter. First,thereareatleastthreeapproachestoexplaininghowsexandgenderrelatedbehaviorsemergeorareacquired:biological,socialization,andstructural/cultural models.Theseapproachesvaryintermsofanumberofassumptionsaboutthesimilaritiesanddifferencesamongmenandwomen.Oneperspectivemakesthe assumptionthatnotonlydowomenandmendifferinimportantwaysbutthatthesedifferencesaregenetic,immutable,andnecessaryforsurvival(biological approach).Ontheotherhand,thestructural/culturalperspectiveassumestherearefewinherentdifferencesbetweenwomenandmen,thosedifferencesthatare observedareduetothesocialstructureofsociety,andsuchdifferencesaremutable.Theseexplanationshavesignificantlydifferentimplicationsforthetypesof researchquestionsaskedandfortheevaluationofworkplacebehavior. Asecondsourceofconfusionisthattheuseandconnotationsofsuchtermsassexdifferencesandgenderdifferenceshavecontributedtomisinterpretingresultsof researchongenderintheworkplace.Theterm

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sexoftenconnotesthatobserveddifferencesbetweenmenandwomenarebiologicalorgeneticinnatureandthuslessamenabletochange.Gender,ontheother hand,reflectsindividual,interpersonal,andsocietalnotionsofmasculinityandfemininity.Athirdsourceofconfusioninvolvesthebiasesassociatedwiththevery researchmethodologiesweusetoinvestigatebehavioramongandbetweenwomenandmen. Thechapterconcludeswithabriefdiscussionofsexualityinorganizations.Sexualityisanimportantconsiderationinthediscussionofwomenandmenatwork nevertheless,mostmanagementandappliedpsychologytextsdonotincludeadiscussionofsexualityasitaffectstheworkenvironment. Glossary Androgyny:Conceptthatpeoplecancombinetraitstraditionallyassignedtooneortheothersex. Constructionism:Atheoreticalperspectiveonresearchinpsychologywhichassumesthathumanbeingsinventorconstructreality,andthattheroleoftheoryreflects scientists'attemptstoexplainpsychologicalphenomenabutnotnecessarilytopredictthem. Dichotomous:Extremeoppositesofagivenattribute,skill,ortrait(e.g.,strongvs.weak,passivevs.aggressive). Functionalism:Aschoolofpsychologyconcernedwithhowanorganism'sorperson'sbehaviorandconsciousnessarefunctionalforitssurvival. Gender:Whatculturemakesoutofthe"rawmaterial"ofbiologicalsex.Allknownsocietiesrecognizebiologicaldifferentiationanduseitasthebasisforsocial distinction.Genderisbasedonsex. Genderidentity:Degreetowhichoneseesoneselfasfemaleormaleormasculineorfeminine. Individualdifferences:Differencesamongindividualsonawiderangeofbehaviors,skills,abilities,andpersonalities. Logicalpositivism:Ascientificmodelthatassumesscientificfactsexistanditisthepsychologist'sjobtodiscoverthosefacts.Further,themodelassumesthatthe scientificprocessforuncoveringthosefactsisvalueneutral. Nontraditionaloccupation:Anoccupationthatapersonholdswherethepredominantincumbentistheoppositesex. Proximalcontextvariables:Factorscloseintimeandspacethatdirectlyinfluenceanindividual'sbehavior. Sex:Biologicaldifferencesingeneticcompositionandreproductiveanatomyandfunction.

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Sociobiology:Perspectivethatthebehaviorofhumansisduetotheinterestsofthesurvivaloftheirownparticulargenessocialbehaviorhasalargegeneticbasisand islargelyunchangeable. Subjectiverelativism:Anotherscientificperspectiveonpsychologicalresearchwhichassumes,quiteunlikelogicalpositivism,thatfactfinding,analysis,and conclusionsaresubjectiveinscientificresearch.

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II PROCESSESUNDERLYINGMALEFEMALEATTITUDESANDBEHAVIORINTHEWORKPLACE

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3 HowStereotypesAffectOurPerceptionofMenandWomenatWork
I.GenderStereotypes A.StereotypesofWomenandMen 1.FavorabilityofMasculineandFeminineStereotypes 2.PervasivenessofGenderStereotypes B.AreGenderStereotypesValid? 1.Androgyny II.GenderStereotypesandStereotypesofRace,Age,Appearance,andDisability A.GenderStereotypesandRace B.OlderWomen C.GenderStereotypesandAppearance 1.SexualityandGenderStereotypes D.PowerandGenderStereotypes 1.StereotypesofWorkingWomen III.EffectsofGenderStereotypesintheWorkplace A.InfluenceofStereotypesonEvaluationsofandDecisionsAboutMenandWomen 1.HiringandPromotionDecisions 2.InterviewsandPerformanceEvaluation 3.AccesstoResourcesandSupport 4.CanNegativePerceptionsofWomenintheWorkforceBeEliminated? B.SelfLimitingEffectsofStereotypingonWomen'sPerformance 1.GenderStereotypesandAchievement 2.Competence,Performance,andPayExpectations IV.Summary

Page42 MENARETAUGHTTOAPOLOGIZE FORTHEIRWEAKNESSES,WOMEN FORTHEIRSTRENGTHS. LoisWyse,b.1926,Americanadvertisingexecutive(Women'sWitandWisdom,1991,p.)

Thetermsmale,female,Black,Anglo,Asian,andNativeAmericancarrypowerfulimagesofthecharacteristicsorattributesofspecificgroups.Suchlabelsor stereotypesnotonlycarrymessagesabouthowvariousgroupsareperceivedbutalsoconveyexpectationsabouthowvariousgroupmembersshouldbehaveand whatcharacteristicsorattributesarevaluedbythedominantgroup.Stereotypes,especiallygenderstereotypes,influenceourexpectationsandevaluationsofwhatis appropriateforourselvesaswellasforothers.Stereotypescanlimitthetypesofcareersthatpeopleselectandcanfacilitateorinhibittheperceptionsofanindividual's effectiveness. Individualsholdnumerousbeliefsaboutwhatconstitutesmasculinityandfemininity,andthesebeliefsshapeourperceptionsofwhoislikelytoperformcertain behaviorsandwhatbehaviorsareappropriateatwork.Westartthischapterbydescribinggenderstereotypesandthenrelatethesetostereotypesbasedonrace, age,appearance,anddisability.Thereisevidencethatstereotypesinfluencebothpeople'sbehaviorandothers'perceptionsofthatbehavior,andwedescribesomeof thesefindings.Furthermore,stereotypesnotonlyrefertoperceptionsofindividualsbutalsoareassociatedwithperceptionsofoccupations,specifically,menand womeninnontraditionalrolesorjobsincludingleadershiproles.Finally,weconcludethechapterbydiscussingtheinfluenceofstereotypesonpersonneldecisions affectingmenandwomen. GenderStereotypes Stereotypinginvolvesgeneralizingbeliefsaboutgroupsasawholetomembersofthosegroups.Forexample,ifyoubelievethatolderpeoplearemorelikelytoresist changethanyoungerpeople,youmayinferthatanolderpersonyouhavejustmetislikelytoberigidandtohaveahardtimeadaptingtochanges.Through stereotyping,wecancategorizepeopleintogroupsonnumerousdemographicbases,includinggender,race,age,religion,socialclass,andsoforth,andour perceptionsofspecificindividualswillbeinfluencedbywhatweknoworthinkweknowaboutthegroupasawhole.Genderstereotypesaresociallysharedbeliefs

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aboutthecharacteristicsorattributesofmenandwomeningeneralthatinfluenceourperceptionsofindividualmenandwomen. Stereotypestendtoexaggerateboththeperceiveddifferencesofmembersofdifferentgroups(e.g.,menandwomen)andtheperceivedsimilaritiesofaparticularman orwomantothegeneralcategoriesofmaleandfemale(Lips,1988).Thatis,menandwomenwhoareobjectivelysimilarinmanyways(e.g.,similarappearance, behavior,interests,values,etc.)oftenwillbeseenasquitedifferentbecausetheyaremembersoftwoquitedifferentcategories.Theoppositionalnatureofmasculine andfemininestereotypesimpliesthatmenandwomenshouldbeseparatefromeachotherinavarietyofcontextsincludingwork(e.g.,occupationalsegregation)and family(e.g.,cookingvs.mowinglawn)activities,andthesestereotypescanhaveapowerfulinfluenceonbothmen'sandwomen'sworkplaceexperiences. Sincetheearly1950s,alargenumberofstudieshavebeenconductedongenderstereotypes.Mostgenderstereotypestudiesinpsychologywereconductedby individualsinterestedinpersonality(Ashmore&DelBoca,1986),forexample,SherriffsandMcKee(1957)inJournalofPersonalityRosenkrantz,Vogel,Bee, Broverman,andBroverman(1968)inJournalofConsultingandClinicalPsychologyandSpence,Helmreich,andStapp(1974)inJournalofApplied PsychologyCatalogofSelectedDocumentsinPsychology(amultidisciplinaryjournal,notasocialpsychologyjournal).Thepersonalityorientationhashadtwo implications(Ashmore&DelBoca,1986)forresearchongenderstereotypes.First,itinfluencesthequestionsthatareaskedinvolvinggenderstereotypesand focuseslargelyonquestionspertinenttotheclinicalsetting(e.g.,Isemotionaldysfunctioninfluencedbygenderstereotypes,oraretherapists'recommendationsfor therapyguidedbygenderstereotypes?)Second,itinfluenceshowgenderstereotypesarestudied.Forexample,thepersonalityapproachreliesheavilyontheuseof traitsandadjectivestomeasuregenderstereotypes.Thispersonbasedfocusmayexacerbateperceiveddifferencesbetweenmenandwomenandignoreimportant socialandsituationalfactors. Genderstereotyperesearchhashadthreemajorgoals:toassessthecontentofsexstereotypes,determinethedegreetowhichcharacteristicsassociatedwithmenand womenareevaluatedfavorably,andtodeterminethepervasivenessofsuchstereotypes(Ashmore&DelBoca,1986).Eachofthesegoalswarrantsfurther discussion. StereotypesofWomenandMen Sexstereotypesworkattwolevels:sexrolestereotypesandsextraitstereotypes(D.Williams&Best,1990).Sexrolestereotypesarebeliefsaboutthe appropriatenessofvariousrolesandactivitiesformenand

Page44 Sidelight3.1Masculinity:TheMaleSexRole ThemeaningofmasculinityintheUnitedStatesisdescribedasafunctionofthreefactors:thenatureoftherelationshipbetweenmenandwomen,the natureoftherelationshipbetweenmenandothermen,andthenatureoftherelationshipbetweenmenandthemselves(Franklin,1984).Two fundamentalthemesinthemaleroleincludeachievementandthesuppressionofaffect(Pleck,1976).Inthetraditionalmalerole,themajorformsof achievementthatvalidatemasculinityarephysical(Pleck,1976).Attimes,achievementmaytranslateintophysicalpoweroverothers,especially women.Thetraditionalmaleexpectswomentoacknowledgeanddefertohisauthority.Masculinityischaracterized,traditionally,asaggressiveness, dominance,andcompetitiveness(Franklin,1984).Inthemodemmalerole,maleachievementmaytakeotherformsincludingbehaviorsthatrequiremore interpersonalandintellectualskillsratherthanexclusivelyphysicalstrength(Pleck,1976). Therehasbeenasignificantamountofresearchontherelationshipbetweengenderstereotypesandethnicstereotypes,andthisresearchsuggests thatthesetwosetsofrolescansometimesconflictorcaninteractinwaysthatposesignificantproblemsforindividuals.Forexample,Franklin(1984) suggestedthatBlackmales'masculineexperiencecanbelifethreateningandpsychologicallydamaging.Blackmaleshavehigherratesofheartdisease, strokes,andaccidentsthanWhitemales.DominanceisexpressedwithinBlackmalefemalerelationshipsbecauseBlackmenoftenhavefewer opportunitiestoexpressdominanceoutsidetheBlackculture(Franklin,1984).Blackmenmustinternalizedominanceandcompetitivenessandcontrol themselvesbothphysicallyandmentally.Indescribingthemselves,BlackmalestendtoendorsebothfeminineandmasculinetraitsmorethanWhite males(Pettigrew,1964). Blackmalestendtobeinhibitedineffortstofulfilltheproviderprotectoraspectofmasculinityduetosocietalstructuralbarrierssuchasracial discrimination.Yet,society(includingtheBlackculture)considerstheinternalizationoftheworkethicasanecessarytraitofmasculinity.Thatis,in orderto''beaman,"ayoungBlackorWhitemanmustprovideforhisfamilyanddevelopthetrainingandskillsneededforwork.However,Blackmales receivethecontradictorymessagethatWhitesocietywillnotallowthemtheopportunitiestofulfillthatworkrole.Thesecontradictorymessagesmay inhibitdevelopmentofaworkethicandsecurityofmasculinityamongBlackmales.Blackmalesmaybeexpectedtodemonstratedominance, aggressiveness,andviolencewithin

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theBlackcultureswhilesimultaneouslybeingexpectedtoshowsubmissivenessoutsidetheculture(Franklin,1984). NumerousaspectsoftraditionalmasculinityaregenerallyhazardoustobothBlackandWhitemen'shealth(Pleck,1981).Aggressivenessand competitivenessencouragementoplacethemselvesindangeroussituations.Emotionalinexpressivenessorsuppressionamongmalesmayleadto psychosomaticandotherhealthproblems.Mentakegreaterrisksthanwomen.Althoughrisktakingmaybeviewedasanassetinsomecircumstances (e.g.,managerialdecisionmakingleadership),itcanhavenegativeconsequencesaswell.Men'sjobsexposethemtomorephysicaldangerand psychologicalstress.Furthermore,thetraditionalmalerolesocializesmentohavepersonalitycharacteristicsassociatedwithhighmortality(e.g.,Type Abehaviors,especiallyanangercomponentPleck1981).Theresponsibilitiesassociatedwithbeingasolefamilybreadwinnercontributetomale psychologicalstress.Themaleroleencouragesspecificbehaviorsthatareknowntoendangerhealthincludingsmokingandalcoholconsumption. Finally,themalerolediscouragesmenfromtakingadequatemedicalcareofthemselves(Pleck,1981).

women(e.g.,thetwosexesparticipateintheseactivitieswithdifferentialfrequency).Sextraitstereotypesarebeliefsthatpsychologicalandbehavioralcharacteristics describethemajorityofmentoagreaterorlesserdegreethanthemajorityofwomen.Wefocusonsextraitstereotypesorthecontentofgeneralgenderstereotypes inthissection.Subsequentsectionsinthechapteraddressstereotypesorbeliefsabouttheappropriatenessofvariousbehaviorsbymenandwomen. Alargenumberoftraitshavebeenassociatedwithwomenandmen.Inthelate1950s,afterresearchersgaveparticipantsover200adjectivestoevaluate,menwere describedasfrank,straightforwardinsocialrelations,intellectuallyrational,andcompetent,bold,andeffectiveindealingwiththeenvironment.Stereotypesofwomen includedsuchdescriptorsasemotional,warm,concernedaboutissuesbesidesthematerial,andconcernedaboutsocialamenities(J.P.McKee&Sheriffs,1957). Theseclustersoftraitsareoftenreferredtoasadaptiveinstrumental(maletraits)andintegrativeexpressive(femaletraitsParsons&Bales,1955).A secondmajorgroupofsexstereotypestudieswereconductedinthe1960sand1970s(Broverman,Vogel,Broverman,Clarkson,&Rosenkrantz,1972),with resultssimilartothosefoundinthelate1950s.Consistentwithpreviousresearch,instrumentalitemswereassociatedwithmenandexpressivetraitswereassociated withwomen(Bem,1974,1975).More

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recently,theassessmentofgenderstereotypesshowsremarkableconsistencyandresistancetochange.Inthelate1980s,womenweredescribedasaffectionate, attractive,flirtatiousorsexy,anddreamy,whereasmenweredescribedasrational,realistic,tough,aggressive,anddominant(Williams&Best,1990). FavorabilityofMasculineandFeminineStereotypes Numerousresearchershaveattemptedtoassesstherelativefavorabilityofstereotypesforeachsex,andmosthavefoundthatthemasculinestereotypeismore positivelyvaluedthanthefemininestereotype(Brovermanetal.,1972McKee&Sherriffs,1957).However,notallevidencesupportsthisconclusion.Althougha higherproportionofstereotypicallymaleattributesthanfemalehavebeenfoundtobesociallydesirable,thefavorabilityofthetwosexstereotypesisnotnecessarily significantlydifferent(Rosenkrantzetal.,1968).Furthermore,assessmentsofstereotypefavorabilitymaydependonthemethodusedtodefinegenderstereotypes. Forexample,genderstereotypescanbeeither"focused"or"expanded"(J.E.Williams&Bennett,1975).Attributesthatareassignedtoonegenderbyagreat majorityofthepopulation(i.e.,75%)representfocusedstereotypesoffemalesandmales.Attributesassignedtoeithergenderbyasmallermajority(i.e.,60%)reflect anexpandedstereotype.Althoughthemalefocusedstereotypeincludesagreaterproportionofpositivetraitsthanthefemalefocusedstereotype,thefemaleexpanded stereotypecomparesfavorablytothemaleexpandedstereotype(Williams&Bennett,1975). Evenwhenstereotypesofonegendercontainmorepositiveattributesthanstereotypesofanother,overallassessmentsofmaleandfemalestereotypesmaybemore complexthanasimplecountofattributeswouldsuggest.IntheWilliamsandBennett(1975)study,bothexpandedandfocusedstereotypeswereanalyzedbya trainedclinician.Thisclinicalassessmentindicatedthatalthoughbothstereotypesreflected"immaturity"and"pathology,"thestereotypicalmalewasratedasmore disturbedthanthestereotypicalfemale(Williams&Bennett,1975).Insum,theevidenceregardingthefavorabilityofmaleandfemalestereotypesismixed,and conclusionsvary.Furthermore,thebasesforagivenstudy'sconclusionsareequivocal.Themasculinestereotypeisratedmorefavorablythanthefemininestereotype whenthetotalnumberoffavorableattributesforeachsexiscompared.Onereasonforthisisthatthemalestereotypeoftencomprisesalargenumberofattributes and,therefore,ismorelikelytocontainalargernumberoffavorableattributes.Whencomparisonproceduresareusedthatcorrectforthenumberofitemswithin stereotypes,maleandfemalestereotypestendnottoshowgreatdifferencesinfavorability(Ashmore&DelBoca,1986).

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However,thedifferencebetweenmaleandfemalestereotypesinthenumberofitemsthattheycontainhasanimportantimplication.Menaregivenawiderrangeof sociallydesirableandacceptablebehaviorsorcharacteristicsthattheycanexhibit.Womenaremorelimitedbyafemininestereotypetodemonstratesociallydesirable behavior.ThisisdepictedinaquotebyMarloThomas:"AmanhastobeJoeMcCarthytobecalledruthless.Allawomanhastodoisputyouonhold"(Women's WitandWisdom,1991,p.11).Giventhegreaterbehaviorallatitudeformenandthemorerestrictedsetofpositivebehaviorsforwomen,themalestereotypein practicemaybemorepositivethanthefemalestereotype(Ashmore&DelBoca,1986). PervasivenessofGenderStereotypes AssessmentsofgenderstereotypesintheUnitedStateshaveshownremarkablyconsistentresults.Again,womenareoftendescribedasaffectionate,attractive, charming,dreamy,emotional,flirtatious,andsentimental.Menareoftendescribedasaggressive,assertive,dominant,handsome,masculine,strong,tough,rational, andrealistic.Thisresearchhasbeenextendedto25countriestoassesssextraitstereotypescrossculturally(Best&Williams,1990).Inall25countriessurveyed, womenweredescribedassentimental,submissive,andsuperstitious,andin22countriestheyweredescribedassexy.Formeninall25countries,masculine stereotypesincludedadventurous,independent,masculine,andstrong.Thisconsistentpatternoffindingsacrossstudiesandacrosscountriessuggeststhatgender stereotypesarequitepervasive. Anotherwayoftappingthepervasivenessofgenderstereotypesistounderstandthenotionofthe"person=male"bias.Theprototypeinourcultureismale(Silveira, 1980).Thatis,intheabsenceofanycontraryinformation,thereisagreaterlikelihoodthatwhenonepicturesanindividual,thatpersonwillbemale(Henley,1989). So,ifyoudonotknowanindividual'sgender(e.g.,youreceiveamemofromPatJones),youaremorelikelytorefertothispersonas"he"thanas''she."Thisdoes notalwaysoccur,butthereisempiricalsupportforthispromalebiasinanumberofsettings(M.C.Hamilton,1991O'Sullivan,Cole,&Moseley,1982). AreGenderStereotypesValid? Stereotypescanbeveryuseful,inthesensethattheyhelpusunderstandtheworld.Theyareparticularlyusefulwhentheyarebasedonfactsandwhenthe generalizationstheyleadtoarequitelikelytobecorrect.Forexample,ifweseesomeoneinanairportreadingaphilosophytext,thismightleadtoastereotypesuch as"student"or"scholar,"whichmight

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alsoleadustobelievethatthispersonisreasonablyintelligent,isabletofollowcomplexarguments,andisinterestedinacademicpursuits.Ifourcategorizationofthis personiscorrect,theotherguesseswemakebasedonthatcharacterization(e.g.,intelligent,studious)mightalsobecorrect.Ontheotherhand,stereotypesthatare basedonincorrectinformation,biases(e.g.,derogatorystereotypesofracial,ethnic,orreligiousgroups),oroutmodedideasmaydomoreharmthangoodinthatthey mayleadustomakeincorrectinferencesaboutpeople.Therefore,thequestionofwhetherstereotypesarevalid(e.g.,isittruethatwomenaremoreemotionalthan men?)isimportant. Anevenmoreimportantquestion,andonethatisoftendifficulttoansweronthebasisofempiricalresearch,isexactlyhowaccurateorinaccuratearetheinferences basedongenderstereotypes?Forexample,supposethatwomenaremoreaffectionatethanmen.Unlessyouknowhowlargethedifferencesbetweengroupsare, comparedtothedifferenceswithingenders(somemenarecertainlymoreaffectionatethanothers),itmightbeverydifficulttodeterminewhetherthisstereotypewill helpyouassessothersorwillmisleadyou.ConsiderthesituationillustratedinFig.3.1.Inthishypotheticalexample,thereisasmalldifferencebetweentheaverage levelofaffectionatebehaviorshownbymenandwomen,butthereisextensivevariabilitywithingroups.Thismeansthatmanymenwillbemoreaffectionatethanmany women,andrelianceonthestereotypethatwomenaremoreaffectionatewillleadtomanyerrorsinperceptionsofspecificindividuals. Onthewhole,researchevidenceonthevalidityofgenderstereotypessuggeststhattheyareoftenpoorrepresentationsofindividualmenor

Fig31 Illustrationofoverlapamonggroupsthatdifferintheiraveragelevelof affectionatebehavior

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women.Forexample,malefemaledifferencesinmostcognitiveabilitiesandinmostbasicpersonalitytraits(exceptfortraitssuchasmasculinityvs.femininity,which aredirectlylinkedtosexandgender)aregenerallysmall,incomparisonwiththevariabilitywithingenders.Inareaswheretherearerelativelylargemalefemale differences(e.g.,likelihoodofworkinginchildcaresettings),itislikelythatstereotypesandsociallyconstructeddefinitionsofwhatmenandwomenshoulddoare themselvessignificantcausesofthesedifferences.Althoughmalefemaledifferencesinmanyareasarerelativelysmall,relianceonstereotypescanleadpeopleto exaggeratethesedifferencesandtoperceivemen'sandwomen'sbehaviorquitedifferently,evenifthebehavioritselfisquitesimilaracrossgenderlines. Androgyny Genderstereotypessortpeopleintooneoftwomutuallyexclusivecategories:maleversusfemale.However,fewmenpossessallofthecharacteristicsthatare stereotypicallymaleandnoneofthosethatarestereotypicallyfemale.Thatis,therearerelativelyfewmenwhoareextremelyaggressive,assertive,dominant, handsome,masculine,strong,tough,rational,andrealisticbutnotatallaffectionate,attractive,charming,dreamy,emotional,flirtatious,andsentimental.Thereare probablyevenfewerwomenwhoareextremelyaffectionate,attractive,charming,dreamy,emotional,flirtatious,andsentimentalbutnotatallaggressive,assertive, dominant,handsome,masculine,strong,tough,rational,andrealistic.Themasculineandfemininestereotypesdescribeextremesofacontinuum,anditislikelythat manymenandwomenpossessamixofstereotypicallymasculineandstereotypicallyfemininetraits.Tobesure,therearesomepeoplewhoarehighlymasculineor highlyfeminine.Therearealsosomeindividualswhodemonstratefewofanyofthetraitslistedpreviously. Peoplewhopossesshighlevelsofbothmasculineandfemininetraitsarereferredtoasandrogynous.Androgynyissometimesthoughtofasthebestofbothworlds, inthesensethatandrogynousindividualsmaybeabletodrawonawiderarrayofstrengthsandtalentsindealingwiththeworldaroundthem.Thereissomeresearch supportforthenotionthatandrogynyisrelatedtosuccessandtosocialadjustment(Bem,1979),andtheideathatandrogynyisbeneficialhascertainlybeenpicked upbythepopularmedia(e.g.,thinkofallofthestoriesofmenwhosucceedbygettingintouchwiththeir"feminineside").Itislessclearhowpeoplebecome androgynousorwhetherandrogynycanorshouldbetaughtordevelopedinthesamewaywetrytodevelopothersocialskills.However,peoplewhoaretightly lockedinnarroworextremedefinitionsoftheirappropriategenderrolesmayfinditeasiertosucceedinenvironmentswheretheirparticularrolesareemphasizedand hardertosucceedin

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contextswherethereislessemphasisonstereotypicallydefinedmasculinityorfemininity. GenderStereotypesandStereotypesofRace,Age,Appearance,andDisability Itisdifficulttothinkofa"typical"manorwomanwithoutalsoimaginingthattheindividualhasaspecificraceandageand,perhaps,acertaindegreeofphysical attractiveness(Landrine,1985Lips,1988).InNorthAmerica,suchanimageislikelytobesomeonewhoisWhite,relativelyyoung,ofaverageattractiveness,and nondisabled.However,holdinggenderstereotypesbasedonthe"typical"manorwomanmaycontributetoperceptionsthatpeoplewhoarenottypicalaresomehow ''differentandless,"therebyperpetuatingstereotypesbasedonrace,age,appearance,ordisabilityaswell.Furthermore,thereisapossibilitythatgenderstereotypes combinewithotherstereotypessothatworkperceptionsandoutcomesarecomplexlydetermined. GenderStereotypesandRace WomenofcolormayexperiencesexismdifferentlythanWhitewomen,andmenandwomenofcolormayexperienceracismdifferentlyfromeachother(A.Smith& Stewart,1983).Weareonlybeginningtounderstandthejointdynamicsofracismandsexismbyinvestigatingtheexperiencesofvariousgenderrolegroups(Lips, 1988). CommonlyreportedgenderstereotypesincludethebeliefthatBlackwomenmaybeviewedaslessfemininethantheirWhitecounterparts(O'Leary,1977)whenone usesthefemininestereotypegeneratedbasedonallWhitefemalesamples.Blackwomenarestereotypedasstrong,selfreliant,andhavingastrongachievement orientation(Epstein,1973Fleming,1983a)inadditiontobeingmoredominant,assertive,andselfreliantthanBlackmales(calledthe"Blackmatriarchy"theory). Althoughthisappearstobeapositivestereotype,itcharacterizesBlackwomen'sstrengthonlywithinthecontextofthefamily.Furthermore,thisstereotypeofBlack womenhasbeenusedbymanycommentatorsinU.S.societytoholdwomenresponsibleformanyoftheproblemsassociatedwithBlackmenandyoungadults. Althoughtheexistenceofsuchastereotypehasbeendocumented,itisbasedonbothmisleadingandflawedevidence(Fleming,1983bLips,1988).

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BothWhitemenandwomenrateWhitewomenmorenegativelythanBlackwomenareratedbyBlackmenandwomen(O'Leary&Harrison,1975).Furthermore, BlacksubjectsidentifyfewertraitsthatdistinguishmenandwomenthanWhites,suggestingthatBlacksmaybelesslikelytodevaluewomenonastereotypicalbasis. ThereissomeevidencethatthefemininestereotypeintheUnitedStateslargelyreflectsviewsofWhite,middleclassfemales.AlthoughBlackandWhitemiddleand workingclasswomenareratedsimilarlyonthefemalestereotype,stereotypicaldescriptionsdiffersignificantlybyraceandsocialclass.BlackandWhitewomenare describedsimilarlyontraitsincludingambitious,competent,intelligent,selfconfident,andhostile,butWhitewomenaredescribedmoresimilarlytothetraditional femininestereotype(e.g.,higheroncharacteristicssuchasdependent,emotional,andpassive).Therefore,althoughraceandclassaffectgenderstereotypestosome degree,genderstereotypesemergebeyondthesevariables(Lips,1988). OlderWomen Stereotypesoffemininityarestrongestwhentheyareappliedtoyoungerwomen.Bothwomenandmendescribethemselvesinlessstereotypicaltermsastheyage. Furthermore,oldermenperceiveolderwomenasmoreactive,hardy,involved,andstablethanthemselves(Feldman,Biringen,&Nash,1981).Agestereotypesmay replacethesalienceofgenderstereotypesaspeoplegrowolder(Lips,1988).Howdoesthisoccur?Oneofthewidelyacceptedstereotypesoftheagedisthatthey arenolongerinterestedin(orperhapscapableof)sex(Kay&Neeley,1982).Sexualityisoneofthemajorbasesformasculinityandfemininity(i.e.,tobesexually attractive).Ifsexualitybecomesdissociatedwithmenandwomen,thenperhapssodostereotypesofmasculinityandfemininity(Lips,1988).Althoughthereis evidencethatsexualityisnotunimportanttoolderindividuals,thebeliefthatitismaylessenthesalienceofgenderstereotypes. Thereis,however,evidenceofadoublestandardregardingtheinterchangebetweenageandgenderstereotypes,placingwomenatadisadvantage(AbuLaban, 1981).BecauseinNorthAmericasomuchofawoman'sworthisbasedonherattractiveness,shemayfindherselfdevaluedassheages.Thisdoesnotappearto holdforagingmen,whoseworthisbasedonotherfactorsincludingpowerandprestigeviafinancialachievement,occupationalsuccess,andsoforth(Lips,1988)that arelikelytoincreasewithone'sage.Womenwhoholdmoretraditionalfemininestereotypesmayhandleaginglesswellandmayviewthemselvesmorecriticallyas theyage(Lowenthal,Thurnber,&Chiriboga,1975Maas&Kuypers,1974).

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GenderStereotypesandAppearance Physicalappearanceisacriticalcomponentofgenderstereotyping(McArthur,1982).Perceptionsofbothone'sownappearanceandtheappearanceofotherscan havestrongimplicationsforhowmasculineorfeminineanindividualisbelievedtobe(Lips,1988).Atall,largebonedwomanmaybeviewedasmoremasculinethan ashort,petitelybuiltwoman,whereasashortmalemayperceivehimselfaslessmasculinethanatallmale. Althoughappearanceisimportanttomenandwomen,attractivenessandthepreoccupationwithone'sappearanceareviewedasimportantaspectsofthefemaleor femininestereotype(Rodin,Silberstein,&StriegelMoore,1984).Suchbodilypartsasbreastsize,hips,andtheshapeofawoman'slegsareallsignalsusedinour societytodenoteawoman'sfemininityandsexuality(Brownmiller,1984Lips,1988).Furthermore,especiallyforwomen,weightisacriticalaspectofphysical appearance.Fatisviewedasunfeminine,unattractive,andnonsexual,whereasathinnerbodyisviewedasattractive(Gillen&Sherman,1980).Collegewomenmost frequentlycitedbeingoverweightastheitemthatwouldmakethemfeellessfeminine(Lips,1986). Notonlyisphysicalattractivenessacentralcomponentofgenderstereotype,butitisalsoacentralpartofselfconceptforwomenmorethanmen(M.J.Lerner& Karabenick,1974R.M.Lerner,Orlos,&Knapp,1976).Weightandbodyshapearecentraldeterminantsofwomen'sperceptionsoftheirphysicalattractiveness (Rodin,Silberstein,&StriegelMoore,1984).Collegeagewomenreportmoredissatisfactionandconcernwiththeirbodiesthanmen(Fallon&Rozin,1985). Furthermore,obesityamongwomenisassociatedwithmorenegativeevaluationsforwomenthanformen(Spigelman&Schultz,1981).Theimportanceofweightin shapingstereotypesoffemininityissupportedfurtherbyastudyofwomenwhovaluenontraditionalrolesforwomen.Theinfluenceofslendernessispowerful.Even womenwhorejectedmanyofthetraditionalviewsoffemininitywerefoundtopreferasmaller,thinnerfemalebodyshapeandassociatedalarger,roundershapewith the"wifeandmother"stereotype(Beck,WardHull,&McLear,1976). Traditionalsexrolestereotypesmayinteractwithindividuals'ageandgendertoaffecttheirselfratingsofattractiveness(Friedman&Zebrowitz,1992Sorell& Nowak,1981).Forexample,menatmidlifeareoftenatthepeakoftheirsuccess,andsignsofagingmaybeviewedasevidenceofyearsofsociallyvalued experiences(Sorell&Nowak,1981).Forwomen,midlifesignalsthatthetraditionalroleofmotherhoodiscomingtoanend.Signsofagingmaythereforesymbolize diminishingsocial

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usefulness.Middleagedwomenconsiderthemselveslessattractivethanyoungerorolderwomenandyoung,middleaged,oroldermen(Nowak,1976Nowak, Karuza,&Namikas,1976).Middleagedmenseethemselvesaslessattractivethanyoungerpeoplebutasmoreattractivethanoldermenorwomen. Genderdifferenceshavebeenfoundinregardtoeating,weight,physicalappearance,andappearanceselfesteemacrossthelifespan(Pliner,Chaiken,&Flett, 1990).Womenatallageshavesignificantlylowerappearanceselfesteemthanmales,whichmaysuggestthatthestandardsforfemaleattractivenessarehigherthan formaleattractiveness(Plineretal.,1990).Womenarealsomoreconcernedabouteatingandbodyweight,whichtheauthorssuggestedcomesfromthelarger culturalcontextthatemphasizesgreaterimportanceofphysicalattractivenessforfemalesthanformales.Traditionally(andstereotypically),awoman'soccupationisto provideamanwithaffection,sexualresponsiveness,andcareofthehomeandchildren.Menareexpectedtobeeconomicproviders.Physicalappearanceisassumed tobemorerelevanttothewoman'srolethantotheman's(Plineretal.,1990). SexualityandGenderStereotypes Inamultinationalstudy,participantsfrom22of25countriesincludedtheadjectivesaffectionate,sexy,flirtatious,andattractiveaspartofthestereotypeof women(J.E.Williams&Best,1990).Thesefindingssuggestthatwomenareviewedinmoresexualtermsthanmen.However,mennotonlyaremoresexuallyactive butalsoperceivemalefemaleinteractionsasmoresexualthandowomen. Studiesonsexualharassmentconsistentlyshowthatmenperceiveawoman'sbehaviorasmoresexualthandowomenperceivers(Saal,Johnson,&Weber,1989). Menaremorelikelythanwomentoview"friendly"behaviorinmixedsexsettingsasindicatingsexualinterest(A.Abbey&Melby,1986N.Abbey,1982E.G.C. Collins&Blodgett,1981Saal,1996).Menalsobelievethatsuchsexualbehaviorsaremoretypicalofandacceptablebyindividualsintheworkplace.Menmay morequicklylabelwomen'sbehaviorassexualthandowomen(Saal1996).Totestthisconclusionwithinthecontextofsexualharassment,C.B.Johnson,Stockdale, andSaal(1991)presentedsubjectswith12versionsofascenariodepictingaprofessorinteractingwithastudentoftheoppositesex,inwhichsexofthe powerholder,levelofharassment,andresponsetoharassmentweremanipulated.Regardlessoftheharassmentconditionandtheresponseofthevictim,malesubjects ratedtheactorsusingmoresexualtermsthandidfemalesubjects.Menmorethanwomenbelievedthatthefemaleactor,whethersheportrayedthestudentorthe professor,wastryingtobehaveinamorepromiscuous,seductive,andsexymanner.

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Menalsobelievedthatthemalestudentwastryingtobehaveinamoresexymanner.Inthemostharassingcondition,womenviewedthemaleprofessorinmore sexualtermsthandidmen. Theseresultssuggestthatmenhavemoredifficultythanwomenindifferentiatingbetweenthesexualintentionsofamoreseveremaleharasserandthoseofaless severeone(inthemoreharassingconditions,maleswereclearlybehavingmoresexually).Evenwhenthefemaletargetrefusedtosubmittowhatclearlyseemedtobe harassingbehavior,malespersistedinratingthefemaletargetastryingtoactinamoresexualmannerthandidfemalesubjects(C.B.Johnsonetal.,1991).Ingeneral, men'ssexualitybasedratingsoffemaletargetswerehigherthanthewomen'sratings.Men'ssexualitybasedperceptionsofmaletargetsdidnotdifferfromwomen's perceptions.Theseresultssuggestthatmenmaymisperceivewomen'sbehaviorsbutnotothermen'stothesamedegree(C.B.Johnsonetal.,1991).Ontheother hand,theresultsalsoindicatethatwomenmaynotbequiteassensitivetotheharassingbehaviorofotherwomenastheyaretotheharassingbehaviorofmen. PowerandGenderStereotypes Majorcomponentsofthetraditionalmasculinestereotypeincludesuchadjectivesasstrong,dominant,aggressive,andpowerful.PowerfulfiguresinNorthAmerica areperceivedtobealmostexclusivelymale.Infact,theideaofapowerfulwomanisdisconcertinganduncomfortableformany,bothmaleandfemale.Men's reactionstofemalepowerappeartocontain"sincerehorroraswellasaconsciousattempttocontrolanddiminishthatpowerbydefiningitasillegitimateand unnaturalandbymakingitsoundridiculousoroffensive"(Garlick,Dixon,&Allen,1992,pp.210211).Stereotypicalimagesofwomeninpowerincludesuch negativephrasesas"dowagerempress,""powerfulpoisonouswitches,andmurderingmothers,"''ironbutterfly"(referringtoImeldaMarcos),"domineeringdowager," "schemingconcubines,"or"terriblewoman"(Garlicketal.,1992).Theimplicitassumptionthatwomenclosetopowerexertundueandinappropriateinfluencearises fromtheviewthatthepoliticalwomanisaparadox.Apowerfulwomanisviewedbymanyassomehowunnatural,anditisoftenassumedthatawoman'smeansto poweraresomehowdubious(Garlicketal.,1992).Sidelight3.2onFirstLadyHillaryClintonisanexampleofthedisconnectionbetweenthenotionofawomenof powerandthefemininestereotype. StereotypesofWorkingWomen Menaresomewhatmorelikelytoberegularlyemployedthanwomen,butmostwomenareemployedforsignificantportionsoftheiradultyears.Nearly75%of womenwith

Page55 Sidelight3.2TheFirstLady ThewifeoftheU.S.Presidentoccupiesthespecialroleof"FirstLady."MostFirstLadieshaveconcentratedontraditionallyfeminineactivities,such ashostingdinnersandfunctionsordecoratingtheWhiteHouse,andeventheirpublicactivitieshaveoftenbeenrestrictedtoareasthatareviewedas feminine(e.g.,"LadyBird"JohnsonwaswidelyknownforworkonhighwaybeautificationmanyotherFirstLadieshaveconcentratedonissues involvingchildren).However,afewFirstLadieshaveachievedpowerandinfluenceoutsideoftraditionallyfemininespheres,andpublicreactionsto theiractivitiesrevealagreatdealaboutstereotypicalviewsofwomen. Twofirstladieshaveachievednotableinfluenceoutsideoftraditionallyfemininespheres:EleanorRooseveltandHillaryClinton.(Neartheendof WoodrowWilson'spresidency,hehadaseriesofstrokesandhiswifehadasignificantroleinrunningtheWhiteHouse,butthiswaslargelydone behindcloseddoors.)EleanorRooseveltandHillaryClintonareadmiredbyanumberofcommentators,butbothhavealsobeenthetargetofvicious criticism.BothofthesewomenhavebeenreferredtoasthemostadmiredandthemosthatedFirstLadiesinU.S.history. EvolvingviewsofHillaryClintonillustratehowbehaviorthatconflictswithorconformswithsexrolestereotypescaninfluencepublicperceptions.Her involvementinthehealthcaredebateduringthePresident'sfirsttermalarmedmanyconservativesandmanywhoviewedsuchbehavioras inappropriateforwomen,andcriticismoftheFirstLadywasespeciallysevere.Later,duringtheimpeachmentcontroversy,shewaswidelypraisedfor "standingbyherman"andprovidingpublicsupport,evenwhenherhusband'sbehaviorinvolvedwellpublicizedinfidelities.PerceptionsofHillary Clintonweremorenegativewhenshewasbehavinginwaysthatarenotconsistentwiththefemininestereotype(e.g.,takingaleadinhealthcare reform)thanwhenherbehaviorwasconsistentwiththatstereotype(e.g.,providingunconditionalsupporttoherhusband).

schoolagedchildrenareexpectedtobeinthelaborforceinthenextdecade(Silverstein,1991U.S.BureauofLaborStatistics,1987a),andthefigureisevenhigher forwomenwithoutyoungchildren.Givenwomen'sextensiveinvolvementintheworkforce,itissurprisingthatstereotypesofworkingwomenarestillrelatively negativeandarestillbasedontheassumptionthattheworkplaceisnotthenormalenvironmentforwomen.Commonstereotypesofworkingwomenincludeanon jobinvolved,uncommitted,young,singlewomanwhoislookingforahusbandasad,unhealthymiddleagedorolderwomanwhohasgivenuponmenandwill

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beaspinsterandastressedoutcareerwomenuninterestedinmalefemalerelationshipsorhavingchildren.Stereotypesofworkingmothersoftenstresstheconflicts betweenworkandfamily,focusingeitheronthewaysfamilywilldetractfromwork(e.g.,workingmothersareoftenassumedtobelessinvolvedintheirwork,less reliable,etc.)oronthewaysthatworkwilldetractfromfamily(e.g.,workingmothersaresometimesassumedtohavelessinterestinordedicationtotheirchildren). Contrarytothenegativestereotypesmanypeopleholdaboutworkingwomen,thereisevidencethatworkisbeneficialtowomenmuchinthesamewayitisbeneficial tomen.Womenwhoworkoutsidethehomereportbetterphysicalandemotionalhealththandowomenwhoarefulltimehomemakers(Barnett&Baruch,1987we discussgender,stress,andhealthingreaterdetailinchapter12).Thepresenceofchildrenhaspositiveeffectsonworkingmothersincludinglessrestrictedviewsof sexroles(Hoffman,1986).Furthermore,whennegativefindingsarereported,otherfactorssuchasattitudestowardchildrearing,sexroledefinitions,andsocialclass aremoreimportantinexplainingthosefindingsthanwhetheramotherisworkingoutsidethehome(Hoffman,1989). EffectsofGenderStereotypesintheWorkplace Thestereotypeliteraturesuggeststhatourgeneralbeliefsaboutgroupsofpeoplecanaffectourassessmentsofindividualgroupmembers(Biernat,1991).Stereotypes cancontributetosharedmisperceptionsofcoworkers,jobcandidates,performance,andcredentials(Deaux&Major,1987D.L.Hamilton,1979Nieva&Gutek, 1980).Stereotypesnotonlyaffectthedecisionswemakeaboutmenandwomenbutalsoaffectselfperceptions,decisions,andchoicesmadebythosemenand women.Furthermore,genderstereotypescancreateaselffulfillingprophecy,inthesensethatbothmenandwomenmayfeelpressuretobehaveinwaysthat correspondtogenderstereotypes.Thus,stereotypescanaffectbothhowmenandwomenbehaveintheworkplaceandhowtheirbehaviorisperceived. Inchapter7,weexamineinsomedetailtheprocessesthatleadtogenderdiscriminationintheworkplaceandnotetheimportantroleofstereotypesindiscrimination. Here,weprovideabriefoverviewofhowgenderstereotypescaninfluencejudgmentsanddecisionsthataremadeaboutmenandwomen,andthenwediscuss severalwaysthatstereotypescanaffectthebehaviorofmenandwomenintheworkplaceinwaysthatcanlimitwomen'seffectivenessandsuccess.

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InfluenceofStereotypesonEvaluationsofandDecisionsAboutMenandWomen Althoughconsciousbeliefsaboutmenandwomenmaybechanging(McBroom,1987),stereotypesstilloperateasimplicitknowledge(Basow,1986).Wedrawon them,andtheyinfluenceourperceptionsandevaluationsofmenandwomen,Anglo,Black,Hispanic,orAsian.Thereisevidencethatstereotypesinfluenceanumber ofworkrelatedoutcomes. HiringandPromotionDecisions Researchhasrepeatedlydemonstratedthatmenaremorelikelytobehiredforprofessionalandmanagerialpositionsthansimilarlyqualifiedwomen(R.D.Arvey, 1979Cohen&Bunker,1975Powell&Posner,1983Rosen&Jerdee,1974).Forexample,instudiesofhiringdecisionsinacademicsettings,chairpersonsof universitydepartmentsevaluatedfemalejobcandidatesasmoreappropriateforassistantprofessor,arankwithoutjobsecurity,whereasmalecandidateswith identicalcredentialswererankedasmeritingassociateprofessor,ahigherrankwithmorejobsecurityandhighersalary(Fidell,1975Haslett,Gels,&Carter,1992). Ingeneral,womenareperceivedaslesscompetentandsubsequentlyarelesslikelytobepromotedorarepromotedataslowerratethanmenwiththesame qualifications(Nieva&Gutek,1981b).Infact,evenwhenwomenreceivehigherperformanceratingsthanmen,menreceivemorepromotions(Gupta,Jenkins,& Beehr,1983).Thereiscontinuedevidencethatinbusiness,government,andprofessionaloccupations,theproportionofwomenpresentdecreasesastherankor statusoftheoccupationincreases(F.D.Blau&Ferber,1985).Theexclusionofwomenfromhigherstatusjobsiscalled"theglassceiling"(Morrison,White,Van Velsor,andtheCenterforCreativeLeadership,1987),andthereisevidencethatthisglassceilingisatleastinparttheresultofbiasesintheperceptionofmenand womenwithobjectivelysimilarcredentials(Haslettetal.,1992). InterviewsandPerformanceEvaluation Researchinthe1970ssuggestedthatdemographiccharacteristicsofapplicants(e.g.,sexandrace)significantlyinfluencedinterviewoutcomes.Inmorerecentstudies, demographicfactorshaveshownmuchsmallereffects(ifany)onselectioninterviewoutcomes.KacmarandHochwarter(1992)suggestedthatthischangereflects changesinboththecontextsinwhichinterviewsoccurandinthemethodsusedtoconductinterviews.Womenandminoritiesmayencounterlessdiscriminationinthe selectioninterviewduetoanincreaseinracialandgenderdiversityintheworkplace,increasesininterviewertraining,andtheuseofstructuredinterviews.

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Althoughaccessdiscrimination(e.g.,discriminationinhiring)seemstobedeclininginorganizations,genderstereotypesstillaffectevaluationsofmen'sandwomen's performance.Forexample,instudieswheresubjectswereaskedtoevaluatecriticalreadingexercises(P.Goldberg,1968Paludi&Strayer,1985)orpaintings (Pheterson,Kiesler,&Goldberg,1971),productswereevaluatedmorefavorablywhenattributedtoamalethantoafemale.Criticalreadingessayswrittenbymen werejudgedtobemoreimportant,authoritative,andconvincingthanthosewrittenbywomen. Thereisevidencethatthesamejobbehaviorbymenandwomenissometimesevaluateddifferently,inpartbecauseratershavedifferentexpectationsabouthowmen andwomenshouldperformandassumethatmenandwomenarelikelytosucceedfordifferentreasons(Bartol&Butterfield,1976Deaux&Taynor,1973 Dobbins,Stuart,Pence,&Sgro,1985Vaughn&Wittig,1981).Whenamansucceeds,evaluatorsattributeittotheman'sability.Whenhefails,evaluatorsarelikely toattributeittolessstableexternalcauses,suchaslackofeffort,adifficulttask,orevenbadluck(Deaux,1976Deaux&Emswiller,1974Frieze,Fisher,Hanusa, McHugh,&Valle,1978).Thereverseappearstooccurwithwomen.Awoman'ssuccessisattributedbyotherstoexternalfactors(e.g.,shewasjustlucky),whereas herfailuresareattributedtolackofability.Stereotypesleadustoexpectthatwomenfail(duetolackofability)andthatmensucceed(becausetheyarecompetent). Whentheunexpectedoccurs,evaluatorsdiscounttheeventassomethingoddandunlikelytooccuragain.Asaresult,evenwithidenticalperformancecredentials, evaluatorswillhavemorepositiveexpectationsregardingthefutureofmenthanwomen(Cash,Gillen,&Bums,1977).Evenwhensimilarattributionsaremade aboutthecausesformen'sandwomen'ssuccess,menareconsistentlyrankedhigherthanwomen(Pazy,1986). AccesstoResourcesandSupport Accesstoorganizationalresourcesandsupport(e.g.,financialsupporttoattendaprofessionaldevelopmentconference,permissiontofireasubordinate,accessto opportunities,resources,power,andautonomy)iscriticaltocareermobilityandsuccess(Haslettetal.,1992).Thereisevidencethatformalrequestsforsuchsupport aremorelikelytobeapprovedbysuperiorswhentheserequestscomefrommalesubordinatesthanfromfemales(Rosen,Templeton,&Kirchline,1981).Thereis alsoevidenceofsystematicdifferencesinthetypesofinformalsupportreceivedbymenandwomen.Researchonmalefemaleinteractionsintasksperformedby mixedsexgroupsillustratessubtlebutpervasivedifferencesinnonverbalbehaviorthatencourageparticipationbymenanddiscourageparticipationbywomen.

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Mendistancethemselvesfromafemalepartnerbyturningtheirheadsorbodiesawayfromher(Lott,1987),buttheydonotdothesamewithmalepartners.Ina studyonproblemsolvingusingmixsexedgroups,whenamanhadthecorrectanswer(whichsecretlyhadbeenprovidedbytheresearchers),thegroupacceptedand applaudedtheindividual.However,whenawomanofferedthesamecorrectanswer,itwasignoredandrejected(Altemeyer&Jones,1974).Indiscussions generally,womenareinterrupted,overlooked,ignored,ornot"heard"morethanmen(Bunker&Seashore,1975). Ignoringornotsupportingequallythecontributionsofwomenandmeninamixedgroupinvolvesbothfemaleandmalemembers.Bothfemaleandmalemembers showedfewerfacialexpressionsofapprovalandmoreexpressionsofdisapprovalforwomen'scontributionsthanforthesamecontributionsfrommen(Butler&Geis, 1990).Bycontributingtothegroup,thewomanwasviolatingstereotypicalexpectationsofwomen.Evensubtlereinforcers(orchastizers)canbemisinterpretedas indicatingwhetheracontributionisgoodorpoor(V.Brown&Geis,1984)andcaninfluencesubsequentbehaviorandperformanceofwomenandmen. CanNegativePerceptionsofWomenintheWorkforceBeEliminated? Althoughstereotypesappeartohavesubstantialeffects,thereisevidencethattheeffectsofthesestereotypescanbesharplyreduced.Inparticular,peoplearewilling toviewanindividualasanexceptiontothestereotypeaboutthatperson'ssocialgroupwhenindividuatinginformationcontradictsthestereotype(Locksley, Borgida,Brekke,&Hepburn,1980).Individuatinginformationthatisdirectlyrelevanttojobqualificationscanreducesexdiscrimination(Glick,Zion,&Nelson, 1988Heilman,1984).Forexample,womendescribedassuccessfulfemalemanagers(performingeffectively)arenotperceivedintraditionallystereotypicalways (Heilman,Block,Martell,&Simon,1989).Thatis,whenawomanisdepictedasamanager,thecorrespondencebetweendescriptionsofmanagersandwomen increasesthesimilarityincreasesfurtherwhenthewomanisdepictedasasuccessfulmanager(Heilmanetal.,1989).Furthermore,thesewomenaredescribedusing masculineattributestypicallyassociatedwiththemanagerialrole. Althoughtheindividuatinginformationcanaffectdecisions,itdoesnoteliminatesexdiscrimination.Forexample,Glicoetal.(1988)foundthatmaleandfemale applicantswithidenticalresumeswereperceivedtobeequallymasculineandfemininewithrespecttotheirpersonalitytraitsyetwerestillmatchedtojobsaccordingto theirgender.Thissuggeststhatstereotypesaboutoccupationsareunlikelytochangeunlesstheactual

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proportionsofmenandwomeninsextypedjobsarealteredsothateachgroupismoreequallyrepresented(Clicketal.,1988). SelfLimitingEffectsofStereotypingonWomen'sPerformance Genderstereotypesnotonlyinfluenceothers'perceptionsofwomenbutalsoinfluencewomen'sbehavior,ofteninwaysthatlimittheireffectivenessintheworkplace. Forexample,womenconsistentlyspeaklessthanmenandofferfewercontributionsforthetaskinmixedsexgrouptasks(Kimble,Yoshikowa,&Zehr,1981).This genderdifferencecannotbeduetointelligenceorverbalskills(evidenceindicatesthatwomenareasintelligentasmenandhaveequalorbetterverbalskillsMaccoby &Jacklin,1974).Thedifferencemaybedue,inpart,totaskrelatedknowledge.Often,taskgroupdiscussionsutilizetasksorproblemsthattapmoremasculineareas ofknowledgeorexpertise.Whenmorestereotypicalfemininetopicsarediscussed,womenparticipatemorethanmen(Wentworth&Anderson,1984).Asecond potentialexplanationfordifferencesisthatsocialexpectationsbasedongenderstereotypessuggestthatmenshouldbedominantandthatwomenshouldbemore passiveanddeferentialtomen(Haslettetal.,1992).Theseexpectationscaninhibitwomen'scontributionsintwoways.First,theydiscouragewomen,sothatwomen limittheircontributionsandallowmentodominate.Second,theseexpectationsencouragemenandpossiblyotherwomenwithinthegrouptoignorethewoman's contributionandtotreatsuchparticipationasunimportantorunwelcome(Haslettetal.,1992).Evenwhenadominantwomanispairedwithanondominantman,the manusuallybecomestheleader.Oneinterpretationofthisbehavioristhatthewomanisusingherdominancetoensurethatsocialexpectations(formedbygender stereotypes)aremet(Megargee,1969). Womenreportsimilarlevelsofselfesteemasmenwhenrespondingtogeneralquestionsaboutselfworth,buttheyhavelowerconfidenceinsucceedingonspecific tasksandinmaledominatedjobs(J.S.Bridges,1988Erkert,1983Maccoby&Jacklin,1974).Thedifferencesbetweenmenandwomenmaybeduetotheeffects ofthestereotypethatmenaremorecompetentthanwomen(Vollmer,1976).Asmentionedearlier,women'sexplanationsforthecausesoftheirsuccessesand failuresmayreflectsuchstereotypes.Thatis,womenattributetheirownsuccessestoluckoraneasytaskandtheirfailurestoalackofability,whichcouldexplain whyawomanhaslowerselfefficacyinherabilitytosucceedonanewproblemortask(Haslettetal.,1992). Stereotypesabouttheabilities,interests,andbehaviorsappropriatetowomenmayleadwomentobehaveinwaysthatlimittheireffectiveness

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intheworkforce.Asnoted,theymayparticipatelessinmixedsextasksandmayshowlessconfidenceandlowerselfevaluation,evenwhentheirperformanceis objectivelysimilartothatoftheirmalecolleagues.Thehypothesisthatgenderstereotypesmayleadtoselflimitingbehaviorshasbeenexaminedcloselyintheareasof genderandachievementandinresearchontherelationshipbetweengenderandexpectationsregardingrewards. GenderStereotypesandAchievements Althoughfemalesachieveatrelativelyhighlevelsinchildhood,theirultimatelevelsofachievement,especiallyacademicandoccupationalachievement,are considerablylowerthanthoseofmales(Stein&Bailey,1973).Toooften,womenareviewedas"deficit"males,thatis,theyaredescribedintermsoffallingshortin comparisontomales.Ontheotherhand,itmaybethatachievementhasbeenoperationalizedinarestrictivefashion(Offerman&Beil,1992).Themeasuresusedto assessachievementconsistentlyincludestudentgrades,collegemajor,selectionofnontraditionalcourses/careers,orperformanceonindividualshorttermlaboratory tasks.Theintrinsicvalueoftasksfortheindividualisignored.Furthermore,tasksthatrequirelongtermcooperationandteamworkascriticalfeaturesforsuccess havenotbeenexamined.Yetresearchusingalimitedrangeofmeasuresfindsthattheratiooffemaletomaleunderachieversincreaseswithageuntilcollege,whenthe proportionoffemaleunderachieversexceedstheproportionofmaleunderachievers(Raph,Goldberg,&Passow,1966). Historically,achievementmotivationhasbeendefinedasarelativelystabledispositiontostriveforsuccessinanysituationwherestandardsofexcellenceare applicable(McClelandetal.,1953).Theconstructhasreceivedreasonablysoundsupportinstudiesusingmalesbutlesssupportamongfemales(Stein&Bailey, 1973).Achievement,includingsocietalleadershiproles,mayrequirearangeofskillsbroaderthanthetraditionallystudiedachievementoutcomevariables.Asaresult oftheirsocializationortheirexperiences,womenandmenmaydefineachievementindifferentwaysandmayseektoachieveinwaysconsistentwiththeirown conceptionsofsuccess.Suchconceptionsmaynotbethesameastraditionaldefinitions,whichadoptalargelymasculineviewofwhatachievementisorshouldbe (Offerman&Beil,1992Stein&Bailey,1973).Achievementstylesarecharacteristicwaysinwhichindividualsapproachachievementsituations.Thesatisfactions peoplederivefromthesesituationsrelatetosexrolesocializationandsexlinkedoccupationalchoice.Womenaremorelikelytotakeintrinsicpleasureintask accomplishmentsevenifothersdonotrecognizetheaccomplishment,whereasmenaremorelikelytoemphasizesocialcomparisonandpowermastery(Kipnis,1974

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Sutherland&Veroff,1985).Femaleachievementbehaviorsmaybestimulatedbyaffiliationmotivationoraneedforsocialapprovalratherthanachievement motivation(Stein&Bailey,1973).Socialskillsandinterpersonalrelationsareoftenimportantareasofachievementforfemales(V.C.Crandall,1963).Thegoalisto attainastandardofexcellence,buttheareasinwhichattainmentaremostimportantdifferforfemalesandmales.Femalesmaynotbemoresensitivetosocial approvalrather,theymayreceivesocialapprovalforamoresocialpatternofachievementbehaviorthandomales(Veroff,1969). Achievementmotivationisofteninconflictwithmanyofthestereotypicalpersonalitycharacteristicsassociatedwithfemininity,includingnonassertiveness,avoidanceof competition,anddependency.Therearelimitedavenuesawomancanpursuethatarehighlyrewardedandrelativelyfreefromconflictwithfemininestereotypes. However,somewomenappeartodefineachievementrelatedbehaviorasmorefemininethanothers.Whentheydefineachievementasfeminine,womenaremore likelytoexhibitachievementorientedbehaviors(Stein,1971). Competence,Performance,andPayExpectations Malestypicallyhavehigherperformanceexpectationsthandofemales(Levy&Baumgardner,1991).Aseriesofstudiesusingvariousagegroupsshowedthat femaleshadlowerexpectationsofsuccessthanmalesevenwhentheirperformancewassuperior(V.C.Crandall,1969).Onereasonforthelowerfemale performanceexpectationsmaybethegeneralizedsexrolestereotypeinoursocietythatfemalesarelesscompetentthanmales.Womenandgirlsthemselvesmayin partacceptthestereotypethatfemalesarelesscompetent.Expectancymeasuresanindividual'sbeliefofwhatheorshewillbeabletodo.Anindividual's expectationspredictachievementbehaviorandperformanceforadolescentandcollegefemalesaboutaswellasformales(V.C.Crandall,1969).Genderrelated expectationsforperformanceandcompetenceinfluenceselfexpectationsaboutthelikelihoodforsuccess. Inaddition,suchexpectationsinfluenceothers'perceptionsabouttheperformancecompetenceandsuccessofmalesandfemales.Thereisextensiveevidence supportingthenotionthat,regardlessoftask,menaregenerallyperceivedbybothgendersasmorecompetentandthattheperformanceofmenisgenerallysuperior tothatofwomen(Wood,1987).Instudiesofmenandwomenwhowereequallycompetent,menwerejudgedorperceivedtobemorecompetent(Deaux& Taynor,1973Vaughn&Wittig,1981),andmen'sresponsestoproblemswereperceivedasmorelogicalthantheidenticalresponsesbywomen(Taynor&Deaux, 1975).Generally,thisresearchshowsthatgenderstereotypesmayinfluenceperceptionsofthequalityofopinions,projectproposals,academic

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courses,leadership,andhandlingadministrativeresponsibilities(Haslettetal.,1992). Genderstereotypesinfluencenotonlyselfexpectationsregardingperformanceandlikelihoodofsuccessbutalsoexpectationsaboutthelevelsofpayanindividual expects(Jackson,Gardner,&Sullivan,1992).Womenearnonaveragefromapproximately50%to75%ofwhatmenearndepending,inpart,ontheoccupation (NationalCommitteeonPayEquity,1986).Genderdifferencesinselfpayexpectationsmaycontributetothegenderwagegap,inpart,bycausingwomentobe morecontentwithlesspay(Crosby,1982).Acrossawidevarietyofjobsandtasks,womenhavelowerperformanceexpectations,evaluatetheirperformanceless favorably,andattributetheirsuccessmoretoexternalcausessuchasmoreeffort,easytask,orluckthandomen(e.g.,Deaux&Farris,1977R.D.Hansen& O'Leary,1985Nieva&Gutek,1981b). Womenbelievethatlesspayis"fairpay"foravarietyofoccupationsthatvaryinbothprestigeandgendercomposition,andregardlessofthegenderofthetarget employee(L.A.Jackson&Grabski,1988).Womenreportlowerpayexpectationsthanmenincareersforsuchmajorsasagriculture,business,education, engineering,humanecology,andnursing(nodifferenceforsocialscience).Thegendergapisgreatestinthemaledominatedfieldofengineering,wherewomenare expectedtoearnapproximately$35,000lessatcareerpeakthanmen.Infemaledominatedoccupationssuchasnursingandeducation,womenareexpectedtoearn about$20,000lessatcareerpeakthanmen.Furthermore,thesefemalesubjectshavehighergradepointaveragesandstandardizedtestscoresofverbalabilitythan men.Ontheotherhand,menperceivethemselvesashavinggreaterbusinesssophisticationandexpecttoperformbetteronthejobthandothewomenregardlessof theoccupationalfield(L.A.Jackson,Gardner,&Sullivan,1992).Womenexpecttotakemoretimeoutfromtheworkforceforchildbearingthandomen. Furthermore,womenplacegreaterimportanceoninterpersonalandcomfortfactorsonthejobthandomen.Men'shigherselfpayexpectationsmaybeattributable,in part,togreaterselfperceivedbusinesssophistication,whereaswomen'slowerselfpayexpectationsmaybedue,inpart,totheimportanceplacedonjob accommodationsandfamilylife(L.A.Jackson,Gardiner,&Sullivan,1992). Summary Genderstereotypesarewidelysharedbeliefsaboutthecharacteristicsandattributesassociatedwithmenandwomen.Thesebeliefsinfluencenumerousperceptions aboutwhatbehaviortoexpect,theappropriateness

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ofsuchbehavior,andthesanctionsforengaginginbehaviorscontrarytothestereotype.Traitsassociatedwithwomenhavebeencharacterizedasintegrative expressive,reflectinganemotional,nurturingcomponent,whereastraitsassociatedwithmenarecharacterizedasmoreadaptiveinstrumental,reflectinga competencetheme.Thestereotypeofmasculinityinvolvesbothachievementandthesuppressionofaffect.Althoughthereisevidencethatstereotypesofwomenand mendonotdifferintermsofperceivedfavorability,womenmaybemorelimitedinthequantityandrangeofbehaviorstheycanengageinandcontinuetobeviewed asacceptable.Thereismultinationalevidencethatgenderstereotypesareinternationallypervasive.Furthermore,genderstereotypesattimesconflictwithactual behaviorsofmenandwomen.Forexample,thefemalestereotypefeaturescharacteristicssuchasattractive,affectionate,andsexy,butthereisclearevidencethat malesfocusonsexualityinawiderangeofinteractionswithfemales,includingthoseinwhichthefemalehasdonelittletosuggestsexualinterest. GenderstereotypeshistoricallyresultedfromresearchusingWhiteorAnglomaleandfemalecollegeagesubjects.However,genderstereotypesmaydifferincontent orlesseninstrengthwhenwefocusongroupsotherthanWhite,collegeagemenandwomen.Thereisevidencethatraceandagecombinewithgenderstereotypes withvaryingintensity.Forexample,youngWhitewomenaremoststronglystereotypedasfeminine,yetasmenandwomenage,genderstereotypesbecomeless salient.Also,one'sphysicalappearanceisimportantinactivatinggenderstereotypesandsubsequentdecisionsorjudgmentsaboutaperson.Otherresearchprovides additionalsupportthatgenderstereotypesarecomplexandmultifaceted.Withinthegenderstereotype,therearegeneralizedbeliefsaboutgenderandsexuality, power,andtheworkingorcareerwoman. Givenoursocialexpectationsofmenandwomenbasedongenderstereotypes,itisnotsurprisingtoobservesomedifferencesbetweenmenandwomeninnumerous domainsatworkandhome.Forexample,menandwomendifferintheirexpectationsforsuccessonspecifictasks,andtheseexpectationsarerelatedtoachievement motivationonthetask.Thisfindinghasbeeninterpretedasmeaningthatwomenhavelowerexpectationsforsuccessthanmen,andthatiswhytheydonotattempt newtasksorperformaswellasmenonsubsequenttasks.However,anequallyplausibleexplanationisthatwomenfacemorebarriersthanmenonthejob,especially sexdiscrimination,andarelesslikelytobesuccessfuldueinparttobiasedevaluations.Furthermore,womenmaytakethisintoaccountwhenformingtheir expectationsaboutoccupationsthatdonotrequirelengthytrainingprogramsorextensivetimecommitment.Thatis,successexpectationsforawomanmayincludean implicitassessment

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ofthesexismwithinhercurrentenvironmentaswellasanassessmentofherabilitytoperformagiventask.Thereisevidence(fromstudiesconductedinthe1970s andagaininthe1990s)suggestingasmallbutconsistentimpactofgenderstereotypesonworkrelateddecisionsandonmen'sandwomen'sselfperceptionsoftheir behavior,performance,andworth(includingexpectationsforpay). However,theobserveddifferencesmustbeinterpretedwithmuchcaution.Oneconclusiondrawnfromthesedifferencesisthatwomenaredeficientinsomeways comparedtomen.Itiseasytoattributethecauseofsuchdifferencestointernal,skill,personality,orbiologicalexplanations.Therelianceoninternalorpersonbased explanationsinhibitandoftenprecludesthesearchforequallycompellingexternal,situationbasedexplanationsforgenderdifferences(Tavris,1991).Mostbehaviors thatreflectgenderdifferencesarelearnedbehaviors,andbylabelingthemasmasculineandfeminine,scientistsmayreinforcetheassociationofthatbehaviorwith gender(Lott,1981).Itmaybemoreconstructivetothinkaboutsexandgenderintermsofwhatwomenandmenbringtoasituationasindividuals,notintermsofa seriesoftraits(Sagrestano,1991). Glossary Accessdiscrimination:Thebehavioralmanifestationofstereotypesandprejudicialattitudesreferstonegative(sometimespositive)actionstakentowarda particulargrouptolimitmembers'accessintoanorganizationbecauseoftheirmembershipinthatgroup. Achievement:Attainmentofoutstandingresultsinpursuitsofsociallyrecognizedsignificance. Affiliationmotivation:Theneedtoseekandsustainnumerouspersonalfriendships. Adaptiveinstrumental:Maleassociatedtraitsthatcomprisethemalestereotype,includingfrankandstraightforwardinsocialrelations,intellectuallyrationaland competent,andboldandeffectiveindealingwiththeenvironment. Attribution:Processbywhichpeopleseekinformationtoknowandunderstandthecausesbehindothers'behaviors. Expandedgenderstereotypes:Attributesassignedtoeithergenderby60%ofsubjects. Focusedgenderstereotypes:Attributesassignedtoeithergenderby75%ofsubjects. Genderstereotypes(orsexstereotypes):Sociallysharedbeliefsaboutthecharacteristics,traits,skills,orattributesofwomenandmen.

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Individuatinginformation:Informationdescribingoneperson'suniqueskillsandabilitiesthatisnotbasedonthatperson'smembershipinvariousdemographic groups(e.g.,genderorrace). Integrativeexpressive:Femaleassociatedtraitsthatcomprisethefemalestereotypeincludingsocialamentities,emotionalwarmth,andaconcernfornonmaterial matters. Needforsocialapproval:Anindividual'sneedtoreceivepositiveinterpersonalfeedbackforhisorherbehavior. Pathology:Allconditions,processes,orresultsofaparticulardisease. Perceptualbias:Psychologicalprocesswherebyindividualsaremorelikelyperceivewhattheyexpecttosee. Prototype:Theoriginal,model,orpatternfromwhichallotherthingsofthesamekindaremade. Roles:Tasksoractivitiesthatdifferentindividualsareexpectedtoaccomplish. Sexrolestereotypes:Sociallysharedbeliefsabouttheappropriatenessofvariousrolesandactivitiesformenandwomen. Sextraitstereotypes:Thepsychologicalandbehavioralcharacteristicsthatarebelievedtodescribethemajorityofmenandnotthemajorityofwomenandvice versa. Sexualharassment:Unwelcomesexualadvances,requestsforsexualfavors,andotherverbalorphysicalconductofasexualnaturewhen(a)submissiontosuch conductismadeeitherexplicitlyorimplicitlyatermorconditionofanindividual'semployment,(b)submissiontoorrejectionofsuchconductbyanindividualisused asthebasisforemploymentdecisionsaffectingtheindividual,or(c)suchconductsubstantiallyinterfereswithanindividual'sworkperformanceorcreatesan intimidating,hostile,oroffensiveworkingenvironment. Suppressionofaffect:Consciousorunconsciousattemptstosuppressornotdemonstrateorconveyone'semotionstoothers. TypeAbehavior:Behaviorpatterncharacterizedbycompetitiveness,impatience,andatendencytowardfrustrationandhostility.IndividualswhoareTypeA appeardriven,habituallytryingtodobetterthanothers,andtheyareverballyandnonverballyhostileiftheyarepreventedfromreachingagoal.

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4 PhysicalAttractiveness,InterpersonalRelationships,andRomanceatWork
I.GenderandPhysicalAttractiveness A.TheAttractivenessStereotype 1.Pervasiveness 2.Subtleness 3.Socialization II.PhysicalAttractivenessandInterpersonalRelations A.AttractivenessandSocialAcceptance B.Attractiveness,Liking,andLoving C.AttractivenessandSelfPerceptions D.AttractivenessandWorkDecisions III.InterpersonalAttractionintheWorkplace A.AntecedentsofInterpersonalAttraction 1.ProximityandPropinquity 2.RepeatedExposureorFamiliarity 3.AttitudeSimilarity 4.ReciprocityofLiking 5.PhysicalAttractivenessandInterpersonalAttraction B.GenderandFriendships 1.SameSexFriendshipsandMixedSexFriendships 2.FriendshipsatWork 3.PossibleBenefitsandDrawbacksofFriendshipsatWork IV.WorkplaceRomance A.EngaginginSexualBehavioratWork 1.AttitudesTowardWorkplaceRomance 2.OrganizationalCulture 3.JobAutonomy B.BeliefsandExperiencesofWorkplaceRomance C.TypesofOrganizationalRomanceandExperiencesofRomance D.ImpactofWorkplaceRomanceonParticipants,Coworkers,andtheOrganization 1.ParticipantResponses 2.CoworkerReactions 3.ImplicationsfortheOrganization V.Summary

Page68 ''Ilivebyaman'scode,designedtofitaman'sworld,yetatthesametimeIneverforgetthatawoman'sfirstjobistochoosetherightshadeoflipstick." CaroleLombard,Americanactress(19081942) "Whenamangetsuptospeak,peoplelisten,thenlook.Whenawomangetsup,peoplelook,theniftheylikewhattheysee,theylisten." PaulineFrederick,Americannewscorrespondent(19081990) (Women'sWitandWisdom,1991,pp.96and15). "Workisfundamentallyoneofthesexiestthingsthatpeoplecandotogetheranditishightimewestartedtakingadvantageofallthatenergyinsomeconstructiveway." Eyler(1994),citedinFisher(1994)

Physicalattractivenessisoneofthemostvisibleandobvioustraitswepossess.Itconveysinformation,bothaccurateandinaccurate,andplaysatremendousrolein ourinteractionswithothersinourpersonalandworklives(Patzer,1985).Thereisevidencethatourphysicalattractivenessplaysasignificantroleinwhatpeople expectfromus,howpeoplerespondtous,andwhatdecisionsaremadeaboutusbyourselvesandothers."Whatisbeautifulisgood"depictstheattractiveness stereotype. Inthischapterwereviewresearchontheinfluenceofphysicalattractivenessonworkrelatedoutcomesforbothwomenandmenandexplorereasonswhyitmayplay amoresignificantroleforwomenthanmenindevelopingrelationshipsbothinandoutsideofwork.Physicalattractivenessisanimportantfactorininterpersonal attractionbetweenpeople.However,anindividual'sphysicalattractivenessisalsoassociatedwithmanyoutcomesincludingperceptionsofone'ssocialpower,extent towhichoneisliked,extenttowhichoneisassumedtohaveotherpositivetraitsandcharacteristics,andworkdecisions.Variationsintheroleofattractivenessand thedevelopmentoffriendshipsamongwomenandmenmaysetthestageforvariationsandinterpersonalchallengesintheworkplace.Genderdifferencesinfriendship characteristicshaveimplicationsforsamesexmaleandfemalefriendships,crosssexfriendships,andromanticrelationshipsatwork. Thischapterendswithadiscussionofromanceintheworkplace.Dependingonyourperspective,workplaceromancecanbedisruptiveoritcanbethebestthing aboutgoingtowork.However,romanceintheworkplaceoftenhasdifferentimplicationsformalesandfemales,andtheeffectsofromancemaydependonfactors suchasone'slevelintheorganization,organizationalclimates,andthenatureofthework.

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GenderandPhysicalAttractiveness Apersonwhoisphysicallyattractiveislikelytobemorepositivelyperceived,morefavorablyrespondedto,andmoresuccessfulinhisorherpersonaland professionallifethanalessattractiveindividual(Patzer,1985).Furthermore,thereisevidencethatphysicalattractivenessisevenmoreimportantandinfluentialfor womenthanformen. Surprisingly,giventhepervasiveimpactofattractivenessonbothmenandwomen,thereissignificantdisagreementaboutexactlywhatdefinesattractiveness.First, attractivenessisasociallydefinedconstruct,anddifferentsocietiesmayprizedifferentattributes.Second,attractivenessiscomplexlydetermined,andevaluationsof attractivenessarelikelytobeinfluencedbyanumberofphysicalfeatures.Muchofthesocialpsychologicalresearchinthisareahasfocusedonfacialappearance, whichsomeresearchersbelievetobethemostimportantdeterminantofaperson'sphysicalattractiveness(Bridges,1981).Thereisnocompletedefinitionof attractivenesshowever,someaspectsoftheattractivenessstereotypecanbearticulated. TheAttractivenessStereotype Althoughthereissomedisagreementaboutpreciselywhatdefinesattractiveness,thereisremarkableconsistencyindescribingthecharacteristicsthatattractivepeople areassumedtopossess.Thecoreoftheattractivenessstereotypeisthenotionthat"whatisbeautifulisgood"(Dion,Berscheid,&Walster,1972).Moreconcretely, individualsperceivedasphysicallyattractivearethoughttohavemoresociallydesirabletraits,livebetterlives,andhavemoresuccessfulmarriagesandjobsthanthose perceivedaslessattractive(Berscheid&Walster,1972). Inmanyinstances,theeffectsofphysicalattractivenessaresimilarforfemalesandmales(althoughwepresentimportantexceptionstothisstatementinalatersection inthischapter).Forexample,attractivewomenareperceivedasmorefeminineandattractivemenasmoremasculinethantheirlessattractivecounterparts(Gillen, 1981).Forbothmenandwomen,asphysicalattractivenessincreases,sodoperceptionsofsocialdesirability.Attractiveindividualsareviewedasmoreintelligent, sensitive,kind,interesting,sociable,andlikelytoattendcollegethanlessattractivepeople(Clifford&Walster,1973Smits&Cherhoniak,1976Walster,Aaronson, Abrahams,&Rottman,1966).Furthermore,thelessphysicallyattractiveapersonisthelessthepersonisliked(Korabik,1981)andthelessthepersonispreferred asaworking,dating,ormarriagepartner(Blood,1956Brislin&Lewis,1968Huston,1973Stroebe,

Page70 Sidelight4.1PublicandGeneralScientificViewoftheRoleofAttractiveness Althoughthereislittleagreementonthedefinitionofphysicalattractiveness,thereisevidencethatphysicalattractivenessplaysakeyrolein communicationandinteractionwithpeople.However,mostpeopleresistthenotionthattheyareinfluencedbyaperson'sphysicalappearance.Even thegeneralscientificcommunityhasnotexaminedthisissueasmuchasonemightthink(Patzer,1985).Apioneeringresearcheronattractiveness perhapsbestcapturedthesentimentofthescientificcommunityandthepublicaboutthedenialoftheroleofattractivenessinourlives: Inademocracy,weliketofeelthatwithhardworkandagooddealofmotivation,apersoncanaccomplishalmostanything.But,alas,(mostofus believe),hardworkcannotmakeanuglywomanbeautiful.Becauseofthissuspicion,perhapsmostsocialpsychologistsimplicitlywouldpreferto believethatbeautyisindeed,onlyskindeepandavoidtheinvestigationofitssocialimpactforfearthattheymightlearnotherwise.(Aronson,1969, p.160) Theimplicitbeliefthatattractivenessshouldn'thavesuchadecisiveimpactonevaluationofindividualshascontributedtotherelativelyincomplete literatureonthenatureanddeterminantsofphysicalattractiveness.Someaspectsofphysicalattractivenessarewellunderstood(e.g.,inU.S.culture, thinisalmostalwayspreferredtofat),butbasicquestionssuchaswhysomefacialstructuresareviewedasmoreattractivethanothersarestillnot fullyanswered.

Insko,Thompson,&Layton,1971).Attractiveandunattractiveindividualsalsoreceivedifferentialattention,withattractivepersonsreceivingmorepositivelooksand smiles(Kleck&Rubenstein,1975).Ingeneral,socialinteractionsforphysicallyattractivepersonsareoftenpositivewhilethoseforthelessattractiveareoften negative(Patzer,1985). Pervasiveness Physicalattractivenessstereotypesarenotrestrictedtospecificagegroups.Thisstereotypeappearstoholdacrossagesandsituations,rangingfrominfancytolate adulthoodandelderlystages(Dushenko,Perry,Schilling,&Smolarski,1978).However,mostresearchinthisareahasfocusedonyoungadults.Usingyoungparents assubjects,researchershavefoundthatthephysicalattractivenessofchildreninflu

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encestheparents'expectationsinanumberofways.Parentsexpectattractivechildrentobemorepopular,tobemoresuccessfulsocially,andtohavemorepositive attitudes(Adams&LaVoie,1974).Middleagedpersonsareperceivedasmorehonest,asmoresociable,andashavinghigherselfesteemandvocationalstatusasa functionofattractiveness(Adams&Huston,1975).Similarresultshavebeenfoundwithcouplesaged64to86years(J.L.Peterson&Miller,1980).Onereason forthepervasivenessandpoweroftheattractivenessstereotypeisthatalongwithraceandsex,itissoreadilyobservable(Patzer,1985).Itissimplyoneofthefew traitsthatpeoplefirstnotice. Subtleness Peoplevehementlydenytheinfluenceofphysicalattractivenessontheirperceptions,judgments,andbehaviorseveninthefaceofevidencetothecontrary.For example,whencollegestudentswereaskedtolistcharacteristicsdesirableinadate,theyplacedphysicalattractivenessnearthebottom(Hudson&Henze,1969). Yetexperimentalstudiesshowthatchoiceofandattractiontoadatearelargelyafunctionofthedate'sphysicalattractiveness.Infact,attractivenesshasbeenshown tobetheonlypredictoroflikingadate(Walsteretal.,1966).Therefore,theeffectsofphysicalattractivenessmaybesubtle.Evenifattractivenessperseisnotan importantsocialcue,thefactthatattractivenessislinked(atleaststerotypicallylinked)tosomanyothersociallyvaluedattributesensuresthatattractivepeoplewill oftenbepreferredtotheirlessattractivecounterparts. Socialization Discriminationbasedonphysicalattractivenessmaybeaspervasiveasotherformsofdiscriminationincludingsex,race,andreligion(Patzer,1985).Onereasonfor thisassertionisthatmostchildrenaretaughtthatwhatisuglyisbadandwhatisbeautifulisgoodorinnocent.Forexample,inchildren'sstories,thebadwitchis alwaysuglyorgrotesquelyformedroyaltyincludingtheprinceorprincessisinvariablydescribedashandsomeorbeautiful.Childrenasyoungas3yearsoldaremore likelytoselectaphotographofapeerwhoishigherinattractivenessthanonewhoislower(Dion,1977). PhysicalAttractivenessandInterpersonalRelations Therearefourgeneralresearchfindingsconcerningphysicalattractivenessandinterpersonal(andintrapersonal)relations(Patzer,1985).First,greaterphysical attractivenessisassociatedwithgreatersocialacceptance.

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Second,physicallyattractivepeoplearelikedmorethanlessattractivepeople,allotherthingsbeingequal.Third,morephysicallyattractivepeopleareassumedto possessmorepositiveandfavorablecharacteristics.Fourth,highlyattractiveindividualselicitdifferentreactionsfromothersandreceivedifferentresponsesfrom othersthanindividualswhoarelessattractive.Theresearchineachoftheseareasisreviewed. AttractivenessandSocialAcceptance Physicalattractivenessinfluencesexpectationsthatwehaveabouteachother.Physicallyattractivepeopleareratedasmorecuriousversusindifferent,complex versussimple,perceptiveversusinsensitive,happyversussad,activeversuspassive,amiableversusaloof,humorousversusserious,pleasureseekingversusself controlled,outspokenversusreserved,andflexibleversusrigid(A.G.Miller,1970).Also,moreattractiveindividualsareassociatedwithgreaterexcitement, emotionalstability,andactivesocialorientation(Bassili,1981). Fromtheeducationalliteraturethereisstrongevidencethatteachers'expectationsofstudentsvarybythestudents'physicalattractiveness.Themoreattractivethe studentis,thegreatertheperceivedintelligence,parentalinterest,peerrelations,andselfconcept(Clifford,1975).Thiscouldcontributetoaselffulfilling prophecy.Perceptionsofsocialdeviancearealsoinfluencedbyphysicalattractiveness.Amisdeedbyanattractivechildisviewedaslessseriousandmoreshort livedthanthesamemisdeedbyalessattractivechild(Dion,1972,1974).Furthermore,peoplearemorelenientwhenpunishinganattractivechild. Amongadultsoperatingwithinthelegalsystem,themorephysicallyattractiveindividualislesslikelytobejudgedbyothersashavingcommittednegativeorharmful behaviors.Physicallyattractivepeopleareviewedasmorecaring,responsible,andindependentandarealsolesslikelytobeassignedguiltorpunishment.Forboth legalcrimesandsocialoffenses,themorephysicallyattractivearetreatedmoreleniently(Jacobson&Berger,1974)andaregivenlessharshpunishment(Cavoir& Howard,1973Efran,1974Friend&Vinson,1974).Finally,peoplelowinphysicalattractivenessreceivelesssympathyandlesshelpevenwhentheyhaveno controlovertheirpredicament(Shaw,1972).Interestingly,however,fewerpeopleapproachindividualshighinphysicalattractivenesstorequestaidorassistance (Stokes&Bickman,1974).Itappearsthathighlyattractiveindividualsmayalsobesomewhatintimidating"Whatisbeautifulisunapproachable"(Stokes& Bickman,1974,p.292). Attractiveness,Liking,andLoving Physicalattractivenessplaysaroleinthreestagesofromanticattractionincludingthetimepriortoandincludingthefirstmeeting,theperiodof

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dating,andaperiodofcommittedrelationshiplikemarriage(Patzer,1985).Theroleofphysicalattractivenessappearstodeclineasthestagesoftheattractionor friendshipunfold,yetresearchshowsapersistenteffect.Inthestagepriortomeeting,thedesiretobefriendsortodateishigherforindividualswithhigherphysical attractiveness(Black,1974Pellegrini,Hicks,&MeyersWinton,1979).Physicalattractivenessappearstoinfluenceexpectationsandpreferences,which,inturn, influencethedesiretomeetonlycertainindividuals(withinthecontextofromanticrelationships).Duringthedatingstage,physicalattractivenessplaysthemost influentialrole(Berscheid,Dion,Walster,&Walster,1971Byrne,Ervin,&Lamberth,1970Mathes,1975Walsteretal.,1966),whereasduringlaterstages, physicalattractivenessappearstobethesecondmostimportantfactorinthedevelopingrelationship.Timespenttogetheristhefirstmostimportantfactor(R.M. Kramer,1978). Physicalattractivenessisalsoanimportantfactorinnonromanticattraction.Attractivenesseffectsarefoundforbothsamesexandoppositesexfriendships. Physicalattractionisoneofthebestpredictorsofattraction(Korabik,1981Thornton&Linnstaedter,1975,1980).Thepositivelinkbetweennonintimatelikingand physicalattractivenesshasbeendemonstratedinnumeroussettings(Byrneetal.,1970).Physicalattractivenesscontinuestoinfluenceinteractions(althoughitmaynot bethemostimportantfactor)evenaftertheinitialphasesofattractionandafterpeoplehavehadtimetointeractandlearnabouteachother(Byrne&Clore,1970 Kleck,Richardson,&Ronald,1974). Althoughtheinfluenceofattractivenessonlikingispervasive,someindividualsaremoreinfluencedbyattractivenessthanothers.Peoplewhomostlikephysically attractiveotherstendtobemorethrillseeking(Horai,1976)andtendtoplaceimportanceonsexualityandphysicalappearance(Touhey,1979).Thereisevidence thatmenaremoreinfluencedbyattractivenessthanwomenandthatwomenaremoreinfluencedbycharacterdescriptionandattributionsofthetargetpersonthan men(McKelvie&Matthews,1976).Yetwomenaremoreconcernedabouttheirownattractivenessthanaremen(Wagman,1967).Furthermore,menconsiderthe physicalattractivenessoftheirpartnerasmoreimportantthanwomenviewitfortheirpartner(Coombs&Kenkel,1966).Oneinterpretationofthesefindingsisthat womenmaybeawareoftheimportancethatmenplaceonwomen'sattractivenessandrespondbyvaluingitforthemselves. However,intheUnitedStates,menmaybegrowingasconcernedaswomenabouttheirphysicalappearance.Forexample,men'smagazinesthatpromotea "standardofmalebeautyasunforgivingandunrealisticasthefemaleversion..."arebecomingincreasinglypopular(Cottle,1998,p.30).Furthermore,thesaturated women'sfashionandglamourindustriesappeartohavetargetedmen.Althoughresearchevidence

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suggeststhatwomenplacegreaterimportanceontheirphysicalappearancethandomen,thismaybeathingofthepast.Physicalappearanceisincreasinglybeing marketedas"aguything,"andthewayappearancehasbeenpackagedasaguythingistolinkittotherationaleofawisecareermove."Whateveraman'scosmetic shortcomings,it'sapttobeacareerliability,"saysAlanFarnham(citedinFortune,September1996)."Thebusinessworldisprejudicedagainsttheugly." Finally,therationaleusedtojustifytheimportanceofphysicalattractivenessformenandwomenisdividedalongsexstereotypelinesinbusinessrelatedmagazines. Forexample,inanefforttodistinguishbetweenmaleandfemalevanity,Forbesmagazinereported(Dec.1,1996),"Plasticsurgeryismoreofacosmeticthingfor women.Theyhaveathingaboutaging.Formen,it'saninvestmentthatpaysaprettygooddividend."Thisimpliesthatone'sconcernaboutappearanceisseenasa frivolousissueforwomen,butisalegitimateoneformen. AttractivenessandSelfPerception Thelevelofone'sattractivenessaffectsresponsesfromothers,andtheseresponsesmaybeinternalizedandmayinfluencethewayanindividualdevelops(Patzer, 1985).Forexample,thereisevidencethatthemorephysicallyattractiveexhibitgreaterindividuality,adjustbettersocially,andarelesssociallyanxious.Theremaybe aselffulfillingprophecyeffectconcerningattractiveness.Attractivenessismoreimportantinloverelationshipsthanmanypersonalitycharacteristics(Maroldo,1982). Generally,peoplewhoratethemselveslowinphysicalattractivenessalsoreportmoredifficultinterpersonalrelations(Mitchell&Orr,1976).Peoplewithgreater attractivenessreceivegreateracceptancebyothersandaremorepopular(Dion&Berscheid,1974Klecketal.,1974). AttractivenessandWorkDecisions Thepositiveexpectationsassociatedwithphysicalattractivenessgeneralizebeyondinterpersonalrelationshipssuchasdatingandmarriageintotheworksetting. Perceptionsofattractivenesshaveamoderateeffectonperceptionsoftheperson'sintellectualcompetence(Eagly,Ashmore,Makhijani,&Longo,1991Feingold, 1990).Thelinkbetweenattractivenessandperceptionsofintelligenceappearstobesimilarforbothmenandwomen.However,attractivenessappearstohavea strongereffectforwomenthanformenonperceptionsofjobperformance(atleastwhenmenaretheevaluatorsR.Anderson&Nida,1978Kaplan,1978K.E. Lewis&Bierly,1990).Applicantsandemployeeswithhigherphysicalattractivenessareexpectedtodobetterwork.Oncecompleted,theirworkisevaluatedmore positivelythanidenticalworkbylessattractiveindividu

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als.Inonestudy,highlyattractiveauthorswereevaluatedashavingbetterideas,demonstratingbetterstyle,beingmorecreative,andgenerallyproducinghigherquality work(Landy&Sigall,1974). Intheinterviewingsetting,ifaninterviewerbelievesthatphysicalattractivenessisanimportantjobattribute,thenbeingattractiveisanadvantage(Beehr&Gilmore, 1982).Thereisextensiveresearchevidencethatattractivenesspositivelyinfluencesentrylevelemploymentdecisions(Cashetal.,1977Dipboye,Arvey,&Terpstra, 1977Dipboye,Fromkin,&Wiback,1975Heilman&Saruwatari,1979L.Jackson,1983Riggio&Throckmorton,1988Snyder,Berscheid,&Matwychuk, 1988).Otherresearchhasshownfewsignificanteffects(Boor,Wartman,&Reuben,1983Caballero&Pride,1984). Althoughthereissomeevidencetothecontrary(seeL.Jackson,1983),physicalattractivenessappearstointeractwiththesextypeofthejobtoinfluencework evaluations(Cashetal.,1977).Physicalattractivenessisapositivefeatureforwomenwhenapplyingtolowerlevelpositions(e.g.,clerical)butnotforhigherlevel positions(e.g.,management),whereasphysicalattractivenessisadvantageousformeninawiderrangeofpositions.Theseadvantagesanddisadvantagesaresimilar forsuchworkdecisionsasevaluationsofapplicantqualifications,hiringrecommendations,startingsalary,andrankingsofhiringpreferences(Dipboyeetal.,1977 Marvelle&Green,1980). Attractivenessmaybeespeciallyadvantageouswhenthepositionisstereotypicallyappropriateforgender(e.g.,maleforcarsalesposition,femaleforoffice receptionistCashetal.,1977).Innontraditionaloccupations,attractivenessmaynotbesuchanasset.Forexample,physicalattractivenessisassociatedwithmore favorableoutcomes(e.g.,performanceevaluations,salary)formeninprofessionaljobs(J.Ross&Ferris,1981),butforprofessionalwomen,attractivenesscanbea liability.Biasesagainstwomenworkinginprofessionaljobsappeartobeenhancedbyphysicalattractivenessmaleassociatesmaypatronizeorbesexuallyattracted tothemfemaleassociatesmayrespondtothemwithjealousyandcontempt(AnckerJohnson,1975Kaslow&Schwartz,1978"WomanasBosses,"1983). Physicallyattractivewomenmayhaveadouble"handicap"theirgenderandtheirattractiveness.Theymayhavetodoubletheireffortstodemonstratetheir commitmentandcompetenceintheworksetting,especiallyintraditionallymasculineandhighstatusoccupations. Inasurveyofsuccessfulwomeninbusiness,media,andacademia,physicalattractivenessingeneralwasperceivedasapositivequalityforinitialinteractionsandinitial accesstojobopportunitiesandwasthereasongivenbyorganizationsforselectingthewomenforhighvisibilitypositions(Kaslow&Schwartz,1978).Yet,onceon thejob,womenreportedproblemswithotherwomenwhowerelessattractiveaswellas

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withmaleswhoresentedthewomen'sachievementsorweresexuallyattractedtothem.Somewomencomplainedthattheywerelookeduponasadateratherthanas aseriouscolleague,orthatthemen"lookedatmeratherthanmyproduct"(p.413).Attractivewomenfeltexcludedfromhighleveldecisionmakingduetomale paternalisticandprotectiveattitudes.Thesewomenbelievedthattheirfriendlinesswasoftenmisinterpretedandthatsomemendesiredasexualrelationshipratherthan aprofessionalone. Atwork,physicalattractivenessisusuallyanadvantageforwomenandmen,butforwomen,therearelimitstothesepositiveconsequences.Attractivenessismost beneficialforwomenworkingintraditionalfeminineareasorjustenteringanorganization.However,whenwomenentermoretraditionallymasculinework,physical attractivenesscanbealiability(Spencer&Taylor,1988).Oneinterpretationofthesefindingsisthatbecausewomenwhoarephysicallyattractivearealsoperceived asmorefeminine(Heilman&Stopeck,1985),thenegativefemalestereotypeofbeinglessintelligentorcompetentmaybeactivatedorsalient.Especiallyinmasculine occupationswherecompetenceisofgreatperceivedimportance,attractivewomenmayfacediscrimination. InterpersonalAttractionintheWorkplace Physicalappearanceisonefactorthatinfluencesaperson'sinterpersonalattraction.Justwhatisinterpersonalattraction?Attractiontendstorefertoaperson's initialresponsestoastrangerratherthantolongtermrelationships(Bryne,1971).Occasionally,however,itrefersto"liking."Generally,interpersonalattraction coversanyinstanceofpersonalrelationshipswithpositiveovertones(Berscheid&Walster,1969Huston,1974).Workplaceromance,ontheotherhand,is definedasanyrelationshipbetweentwomembersofthesameorganizationthatentailsmutualsexualattraction(Dillard&Witteman,1985L.A.Mainiero,1986 Powell,1993).Althoughinterpersonalattractionoftenrefersto"liking,"workplaceromanceofteninvolveslovingfeelings.However,interpersonalattractiondoesnot necessarilyhavesexualconnotations,nordoesitnecessarilyleadtoromance.Rather,interpersonalattractionisabasisforawidearrayofpositiveinterpersonal interactionsatwork,includingworkplacefriendships. AntecedentsofInterpersonalAttraction Thefactorsthatpredictwhetherwewilllikesomeonecanbedistinguishedfromthosefactorsthatpredictloving(Rubin,1973Sternberg,1988).

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Althoughlikingandlovingcanbedistinguishedfromeachother,whenindividualslikeeachother,thiscanleadtomoreintenseromanticfeelings(Hendrick& Hendrick,1983Pierce,Byrne,&Aguinis,1996).Thefactorsthatarelinkedtointerpersonalattractionincludinglikingandescribedasfollows. ProximityorPropinquity Proximityprovidestheopportunityforfriendshipstodevelop.Itisthedegreetowhichpeoplearegeographicallyclosetooneanother,anditplaysalargerolein determiningwhowelike(Byrne&Neuman,1992).Inorganizations,individualswhoworkneareachotheraremorelikelytointeractwitheachotherandhavemore opportunitytobecomeattractedtoeachother(Quinn&Judge,1978).Peoplearemorelikelytoinitiaterelationshipsatworkbothwhenthereisphysicalproximity (theactualphysicaldistancebetweentwoindividuals)andwhenthenisfunctionalproximity(howeasyitisfortwoindividualstointeract).Whencoworkersare requiredtospendmanyhourstogetheronthejob,propinquityisespeciallyinfluential(Mainiero,1986). RepeatedExposureorFamiliarity Repeatedexposuretoapersonorastimulusincreasesthepositivityofitsevaluation(R.Crandall,1972Zajonc,1968).Thisphenomenonhasbeencalledthemere exposureeffect.Employeeswhoworktogetherandhaverepeatedcontactcanbecomeattractedtoeachother.Contrarytotheexpression"familiaritybreeds contempt,"researchevidenceindicatesthatthemorepeopleareexposedtosomething,themorelikelytheyantolikeit(Bornstein,1989).Onereasonforthe familiarityormereexposureeffectintheworkplaceisthatitbuildsmutualtrustandrespectbetweenemployees,whichmayenhanceinterpersonalattraction(E.G.C. Collins,1983). Socialcontactandrepeatedexposureoutsideoftheworkplacecanalsoenhancethelikelihoodofinterpersonalattractionandaromanticrelationship.Suchactivities astravelingwithanoppositesexpartnerorattendingcorporatecocktailpartiesandconventionscanrelaxsocialbarriers(Mainiero,1989Spruell,1985).Although socialpsychologistsanstillnotcertainwhatistheunderlyingcauseofthemereexposureeffect,itappearsclearthatrepeatedexposurecanenhanceinterpersonal attraction. AttitudeSimilarity Withfewexceptions,peoplelikeotherpeoplewhoaresimilartothemselves(Feldman1998).Similaritycancontributetointerpersonalattractionregardlessof whetherwearereferringtosimilarityinattitudes,values,orpersonalitytraits.Theclearestexampleofthesimilarityattractionrelationshipinvolvesattitudeandvalue similarity.Despiteafewinconsistenciesintheliterature(Rosenbaum,1986a,1986bSunnafrank,1992),thereissubstantialevidencethatthegreaterproportion

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ofsimilarattitudessharedbetweentwopeople,thegreaterthelikelihoodthatthetwoindividualswilllikeeachother(Byrne,1992Byrne,Clore,&Smeaton,1986). Personnelselectioninanorganizationhasbeendescribedasaprocessbywhichemployeesareattractedtoandselectedbasedontheirfitwithinthecultureofthe organization(B.Schneider,1987).Therefore,theselectionprocessresultsinemployeeswhoexpresssimilarattitudesandvalues(Pierceetal.,1996).The organizationcanbethoughtofasalargegroupofpotentialromanticpartnersbasedontheirsimilarityofattitudes(Mainiero,1989).Whenwemakenew acquaintances,weassesshowsimilarordissimilartheyaretous(Byrneetal.,1986).Iftheyaretoodissimilar,weavoidthem.Iftheypassourinitialassessment,we takeattitudesimilarityintoaccount,likingbestthosewhoaremostsimilar(Feldman,1998). ReciprocityofLiking Whenwelearnthatanotherpersonlikesus,whetheritisdemonstratedthroughnonverbalbehaviorordeedsorspokendirectly,wetendtolikethatpersoninreturn (Feldman,1998).Reciprocityoflikingmeansthatyoulikethosewholikeyou.Furthermore,whenyoulikesomeone,youtendtobelievethatpersonlikesyouin return(Condon&Crano,1988).However,thereisoneexceptiontothereciprocityoflikingrule.Whenpeoplesuspectthatothersaresayingpositivethingsto ingratiatethemselves,interpersonalattractionisnotlikelytoresult.Ingratiationisadeliberateattempttomakeafavorableimpressionoftenbyflatteringanother person(Jones&Pittman,1982). PhysicalAttractivenessandInterpersonalAttraction Onecommonalityamongtheantecedentsofinterpersonalattractionisthateachincreasesthelikelihoodthatanotherpersonwillbenoticed.Besidesone'ssex,a person'slevelofphysicalattractivenessisoneofthefirstcharacteristicsothersnoticeabouttheindividual.Aswenotedearlier,individualswhoareattractivearemore likelytobenoticedbyothers,tohavealargercircleoffriends,andtohavehigherratingsoflikability.Mentendtoplacemoreemphasisonphysicalattractivenessthan dowomenthephysicalattractivenessofthefemalepartnerisamoreimportantdeterminantofinterpersonalattractionthanthephysicalattractivenessofthemale. However,femalestendtoplacemoreemphasisonspecificphysicalcharacteristics(e.g.,statureorheight)thandomales(Feingold,1990Pierce,1994). GenderandFriendships Theessentialdifferencebetweenmaleandfemalesamesexfriendshipscanbedescribedinthefollowingway:femalefriendshipsare''faceto

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face,"whereasmalefriendshipsare"sidebyside"(Winstead,1986P.H.Wright,1982).Thischaracterizationofmaleandfemalesameandmixedsexfriendshipsis playedoutinthetypesofnonsexualrelationshipsmenandwomenformbothinandoutsidework.Implicationsforfriendshipsformedandmaintainedatworkinvolving menandwomenarediscussedsubsequently. SameSexFriendshipsandMixedSexFriendships Verbalcommunicationisacentralactivityandfeatureofwomen'ssamesexfriendships.Friendshipsamongwomenaremoreintimateandselfdisclosingthanmale friendships.Womenaremorelikelytostudytogetherandtalkaboutfriends,family,andpersonalproblems,whereasmenaremorelikelytowatchmoviesorplay sportstogether.Womenconversemorefrequentlyandingreaterdepthaboutissuesinvolvingthemselvesandtheircloserelationships,whereasmentalkmoreabout activityorientedtopics(F.L.Johnson&Aries,1983).Men,ontheotherhand,prefertodothingstogether(i.e.,activitiesotherthantalking).Theywillshareactivities, likesports,inwhichtheirattentionisfocusedonathirdpartybutnotononeanother. Consistentwiththis,factorsmostcentraltofemalefriendshipsincludemutualhelpingandsupport,whereasmalesemphasizesimilarinterestsandsharedexperiences (Weiss&Lowenthal,1975).Similarityinvaluesisanimportantantecedenttofriendshipsforwomen,butmenaremoreconcernedaboutsimilarityininterests(Hill& Stull,1981).Ingeneral,womenappeartohavemoreindepthfriendshipswhereasmenhavefriendshipsthatreflectlessintimacyandmoreactivities. Maleandfemaledifferencesinfriendshipsbeginasearlyasage3or4.Atthistime,girlsandboysbegintoshowapreferenceforsamesexfriends(Rubin,1980). Genderdifferencesemergeregardingthenumberoffriendsorplaymates,withgirlspreferringonetotwootherfriendsandboysplayingingroups.Thispatterniswell establishedbykindergartenandamongelementaryschoolagechildren(Eder&Hallinan,1978).Furthermore,themostsociallysuccessfulboyshavethemost extensivepeerrelationships(i.e.,greaternumbersofrelationships),whereasthemostsuccessfulgirlshavethemostintensivepeerrelationships,playingwithonegirl. Boys'playalsotendstobemorestructuredandcomplex,ofteninvolvingcompetition(Lever,1978).Girlsarelikelytotaketurnsplayinggameswherethereislittle rolehierarchyandlittlecompetition.Boysalsopreferoutcomesthatareequitablebutnotnecessarilyequal,whereasgirlspreferanequaldistributionofrewards. Equitablerewardsaremoreassociatedwithgroupsorteamsbasedonindividualcontribution. Generally,girlsknowmorefactualinformationabouttheirbestfriends(McAdams&Losoff,1984)andshowhigherratingsofattachment,giving

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andsharing,andtrustandloyalty(Sharabany,Gershoni,&Hoffman,1981).Thereissomeindicationthatpowermotivesmorestereotypicallyassociatedwithmales mayinhibitonetoonerelationships(McAdams,1982). FriendshipsatWork Atwork,individualshaveavarietyofchoicesinthetypesofrelationshipsthattheycanestablishwithcoworkers.Theserangefromworkingontaskswithno communicationtoformingintimaterelationships(G.A.Fine,1986).However,mostrelationshipsatworkfallinbetweentheseextremesandincludefriendlyrelations. Manytimesthesefriendlyrelationsbeginatworkanddevelopintoclosefriendships(Kurth,1970),andtheorganizationalculturemaysometimesrequirefriendly relations.Friendlyrelationscanfacilitatecooperation.Also,thecontentofworkcanfacilitatefriendshipdevelopmentespeciallyiftheworkissociallysituated,where therearetimesofintenseactivitywhenonemusthelpothersandothertimeswhenpeoplecanleisurelychat.Furthermore,professionaloccupationsinvolvemorejob autonomy,allowinggreaterchoiceinopportunitiestointeractwithothers. Althoughfriendshipscandevelopamongpersonsatdifferentlevelsofanorganizationalhierarchy,itiseasiertodevelopfriendshipsamongindividualsatequalstatus levels(G.A.Fine,1986).Friendshipsaregiveandtakerelationships,andindividualswithrelativelysimilarresourcesfinditeasiertoestablishrelationshipsof exchange(Schutte&Light,1978).Peoplewithhighlydisparateresourcesmustovercomebarrierscausedbyunequalexchangerelations.Highstatuspeoplemay basetheirfriendshipsmoreonstatuscharacteristicsofothers,whereasthoseinlowerstatuspositionsmayselectfriendsbasedmoreonproximity(theymaybeless occupationallymobileSchutte&Light,1978).Someexpertssuggestthatexecutivesarecharacterizedbytheirstrategicuseoffriends.Executivesrecognizethat whomtheybefriendinfluenceshowtheyareperceivedbyothers(Goffman,1959).Whenanindividualispromoted,especiallywithachangeinstatus,thatperson's socialnetworksoftenchange.Oldacquaintancestendtobedropped,andpatternsoffriendshipschange.Occupationalmobilityprovokesadilemmawith interpersonalrelationswhenindividualsarepromoted,theyareoutoftunewithformerfriendsandnotyetacceptedbynewones(P.Blau,1956). Threepeerfriendshiptypeshavebeenidentifiedthatdifferinlevelofcloseness:theinformationpeer(lowestlevel),thecollegialpeer,andthespecialpeer(highest levelKram&Isabella,1985).Theinformationpeerlevelreflectslowlevelsofselfdisclosureandtrust,littleemotionalsupport,andlittlepersonalfeedback.It appearstobethemostfrequenttypeoforganizationalrelationshipandservesasasourceofinformation

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abouttheorganizationandworkortaskconcerns.Thecollegialpeerlevelreflectsmoderatelevelsoftrustandselfdisclosure(Fritz,1997).Thecollegialpeerexhibits informationsharingandemotionalsupport,feedback,andconfirmation.Forexample,topicsofwidercontentarediscussed,includingworkandfamily.Thefunctions ofthecollegialpeerincludecareerstrategizing,jobrelatedfeedback,friendship,someinformationsharing,especiallyaboutcareeroptionsandstrategy,andemotional support.Finally,thespecialpeeristhemostintimateformofpeerrelationshipfoundinorganizations.Itischaracterizedbyhighlevelsofselfdisclosureandself expressionandoffersintimacyaswellasstabilityandcontinuity.Additionally,thistypeoffriendshiptakeslongertodevelopandisrelativelyrare(Kram&Isabella, 1985). PossibleBenefitsandDrawbacksofFriendshipsatWork Friendshipsarehighlyvaluedrelationships.Asourdiscussionsuggests,therearemanykindsofinterpersonalattractionsandfriendshipsthatmayormaynotleadtoa romanticrelationshipatwork.Therearebothbenefitsandlimitationstofriendshipswithinanorganizationalcontext.First,intermsofbenefits,friendshipsamong employeescanprovidesocialsupport,whichisanimportantbufferfromstressandstressrelatedillness.Furthermore,friendshipsuchastheonesdiscussed previously(Kram&Isabella,1985)candevelopintovaluablementoringrelationships(thereversecanoccuraswell,withformalmentoringrelationshipsdeveloping intofriendships).Thereisalsosomeevidencethatsuchrelationshipscanbolsterworkattitudesandperformances,especiallythoseoftheparticipants.Finally,formal orinformalrelationshipscanbepositivefortheorganizationbycreatingamoreopenandpositiveorganizationalculturewithmanagersandemployeeswhoarehelpful andsupportive(Fisher,1994Lobel,Quinn,St.Clair,&Warfield,1994). Ontheotherhand,therearesomedangersassociatedwithfriendships,bothnonsexualandsexual,fortheparticipants,coworkers,andtheorganization.These negativeconsequencescanincludegossipandjealousyamongcoworkers.Especiallywithmanageremployeefriendships,thereareperceptionsthatformal performanceevaluationswillbebiased.Coworkersmayresentthefriendshipevenwhenitisplatonicandmayperceivesexualintimacyevenwhenthereisnone (Lobeletal.,1994).Finally,theorganizationmaysufferlawsuits,especiallyiftherearemanagersubordinaterelationships.Coworkersmayperceivethatsexualfavors arebeingexchangedforcareeradvancementsandmayresentthespecialprivilegesthatapparentlycomefromacloserelationship(Lobeletal.,1994).Therefore, organizationsmustexercisebalancedjudgmentwhendevelopingpoliciesabouttherangeofappropriatebehaviorsatwork.

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WorkplaceRomance "Theofficehasbecomethedatingserviceofthe'90s,"saysLisaMainiero,authorofthe1989bookOfficeRomance:Love,PowerandSexintheWorkplace (Alderman,1995). Withincreasingnumbersofwomenintheworkforce,thereisincreasedfrequencyofintimatecontactbetweenmaleandfemaleemployees(Dillard,1987).Indeed, over80%ofemployeesintheUnitedStatesreportsomesocialorsexualexperiencesonthejobincludingfun,mutuallydesiredrelationshipswiththeircoworkers (Gutek1985),whereasnearly75%ofindividualsindicatethattheyeitherobservedorparticipatedinaromanticrelationshipatwork(Dillard&Witteman,1985). Giventhegreaternumbersofwomenandmeninteractingcloselyandoveranextendedperiodoftime,undersometimesstimulatingandoftenstressfulwork circumstances,itisnotsurprisingthatinterpersonalattractionbetweenwomenandmenoccursintheworkplace.Furthermore,sexualinterestinacoworkermaynot alwaysbeunwelcome(Powell,1993).However,romanceintheworkplaceissometimesfrownedupon.MargaretMeadarguedthattaboosagainstsexual involvementsatworkarenecessaryinorderformenandwomentoworktogethereffectively(Mead,1980).Itoftenhappensthatbothindividualsinsuch relationshipssufferintermsofcareerprospects,orthatthemore"valuableperson"surviveswhiletheotherpartnersuffers(E.G.C.Collins,1983).Othershaveargued thatpeopledonotneedprotectionfromsexualorromanticrelationshipsatworksbutratherneedmutualrespectforthefreedomofothers,includingthefreedomto participateinanorganizationalromance(Powell,1993).Theseviewssuggestthattherearepossiblybothpositiveandnegativeeffectsofromanticrelationshipsonthe participants,theircoworkers,andtheorganization.Ourdiscussionofworkplaceromanceexaminestheimpactofsuchbehavioronparticipants,coworkers,and organizations. EngaginginSexualBehavioratWork Wehavediscussedthefactorsthatleadtointerpersonalattractionintheworkplaceand,byextension,toromanticattraction.However,bothinterpersonalattraction andromanticattractionareattitudesthattwopeoplehavetowardeachother,notactualbehavior.Employeeswhoareattractedtoeachothermustdecidewhether theywillinitiateaclose,romanticrelationshipintheworkplace(Pierceetal.,1996).Threefactorshavebeensuggestedthatleadtwoemployeeswhoareattractedto eachothertoengageinaworkplaceromance:attitudestowardworkplaceromance,organizationalculture,andjobautonomy.

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AttitudesTowardWorkplaceRomance Thebeliefsthatmanagersandsubordinateshaveregardingworkplaceromancescanimpacttheoccurrenceofsuchbehavior(Spelman,Crary,Kram,&Clawson, 1986).Topmanagementattitudescaninfluencesubordinates'attitudesaboutromanticrelationships(Horn&Horn,1982),andtheseattitudescanaffecthow individualsmanagetheirfeelingsaboutattraction(Crary,1987).Thereisevidencethatindividualswhobelieveflirtingatworkisacceptablealsohavepositiveattitudes towardworkplaceromances(HaavioMannila,KauppinenToropainen,&Kandolin,1988).However,moreresearchisneededtoexaminetheinfluenceofattitudes towardromanceintheworkplace. OrganizationalCulture Organizationalculturehasbeendefinedasthe"personality"ofanorganization(Hatch,1993E.H.Schein,1990,1991)andasaninvisibleforcethatguides employeebehavior(Westhoff,1985).Theorganization'scultureconveystoemployeestheattitudes,values,beliefs,norms,andstandardsthatdevelopregardingthose whoworkintheorganization(Mainiero,1989Spelmanetal.,1986Westhoff,1985).Organizationalcultureisbelievedtoinfluenceworkplaceromancebecauseit conveystoemployeeswhatisandisnotappropriatebehavior.Thereissomeevidencethatslowpaced,conventional,traditional,conservativeculturestypically discourageworkplaceromances.Ontheotherhand,fastpaced,actionoriented,dynamic,liberalculturesthatincludeaclimateofintensepressureandactivitythat stimulatessexualexcitement(Pietropinto,1986Quinn&Judge,1978)tendtoacceptsuchbehavior.Forexample,MicrosoftCEOBillGatescourtedandmarried marketingexecutiveMelindaFrench.Whenthereisatenseworkenvironmentwith18hourdaysandyoupracticallyliveatwork,relationshipsareboundtooccur.In manyrespects,theGatesFrenchrelationshipmaybetypicalofthe90s(Fisher,1994). JobAutonomy Jobautonomyinthecontextofworkplaceromancehasbeendefinedastheabilitytomake"decisionsaboutone'sownwork"andthe"freedomtomoveinthework environmentandtomakecontactswithcoworkers"(HaavioMannilaetal.,1988,p.126).Inautonomousjobs,employeesmayfinditeasiertoinitiateromantic behaviorwithothercoworkers.Theautonomousjobmayallowemployeestohavemorefrequentonetooneinteractionswithoppositesexmembersofthework group.Forexample,researchersfoundthat40%ofwomeninautonomousjobshadbeeninvolvedinaworkplaceromance,whereasonly25%ofwomenwithless autonomousjobshadbeeninvolvedinthesametypeofromanticaffair(HaavioMannilaetal.,1988).Althoughhighjobautonomyispositivelyassociatedwith involvementinaromantic

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relationship,especiallyformen,moreresearchisneededtounderstandthisrelationship. BeliefsandExperiencesofWorkplaceRomance InasurveyofundergraduateandeveningMBAstudents,sexualintimacyandworkwereperceivedtohaveanuneasycoexistence(Powell,1986).Participants believedthatsexualrelationsinterferewithcommunicationsbutalsothatsexualintimacymakesforamoreharmoniousworkenvironment.Althougharelationshipthat leadstomarriagewasregardedinthissurveymorepositively,therewasageneralbeliefthatsuchrelationshipsleadtofewbenefits(Powell,1986).Respondents believedstronglythatmanagementshouldtrytodiscouragesexualpropositionstowardcoworkersandshouldactuallyreprimandsupervisorswhopropositiontheir subordinates.Althoughtherewastoleranceforsomeattemptstosatisfyneedsforintimacy,flirtingwithone'ssupervisormetwithmoredisapprovalthanhavingasa coworkerasasexualpartner.Overall,respondentsagreedthatsomeformsofsexualintimacyareacceptableintheworkplaceaslongastheyarenotextremeand havenonegativeeffectsonproductivity.However,therewereconsiderabledifferencesinbeliefsamongmenandwomen.Womenheldmorenegativeperceptionsof workplaceromance.Womenperceivedlessbenefitorvalueinsexualintimacyintheworkplace,desiredmoremanagerialactiontodiscouragesexuallyoriented behavior,regardedsexuallyorientedbehaviorbyothersaslessacceptable,andwerelessinclinedthanmentogetinvolvedinorganizationalromance(Powell,1986). Thesemorenegativereactionsbywomenarenotsurprising,becausewomenarealsomorelikelytoevaluatesexualbehavioratworkasharassment.(Perceptions andreactionstosexualharassmentarediscussedmoreinchap.8.)Furthermore,giventheirrelativelylowerstatusandpoweratwork,womenaremorelikelyto suffernegativeconsequencesoncesexualliaisonsbecomepublicknowledge. TypesofOrganizationalRomanceandExperiencesofRomance Thebeliefsthatwomenandmenholdaboutromanticrelationshipsatworkmaydependinpartontheprecisenatureoftheromance.Threetypesoforganizational romanceshavebeenidentified(Quinn&Lees,1984):truelove,thefling,andtheutilitarianrelationship.Trueloveinvolvestwopeoplewhohaveasincere,long terminterestineachotherandusuallyleadstomarriage.Thistypeofworkplacerelationshipyields

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thefewestobjectionsfromcoworkers,especiallywhenitoccursbetweenpeers.Theflinginvolvestwoparticipantswhobecomeveryexcitedandinvolved,butthe relationshipendsquickly(Powell,1993).Althoughaflingresultsinlessapprovalfromcoworkersthantruelove,itreceivesmoreapprovalthantheutilitarian relationship.Thisthirdtypeoforganizationalromanceinvolvessometradeoffbetweensexualadventureandegosatisfactionforoneemployeeandjoborcareer advancementfortheother.Thistradeoff,whichisnotbasedonjobrelatedskillsorperformance,violatescoworkers'senseofequityintheworkplaceandresultsin themostnegativereactions. Howarethesetypesofromancesplayedoutinorganizations?Mostorganizationalromancesarebetweenhigherstatusmenandlowerstatuswomen.Inasurveyof whitecollarworkers,62%ofromancesinvolvedamaninahigherposition,30%involvedmenandwomenatthesamelevel,andonly8%involvedawomanina higherposition(perhapsbecausetherearemoremeninmanagementpositions,especiallyatupperlevels).Alargemajorityoftheseromancesinvolvemenandwomen atdifferentorganizationallevels,involvingpowerdifferentialsandissuesofdependency.Themorepowerfulemployeeintherelationshipistheonewhoisgivingmore thanheorsheisgettingandislessdependentontherelationship.Threekindsofdependencymaycharacterizeromanticrelationshipsatwork(Powell,1993):task dependency,careerdependency,andromanticdependency.Taskdependencyexistswhenaworkerdependsonanothertoperformhisorherfunction effectively,whereascareerdependencyinvolvesindividualswhodesireadvancementinorganizationsthatdependontheconsentofanother.Innonromantic relationships,thesetwodependenciesoperateinusualmanagersubordinaterelations.Employeesworkhardtoaccomplishworkactivities(andtherebysatisfytheir managers'taskdependency)fortherewardofcareeradvancement(forwhichtheemployeedependsonthemanager).Whenanorganizationalromanceoccurs,the relationshipbetweenthemanagerandsubordinateiscomplicatedbyaromanticdependency.Romancedependencycanthreatenthebalancebetweentaskandcareer dependency,whichcantriggernegativereactionsfrompeers.Furthermore,whenthereisanimbalanceofpowerinaromanticrelationship,thereispotentialfor exploitationofwhoeverismoredependentontherelationship.Thehigherlevelemployeecanusetherelationshiptoforcethelowerlevelemployeetoincrease performanceorengageintasksnotnormallypartofthejob.Ontheotherhand,lowerlevelemployeescanpressurethehigherlevelparticipantforfavorable assignments.Regardless,whenthesetypesofrelationshipsoccuratwork,theythreatenthecareersandselfimageofemployeesandthemoraleandproductivityof coworkers(Powell,1993).

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Utilitarianromancesarethemostdisruptiveforcoworkers.Coworkermoraleandorganizationaleffectivenesscanbeadverselyaffectedwhenrewardsare intentionallygrantedonthebasisofpersonalrelationshipsandnotjobrelatedskills.Althoughflingscanbedisruptive,theytendtopassquicklyandtendnottobe motivatedbyjoborpowerenhancement.Romancesbasedontruelovearetheleastthreatening,especiallybetweenpeers,andtheymaycontributepositivelytothe couple'sproductivity(Powell,1993). ImpactofWorkplaceRomanceonParticipants,Coworkers,andtheOrganization Therehavebeenreportsofbothpositiveandnegativeeffectsofworkplaceromanceontheparticipants,theircoworkers,andtheorganization.However,more informationneedstobegatheredtofullyunderstandtheimpactofsuchrelationshipswithintheworkplace. ParticipantResponses Workplaceromanceappearstoinfluencejobproductivity,workerattitudes,andworkermotivation.Severalstudiesshowthatanemployeewhoisinvolvedina romanticrelationshipcanbemoreproductiveonthejob(BureauofNationalAffairs,1988Eyler&Baridon,1992)atleastintheshortterm.Specifically,membersof mixedsexworkteamsoftenincreaseproductivityincomparisontosamesexteams,andthismaybedue,inpart,tostimulatingeffectsofattraction(Clawson& Kram,1984Crary,1987).Consistentwiththis,15%ofwomenand9to17%ofmeninworkplaceromancesweremoreproductive(C.I.Anderson&Hunsaker, 1985). However,notallparticipantsinworkplaceromancesaremoreproductive.Whencouplesareinitiatingordevelopingtheirrelationship,performancemaydecline (Westhoff,1985).Inlaterstagesoftherelationship,especiallyonceithasbeenstabilized,participantsmayshowarenewedinterestinworkandincreased productivity(Rubin,1973).Therefore,thestageofaworkplaceromancemayinfluencewhetherparticipantsincreasetheirproductivity.Anotherfactorthatmight influencethedegreetowhichapersoninaromanticrelationshipismoreproductiveisthemotiveforengaginginaromance(C.I.Anderson&Hunsaker,1985 Dillard,1987Dillard&Broetzmann,1989).Thoseparticipatingwithalovemotivethatinvolvesasinceredesireforcompanionshiptendtoincreaseinproductivity. Thoseparticipatingwithanegomotive(e.g.,desireforexcitementandadventure)orwithajobrelatedmotive(e.g.,desireforadvancement,

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security,power,financialrewards,orlighterormorechallengingworkloads)showlittleornochangeinperformance. Althoughthepreviouslymentionedliteraturedocumentsthebenefitsofromanticrelationships,itismorecommontoobserveadeclineinparticipantproductivitydueto missedmeetings,latearrivals,earlydepartures,andcostlyerrors(Pierceetal.,1996).Again,thesefindingsarelargelybasedonsurveysofemployees(notjust participants)regardingtheeffectsofworkplaceromances.Inonesurvey,79%oftherespondentsindicatedthatromancesdecreaseperformanceduetoexcessive employeechatting,longlunches,andlengthydiscussionbehindcloseddoors(C.I.Anderson&Hunsaker,1985).Thesegeneralresultshavebeenreplicatedin numerousstudies(Colwill&Lips,1988Mishra&Harell,1989Pietropinto,1986Rapp,1992),yettheyarelargelybasedonperceptions. Theeffectsofworkplaceromanceonproductivitymaydependuponthetypeofromanticrelationship,thatis,supervisorsubordinate(hierarchical)orpeer(lateral). Forexample,couplesinvolvedinalateralromance,betweenpeers,aremoreproductivethanthoseinvolvedinahierarchicalromance(Devine&Markiewicz,1990). Ithasbeensuggestedthathierarchicalrelationshipsimpedetheperformanceofbothpeersandparticipantsbecausecoworkersmayperceiveinequityduetounjust managerialdecisionsandprocedures,mayfeelresentful,andtherebymaydecreasetheirperformance(Mainiero,1989Powell&Mainiero,1990). Onequestionintheworkplaceromanceliteratureiswhethersuchinteractionsinfluenceworkerattitudessuchasmotivation,jobsatisfaction,andjobinvolvement. Selfreportdataindicatethatromancescanmakeworkersfeelbetteraboutthemselvesandwillingtoworklongerhourstogether(Eyler&Baridon,1992aMainiero, 1989).Thirtythreepercentofworkersreportedanincreasedmotivationtowork(Mainiero,1989),whereas40%ofmenand57%ofwomenshowedasignificant increaseinworkrelatedenthusiasm(Dillard&Broetzmann,1989).Althoughinvolvementinaworkplaceromanceappearstoincreaseworkermotivation,itmay dependuponotherfactorssuchasthestageoftherelationship.Moreresearchneedstobeconductedonhowthestageofaromanticrelationshipaffectsworker motivation(Pierceetal.,1996). Jobsatisfactionisanimportantworkoutcomeandreflects"anaffective...reactiontoajobthatresultsfromtheincumbent'scomparisonofactualoutcomeswith thosethataredesired"(Cranny,Smith,&Stone,1992,p.1).Anumberoftheories(e.g.,Thibaut&Kelley'ssocialexchangetheory)suggestthatanemployeewho perceivestheoutcomesofaworkplaceromanceasexceedinghisorherexpectationswillbemoresatisfiedwithhisorherpartnerand,possibly,moresatisfiedwith certainaspectsofhisorherjob(Pierceetal.,1993).Thatis,anindividualhappilyinarelationshipwith

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acoworkermaybeparticularlysatisfiedwiththatcomponentofwork.Ontheotherhand,iftherelationshipisviewedasunsatisfactoryorinequitable,employee dissatisfactionmayresult,possiblyleadingtoafailedrelationship,jobdissatisfaction,andvoluntaryorganizationalexit(Pierceetal.,1993).Although,theoretically, workplaceromancesinfluencejobsatisfaction,moreresearchisneededtoprovideempiricallinks. Additionalresearchisneededthatexaminesjobinvolvementinthecontextofworkplaceromance(Pierceetal.,1993).Jobinvolvementisdefinedastheimportance ofworktoanindividualortheextenttowhichtheindividualpsychologicallyidentifieswithwork(Lodahl&Kejner,1965)orthepersonalvaluethatapersoninvests inhisorherwork(Alliger&Williams,1993).Thereissomeevidencethatindividualswhoenteraworkplaceromancewithegoorjobrelatedmotivesshowno changeinjobinvolvement,whereasthosewithlovemotivesincreasetheirjobinvolvement(Dillard,1987). CoworkerReactions Ingeneral,participatinginaworkplaceromanceisrisky.Inrelationshipswhereonepersonismoreseniororatahigherorganizationallevel,otherworkersmaylose respectforthehigherlevelemployee,believinghisorherjudgmentisflawed(Powell,1993).Thelowerlevelemployeemayquestionwhetherhisorherprogress withintheorganizationisduetocompetenceortheromanticrelationship.Themoodofaworkgroupcanbeheightenedorloweredbecauseofworkplaceromance. Althoughthereissomeanecdotalevidence(e.g.,Colwill&Lips,1988)thataworkplaceromancecanenergizeemployeemorale,mostoftheevidenceindicatesthat moraleisadverselyaffected(Staff,1988).Inasurveyof756respondents,8%indicatedthatworkplaceromancesangeredothers,and47%reportedthatsuch behaviorcreatedanawkwardoruncomfortableworkenvironment(Staff,1988).Onekeyfactorhereisthetypeofworkplaceromance.Supervisorsubordinate romancestendtobemoredisruptivethanpeerromances(Colwill&Lips,1988Mainiero,1989Powell&Mainiero,1990).Inonesurvey,78%offemale executivesresentedsupervisorsubordinaterelationships,whereasonly21%resentedromanticpeerrelationships(Mainiero,1989).Onereasonfortheperceptionof greaterdisruptionwithsupervisorsubordinateromancesisthatmembersoftheworkgroupmayfearthatthesubordinateinvolvedwillreceivetaskandcareer rewardsinexchangeforprovidingsexualfavors,whichinturnresultsinperceptionsofunfairnessandlowersgroupmorale(Powell,1993). Gossipisanothercoworkerreactiontoorganizationalromances.Thetoneoftheemployeegossipdependsonceagainontheperceivedmotiveoftheofficeromance. Dillard(1987)foundthatfemalesenteringarelation

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shipwithajobrelatedmotive(e.g.,desireforadvancement,security,power,financialrewards,etc.)stimulatednegativegossip,whereasmaleemployeeswho initiatedarelationshipwithasincerelovemotivepromptedmorepositivegossip.Therefore,coworkerreactionsintermsofofficegossipdependinpartonthegender andtheperceivedmotivesoftheparticipants. ImplicationsfortheOrganization Workplaceromancecaninfluenceorganizationaleffectivenessinanumberofways,includingthebreakdownofthelegitimacyoforganizationalpromotionsand structure,excessivetransfers,andmoreterminations(Pierceetal.,1993).Especiallywhenaromanticrelationshipinvolvesasupervisorandasubordinate,itislikely toresultinperceptionsoffavoritismandinequityconcerningpromotionsamongcoworkers.Whencoworkersperceivesuchfavoritismtheycanbecomeboth alienatedfromtheworkgroup(Chesanow,1992)andenvious(Schultz,1982),whichcanresultinanimbalanceofpowerwithintheorganization(Mainiero,1989 Quinn&Lees,1984).Furthermore,whenthepowerstructurewithinanorganizationbreaksdown,channelsforadvancementbecomeclosedoffandpromotionand raisedecisionsbecomedistortedandunpredictable(Jamison,1983Mainiero,1989Pierceetal.,1996Rapp,1992).Whenoneinvestigatesthebasisfor promotionsandwhoispromoted,itisimportanttoexaminethevalues,informalguidelines,andnormssurroundingsuchdecisions.Therefore,therelationshipbetween workplaceromanceandpromotiondecisionsmaydepend,inpart,onthecultureoftheorganization. Shouldemployeesparticipatinginaworkplaceromancebetransferredorrelocated?Managersappeartoperceivejobrelocationasareasonableinterventionto workplaceromance(Westhoff,1985),especiallywhenemployeesengageinsuchbehavioragainstformalorganizationalpolicy.Furthermore,employeesmightexpect suchtransfersasaconsequence.Someexperts(Colby,1991E.G.C.Collins,1983Spruell,1985)suggestthatmanagementshouldofferrelocationasoneoptionfor couplestoconsider.However,femaleparticipantsaremorefrequentlyrelocatedthanmales(Josefowitz,1982Rapp,1992),andfewerofthesewomenoccupytop levelmanagementorhigherstatuspositions(Spruell,1985).Therefore,organizationalrelocationdecisionsinsituationsofworkplaceromancemaybediscriminatory basedontheemployees'genderororganizationalpositions(Pierceetal.,1993). Thedecisiontoterminateordismissanemployeebecauseofhisorherinvolvementinaworkplaceromancemayalsobeviewedasadetrimentalmanagerialaction, onerepresentingapunitiveformoforganizationalintervention.Yetemployeesareoftendismissedforparticipatingina

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workplaceromance(Powell,1986Powell&Mainiero,1990Rapp,1992).Furthermore,afemaleparticipantismorelikelytobeterminatedthanamaleparticipant (Anderson&Fisher,1991Horn&Horn,1982Westhoff,1985),theparticipantwhoislowerinstatusorless''valuable"totheorganizationismoreoftenterminated (E.G.C.Collins,1983Westhoff,1985),andextramaritalaffairsaremorelikelytoresultinemployeeterminationascomparedtoothertypesofaffairs(Mainiero, 1989Westhoff,1985).However,thereisaneedtoidentifymanagerialprejudicesandinequitabledecisionsbasedongender,sothatifterminationsaremadewithin thecontextofworkplaceromance,anemployeeisterminatedbasedonpoorperformanceratherthangenderororganizationalstatus(Pierceetal.,1993). Summary Ourpersonalphysicalattractivenessplaysatremendousroleinourinteractionswithothersinourpersonalandworklives.Thereisevidencethatattractiveness influenceswhatpeopleexpectfromus,howpeoplerespondtous,andwhatdecisionswemakearemadeaboutus.Yetmanyorganizationaltextsdonotaddressthis topic.Webelievethatphysicalattractivenessisapivotalfactorinthedevelopmentofrelationships,friendships,andromancesintheworkplace.Furthermore,these relationshipsgreatlyshapemen'sandwomen'sexperiencesofwork. Thephysicalattractivenessstereotypeisgenerally,"Whatisbeautifulisgood."Thisviewappearstoholdforyoungerandolderpersonsandformenandwomen.Yet thestereotypeissubtle,andoftenwedenyitsinfluenceonourbehavior.Attractivenessappearstoinfluencetheexpectationswehaveabouteachotherincluding intelligence,interpersonalskills,honesty,andguiltorinnocenceofacrime.Furthermore,attractivenessappearstoinfluenceanumberofworkrelateddecisions includinghiringdecisions,workevaluations,interviewratings,andsalaries. Physicalattractivenessisakeyfactorininterpersonalattractionandlikingaswellasinthedevelopmentofromanticrelationshipsatwork.Althoughsuchfactorsas propinquity,familiarity,attitudesimilarity,andreciprocityoflikingareimportant,anattractiveindividualismorelikelytoengageininterpersonalrelationshipsthana lessattractiveindividual.Furthermore,interpersonalattractionisoneantecedentofsexuallyintimaterelationshipsincludingromanticrelationshipsatwork. WorkplaceromancesappeartobeincreasingamongAmericanworkers.Theriseseemstobeassociatedwithgreateracceptanceofofficedating,especiallyamong coworkers(lesssobetweenamanagerandsubordinate),

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andorganizationalculturesthatconveymoreliberalattitudesabouttheappropriatenessofsuchbehavior.Therearenumerousoutcomesorconsequencesof workplaceromances,andsuchoutcomesmaydepend,inpart,onthetypeofromanceoccurring:truelove,thefling,orautilitarianrelationship.Morenegative coworkerandorganizationalreactionsoccurwithutilitarianrelationships,followedbyflingsandtruelove.Althoughworkplaceromancescanpromoteperceptionsof inequityamongcoworkersandincreasedlegalliabilityfortheorganization,thesereactionsareusuallyisassociatedwithmanagersubordinateromancesand perceptionsofsexualharassment. Glossary Careerdependency:Anindividual'sadvancementinanorganizationdependsontheconsentofanother. Defendant:Thepersonaccusedofwrongdoinginalegalmatter. Expectation:Anticipationofaparticularreactionorsetofcharacteristicsthatcanactuallyshapeperceptionsofandfeelingsaboutaneventorstimulus. Fling:Atypeoforganizationalromancewheretwoparticipantsbecomeveryexcitedandinvolved,buttherelationshipendsquickly. Ingratiation:Effortsbyindividualstoenhancetheirattractivenesstoatargetsothatthispersonwillbemoresusceptibletotheirrequests. Interpersonalattraction:Aperson'sinitialresponsestoaStranger. Mereexposureeffect:Theeffectthatrepeatedexposuretoanystimulusincreasesthepositivityofitsevaluation. Nonromanticattraction:Sameandoppositesexplatonicfriendships. Organizationalculture:Sharedbeliefs,expectations,andvaluesheldbymembersofagivenorganizationandtowhichallnewcomersmustadjust. Romanticdependency:Whenanindividualdependsonanothertofulfillneedwithinanorganizationalromance.Romanticdependencyespeciallycandisrupta supervisorsubordinaterelationship. Selffulfillingprophecy:Phenomenonthatwhenothersholdandcommunicatenegativeexpectationsaboutaperson,thismayunderminetheperson'sconfidence andselfesteemandleadthepersontoactinwaysthatconfirmexpectations. Taskdependency:Whenaworkerdependsonanothertoperformhisorherfunctioneffectively. Truelove:Atypeoforganizationalromancewheretwopeoplehaveasincere,longterminterestineachotherusuallyleadstomarriage.

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Utilitarianrelationship:Atypeoforganizationalromancewherethereissometradeoffbetweensexualadventureandegosatisfactionforoneemployeeandjobor careeradvancementfortheother. Workplaceromance:Anyrelationshipbetweentwomembersofthesameorganizationthatentailsmutualsexualattraction.

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5 LanguageandCommunicationAmongOrganizationalMembers
I.FemaleandMaleWaysofSpeaking:DataVersusStereotypes A.ComparisonsofMaleandFemaleCommunicationStyles 1.GenderDifferencesinSpeech 2.PerceivedDifferencesAmongMenandWomen 3.SummaryandNoteofCaution II.UnderstandingGenderDifferencesinLanguage III.WomenandMenSpeakinginGroups A.Stereotypes,Context,andLanguage B.Context,Gender,andPerceptionsoftheSpeaker IV.GenderandNonverbalLanguage A.GenderComparisonsofNonverbalLanguage 1.Demeanor 2.Space 3.EyeContactandVisibility 4.TouchingandSmiling B.PerceptionsofPowerandPowerlessness V.ASocialPsychologicalApproachtoUnderstandingLanguageandLinguisticGroups A.MenandWomenasLinguisticGroups B.Language,IntergroupTheory,andSocialChange C.ResponsesofDominantMajorityGrouptoMinorityCollectiveAction VI.AdditionalIssuesConcerningLanguageintheWorkplace A.SexInappropriateLanguage B.GenderandHumor VII.Summary

Page94 " Sticksandstonesmaybreakmybonesbutwordswillneverhurtme." Managers,psychologists,women,andmenallknowthatthisisnottrue.Wordscanhurt.Importantly,wordscanshapeourselfperceptions,ourperceptionsofothers,andour behavioratwork.

Fewappliedpsychologytextsincludeachapteronlanguageandsimilaritiesanddifferencesinlanguagestylesacrossgroups.Therearetworeasonswhywehave includedone.First,languageprovidesthebasisforcommunicationandmiscommunicationinworkorganizations.Numerousstudieshaveshownthataperson'sspeech characteristicsorstyleinfluencesthewaythepersonisperceivedandevaluatedbyothers.Inthischapter,wesuggestthatthe"trivia"ofeverydayinteractions(e.g., smiling,downcasteyes,interruptions,deeppitchedvoice,touching,swearing)playakeyroleinshapingthelargercontextofwork(Haslettetal.,1992Henley& Thorne,1977).Second,thespeechstylesthatmenandwomenuseorareexpectedtousereinforcesexorgenderstereotypes,andifexpectationsareviolatedornot met,thiscanresultinnegativeconsequencesforbothsexes.Howmenandwomenspeakinfluencesthedegreetowhichothersviewthemaspowerfulorpowerless oreffectiveasaleader. InchapterIand2,wenotedthatissuesrelatedtogenderandworkcanbeaddressedanddefinedatseverallevelsofanalysis,fromindividualdifferencestobroad societaltrends.Inthischapter,wenotetherelevanceoflanguageateachofseverallevels,focusingparticularlyoninterpersonalinteractionsinvolvingsameormixed sexgroups.However,wealsoaddresssocietalissuesrelatingtotheuseandfunctionoflanguageasafunctionofgender.Thischapterfocusesontheperceptionsof thewaysmenandwomenspeakincludingcharacteristicsofbothverbalspeechandnonverbalbehavior.Becausemenandwomeninteractwitheachotheringroups atwork,wediscusslanguagebehaviorinsamesexandmixedsexgroups.Akeythemethatpervadesthesociolinguisticliteratureasweapplyittolanguagein organizationsinvolvesspeechstylesassociatedwithpower.Onereasonpoweranddominancearesorelevantisthatorganizationsarepowerhierarchies,and languagehelpsmovecertainindividualsthroughthehierarchyaswellasreinforcingthathierarchy.Wereviewsomeoftheresearchinthisareaaswellasresearchon perceptionsofindividualswhoareviewedasusingappropriateorinappropriatelanguagestyles.Onesocialpsychologicaltheory,thespeechstylesapproach(Giles& Powesland,1975Kramarae,1981)ispresented,whichprovidesaframeworkforunderstandinghowvariouslinguisticgroupsdevelop.Itcanbeappliedto understandbothmenandwomenincommuni

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cationaswellasotherlinguisticgroupsincludingU.S.Blacks,FrenchCanadians,Irish,andsoforth. FemaleandMalesWaysofSpeaking:DataVersusStereotypes Areviewoftheliteratureonsociolinguisticsshowsthatfewoftheexpectedsexdifferencesinlanguagearesubstantiatedbyempiricalevidence(Thorne,Kramarae, &Henley,1983).Forexample,genderstereotypesassociatedwithlanguagesuggestthatwomentalkmorethanmen,butthereislittleevidenceofthis.Yet inaccuratestereotypesregardingdifferencesintheuseoflanguagecanaffectourperceptionsofcommunicationasearlyastheinfantstage.Forexample,ababy's criesaredescribeddifferentlydependingonwhethersubjectsaretoldthechildisaboyoragirl.Subjectswhobelievethebabyisaboyarelikelytoperceivecrying asareflectionofanger,butsubjectswhobelievethebabyisagirlperceivecryingasanexpressionoffear. Despitethelimitedevidenceofsexdifferencesincommunication,researcherscontinuetolookforsuchdifferences(Thorneetal,1983).Althoughevidenceindicates moresimilarityofspeechamongwomenandamongmenthanthestereotypessuggest,thereappeartobedifferencesinthedegreetowhichmenandwomenuse language.Morerecentapproacheshaveexaminedlanguagewithinthecontextsofactualuse,includingonetoonecommunicationinsameormixedsexgroupsinthe home,atwork,orintheclassroom,andhavefocusedonlanguageuseintermsofstrategies.Forexample,whenmenandwomenspeak,theyintendtoachievecertain objectivesincludingcreatingrapportorassertingandresistingcontrol(Thorneetal.,1983).Menandwomenappeartodifferinthefrequencywithwhichtheyuse certainlanguageformsandstyles.Wediscusssomeofthesecomparisonsnext. ComparisonsofMaleandFemaleCommunicationStyles Accordingtoboththepopularliterature(e.g.,MenAreFromMars,WomenAreFromVenus,Gray,1992)andselectedlanguageresearch,thereisenough evidencetosuggestthattwoseparatelanguagestylesexist:oneformenandoneforwomen(Haslettetal.,1992Kramer,1974a,1974b).However,thisstatementis basedonevidencethatsuggestsgreaterperceiveddifferencesthanactualdifferencesinlanguagecharacteristics.

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Nevertheless,afewgeneralizationscanbemadeaboutmalefemaledifferencesinlanguageuse. GenderDifferencesinSpeech Characteristicsassociatedwithmalespeechincludemoreuseofjoking(Coser,1960),hostileverbs(Gilley&Summers,1970),moreinterruptionincrosssex conversation,agreateramountoftalking(Swacker,1975),andlowerpitchlevelsthanfemales(evenwhenaccountingforphysiologicalfactorsSachs,Lieberman,& Erickson,1973Scott,1980).Traitsassociatedmorefrequentlywiththespeechofwomenincludeuseofcorrectformsofspeech(i.e.,politenessLabov,1972) dynamicintonationsincludingwiderrangeofpitchvariationsinloudnessandfrequentchangesofratepoliteandcheerfulintonationshigherpitchlevelsthanexpected onthebasisoffemalephysiologicalfactors(Sachsetal.,1973)useofexpressiveintensifierssuchas"so,""such,"''adorable,"and"lovely"(Crosby&Nyquist, 1977Lakoff,1973McGrath,&Gale,1977)anduseofquestionstoexpressopinions(Crosby&Nyquist,1977Lakoff,1973).Theanecdotepresentedin Sidelight4.1reflectsoneexampleofastereotypicalfemalepatternofspeech,whichisperceivedasmoretentative.ThesecondexamplepresentedinSidelight4.1 showsthatwomenandmenmightdisagreeonthelabelingofvariouscolors.Further,thisexamplesuggests,aswediscusslaterinthischapter,thattheacceptanceof somelanguagemaydependonthesituationortask.Inthiscase,publicitymaybeamorenontraditionalfield. PerceivedDifferencesAmongMenandWomen Althoughtherearefewactualdifferencesinspeechusebetweenmenandwomen,thereisampleevidenceofperceiveddifferences.Samplesofhighschooland collegeagestudentsdescribefemalespeechasfriendly,gentle,enthusiastic,smooth,gibberish,anddevotedtotrivialtopics(C.Kramer,1977).Ontheotherhand, malespeechisdepictedasforceful,loud,dominating,anddirect,includingshortreplies(Bradac,Hemphill,&Tardy,1981).Femalespeechissometimesviewedas "kindandcorrect,butunimportantandineffective"(C.Kramer,1977,p.159)andbysomeexpertsasinferior(Lakoff,1973). Althoughmanydiscussionsofmaleandfemalewaysofspeakingconcentrateonthedifficultiesthatcanresultfromfollowingafemalestyleinamaledominated context(e.g.,theworkplace),manyqualitiesoffemalespeecharedesirable.Somecharacteristicsstereotypicallyassociatedwithfemalespeechmakeitbetterfor affectivecommunicationthancharacteristicsassociatedwithmalespeech(Scott,1980).Thesecharacteristicsincludeaconcernforthelistenerandgoodgrammar. Undesirablecharacteristicsofmalespeechincludeperceptionsofboastfulness

Page97 Sidelight5.1SpeechStylesAreNotAlwaysEasytoPredict AsPersonnelDirectorofanelectronicscompany,Idistributedtrainingseminarpamphletstothemiddlemanagementstaff.Onewomansentmebacka memorequestingaspotintheassertivenesstrainingcourse."Allthetopicssoundinteresting,"shewrote,"butIthinkI'dbenefitmostfromthe assertivenessseminarifthat'sallrightwithyou." ContributedbyPatO'Reilly (Reader'sDigest,January1997,p.118) Inpreparationforanupcomingdramafestival,myfriendDavidandIwerecreatingpublicitypostersfortheevent.Afterstudyingawideselectionof papersandinks,wedecidedonacolorbutcouldnotagreeonitsname.Iarguedthatitwasgoldenrod,whileDavidclaimeditwasorangeyellow, addingthatitwasjustlikeawomantogiveabasiccolorafancyname.Callingatruce,wetookthesampletoourprinter. "So,"hecommented,examiningourchoice,"you'vedecidedonthemarigold?" ContributedbyRebeccaPetruck (Reader'sDigest,May1997,p.68) (Passagewrittenbyamaleauthor). Anewcar Reality:331horsepowerfivespeedV8,fourvalvespercylinder,dualoverheadcam,twinturbocharger.Shespeak:It'sred. Anewapartment Shespeak:onlyfourclosets,butlotsoflight,andahugebathtub.Thefloor'skindashot,butatleastithastheoriginalmoldings.Twopeoplecanfitin thekitchenatthesametime.Seemsgood,butlet'slookatthenexttwentyonthelist.Reality:Icanhangmybikeontheleftwall,andit'sclosetoagood bar.Wheredowesign?" (Sheidlower,1997,p.29)

andaggressiveness.ManyoftheseresultsarefromU.S.basedresearch.Anumberofcharacteristicsassociatedwithmalespeechmayinhibiteffectivecrosscultural communication.Whenanidealspeakerisconsidered,moremalecharacteristicsdeviatefromtheidealthanfemalecharacteristics(Kramer,1977).Scott(1980) suggestedthatmanyfemalespeech

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traitsareeffectiveforaddressingaffiliativeinteractionswherewarmth,cooperation,andselfexpressionareimportant.Whereexpressiveorsocioemotional competencyisneeded,femalespeechmaybeevaluatedasmoreeffective. Inametaanalysisofmaleandfemalecommunicationstyles,Pruett(1989)foundthatmenwereperceivedasmoredominantandcontentiousthanwomen,whereas womenwereperceivedasmoreattentive.Menperceivedthemselvesasmoredramaticthanwomen,whereaswomenperceivedtheirstyleasmoreopen.Although othersdidnotseethemasmoreso,menperceivedthemselvesasmorerelaxed.Women'sstyleswereseenbyobserversasmoreanimatedandfriendly.In organizationalsettings,malemanagers(comparedtofemales)areperceivedtobemoredominant,quicktochallengeothers,morelikelytoignorecommentsofothers ifothersareincontroloftheconversation,andmoreoftendirectingthecourseoftheconversation(Baird&Bradley,1979).Femalemanagers,ontheotherhand,are ratedhigheronshowingconcernandbeingattentivetoothers. Notsurprisingly,actualgenderdifferencesinspeecharelinkedtostereotypicallyperceiveddifferencesinspeechbetweenmenandwomen(Newcombe&Arnkoff, 1979).Forexample,theuseoftagquestions(e.g.,"Wearegoingtoleavenowforwork,OK?"),qualifies,hedges,hesitations,andcompoundrequests,allofwhich arepartofthestereotypeoffemalelanguage,isperceivedaslesspowerful.Theuseofqualifiersisassociatedwithratingsofgreaterspeakerwarmth.Womenask morequestionsthanmenanddomoreofthe"maintenancework"inkeepingconversationsgoing(Fishman1983).Womenalsousemorepositiveresponseslike ''uhmmm,"usesilenceasaresponsetointerruptions,andusemorepronounslikeyouandwethatacknowledgetheotherperson.Mentendtoignoreprevious remarksmadebyothers,butwomenrefertopreviousremarks.Womentendtoevaluateverbalaggressionasnegative,disruptive,andpersonallydirected.Menuseit asastrategyforconversation.Mengiveadviceasexperts,whereaswomensharetheirexperiencesandofferreassurance(Haslettetal.,1992).Furthermore,the samecommunicationbehaviorissometimesuseddifferentlybymenandwomen.Womenusetagquestionstomaintainaninteraction,whilemenusethemasrequests forinformation.Althoughresearchersfoundthatsexofspeakerhadsmalleffectsonevaluations,changesinhowonespeaksmightallowbothwomenandmento changethewaytheyareperceived(Newcombe&Arnkoff,1979). SummaryandNoteofCaution Althoughthereisevidencethatwomenandmenusedifferentlanguageorcommunicationstyleswithvaryingfrequency,wewouldliketohighlightsomecautionsnoted in

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thisliterature.First,thereisareasonablyconsistentfindingthatperceiveddifferencesincommunicationoflanguagebetweenwomenandmenaregreaterthanactual differences.Forexample,pitchleveldependsonthelength,tension,andweightofone'svocalcords.Althoughwomen'svocalcordstendtobeshorter,lighter,and stretchedmoretightly,resultinginhigherpitch(C.Kramer,1974b),differencesinvocalcordstructuredonotaccountfortherangeofdifferencesbetweenmenand women.Thatis,awoman'sspeakingvoicerangeincludeshigherpitchesorvoicethanexpectedgivenvocalcordstructure,whereasaman'srangeincludesalower voicethanexpectedfromthesizeofhisvocalcords.Therefore,thedifferencemayreflectsocialinfluencesorlearningbymenandwomentosoundagenderspecific way.Second,numerousresearcherspointoutthetendencytoexaggeratedifferencesbetweenmenandwomen.Althoughtherearelargevariationswithinmaleand femalegroupsandacrosssituationsorcontexts(refertoFig.3.1inchap.3),therearecontextualvariationsintheoccurrenceoruseofsuchformsofspeechastag questionsandpausesthatmaybemisattributedtogender. Theneedtobesensitivetothecontextofspeechcannotbeoveremphasized(A.Haas,1979Kramarae,1982Kramarae,Thorne,&Henley,1978).Instudiesusing acorrelationalapproach,voicequalityincludingpitchhasbeenfoundtodifferdependinguponone'ssex,age,status,andoccupation(Crystal,1971,citedinThorne &Henley,1975).Thesearevariablesthatareoftenneglectedinresearchongenderandlanguage(Thorne&Henley,1975).Furthermore,thesocialsituationand componentsofthecommunicationprocessincludingcharacteristicsoftheparticipants,formsofthemessage,andsoforthmayberelevanttotheunderstandingofsex differencesinlanguage(Hymes,1974). UnderstandingGenderDifferencesinLanguage Tofullyunderstandsexdifferencesinlanguage,leadingexpertsThorneandHenley(1975)recommendthatresearchersshifttheirfocusfromlanguagedifferences amongwomenandmentolargersocietalgenderdifferences.Forexample,theynotethatanumberofsocietalthemesaccountfortheapparentsexdifferencesin language,includingsocialelaborationofgender,structureofmaledominanceandthedivisionoflaborbysex(Thorne&Henley,1975). First,oneofthemostobviousdifferencesbetweenmaleandfemalespeechinvolvesitspitch,andmostpeopleassumethatthisreflects

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physiologicaldifferencesbetweenmenandwomen.Thisisnotnecessarilythecase.Pitchapparentlyhasalearnedcomponent(Thorne&Henley,1975).Acoustical differencesaregreaterthandifferencesaccountedforbyanatomicaldifferencesbetweenmenandwomen(Sachs,Lieberman,&Erickson,1973).Thatis, differencesinvoicewehearamongmenandwomenaregreaterthanwhatwewouldexpectgivenmodestvocalcorddifferencesbetweenthegenders.Thepopular stereotypesofmenandwomenperpetuate,reinforce,andexacerbatelargerdifferencesinmaleandfemalepitchthanwouldbeexpectediftherewasnosocietalbelief thatwomenshouldtalkwithahigherpitch(Kramer,1974b,1974c). Second,severalformsofmaledominancearebuiltintotheeconomic,family,political,andlegalstructuresofsociety,includinglinguisticdominance.Dominanceis revealedthroughthewordsusedtodescribemenandwomen.Menaredescribedusingmorepositivewords,wordsthatconnotepower,strength,prestige,and leadership.Womenaredescribedwithnegativewordsthatconnoteweakness,inferiority,immaturity,andasenseofthetrivial.Sexisminourlanguageplaysacentral roleininfluencingourthoughtsandbehaviorbyignoring,defining,anddepreciatingwomen(Henley&Thorne,1977).Languageignoreswomenbytheuseofthe generichetorefertoallhumankind.Advocatesoftheuseofthegenerichestatethatthismaletermincludesallwomen(e.g.,spokesman,workingman,etc.). However,womenarelargelyignoredinmostschooltextbooks(Graham,1973).Evenwhenheisusedgenerically,itisofteninterpretedbyothersasdepictingmen (Henley&Thorne,1977Schneider&Hacker,1973).Interestingly,priortothe18thcentury,theywaswidelyusedtorefertosomeonewhosesexwasunspecified (Bodine,1975).Yettoday,somegrammarexperts(grammarians)insistthattheuseoftheyisclumsyandinaccurate.Wearetaughtthattheuseofheisaccurate evenwhenreferringtowomenashe(Henley&Thorne,1977).Yet,thepronounsheisusedwhenwediscusstraditionallyfeminineoccupationslikeschoolteacher, nurse,orhomemaker. Languagedefineswomenbyhelpingtomaintainwomen'splaceandsecondarystatus(Henley&Thorne,1977).Womenarelabeledordefinedinrelationtoorasa possessionofmen.Forexample,atmarriage,awomanoftenchangeshernametoherhusband's,andchildrentakehisnameashispossessions.Womenarereferred toinrelationalterms(inrelationtomen)asMissorMrs.,yetmen,marriedorsingle,arereferredtoinoccupationaltermsorsimplyasMr.Languagealsodefines womenintogroupings:womenandchildren,hisandhers,orheandshe,ratherthanwomenandmen,hersandhis,orsheandhe.Ladysurgeon,woman astronautalldenoteexceptions,nottherule,eveninoccupationsthatarefeminine.Menintraditionallyfemalefieldsmakeuptheirownterms(e.g.,chefvs.cook) thatoftenconnotegreaterstatusandprestige.

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Sexismistransmittedthroughourlanguagebydeprecatingconnotations.Virtueisatermthatcomesfromanoldrootmeaningmanorvirtuous,beingmanly(Henley &Thorne,1977).Cantherebevirtuouswomen?Malenessimpliesleadership,power,andstrength,whereaswordsassociatedwithfemalenessconnote "unpredictabilityortreachery,"likehurricanesandothernaturaldisasters.Awoman'ssexistreatedasoneofhermostsalientcharacteristics.Wordsassociatedwith menimplyimportance,whereasthoseassociatedwithwomenrefertotheunimportantortrivial(e.g.,essorette:poetess,usherette,majorette). Third,andfinally,thesocietaldivisionofworkorlaborbysexreflectsabroadersocietalperspectiveofsexdifferenceinlanguage(Thorne&Henley,1975).Inevery society,tasks,activities,andrightsareallocatedbysex.Althoughwomenhavehigherstatusinsomesocietiesthanothers,therearenosocietieswherewomenare publiclyrecognizedasequaltoormorepowerfulthanmen(Rosaldo,1974).Women'stasksaredefinedbytheirrelationshiptomen.Menareportrayedinbooks morefrequentlyandasengaginginawidervarietyoftasksthanwomen.Women,whenmentionedatall,arereferredtoasmotherorwife(againmotherdepictinga relationshiptoothersratherthansimplyanindividualdescription). Thelinkbetweengenderdifferencesinlanguageandsexsegregationoflaborisexemplifiedindifferencesinconversationaltopicsformenandwomen.Forexample,in the1960s,extensivesexsegregationamongU.S.bluecollarcoupleswasfoundtoaffectpatternsofconversation(Komarovsky,1962).Amongthesecouples,males andfemales"splitup"forconversation.Menandwomenhadlittletosaytoeachothereveninsocialsituations.Womentalkedaboutinterpersonalissues,whereas mendiscussedcars,sports,work,andsoforth.Menridiculedfemaletalkas"dirtydiaperstuff"(Thorne&Henley,1975).Furthermore,menandwomenknewterms associatedwiththeirsexstereotypicalrealmofactivities(Conklin,1974)suchthatwomenweremorelikelytoknowabouttermsassociatedwithchildcare,cooking, andhousedecoratingandmentoknowtermsaboutsportsandcars.Thesefindingssuggestthathistorically,awoman'sstyleofcommunicationwasmoreconfinedin timeandterritory(Thorne&Henley,1975).Awoman'ssettingwasmostlikelythehome,whereasaman'sterritoryincludedavarietyofsettings(e.g.,home,work, outdoors)includingforeignplaces.Asmorewomenentertheworkforce,willthetopicsofmalefemaleconversationconverge?Unfortunately,thereisevidencethat womenintheworkforcecontinuetobeconcentratedinasmalltotalnumberofoccupationswhereasmenoccupyawiderangeofoccupations(weexaminethetopic ofoccupationalsegregationmoreinchap.7). Insum,althoughthereissomeevidencethatfemalecharacteristicsofspeechareviewedaspositive,otherfactorsmayinfluencespeaking

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outcomesincludingpersonaleffectivenessandinfluence(R.M.Krameretal.,1978).Forexample,menareperceivedtohavegreaterpersonalandpositionpower (seechap.6foradiscussionofpowerandgender).Socialdesirabilityofcommunicationmaynotbeasimportanttothefinaloutcomeofacommunicationexchangeas relativepower.Somelanguageexperts(Lakoff,1973)suggestthatwomenadoptmalespeech,especiallyasmorewomenentertheworkforceandmaledominated occupations.Othersarguethatthefemalestylehasstrengthincludingtheexpressionofemotionandselfdisclosure,andthatnewpatternsorstylesshouldbecreated (Thorne&Henley,1975).However,womenintheworkplacemayfindthemselvesinadoublebind.Menmaybemoreeffectiveinsituationswherepower differentialsareimportant,inpartbecausepoweranddominancearenaturalpartsoftheirstyleofspeaking.Ifwomencontinuetousemorefemininestyles,theymay beviewedaslesseffective,powerful,andinfluential.Yetwhenwomenusethestylelinkedwithmen,theymaybeviewedasunfeminineandmayriskbeingdisliked (Goodman,1979Scott,1980). WomenandMenSpeakinginGroups Numerousmythsareassociatedwithlanguageorcommunicationstylesofmenandwomen(Henley&Thorne,1977).Asmentionedatthebeginningofthischapter, thepopularviewisthatwomenspeakmorefrequentlyandlongerthanmen.Actually,menspeakmoreoften,speakatgreaterlength,andinterruptothersmorethan dowomen.Thesefindingsoccurinnumerouscontexts:alone,andinsinglesexormixedsexpairsandgroups.Inastudyofmalefemaledyads,menspokemore than59%ofthetime(Hilpert,Kramer,&Clark,1975).Thesameresultswerefoundinalaboratorystudy(Swacker,1975)wherefemalesaveraged3minutesof speakingwhereasmenaveragedapproximately13minutes.Animportantfindinginregardtoworkmeetingsandcommittees,menouttalkedwomen,andingeneral, womenhadadifficulttime"gettingthefloor"(i.e.,havinganopportunitytospeak)ingroupsandwereinterruptedmore(Bernard,1972).Thismaybedueto perceptionsthatwomenhavelesspowerfulvoices,sotheyhavedifficultysecuringattention.Womenalsoaremorelikelytoloseattentionbysuccessfulinterruptions frommen.Instudiesofconversationsofsamesexandmixedsexpairsinnaturalsituations,98%oftheinterruptionsand100%oftheoverlapsinconversationwere madebymen(Zimmerman&West,1975).Communicationwithinmixedsexgroupsintermsofturntakingshowedthatmalestendedtocontroltheconversation (Zimmerman&West,1975).Conversationandlanguage

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areonecomponentofsocialinteractionbetweenwomenandmen.Interruptions,lapsesintheflowofcommunication,andinattentivenessareallusedbymento controlconversation,reflectinggreaterpoweranddominance(Sacks,Schegloff,&Jefferson,1974). Stereotypes,Context,andLanguage Stereotypicalbeliefsabouttheappropriatelanguagestylesformenandwomeninfluencethebehaviorandperceptionsofbehaviorofwomenandmenworkingin groups.Communicationpatternsamongwomenandmenvarydependingonthesexcompositionofthegroupandthenatureofthegrouptask(i.e.,socialvs.task oriented).Consistentwithsexrolestereotypes,womenareperceivedtobe(and,accordingtostereotypes,aresupposedtobe)expressive,nurturant,andsupportive intheirsocialinteractionswhereasmenareconcernedwithleadership,power,andinfluence(Aries,1977).Inhierarchicallystructuredinteractions,mentendto dominate(Edelsky,1981).Inmorecollaborativemixedsexinteractions,womenparticipatemoreequallywithmen.Ingeneral,insamesexgroups,womenshare interactionsequally,tendtodevelopandpursueasingletopiccooperatively,discusstopicsofintimacyandinterpersonalrelations,supportothers'remarks,andgive moreattentiontosocioemotionalissuesthanmeninallmalegroups.Meninallmalegroupsestablisharelativelystabledominancehierarchyanddiscussarangeof general,nonintimatetopicsonwhichafewmendominate.Menexpresscompetitionandleadership,andtheirtalkfocusesoncompetitionandstatus.Power,then, appearstoplayacentralroleinallmalegroups.Inbothmaleandfemalesamesexgroups,however,amountoftasktalkincreasesovertimewhereastheamountof socioemotionaltalkdecreases(Aries,1977Carli,1982). Inmixedsexgroups,menandwomentendtoaccommodateeachother'sstyle(Haslettetal.,1992).Menbecomelessdominatingandwomenlesssupportivethan theirbehaviorsinsamesexgroups.Yet,whensexdifferencesoccur,theyareconsistentwithsexroleexpectations.Mentendtotalkmore,initiatemoretopics,make morecontributions,andreceivemorecommentsfromothersthanwomen.Womenincreasetheircommunicationwithmeninmixedsexgroupsbutnotwithother women.Men'stalkbecomesmorepersonalandlesscompetitiveinmixedsexgroups,butmencontinuetoexpressmoredominanceandcompetitionthanwomen. Womencontinuetoexpressmoreconcernforothersandmoreaffectionthanmen. However,manyofthesestereotypicalperceptionsincommunicationarenotsupported.Thereisevidencethatmostpeople,includingbothwomenandmen,are capableofawiderrangeofbehaviors,andtheyselectfromthisrepertoire(Megargee,1969).Forexample,ithasbeen

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foundthathighdominantwomenexertleadershipoverlowdominantwomenbutnotoverlowdominantmen.Womenconformmoretogrouppressureinmixedsex groupsthaninallfemalegroups(Tuddenham,McBride,&Zahn,1958).Further,womenaremoresocioemotional(i.e.,nurturing,supportive)andmenmoretask orientedinbothfamilyinteractionsandmixedtaskgroups(Strodtbeck&Mann,1956).However,asimilartask/socioemotionalroledifferentiationoccursinallmale taskgroupsaswell(Bales&Slater,1955).Thatis,menarecapableoftaskandemotionalbehavior,suggestingonceagainthatpeopledeveloparepertoireof languagebehavioranddrawfromitdependingontherequirementsofthesituation. Ingeneral,meninitiateandreceivemoreinteractioningroupsthanwomen(Aries,1977).Aries(1977)foundthatinallmalegroups,amorestabledominance hierarchyamongmembersemerged.Thesamemenwithinthegroupweremostactiveorleastactiveacrosstime.Thiswasnotthecaseintheallfemalegroups.Inthe allfemalegroups,therewasgreaterflexibilityovertimeintherankorderofmembers.Themostactivespeakerssometimesfelttheytookuptoomuchofthegroup's time,andtheywoulddrawoutthemoresilentmembers. Furthermore,menaddressedsignificantlymoreoftheirremarkstothegroupasawholeintheallmalegroupthanwheninteractingwithwomen(Aries,1977).This behaviorintheallmalegroupmayreflectlessintimacyintheallmalegrouporaneedtoestablishoneself.Forwomen,the(female)styleofaddressingindividuals remainedsimilarintheallfemaleandmixedsexgroups.Interestingly,therewaslittleinteractionamongwomeninmixedsexgroups.However,therewasanupward flowofcommunicationfrominactivetomoreactivespeakers(e.g.,womendirectingtheircommentstowardmen),sotherewasalowlikelihoodoffemaletofemale interactions(Aries,1977).Yetinsessionswherewomeninitiatedamoreequalamountofinteraction,therewasmorecrosssexthansamesexinteraction(Aries, 1977).Theincreasedparticipationbywomenwasassociatedwithincreasedmalecommunicationwithwomen,notgreaterinteractionamongwomen.Oneconclusion fromthesefindingsisthatwomenmaycompetewitheachotherininteractionswithmen(Aries,1977).Analternativeexplanationisthatasalesspowerfulminority, womenavoidthreateningthemorepowerfulmalemembersbyshowingsolidaritywiththemalesratherthanwithotherfemales. Ingeneral,moreawkwardsilencesoccurinmixedsexgroupsthaninallfemaleorallmalegroups(Aries,1977).Menoftenreveallittleofthemselvespersonally, competewitheachother,sizeeachotherup,andengageinteasingtoexpresssuperiorityandaggression.Women,ontheotherhand,aremoreselfdisclosing,discuss homeandfamilyissues,and,inmixedsexgroups,tendtofavormenmoreintermsofthetypes

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oftopicscovered.Furthermore,womenhaveslightlyfewertopicsforconversationthanmenintaskrelatedconversations(S.K.Murphy,1989). Context,Gender,andPerceptionsoftheSpeaker Asindicatedearlierinthischapter,thereisdisagreementovertheextenttowhichfemaleandmalepatternsofspeechtrulydiffer.Someexpertsarguethatfemale speechislesspowerful(Lakoff,1975),whereasotherssuggesttherearefewconsistentdifferences(Phelps,1980,citedinBartol&Martin,1986).However,thereis evidencethatourreactionstospeakersdepend,inpart,ontheirgender,theirstyleofspeaking,andthecharacteristicsofthesituation.Forexample,differentspeech strategiesappeartoaffecttheinfluenceoffemaleandmalespeechonothers(Bradley,1981).Bothfemalesandmalesareviewedasmoreinfluentialandareviewed morepositivelywhentheiropinionsareaccompaniedbysupportivearguments.Theuseoftagquestionssuchas"Don'tyouthinkso?"ordisclaimers("I'mnoexpert but...")hasnegativeeffectswhenusedbywomenbutnotwhenusedbymen.Womenusingthesequalifiershavelowerinfluenceandareperceivedashavinglower intelligenceandlittleknowledge. However,manystudiescontradicteachother.Forexample,insomestudies,womenusedmoretagquestionsthanmen,makingthemsoundmoreuncertainandless powerful(Lakoff,1975),orusedtagquestionswhentryingtoobtainresponsesfromanuncommunicativeconversationalpartner(Fishman,1983).Otherstudiesshow nodifferencebetweenmenandwomenintheuseoftagquestionsintheclassroom(Baumann,1976).Thepointisthatthesamelanguagetechniqueappearstobe useddifferentlydependingonthegendercompositionofthegroupandthesituation,suggestingthatlanguageisusedtoachievecertaingoals.Consistentwiththis,in mixedsexgroups,situationalcharacteristicssuchastaskgroupsversusunstructuredgroupsinfluencedtheperceptionsoffemaleassertiveness(Kimbleetal.,1981). However,situationalcharacteristicsdonothaveasmuchinfluenceonperceptionsofwomeninallfemalegroups. Althoughmenappeartousemoremasculinelanguageandwomenamorefemininepattern,amoreaccuratedescriptionmaybethatthereisarangeofspeechthat variesfromverymasculinetoveryfeminine(Case,1988),andthatthefrequencyofuseofaspecificpatterndependsonthecontextoftheinteraction(Case,1988 Giles,Robinson,&Smith,1980Kimbleetal.,1981).Furthermore,thesamewordorgesturemaybeinterpretedonewayifusedbyawomanandanotherwayif usedbyaman.Forexample,agreaterrateoftalkingbymenappearstoinfluenceothersbutbywomendoesnotinfluenceothers(Kenkel,1963).Itseemsthe expression"themoreonetalks,thegreatertheinfluence"holdsformen

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butnotforwomen.Inaddition,somefemalemanagersusea"stronger"masculinestyleofspeaking(Case,1988).However,thewomenwhoadoptthemasculinestyle (consistentwiththemasculinemanagerialcontext)arenottreatedasequaltomen.Selfconfident,assertive,masculinespeechwhenusedbywomenisperceivedas aggressiveandoverbearing(Fulmer,1977P.B.Johnson&Goodchild,1976).Mensometimesresentassertive,unemotionalwomenandperceivethemtobeacting likemen.Yet,menalsojudgewomenwhoarepassiveandemotionalasbeingunsuitableformanagement(Kanter,1977a). Ontheotherhand,women'sspeechallowsthemtoinvitetheexpressionofdifferentvaluepositionsbyothersthroughsupportivelistening,sensitivitytoothers'needs, andmutualsharingofemotionsandpersonalknowledge(Case,1988).Certainlythesecharacteristicsofwomen'sspeechcanserveausefulorganizationalfunction (Case,1988).Women'sspeechcanbeusefulinorganizationsthatareevolving,especiallyinmulticulturalorganizations.Women'sspeechseemstobeappropriate whenaresponsetochangeisneeded,whenasituationisambiguous,whenproblemsrequirealongrangeperspective,whenavarietyofvaluesneedtobe understood,andwhengoalsareneeded(Case,1988).Meningroupsuseamoreimpersonal,authorityoriented,dominating,andcontrollingstyle.Although masculinenormspervadeAmericanmanagement(e.g.,individualism,achievementstriving),theymaynotreflectthemostoptimumstyleinmanagingorganizational membersfromadiverseworkforceorinmulticulturalcontexts.SuchmasculinenormsdonotappeartoworkaswellinsuchculturesasIsrael,Thailand,Taiwan,and ScandinaviancountriesasintheUnitedStates(Case,1988Hofstede,1984). GenderandNonverbalLanguage AccordingtoNancyHenley(19731974),aleadingexpertonthesocialpsychologyoflanguageandcommunicationamongwomenandmen,themicropoliticalcues or"trivia"ofeverydaylifeareimportantinstudyingwomen'sandmen'splacesandbehaviorsatwork.ThetriviaHenleyreferstoincludeusing"sir,"surnames,orfirst names,touchingothers,droppingone'seyes,smiling,interrupting,andsoforth.Thereisevidencethatnonverbalmessagescanoftenoverpowerverbalmessages (Argyle,Salter,Nicholson,Williams,&Burgess,1970). Theliteratureonnonverbalbehaviorfocusesonfriendship,liking,andrelationships(Morris,1971Scheflen,1972).However,N.M.Henleyandcolleagueshave discussednonverbalbehaviorsextensivelyasreflectionsofpowerandpowerlessness.Inthissection,wewillbeginwithgender

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comparisonsinnonverbalbehaviorandsensitivity,followedbyadiscussionofhownonverbaldisplaysreflectdominanceandsubmission. GenderComparisonsofNonverbalLanguage Researchevidencesuggestsanumberofmalefemaledifferencesinnonverbalbehaviorincludingdemeanor,useofspace,lookingorstaring,smiling,andtouching. Demeanor Ingeneral,societalnormsallowmentoexhibitawiderrangeofbehaviorsthatareconsideredappropriateoracceptable.Mencanbe"cool"andinformal.Womenare morerestrictedinwhatbehaviorisacceptableandareexpectedtobemoreproper.Forexample,mencanswear,telljokes,changethetopicofconversation,andsit inundignifiedpositions.Womenshowgreaterbodytensionincludingsittingupright("don'tslouch"!)withfeettogetherandhandsclaspedtogether.Furthermore,itis generallyviewedasnegativeandimproperforawomantoswearorsitinanundignifiedposition.Menusemoreopen,relaxedpositionsasreflectedbytrunk relaxation,greaterbackwardlean,andopenlegpositioning(DierksStewart,1980).Womendisplaymoreclosedbodilypositionssuchashandsinthelap,legs crossedatthekneesorankles,elbowsclosertothebody,andmoretrunkrigidity(P.Peterson,1975).Higherstatusindividualsareallowedmorelatitudein demeanorwhereaslowerstatusindividualsareexpectedtoshowgreatercircumspection(N.M.Henley,19731974). Space Womenareapproachedmorecloselythanaremenbybothotherwomenandmen(Willis,1966).Otherresearchindicatesthatwomenmayprefercloserpositions andmaypossesssmallerpersonalspacethanmen(Evans&Howard,1973).Ingeneral,womentendtobemorerestrainedandrestrictedinthespacetheyuse, whereasmentakeupmorespace.Haveyouevernoticedwhoseelbowyoubumpintowhenseatednexttosomeoneonabusorairplane?Chancesareitisamale passenger,becausemencontrolterritorialspace.Forexample,Silveira(1972)foundthatwomenmovedoutofmen'swayin12of19mixedsexencounterswhen passingonthesidewalk.Whenwomenapproachedotherwomenormenapproachedmen,bothmovedoutofeachother'swayabout50%ofthetime. EyeContactandVisibility Eyecontactisthemostextensivelyresearchednonverbalbehavior(N.M.Henley,19731974).Peoplemaintaingreatereyecontactwiththosefromwhomthey wantapproval(Rubin,

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1970).However,thereisalsothefindingthatlistenerslookmoreatspeakers,andasnotedearlierinthischapter,menaremoreoftenspeakers.Ingeneral,women lookmoreatotherpeoplethanmen(Exline,1963Rubin,1970).Womenaverttheirgazefromothers,especiallymenstaresareadominantandaggressivegesture amonghumans,asamongotheranimals.Yet,womenalsohaveagreaterpercentageofmutuallooking,whichisinterpretedasreflectingmoreinclusiveand affectionateinterpersonalrelations(Exline,Gray,&Schuette,1965).Dominancethrougheyecontactiscommunicatedbystaring(Ellsworth,Carlsmith,&Henson, 1972O'Connor,1970),whereassubmissionmaybereflectedthroughavertedglancesorgaze(Hutt&Ounsted,1966). Relatedtoeyecontactandselfdisclosureisvisibility,whichreferstotheavailabilityofvisualcuesorinformationaboutoneselftoothers.Whensubjectscouldnotsee theotherperson,femalesappearedtohavemoredifficultycommunicating.Inonestudy,womendecreasedtheirspeechby40%wheninvisible,whereasmen increasedtheirspeechby40%inadditiontotalkingmorethanwomengenerally(Argyle,Lalljee,&Cook,1968). TouchingandSmiling Touchingandsmilingarealsogesturesofdominanceandsubmission.Touchingisagestureofdominance,andcuddlingisthecomplementarygestureofsubmission (N.Henley,1972).Womenaretouchedmorethanmen.Ifwomentouchmen,itisviewedassexualthesameinterpretationismadewhenmentouchothermen. Touchinghasnotonlysexualconnotationsbutalsostatusconnotations.Itisoneofthemostdirectinvasionsofone'spersonalspace.Touchingisamorephysical threatthanspaceviolation,pointing,orstaring.Infact,itisexpectedthatwomenaccepttouchingbyothersasnormalbehavior.Yetwhenwomeninitiatetouch,itis ofteninterpretedbymenasconveyingsexualintent. However,sexualattractionisnotsufficienttoexplainmen'smorefrequenttouchingofwomen(N.M.Henley,19731974).Thereislittleevidencethatmenhave greatersexdrivesthanwomen.Genderdifferencesintouchmaybeduetowomen'sinhibitiontodisplaysexualinterestinthisway.Statusdifferencesmaybethebest explanationofdifferencesintouch.Touchmaybeanonverbalequivalentofcallingsomeonebyherorhisfirstname(N.M.Henley,19731974).Smiling,onthe otherhand,isviewedasagestureofsubmission.Womenappeartosmilemorethanmenwhethertheyarehappyornot.However,thereislittleempiricalevidenceon theactualfrequencyofmaleandfemalesmiling(N.M.Henley,19731974).Ourculturesupportstwoclassesofnonverbalbehavioronecommunicatesdominance andstatusandtheotherinvolvestheexpressionofemotionalwarmth(Frieze&Ramsey,1976).Bothofthese

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groupsofnonverbalbehaviorareconsistentwithsexrolestereotypes(DierksStewart,1980). Afteranextensivereviewoftheliterature,J.A.Hall(1978Barton&Martin,1986)concludedthatwomenaremorefacileatrecognizingthemeaningofnonverbal cuesofemotionthanmen.Women'sgreatersensitivitytononverbalcuesmaybeanadvantagetowomenenteringnontraditionalrolesandwork,becauseitmayallow themtobeawareofresistancefromothers.Ontheotherhand,thisincreasedawarenessofresistancemayalsounderminetheirselfconfidence.Forexample,thereis evidencethatwomenmayrespondmorethanmentothebiasesofinterviewersinwaysthatconfirmtheinterviewers'biases(Bartol&Martin,1986Christensen& Rosenthal,1982). PerceptionsofPowerandPowerlessness Powerisalsocreatedandcommunicatedbothverballyandnonverbally(Haslettetal.,1992).Ingeneral,powerlessspeechischaracterizedbyhedges,tagquestions, intensifiers,politeness,andhesitations.Powerfulformsofspeecharedirect,includingshortreplies(Bradacetal.,1981).Ascitedearlierinthischapter,meninterrupt more,challengeothers'statementsmore,tendtoignorecommentsifotherspeakerscontrolthetopic,andmakemoredirectdeclarationsthandowomen.Inthis section,webrieflydiscusshowpowerlevelsarecommunicatedandexaminepowerissuesinlanguagethatoccursingroups. Anumberofstudieshavedescribedwomen'sstyleofspeakingaspowerlessandmen'sasmorepowerful(Bradacetal.,1981Lakoff,1973).Twopeopleofunequal statususedifferentpatternsofeyecontact(Dovidio&Ellyson,1982).Thelowerstatusindividualgazesattentivelyatthehighstatuspersonwhilethehighstatus individualisspeaking.Whenthelowerstatuspersonspeaks,hisorhergazeisavertedfromtheother'sface.Higherstatusindividualsdonotgazesoattentivelyata lowerstatuspersonwhileheorsheisspeaking,buttheydolooktheirpartnerintheeyewhentheythemselvesarespeaking.Inarelatedstudyofnonverbal dominanceusingpairsofmenandwomenworkingonaneutraltask,menuseddominant,highstatusvisualpatternsofcommunication(Dovidio,Ellyson,Keating, Heltman&Brown,1988).However,thesamewomentalkingwiththesamemalepartnersuseddominanthighstatusvisualpatternswhentheyhadsituationalrole power(i.e.,expertiseorassignedstatus).Further,themenusedalowstatuspatternwhenthesituationroleplacedtheminalowpowerposition.Resultsindicated thatsituationalrolepowercanoverrideinternalpersonalityfactorsinshapingsomeformsofnonverbaldominancedisplay(Dovidioetal.,1988). Menuseinexpressivenesstomaintainpositionsofpower(Sattell,1983).Maleinexpressivenessisaculturallyproducedpersonalitytraitthatis

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learnedbyboysasamajorcharacteristicoftheiradultmasculinity(Balswick&Peek,1971seeSidelight3.1inchap.3).Inexpressivenessmanifestsitselfintwo ways:inadultmalebehaviorthatdoesnotshowaffection,tenderness,oremotion,andinmen'stendencytonotsupporttheaffectiveexpectationsofothers. Inexpressivenessasacharacteristicofadultmasculinityimpliesthatboysandmendevalueexpressivebehaviorinothersasnonmasculine(Sattell,1983).Menare socializedintoinexpressivenessthroughtauntsandputdowns.However,boysarealsosocializedtolearnthatinexpressivenessisassociatedwithpowerandprestige. Keeping''cool"isastrategyformaintainingpower.Powercanbeexercisedthroughinexpressivenessandcanbeusedagainstwomen,forexample,bynotindicating tootherswhythemaleissilent.Itcanbeusedtowithholdvitalinformationwithinagivencontext.Paradoxically,menalsoareperceivedasmorevocallyassertiveand influentialthanwomen,whichmay,inpart,beduetowomen'suseoftagquestionsmoreinmixedsexgroupsthaninsamesexgroups(McMillanetal.,1977).The activeassertiveroleassociatedwithpowerisdemonstratedmorebymalesthanbyfemales. Ontheflipsideofpower,menyieldlesstoothers,especiallyinmixedsexgroups,becausemenyieldlesstowomenthantoothermen.Womenalsoyieldmorein mixedsexgroupsbecausewomentooyieldlesstootherwomenthantomen(Haslettetal.,1992).Consistentwithsexroleexpectations,menfocusontask contributions(askingandgivingopinions)whereaswomentendtobemorefriendlyandagreemore(providingsocioemotionalsupport).However,thissexrole consistentbehaviordoesdependonthegendercharacteristicsofthetask.Whenthetopicisrelatedmoretotheinterestsandknowledgeofonesex,thefavoredsex engagesinmoretaskbehavior(Aries,1977Bernard,1972Carli,1982Piliavin&Martin,1978).Thissuggeststhatmenandwomenmaycommunicateandperform differentlyondifferenttypesoftasks.Womenperformbetterattasksthatrequirediscussion,negotiation,orcreative,integrativesolutions,whereasmenperform betterattasksrequiringalargeamountofinformation(W.Wood,Polek,&Aiken,1985). Becausemenhavehigherstatusthanwomeninthelargersociety,menalsohavegreaterstatusandpowerinworkgroupswithinorganizations(Berger&Zelditch, 1985).Status,authority,andpowerareallpartofthemasculinestereotype.Tolevelthepoweramongmenandwomeninorganizations,itmaybenecessaryfora wellacceptedauthority(e.g.,upperlevelmanagementorapersonwithalegitimateauthority)tointerveneinamixedsexgroupsothatinitialandexternalsocietal statusdifferencesbetweenmenandwomendonotcontrolthestructureandpowerdistributionwithintheworkgroup(Lockheed&Hall,1976).Forexample,when theexperimenterinastudy(Piliavin&Martin,1978)

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askedmentospeakmore,genderrolestereotypicalbehaviorsincreased,withwomenspeakingevenless.Whentheexperimenteraskedwomentospeakmore, stereotypicalbehaviordecreasedforbothmenandwomen.Theseresultshighlighttheimportanceofanauthorityfigure'ssupportforwomen'scontributions. Consistentwithstereotypicalexpectationsofmenandwomen,ametaanalysisofsexdifferencesinleadercommunicationshowedthatmendemonstratedgreater emergentleaderbehaviors:behaviorsthatfacilitatedcommunicationincludinggivingsuggestionsandexplanations,autocraticleaderbehaviorlikedomination,influence strategiesreflectingpersuasivemessage,andnegativeaffectincludingdisplayingtension.Womenshowedmoredemocraticleaderbehaviorthanmen,including attendingtothesocioemotionalneedsofthegroupandpositiveaffectslikefriendliness.Whenthebehavioramongmenandwomeningroupsisexamined,itis importanttokeepinmindthestatusofmenandwomeninthelargersocietyaswellastheorganizationalcultureandthestatusofgroupmemberswithinthe organizationitself(Haslettetal.,1992).Forexample,womeninleadershippositionsbehaveinmoretaskorientedwaysthanthoseinnonauthoritypositions. Furthermore,forwomen,theremaybeaconflictbetweentaskorientedgroupbehavior(associatedwithpowerandleadership)andgenderroleexpectationsfor women,aconflictthatisnotpresentformen.Ifawomanbehavesinataskorientedway,shemaybeviewedasmasculineorunfeminine.Ifsheexhibitsgenderrole consistentbehavior,shemaybeviewedasunsuitableforhigherlevelsofmanagementandleadershippositions,thuscreatingadoublebind.AccordingtoN.M. Henley(19731974),nonverbalbehaviorthatoftensuggestsgreaterpowerformenmaybeperceivedbyothersassexualintentoravailabilitywhenexhibitedby women.Becausepowerfulwomenareperceivedasviolationsofsexstatusnorms,women'snonverbalbehaviorincludingtouch,stares,physicalcloseness,orless formaldemeanormaybeinterpretedassexualavailability. Anotherareawherepowerplaysaroleincommunicationinvolvestheuseofhumor.Peopleinhigherstatuspositionsandwithgreaterpowerinitiatedtheuseofhumor morethanindividualsinlowerstatuspositions(Coser,1960).Inonestudy,humorwasusedbymedicalpersonneltorelaxthesocialstructureofworkwithout upsettingit.Intermsofthehierarchyofjoking,seniorstaffmembersjokedmorethanjuniorstaffmenusedhumormorethanwomen,butwomenlaughedharder.It appearsthatwomenwithagoodsenseofhumoraretheoneswholaughatjokes,whereasmenwithasenseofhumortellgoodjokesandprovidewittyremarks. "Manprovides,womanreceives"(Coser,1960,p.85).Usinghumorasacommunicationtoolisdiscussedinmoredetailattheendofthischapter.

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ASocialPsychologicalApproachtoUnderstandingLanguageandLinguisticGroups Numerousstudieshaveshownthataperson'sspeechpatternandstyleaffectthewaythepersonisperceivedandevaluatedbyothers(Seligman,Tucker&Lambert, 1972Triandis,Loh,&Levin,1966).Furthermore,thereisevidencethatwechangeourwaysofspeakingdependingonthecontextandouraudience.One perspectiveorframeworkforinvestigatingspeechbehaviorsofwomenandmen,includingthechangesinthosebehaviors,iscalledthespeechstylesapproach(Giles &Powesland,1975Kramarae,1981).Thisframeworkusesasocialpsychologicalapproachtounderstandtherelationshipsbetweenlinguisticgroupsandgender (andethnicgroups).Itisausefulframeworktoexaminethecommunicationbehaviorsofmenandwomenasmembersofdominantandsubordinategroups. Thespeechstylesapproachisbasedonthepremisethatcertainspeechstylesareassociatedwithspecificsocialgroups(e.g.,women,Blacks,etc.)andserveascues orindicatorsoftheindividual'sgroupmembership.AccordingtoKramarae(1981),thismodelbecomesmoredynamicwhenthreeareasareemphasized: 1.Thewaysthatdistinctivespeechcanbeusedbygroupmemberstocreatesolidarityandtoexcludemembersofoutgroupsfrominteractions. 2.Thewaysthatdominantgroupmembersusethedistinctivefeaturesofspeech(actualorperceived)ofsubordinategroupsasafocusforridicule. 3.Thewaysthatspeakersmanipulatetheirspeakingstylestoemphasizeordeemphasizeparticularsocialidentities. ThisapproachtolanguageisbasedonTajfel's(1974)theoryofintergroupbehaviorandsocialchange.Itassumesthatpsychologicalgroupdistinctivenessisthe resultoftheconvergenceofthreeprocesses:socialcategorization,socialidentity,andsocialcomparison(J.Williams&Giles,1978). Individualsareassumedtobeactivelyattemptingtodefinethemselvesinrelationtotheworld.Socialcategorizationisoneofthecognitivetoolsthatpeopleuseto defineandcategorizethemselvesaswellasdefineandcategorizeothers.Socialidentityisapartofone'sselfconceptandinvolvestheknowledgeofone's membershipinvarioussocialcategories

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(e.g.,maleorfemale,AfricanAmericanorAsian)andthevaluethatagivensocietyattachestothosesocialcategories.Socialidentityacquiresmeaningthroughsocial comparisonsorinrelationtoothergroups(J.Williams&Giles,1978).Thatis,membersofasocialgroupperceivetheirinteractionswithothersocialgroupsinways thatallowthemtoviewtheirowngroupaspositiveanddistinctfromothers.Positivesocialidentityofthegroupresultsfromthispositivesocialcomparisonand distinctionfromothergroups. Therelationshipsbetweenlanguageandintergrouprelationsdepend,inpart,onpsychological,social,andsituationalvariablesincludinggroupstatus,groupsize, institutionalsupportforthegroup,anditslanguage.Forexample,membersofasubordinategroupmayasserttheirlanguageinasocietyorsocialcontext.The movementinsomestatestorecognizelanguagesotherthanEnglishastheacceptedspokenlanguageisoneexampleofthis.Thedominantgroupmayrespondtothe subgroupinwaysthatblockthedevelopmentoftheirownlanguagedistinctiveness.Asaresult,membersofthesesubgroupsmaydevelopmorenegativesocial identities(Tajfel,1978)byacceptingnegativecharacteristicsassociatedwithlowerstatusormayattempttochangetheirsituation(Tajfel,1974).Forexample,if membersofagrouprecognizetheirlowerstatusandconsiderittobefairandlegitimate,theymayseektodevelopapositiveselfidentityorimagethroughindividual means.Therearetwowaysofachievingpositivedistinctivenessattheindividuallevel:bycomparingone'sownpositionwithingroupmembersratherthanwiththosein thesuperiorgroup,orbyattemptingtoleavethegroupandmoveintoasuperiorone(i.e.,socialmobility). Ifgroupmembersareawareoftheirlowerstatusandviewthisasunfair,theymayattempttoobtainapositivesocialidentitybytakingcollectivegroupactions. Specifically,alowerstatusgroupcanusethreestrategiestodevelopapositivegroupidentitythroughgroupactionandsocialchange(Tajfel,1974).First,thegroup canattempttoassimilatebothculturallyandpsychologicallyintothemajoritygroupsortrytoachieveequallywiththesegroupsonimportantcharacteristics.Oftenthis isthestrategyinitiallyusedbylowerstatusgroups.Second,lowerstatusgroupmembersmayredefinecharacteristicsthatpreviouslywerenegativelyvalued(e.g.,skin color,gender,dialect)inpositiveterms,forexample,emphasizingthatwomenaremoreinclusivethanmenratherthanlesscompetitive,orusingsuchexpressionsas "Blackisbeautiful!"Third,thegroupmayidentifyneworalternativedimensions,notusedpreviouslyinintergroupcomparisons,fromwhichthegroupmayperceivea positivedistinctivenessfromothers.Thistheoryisdynamicbecauseitassumesthatcollectivesocialchangeactionbyalowerstatusgroupwill

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meetwithstrongreactionsbythedominantgroup(whichistryingtomaintaindistinctivenessaswell).Gilesetal.(1978)statedthatadistinctlanguagestyleisakey featureofagroup.Thisdistinctivenesswillbeheightenedwhenmembersofonegroupareincompetitionwith,arecomparedto,andliveincloseproximitywiththe othergroup. MenandWomenasLinguisticGroups EvidencethatwomenandmencomposetwolinguisticgroupscanbeusedasabasisforTajfel's(1974)intergroupanalyses(Gilesetal.,1978Kramarae,1981).The relationshipbetweenmenandwomenhasbeencomparedtorelationshipsbetweenBlacksandWhitesandchildrenandadults,groupswithsubordinatedominant relationships.Furthermore,therearepervasivebeliefsthatmalesandfemalesspeakdifferently.Womenaremembersofasubordinateorinferiorgroupinoursociety. LikeBlacks,womenearnlessoutsidethehome,arenotrepresentedproportionatelyinorganizations,andaremoredependentontheactionsofothers.Intelligence andspeechpatternsofBlacks,women,andchildrenareperceivedmorenegativelythanthoseofWhitemales.Therefore,womenareaminoritybasedonpower differencesratherthanabsolutenumbers.Women'sandBlacks'speechhasbeendescribedbyWhitemalesasemotional,intuitive,andinvolvingtheuseofwordsnot spokenornotspokenoftenbythedominantgroup(Zimmerman&West,1975).Bothgroupshavebeendescribedasusingmoretouchandnonverbal communication.Women,likechildren,areinterruptedmore. CombiningTajfel's(1974)theoryofintergrouprelationsandGiles'(1977)theoryofspeechaccommodationprovidesaframeworkforunderstandingtheroleof languageingroupandinterpersonalrelationships(Kramarae,1981).Thetheoryofspeechaccommodation(Giles,Taylor,&Bourhis,1973)suggeststhatone memberofadyadtendstoadoptthespeechpatternsofthepersontowhomsheorheistalking.Thelogicofspeechaccommodationrestsonthesimilarity attractiontheoryinsocialpsychology(Byrne,1971),whereapersoncanenhanceanevaluationofselfbyreducingdissimilarities.Thesimilarityattractionnotion suggeststhatifaspeakerdesiresapositiveinteraction,thespeakeraccommodateshisorherownspeechstyletothatoftheindividualwithwhomsheorheis interacting.Socialapprovalisonegoalofaccommodation(Giles&Powesland,1975). Peoplecontinuouslyadjusttheirspeechstylesdependingontowhomtheyarespeaking.Wecanadoptspeechtoreduceoraccentuatedifferencestoconveysocial similarity,differences,approval,ordisapproval(Gilesetal.,1973).Whenapersonwantsapproval,therewillbemore

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convergenceormatchtotheotherperson'sspeechorspeechexpectations.Convergenceanddivergenceinspeechinvolvebothwhatissaidandhowitissaid.In interactionswherebothpartieswantapproval,onepersonmayshiftupwardtowardhighprestigespeechandtheotherdownwardtowardlowprestigespeech. Womendomorespeechaccommodatingthanmen,especiallyinmalefemaleinteractions.Womendonotaccommodateinfemalefemaleinteractions,nordomen inmalefemaleinteractions(Henley&Thorne,1977Kramarae,1981).However,menandwomenmayseekapprovalbyusingcomplementaryspeechstylesrather thanmatchingoneswhenhighlightinggenderdifferencesinordertowinapproval.Forexample,indatingsituations,itmaybeimportantforthemantoconveyhis masculinityandthewomantoshowherfemininity. Language,IntergroupTheory,andSocialChange Membersofminorityorlowerpowergroupscanassertthemselvesontwolevels:individualandgroup(Gilesetal.,1973Tajfel,1974).Theobjectiveofthis assertionistoenhanceselfidentity.Forcenturies,womenhaveactedonanindividuallevelbycomparingthemselveswitheachother,primarilywithotherdomestic housewives.Historically,womencouldadvancethemselvesindividuallythroughmarriagemorethanmencouldthroughoccupationalachievement(Chase,1975).A marriedwoman'sstatusdependedonherhusband's,sowomenworkedtoimprovetheirhusbands'status.Theseeffortswereandareoftensuccessfulandare considereddeterrentstounifiedgroupsocialaction.Unlikeotherminoritygroups,womendonotliveseparatelyfromthemajoritygroup.Separationandinferiorliving conditionsareconducivetothedevelopmentofacollectivegroupconsciousness.Womenoftenlivewiththedominantgroupandderivemanybenefitsfromsuchclose associations(Williams&Giles,1978). Anotherstrategythatwomencanuseattheindividualleveltoenhanceselfidentityiscalledthe"QueenBee"syndrome(Staines,Tavris,&EpsteinJayarantne,1974). Inthissituation,thewomanisconcernedwithpersonalsuccessinamaledominatedactivity.Menbecomeherreferentgroup.Shedoesnotidentifywithotherwomen andviewsherselfasanexceptiontohergender.Shemayacceptthedominantgroup'snegativeviewofhergroup,butsheconsidersherselfdifferentfromother womenandattemptstoconveytomenthatsheisdifferentfromothermembersofhergroupandthatsherecognizestheinferiorityofmostmembersofhergroup.This issimilartotheprocessofassimilation.Althoughindividualassimilationintothedominantgroupmaybeanecessaryinitialchange

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strategyforwomen,itisfullofpitfallsandtendstopreservethestatusquo(J.Williams&Giles,1978).Byassimilating,thewomanisevaluatedusingoutgroupor masculinevalues.Femalestendtoacceptthecriteriausedbythedominantgroupassuperiortotheirownstandards.Whenapplyingthisapproachtolanguage, womenwhoassimilatetendtoacceptthemalewayofspeakingassuperiorandadoptthatspeakingstyle.Assimilationappearstomovewomenawayfromself definitionstodefinitionsofselfbasedonmalestandards.Consistentwithassimilationistherecommendation(oftenbydominantgroups)thatwomenadoptamore malespeech,implyingthatsuchspeechisbetter(Lakoff,1973). Ifmembersofagroupbecomeawarethatthegroup'sstatusisillegitimate,andthattheyarecapableofchange,thereisatendencytoredefinethegroupbycollective action(J.Williams&Giles,1978).Thisawarenesscanleadtoaredefinitionofthegroup'ssocialidentitiesthroughsocialmovements.Thewomenwhomadethemost significanteffortstoaltersocialrolesduringthelastcenturywerefromtheupperclasses.Theirawarenessofsocialinequitywasstimulatedbytwoconflicting perceptions.Ontheonehand,upperclasswomenreceivedtherespectduetotheirclasspositionandeducation.Ontheotherhand,theirstatusaswomenexposed themtoadifferenttypeofsocialresponsedisregard.Theseconflictingexperiencesledthesewomentoquestionthestatusquo.Suchquestioningresultedfrom blockedgoalsthatupperclasswomenpossessedandbelievedtobelegitimate(Galtung,1974).Theycomparedthemselvestomenandbecameawareoflegal, political,andworkinjustices.Inorderforcollectiveactionchangestooccur,theminoritymembersneedtoviewinferiorcomparisonswiththemajorityasunsupported (Tajfel,1974).However,redefiningorcreatingnewdimensionsonwhichtheminoritygroupcomparesfavorablywiththemajoritygroupisdifficult. AcontroversyinOaklandinvolvedelementsofintergrouptheoryandsocialchange.InDecember1996,theOaklandSchoolBoardrecognizedthelanguagespoken bymanyAfricanAmericanstudentscalledEbonicsandagreedtouseitasastartingpointtoteachstandardEnglishinschools.Inaschooldistrictthatwas92% minority,AfricanAmericanswereperformingpoorlyinschool,andbyrecognizingEbonics,OaklandofficialshopedtoimprovethewayBlackstudentsweretaught toreadandwritestandardEnglish.ThemovebytheOaklandSchoolBoardmaybeoneexampleofaminoritygroupbecomingawareofsocialinequityandcreating anewdimension(i.e.,legitimizingEbonics)onwhichtheminoritygroupcomparesfavorably.TheattempttorecognizeEbonicsasaseparatelanguagehasitsrootsin theBlackpridemovementofthe1960s(Lubman,1996).Asonelinguiststates,"Onewaytosayyou'reproudtobeanAfricanAmericanisbythewayyou talk"(GuyBailey,Universityof

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Texas,Arlington,citedinLubman,1996,p.A06).Anotherlinguiststatesthatthepublic'sreactiontothiscontroversysuggestsafailuretorealizethatthelinguistic changesreflectdeeperculturalproblems.MostofthedifferencesinWhiteandBlackEnglishareoccurringamongyoungpeoplewhocriticizetheireldersfor"speaking toowhite"(Toner,1998).Furthermore,theselanguagedifferencesmayreflectdecreasinginteractionamongethnicgroups.Wecontinueourdiscussionofthe majoritygroup'sreactionstotheOaklandSchoolBoarddecisioninthenextsection. ResponsesoftheDominantMajorityGrouptoMinorityCollectiveAction Reactionstoassertionsbywomen(feminists)andethnicminoritiesforacceptanceofanewgroupidentitycanvarysubstantially.First,themajoritygroupcanappear toacceptchangesthatminoritiesadvocatebutthenredefinethesituationsothatthesechangesbecometrivial(e.g.,useofchairmanvs.chairpersonwherethelatter isusedtodenotewomenonlyKramarae,1981).Second,majoritygroupmemberscanusehumororridiculetodiminishchangesinlanguageassertedbywomen. Althoughviolenceisgenerallyusedasatoolinresistancetoracialdesegregation,ridicule,whichisviolence's"psychiccounterpart"(p.229),isusedtocombatsexual equality(Murray,1971).Humorandlaughterareresponsesmenusetoavoidseriouslyexaminingtheissueoflanguagechange(Hole&Levine,1971Kramarae, 1981Williams&Giles,1978).Laughtercanbeusedbythedominantgroupwhentheirsocialidentityisthreatened.Forexample,themediaandnewspaper columnistspokedfunoffeminists'concernsabouttheuseofthegeneticmanandhebymovingtheissuetotheextremeandmarginalizingit(e.g.,foremanvs. foreperson).Inaddition,thereactiontotheDecember1996OaklandSchoolBoarddecisiononEbonicswasequallyswift.Initially,reactionswerenegativefrom bothBlacksandWhites,includingtheRev.JesseJacksonandpoetMayaAngelou.Jacksonlatermetwithschoolboardofficialsandindicatedheagreedwithsome oftheirgoals.However,commentssuchas"We'rethelaughingstockofthenation"and"Yourpolicythatattemptstolegitimatizepoorgrammarandidentifyitwith BlackAmericawillsetusback100years"weremadeoncethedecisionwasannounced("Oaklandschoolboardamendsebonics'policy,"(1997,January16),CNN Interactive.CNN.com). Finally,womenorminoritieswhothreatenthestatusquo(intermsofbehaviorbutalsointheuseoflanguage)oftenareaccusedofbeingsexually,emotionally,or physicallydefectiveordeviant.Forexample,suchwomenareaccusedofnotbeing"real"womenrathertheyare

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lesbian,insane,crazy,ornotintelligent.Themajoritygroupmayrespondtocollectiveactionbysayingthatchangesinlanguageproposedbyfeministsarenot"natural." Thegreatestchangesinlanguagearelikelytooccurwhenmenacceptthepositivegroupdistinctivenessthatwomenclaimforthemselves,andwhentheintegrationof maleandfemalerolesdoesnotinvolveorisperceivednottoinvolvealossofpositivesocialidentityforthemajoritygroup(J.Williams&Giles,1978). AdditionalIssuesConcerningLanguageintheWorkplace Thelanguageandcommunicationliteraturesprovidearichbasisforapplicationtotheworkplacetherefore,twoadditionaltopicswarrantattention.First,aswomen increasinglyentermoremaledominatedoccupations,itisimportanttounderstandhowtheywillbeperceivediftheyadoptmoremalelanguagestyles,as recommendedbysomelinguists(Lakoff,1975).Inthenextsectionwebrieflydescribesomeofthereactionsto"sexinappropriate"language.Second,humorisan effectivecommunicationtoolbutisalsoapotentialsourceofmisunderstandingandconflictbetweenmenandwomenintheworkplace. "SexInappropriate"Language Isawomanperceivedasstrongandconfidentwhensheemploysamoremalestyleofspeaking?Orissheviewedasunfeminine?Isamanusingamorefemalestyle viewedasmoreopenandnurturingorasweakandinferior?Moreresearchisneededtofullyaddressthesequestions.Yetwomenwhousemalestylesofspeaking areoftencategorizedasunfeminine(Thorne&Henley,1975).Menwhospeaklikewomenareperceivedaseffeminateandareregardedwithdisdain.Whenspeech formsofmenandwomenmerge,womenusuallyadoptmalelanguage(Conklin,1974).Althoughtherearebarriersforbothwomenandmen,womencanmorefreely usebothforms.Insomesettings,womencanobtainsocialrewardsforusingmalestylesincludingbeingtakenmoreseriously(Lakoff,1973).However,although womenmaybenefitfromspeakingtoamalesupervisorusingastrong,masculinestyle(includingpromotingtheirstrengths),selfpromotingtoanotherwomanmaybe metwithanegativereaction(Elias,1995). MenwhorejectthetraditionalAmericanmasculineimagearemorelikelytousespeechassociatedwithfemales,includinghomosexuals,hippies,andacademicmen (Lakoff,1973).Menwhousefemalestyles

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aremorestigmatizedthanarewomen(Thorne&Henley,1975).Thatis,wetendtoviewmenwhouseafemalestyleofspeakingmuchmorenegativelythanawoman usingamoremasculinestyle.Menappeartobemorestigmatizedforusingfemininestylesofspeechbecausesuchusereflectsdownwardmobilityformen.For women,usingthemalestylereflectsupwardmobility.Furthermore,centraltothemaleidentityistheneedformentodemonstratetheirmasculinityandtoassert themselvesfirmlyasnotfeminine(Thorne&Henley,1975).Maintainingandusingmalestylesofspeaking,amasculinesymbol,maybeonewayofdoingthis. Women,ontheotherhand,maynothavetheneedtoprovetheirfemininity,orprovethattheyarenotmasculine. Researchfindingsonperceptionsofmenandwomenusingsexinappropriatelanguagearemixed.Inmixedsexgroupswherefemaleswereencouragedtotalkmore, femalesexhibitedmoreleadershipandgreaterparticipation(Schwartz,1970).Ontheotherhand,malesinthegroupdislikedthetalkativefemalemorethanasimilarly behavingmale.Malescontinuedtodislikethesewomenevenafterthewomenstoppedbehavinginasexinappropriatemanner(Schwartz,1970).Furthermore,there isevidencethatwomenhavebeenfiredfromtheirjobsbecausetheirlanguagewasperceivedastoostrongorinappropriatefortheirgender(Kramarae,1981). Otherresearchindicatesthattheuseofsexappropriateandinappropriatelanguagedifferentiallyaffectsmalesandfemales(Berryman,1980).InBerryman's(1980) study,malespeakersusingsexappropriatelanguage(i.e.,malespeech)wereratedasmoreextroverted,lesscredible,andlessactive.Malesusingsexinappropriate language(i.e.,femalespeech)wereviewedaslessextrovertedandmorecredibleandactive.Femalesusingsexappropriatelanguage(i.e.,femalespeech)were viewedasmorecredibleandlessextrovertedandconfident.Femalesusingsexinappropriatespeech(i.e.,malespeech)wereratedaslesscredibleandmore extrovertedandconfident.Ingeneral,regardlessofgender,menandwomenusingfemalefeaturesoflanguagewereratedasmorecrediblecommunicatorsusersof malelanguagewereratedasmoreextroverted. Clearly,moreresearchisneededontheeffectsofgenderandlanguageappropriatenessonperceptionsofcompetenceandliking.Itmaybethattheuseofonestyleis associatedwithmorepositiverewardsandperceptions,yetwemaybelesscomfortablewhenagivenindividualusesalanguagestylethatweexpectfromthe oppositegender.Regardless,itisclearthatmenandwomendonotusesimplyonestyleofspeaking.Consistentwiththeoriespresentedinthischapter,womenand menusevariationsofmasculineandfemininestyles.Competenceandeaseofmovementfrommasculinetofeminineorintegratingbothstylesmay

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enableindividualstomeetchallengeswithintheworkplace(BerrymanFink&Wheeless,1987). GenderandHumor Mostofusbelievewehaveareasonablesenseofhumor.Infact,mostofusbelievewepossessanaboveaveragesenseofhumor(Mackie,1987).Humorreflectsa sharedsetofexperiencesandcommunicatesattitudesandevaluation(Lindesmith,Strauss,&Denzin,1977).Duetoitsambiguousnature,humorallowspeopleto expressbeliefsandfeelingswithoutbeingheldaccountableforthem(Sanford&Eder,1984).Onecancommunicateamessageandthen''takeitallback"bysaying"it wasonlyajoke"(Kane,Suls,&Tedeschi,1977,p.13). Humorisanextensionoflanguagegenerally.IntheUnitedStates,itreflectsanantifemalebiasreinforcingwomen'sinferiorstatus(Cantor,1976McGhee,1979 Zimbardo&Meadow,1974).Humorstrengthensingrouptiesandsolidarity.Differencesbetweengroupsserveasabasisforlaughter,andingrouphumorisoften keptfromoutgroupmembers.Forexample,womenrarelytelljokesaboutmeninmen'spresence.Inmixedsexgroups,womenuseselfdeprecatinghumor(Walker, 1981).Ontheotherhand,mendotelljokestowomenthatdenigratewomen,andwomenlaughatthesejokes(Cantor,1976).Whywouldwomenlaughatsuch denigratingjokes?Laughterisaformofingratiation(Mackie,1987).Thisisanimpressionmanagementtechniquethatpeopleusetoincreasetheirownlikability, especiallytobelikedbysomeonemorepowerful(Kaneetal.,1977).Therefore,inordertobelikedbymales,womenmaylaughevenattheirownexpense. Ahumorousinteractioncanoftenbedividedalongtraditionalsexrolelines.Meninitiateit,whilewomenreceiveorrespond.Amanwhohasagoodsenseofhumoris onewhotellsfunnyjokesawomanwithagoodsenseofhumor,however,isonewholaughsatthem(Eakins&Eakins,1978).Women'sattemptsatbeingfunny oftenmeetwithmaledisapproval,especiallywhenfemalehumorisinterpretedasunderminingmaleauthority.Jokesthatdenigrateoraresaidattheexpenseofothers increaseamongindividualswithhigherstatus(McGhee,1979).Womentendtouseselfdeprecatinghumor,whichistiedtolowerstatus(Eakins&Eakins,1978). Feministstendnottolaughatjokesthatdenigratewomenand,consequently,areperceivedashavingnosenseofhumoratall(Walker,1981). WhyishumorintheworkplaceaserioustopicforappliedpsychologistsandHRMprofessionals?First,thereissomeevidencethatmaleandfemalesupervisorswho usehumorreceivehigheroveralleffectiveness

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ratingsthanthosewhodonot(Fisher,1996).Inaddition,humoristhedelineationofingroupandoutgroupstatus.Itcanidentifyindividualswhoare"oneofthegang" andclearlyconveytoothersthattheyarenot"oneofus."Forexample,oneofthemoreprevalentformsofsexualharassmentofwomenatworkincludessexualjokes andteasing.Fortytosixtypercentofallcomplaintsreflectthistypeofharassment(Alberts,1992).Jokingandteasingcanreflectahostileworkenvironmentalthough oftennotthe(legally)moreseriousformofharassmentcalledquidproquo.Teasingcanbeviewedasharassmentbecauseitincludesplayfulness/jokingand derogation/aggression(Alberts,1992).Itisanaggressivebehaviorthatisembeddedwithinasituationwithcuessignalingthatplayisoccurring.Theinterpretationof teasingisveryimportantyetisoftenambiguous.Whenamanteasesawoman,hisintentionsarehighlyuncertain.Themanmaybelieveheisbeingplayful.Thewoman mayfeelharassedorshemaybelieveitisjoking,onlytofindoutjusttheopposite(Alberts,1992).Seetheexamplesofinterchangesbetweenmenandwomenin Sidelight4.2.Whichdoyoufindmorehumorous?Moreimpoliteorrude?Theperpetratorofteasingcanalsodenyculpability.Thisformofharassmentcanbe effectiveintermsofinflictingharmuponitstargetandcanbedifficulttoeradicatebecausetheharassercanalwaysclaimthathewas"onlyjoking.''Sexualharassment isdiscussedmorefullyinchapter9. Summary Althoughthereappeartobesomeactualdifferencesinthewaywomenandmenspeak,perceiveddifferencesarefargreaterthanactualdifferences.Womentendto havehigherandmenlowerpitchlevelsthanexpectedonthebasisoffemaleandmalephysiology.Womentendtospeakmorepolitelywhereasmenspeakmore forcefully.Descriptionsandcharacterizationsofmaleandfemalespeakingstylescloselyfollowstereotypicalnotionsofmenandwomeninoursociety.Forexample, wordsassociatedwithmenreflectdominanceandarepositiveincontent.Suchwordsconnotepower,strength,prestigeandleadership.Femalewordsreflect weakness,inferiority,andasenseofthetrivial. Thelinkbetweengenderdifferencesinlanguageandsexsegregationoftheworkforceisexemplifiedbythecontentofmaleandfemaleconversations.Especially amongbluecollarworkers,menandwomensplitupforconversationandrarelyhavemuchtosaytoeachother.Thetopicsofconversationforwomeninclude interpersonalmatters,whereasmendiscusswork,sports,andcars.

Page122 Sidelight5.2MalesandFemalesSeemtoUseHumorDifferently TheRegionalVicePresidentatmycompany,amiddleagedmanwitharecedinghairline,nevermissedanopportunitytogetinadigattheengineersin mydepartment.Onedayatourstaffmeeting,hezeroedinonayoungsingleguywhooftentriedoutdifferenthairstylesandgroomingproducts."You keepspendingmoneyonyourhair,"thevicepresidentsaidwithasmirk,"andyou'llhavetotakeoutaloan." "Thankfully,"theyoungmanrespondedcoolly,"withthemoneyyouaresavingonyourhair,you'llbeabletogivemeone." ContributedbySharonA.Peterson (Reader'sDigest,March1998,p.36) Betweenhersophomoreandjunioryearsatcollege,mydaughterLauriewaitedtablesataratherseedysteakhouse.Oneeveningshewaitedonawell dressedyoungcouple.Inarathercondescendingtone,themanaskedher,"Haveyoueverthoughtofgoingcollege?" "Actually,Idogotocollege,"Lauriereplied. "Well,IwenttoHarvard,"hesaid,surveyingtherestaurant,"andI'dneverworkinaplacelikethis." "IgotoVassar,"Laurieretorted,"andI'dnevereatinaplacelikethis." ContributedbyNancyKuusela (ReadersDigest,December1997,p.75)

Ingroupinteractions,stereotypicalpatternsofverbalandnonverbalinteractionsamongmenandwomenemerge.Mentendtoinitiateconversationwithinthegroup, interruptwomenmore,talkmore,andestablishahierarchyofdominance.Women,especiallyinallfemalegroups,tendtotaketurnsspeaking,ensuringthateveryone hastheopportunitytospeak.Evenwithnonverbalbehavior,womenreflectamoreformal,restrictivesetofnonverbalbehaviors.Womenshowmorebodytension andclosedbodypositions,whereasmenreflectamorerelaxedmanner.Asaresult,womentakeuplessspacephysically,averttheirgazefromothersespeciallymen, andtouchotherslessthanmen.Menuseinexpressivenesstomaintainpositionsofpower,andwomenaskmorequestionsandexertmoreeffortatkeeping conversationsgoing. Thespeechstylesapproachtounderstandinglanguageandgendersuggeststhatcertainspeechstylesareassociatedwithspecificsocialgroupsincludingmenand women,BlacksandWhites,andsoforth.Based

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onTajfel'stheoryofintergroupbehavior,languageisonewayagroupdevelopsitsowndistinctivenessandidentity.Inattemptstodevelopapositivesocialidentity,a groupoflowerstatusmaytakecollectivegroupactiontochangeitsnegativecircumstances.Examplesoftheseincludethewomen'smovementinthe1960sandthe 1996OaklandSchoolBoarddecisionregardingEbonics.Collectivesocialactionbyalowerstatusgroupwilllikelymeetwithstrongreactionsbythedominantgroup. Otherimportantlanguageissuesincludeusingsexinappropriatelanguageandhumorintheworkplace.Menusingamorefemininestyleappeartobemorenegatively stigmatizedthanwomenusingamoremasculinestyle.Specifically,womenusingamasculinestyleareperceivedmorepositivelyinsomecircumstancesbymenbutnot byotherwomen.Womenmayneedtomovefrommorefemininetomasculinestylesdependingupontheirlisteners.Finally,humorintheworkplaceisbecomingan increasinglyserioustopic.Althoughtheremaynotbesignificantgenderdifferencesinsenseofhumor,thebehaviorsinwhichmenandwomenengageinordertobe perceivedashavingasenseofhumorappeartobequitedifferent.Menwithasenseofhumortelljokeswomenwithasenseofhumorlaughatthem.However, humor,especiallyteasingandjoking,canhaveseriousrepercussionsintheworkplaceifmisperceived.Moreonmisperceptionsofhumorandsexualharassmentis presentedinchapter9. Glossary Acousticaldifferences:Differencesinheardsound. Affectivecommunication:Sendingandreceivinginformationregardingfeelingsandemotions. Demeanor:One'soutwardbehavior. Deprecatingconnotations:Words,phrases,orexpressionsthatconveydisapproval. Dyad:Apairoraunitoftwo. Grammarian:Aspecialistingrammarorthestudyofrulesforspeakingandwritinginalanguage. Hedge:Tohidebehindwordsorrefusetocommitoneself. Intensifier:Wordthatimpliesanincreaseindegreeorstrengthofforceorvividness. Metaanalysis:Aprocedureinwhichtheoutcomesofdifferentstudiesarequantifiedsothattheymaybecomparedandsummarized. Pitchlevel:Levelorqualityofatoneorsounddeterminedbythefrequencyofvibrationofthesoundwavesreachingtheear. Socialcategorization:Processofclassifyingpeopleaccordingtoparticularsocialcharacteristics.

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Socialcomparison:Socialprocessofcomparingone'sopinionsandabilitieswithotherpeople'sandmakingevaluationsbasedonthiscomparison. Socialidentity:Useofgroupmembership(includinggender,racial,andreligiousgroups)asasourceofpersonalidentityordefinitionandselfesteem. Sociolinguistics:Scienceofsociallanguages.

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6 PowerandRelationshipsatWork
I.DefinitionsandSourcesofPowerandInfluence A.ConceptualizationsofPower B.AcquiringPower 1.BasesofPower 2.StrategicContingencies C.ConceptualizationsofInfluenceandInfluenceTactics 1.InfluenceTactics 2.GenderSimilaritiesandDifferencesinUseofInfluenceTactics II.TheEffectsofPowerandInfluence A.EffectsonTargets'CommitmenttoTheirOrganizations B.EffectsonNonverbalBehaviors C.EffectsonPerceptionsofthePowerHolder D.TheMetamorphicEffectsofPower:PowerHolders'PerceptionsofOthers III.GenderandPowerintheWorkplace A.BasesofPowerforWomen B.PowerImplicationsforWomenintheWorkplace 1.PowerandTopLevelLeadership 2.PowerandPayInequity 3.PowerandSexualHarassment IV.Summary

Page126 Alittlegirlandalittleboyareinasandbox.Thelittleboywantstocompetewiththegirl,andsohetellsherabouthowhisfamilyownsacolorTVset.Thegirlsaysherparents ownacolorTVset.Hesaystheyownaboat.Sherepliesthatherparentsalsoownaboat.Hepullsdownhistrousersasnddeclares,"Ihavethis!"Shepullsdownherpants,looks, andrunshomecrying.Thenextdaytheyarebackinthesandbox.Havingenjoyedhimselfthepreviousday,thelittleboysaysthathisparentshavetwocars.Sherepliesthather parentshavetwocars.Hesaysthattheyhaveabighouse.Shecountersthatherfamilytoohasabighouse.Figuringitworkedbefore,thelittleboypullsdownhispants.Thelittle girllookshimintheeyeandsays,"MymommysaysthatwhenI'mbigIcanhaveasmanyofthoseasIwant!" (Barreca,1991,pp.9293)

Poweristhecapacitytoinfluenceothers.Supervisorspraiseorpunishworkers,senioremployeesselectivelysharetheirexpertise,andorganizationalleadersfilter informationtotherankandfileinordertoinfluencetheirbehaviors,beliefs,andattitudes.Powerisaubiquitousfeatureofrelationshipsbothwithinandoutside organizationalsettings.Theprudentandeffectiveuseofpowertoforwardlegitimateorganizationalgoalsisthehallmarkofahealthyorganization.However,powercan beusedforinappropriatepurposes,individualsorgroupscanexercisepoweronlytogainmorepower,andpowerfulactionscanhaveunintendednegative consequencesforindividuals,groups,andorganizations. Thischapterdescribespoweranditsrelatedconcepts(e.g.,influence,dependency,control,andauthority)astheyaffectorganizationalfunctioningandinterpersonal relationshipswithinorganizations.Variousdefinitionsandtheoriesofpowerarediscussedaswellastheeffectsofpowerandinfluencestrategiesongenderand variouspowerrelatedtopics.Weconcludebyfocusingontheimplicationsofpowerimbalancesbetweenwomenandmenandonwomen'sstrategiestogainpowerin organizations. DefinitionsandSourcesofPowerandInfluence Inworkorganizations,itiseasytomistakeformalauthorityforpower,inthesensethatpeoplehigherontheorganizationalchartareoftenassumedtohavemore power,andpeopleatequivalentlevelsareassumedtohavethesamepower.Infact,formalauthorityisonlyoneaspect,andsometimesasmallone,ofpower.That is,peopleatthesameorganizationallevelmayhavevastlydifferentlevelsofpower,becauseoftheirdifferent

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accesstoresources,becauseoftheirpersonalcharacteristics(includinggender),andbecauseofthetypesofsubordinatestheyworkwith(ifsubordinateswon'tfollow you,youarenotaverypowerfulleader).Inthischapter,wedistinguishbetweenstructuralandpersonalsourcesofpowerandalsobetweensourcesofpowerthatare explicitand"visible"andthosethataremoresubtleandlessclearlyvisibletoexternalobservers. ConceptualizationsofPower Fromapersonalperspective,poweristhepotentialtogetsomethingthatyouwantfromsomeoneelsewhomayunwillingtorelinquishit.Thus,poweristhepotential toinfluence,butasEmerson(1962)noted,powerisnotastaticcharacteristicofanindividual.Itisapropertyofasocialrelationshipthatis,oneindividualhaspower overanotherindividual(butnotnecessarilyoveradifferentindividual).AccordingtoEmerson,whenapersonhasdesirableresources,suchastheabilitytocontrol rewardslikejobpromotions,sheorhehaspoweroverthosewhodesirethoseresources(e.g.,anambitioussubordinate).Theambitioussubordinate,therefore, dependsonthesupervisorforajobpromotion.Thefirstdefinitionofpowerthatweoffer,then,describespowerdependencerelations:"ThepowerofactorAover actorBistheamountofresistanceonthepartofBwhichcanbepotentiallyovercomebyA"(Emerson,1962,p.32).Themoredependentthesecondpersonison thefirst,thegreatthepotentialthefirstpersonhastoovercomethesecond'sresistancetohisorherrequests.Forexample,iftheambitioussubordinatedepends entirelyonhissupervisor'srecommendationforthepromotion,heislikelytodowhateverhissupervisoraskshimtodoregardlessofhowunpleasantthetask.Ifthe supervisorisonlyoneofseveralpeoplewhohaveinputonjobpromotions,theambitioussubordinateisnotsostronglycompelledtoacquiescetothesupervisor's everydemand. Relatedtodependencyisscarcityornonsubstitutability.Totheextentthatonepersondependsonscarceresourcescontrolledbyanother,thepersoncontrollingthe valuedresourcehaspoweroverthepersonwhoneedstheresource(Kipnis,1990).Thus,ifthejobmarketistightandonlyoneortwopromotionswillbegrantedin agivenyear,theambitioussubordinatebecomesparticularlydependentonhissupervisor,andthesupervisorhasconsiderablepoweroverthesubordinate.However, ifthereareseveralopportunitiesforadvancementinanorganization,orifhigherpaying,higherprestigejobsarereadilyavailableelsewhere,theambitioussubordinate isnotsodependentonthesupervisorfortheparticularjobpromotionsheorhecontrols. Threegeneralmodelsofpowerhavebeendevelopedinvariousdisciplines,suchasphilosophy,psychology,andsociology(Hiley,1987).The

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behavioralmodelviewspoweras"theintentionalandovertbehaviorofindividualsorgroupswherethereisexplicitconflictorresistance,andwheretheresolutionis explainedintermsofthepoweroneindividualhasoveranotherinachievingconsensus"(Hiley,1987,p.345).Emerson'spowerdependencemodelisanexampleof atheorywithinthebehavioralmodel.Intheideologicalmodel,power"operatesthroughthewayabeliefsystemorsetofvaluesfiguresinstructuringorfosteringthe conditionsforcertainexplicitoutcomes"(Hiley,1987,p.345).Forexample,anorganization'scorporateculturemayindicatethatcertainbeliefsandpatternsof behaviorarevaluedoverothers.Organizationalmembersthinkandactaccordinglyduetothe"power"ofthecorporateculture.Anorganizationthatplacesahigh valueonloyaltyandisknownbyallmemberstorewardloyalemployees(orpunishdisloyalemployees)maybeabletoinfluenceemployeestoconformtocompany normsnomatterwhatthecost.Genderstereotypesmightrepresentanideologicalbasisforpower,inthesensethattheyconveytheideathatmenshouldhavepower orinfluenceoverwomen,particularlywheninteractinginwhathashistoricallybeentheman'sdomaintheworkplace.Inthedisciplinarymodel(Hiley,1987), powerisfocusedonthewaytherules,policies,structure,andworkplacedesignofanorganizationproduceefficientandconformingbehavior.Hileydescribedhow routinizationandtheseparationofpeopleinworkcubiclesorevenlyspacedassemblylinepositionsdestroyasenseofcollectiveidentityandproduceuncritical conformityandallegiancetoorganizationalgoals.Itisironicthatthehallmarksofdisciplinehailedbybureaucraticandscientificmanagementprinciplesthatwere designedtodiminishtheroleofpowerbecame,infact,aformofpower. Wefocusonthebehavioralconceptualizationofpowerinthischapterprimarilybecauseithasreceivedthemosttheoreticalandresearchattentionintheorganizational literature.Italsoprovidesausefulframeworkforunderstandingsimilaritiesanddifferencesbetweenwomenandmenintheiracquisition,use,perceptions,and consequencesofpower.Thereaderisadvised,however,tokeeptheideologicalanddisciplinarymodelsofpowerinmindthroughoutourdiscussion.These perspectiveswillbecomemoreimportantwhenwediscussfeministperspectivesonpower. AcquiringPower Onewayofarticulatingthedifferentsortsofpoweristodescribehowpeoplegetpower.Aswenotesubsequently,powermaybetheresultofthepositionone occupies,theinformation,talents,orresourcesonebringstothatposition,relationshipswithsubordinates,andsoforth.

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BasesofPower Individualsorgroupscanacquirepowerthroughavarietyofmeans.FrenchandRaven(1959)developedageneralandwidelyrecognizedtaxonomyofpowerbases thatincludesixtypesofpower:legitimate,reward,coercive,expert,referent,andinformational.Legitimatepowerisbasedonanindividual'sformalauthorityinan organization.Boththepowerholderandthetargetrecognizeandaccepttherightstheformerhasinmakingrequestsofthelatterbecausesuchrequestsaresanctioned bytheorganization.Asupervisorhaslegitimatepoweroversubordinatesbecausetheorganizationvestsauthorityinthesupervisoryposition.Rewardandcoercive powerarederivedfromanindividual'sorgroup'sabilitytoofferrewardsordoleoutpunishmentstoothersinreturnfortheircompliance.Becausesupervisorscontrol rewardssuchaspay,promotions,andjobassignments,andbecausetheycanalsolegitimatelypunishworkersbydockingtheirpayordemotingorfiringthem, supervisorshaveconsiderablepoweronthebasisofrewardandpunishment.Thisbaseofpower,however,isnotsolelytheprovinceofsupervisors,who,for example,maybeaffectedbyrewardsandpunishmentscontrolledbysubordinates(e.g.,theirsocialapprovalorthreatstostrike).Thus,individualsorgroupswithno legitimatepowermayacquirepowerthroughthecontrolofsuchresources.Expertpowerderivesfromanindividual'sorgroup'sskills,abilities,andspecialized knowledgethatareneededbyothers.Again,becausesupervisorstypicallyknowmorethansubordinatesaboutthetechnicaland/orpoliticalenvironmentoftheir department,theypossessgreaterpoweronthebasisofthisexpertise.Acoworkerorsubordinatewhohasgreaterexpertiseonamatterofimportancetoothers, however,gainspoweroverhisorherpeersorbosses.Acharming,attractive,popularindividualwhodrawsotherspossessesreferentpower.Transformational leaders,thatis,thosewhoinspiretrust,commitment,andvaluechangesinothers,areconsideredtohavereferentpower(e.g.,Bums,1978).Finally,informational powerstemsfromtheabilitytoprovideorcontrolimportantinformation.Individualswhoholdcentralpositionsincommunicationnetworkspossessinformational powerbecausetheycancontroltheflowandtypeofinformationpassedfromoneindividualorgrouptoanother. Althougheachtypeofpowerhasbeenwidelydiscussedintheorganizationalliterature,researchershaveraisedquestionsaboutthevalidityofthistaxonomy(Kipnis& Schmidt,1983Kipnis,Schmidt,&Wilkinson,1980Koslowsky&Schwarzwald,1993).Amongtheirconcernsarethatthebasesarenotclearlydefinedorthat empiricalanalysesdonotsupporttheoriginalconceptualizations.KoslowskyandSchwarzwald(1993),forexample,foundthattheremaybefewerthansix conceptuallydistincttypesofpowerbases.Coercion,reward,andexpertisepowerbaseswereconsistentwiththeiroriginaldescriptions,butlegitimacy,informational,

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andreferencebasesseemedtogrouptogether.Itmightbethatinformationalandreferenttacticsareoftenusedtolegitimatearequestorademand.Similarly,when weattempttoinfluenceothers,weoftenrelyonvariouscombinationsofpowerbasesthatvaryacrosssituationsandtargets(Hinkin&Schriesheim,1989).Yukl (1981)suggestedthatpowersourcescanbemoresuccinctlycategorizedasthreetypes: 1.Positionpower,whereinpowerderivesfromtheformalroleanindividualoccupiessuchastheabilitytocontrolrewardsandpunishmentsandtohaveone'spower legitimatedbytherole(e.g.,supervisor). 2.Interpersonalpower,whereinoneindividual'sattractiveness,charisma,andinformalinfluenceoveranotheraresourcesofpowerinthatrelationship. 3.Individualpower,whichcomesfromindividualdispositionandskillsthatareindependentofthejobandinterpersonalcontext(e.g.,expertise). StrategicContingencies Asdescribedearlierinthischapter,oneimportantsourceofpoweristheabilitytocontrolresourcesthatothersdependon.Poweranddependencyinarelationship areinverselyrelated.Anindividualorgroupgainspowerbyacquiringresourcesthatareneededorwantedbyothersandthatcannotbeobtainedelsewhere.Salancik andPfeffer(1977)developedthestrategiccontingenciestheorytoexplainwhyorganizationalgroupsgainandlosepower.Groupsorindividualswhocancontrol orprovideinformationandsolutionstoareasofuncertaintyinanorganizationbecomepowerfulbecausetheyprovideanimportantresource(controloveruncertainty) thatothergroupsneed.Themoreimportanttheissueoverwhichthereisuncertainty,thegreaterthepowerofthegroupwhocancontrolthisuncertainty.Thecaseof "Sputnik"providesagoodexampleofpowerbystrategiccontingencies.Researchanddevelopmentdivisionsoforganizationsgainedconsiderablepowerduringthe 1950sand60sbecausetheycouldprovidewaystobetechnologicallycompetitive.BecausetheUnitedStateswasembarrassedthattheSovietUnionhadlaunched thefirstspaceship,Sputnik,thegoalofbecomingtechnologicallysuperiorwashighlysalienttogovernments,businesses,andthegeneralpublic.Therefore,research anddevelopmentgroupscouldwieldconsiderableinfluence.Inmorerecenthistory,theAmericanautomobileindustrysufferedfromtheperceptionthatAmerican carswerelowerinqualitythanforeigncompetitors.Althoughperceptionsaremanagedthroughavarietyofmeans(includingactuallymakingbettercars),

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oneimportantmethodismarketing:positioningaproductorservicetoinfluenceconsumers'perceptionsthatitisworthbuying.Thus,accordingtostrategic contingenciestheory,individualsorgroupswithsavvymarketingexpertiseshouldhavegainedconsiderablepowerininfluencingautomobilecorporations'decisions duringthisprecarioustimeinthisindustry.Conversely,groupslosepowerwhenthefunctionstheycontrolarenolongerofstrategicimportancetotheorganization. ConceptualizationsofInfluenceandInfluenceTactics Ifpoweristhepotentialtoinfluence,influenceistheexerciseofthatpotential.Influencetacticsarethe''actualmeansusedbypowerholderstochangethebehaviorof otherpeople"(Kipnis,1990,p.16).Apersonmayofferrewardsinexchangeforfavors,appealtoreasonandlogic,complimenttheotherperson,orcoerceand threateninordertochangeanother'sbehavior.Thesuccessofanyofthesestrategiesdependsontheinfluencer'spoweroverthetarget.Asubstantialbodyof researchexaminesinfluencetactics,theconditionsunderwhichtheyareused,andtheireffectiveness. InfluenceTactics Individualswithpoweroverotherscaninfluenceothersinavarietyofways.Tobetterunderstandinfluencetactics,peopleareaskedtodescribewhattheydoto influenceothers(e.g.,Kipnis,1984Kipnis&Consentino,1969Kipnis,etal.,1980).Thesestudieshavebeenconductedinthecontextofsupervisorsubordinate relationships(Kipnis&Schmidt,1983Kipnisetal.,1980),friendshipsanddatingrelationships(Falbo&Peplau,1980Kipnis,1984),andmeetings(Littlepage, Nixon,&Gibson,1992),amongothersettings.Althoughtherearemanywaystoinfluenceotherpeople,moststrategiesboildowntoafewbasicmethods.Wecan forciblyinfluenceothers(assertiveness)orusefriendshipandkindness(ingratiation).Furthermore,it'sreasonablethatsome,ifnotmany,peopleareswayedbylogic andevidence(rationality).TheseandotherbasicinfluencetacticsaresummarizedinTable6.1. Researchershaveexaminedthefrequencywithwhichtheseinfluencetacticsareusedandtheconditionsunderwhichtheyareused.Peoplechangetheirinfluence strategiesdependingupontheoutcomestheyaretryingtoobtain(Kipnisetal.,1980).Ingratiationandnegativesanctions(e.g.,punishmentsandothercoercive tactics)areusedtoachievepersonalgoals.Logicandrationaldiscussion(rationality)aremostlikelytobeusedwhenthegoalistoinitiatechange,andsanctionsand assertivetactics

Page132 Table6.1 CommonInfluenceTactics Tactic Assertivenessa Definition Directlyelicitingaresponsefrom othersbydemanding,ordering,or settingdeadlines. Examples Pointingoutrulestoasubordinatethatneedtobe followedsettingadeadlineforaprojecttobecompleted showingangerverbally.

Ingratiationa

Weak,unobtrusiveinfluencetactics Sympathizingwithasubordinateabouttheburdensa aimedatgettingotherstocomply requestyouhavemadehascausedmakingsomeonefeel withyourrequestsoutoffriendship goodbeforerequestingafavorfromthatperson. andliking. Useofrationalityinfluencetactics. Presentingalogical,wellreasonedargumenttoconvince otherstopursueastrategyoroptionpresentingdataand evidencetosupportanargumentorposition. Providingamanageraccesstoaseniorlevelexecutivein exchangeforthatmanager'ssupportforyourproposal. Remindingyoursupervisoroftheweekendyouspenton herprojectinordertotakeoffearlyfromworkthisweek. Obtainingsupportfromaseniorlevelexecutivebefore youpitchanideatoyoursupervisorfilingareportabout yoursupervisorwithahighlevelofficialinthe organization. Gainingthesupportofyourcoworkerstobackupyour idea,proposal,orcomplaintformingagroupoffemale managerswhosupportinitiativestoenhancewomen's careerdevelopmentintheorganization. ThreateningtonotifytheEqualOpportunityEmployment Commissioniftheorganizationdoesn'ttakestepstoend discriminationagainstwomenengaginginawork slowdownuntilmanagementconcedestouniondemands.

Reasonbaseda

Exchangeof benefitsa

Exchangeofpositivereinforcement Betweenpartiesformutualgain.

Upwardappeala

Appealingtoahigherauthorityto obtainadditionalpressurefor conformityonatarget.

Coalitiona

Useofsteadypressurefor compliancebyobtainingthesupport ofcoworkers,subordinates,or otherswithsimilargoals. Attemptstostopthetargetperson fromcarryingoutsomeaction.

Blockinga

Sanctiona

Useofadministrativeenforcementto Threateningasubordinatewithalowperformance inducecompliance. evaluationifworkqualitydoesnotimprovewithholdinga raisefromasubordinatewhorefusestousenew procedures. Emotionalrequestorproposalthat Describingaproposalwithenthusiasmandconviction arousesenthusiasmbyappealingto thatitisworthwhileandimportantgivingamotivational one'svaluesandidealsorby speechinsupportofaproposalornewstrategy. increasingone'sconfidence. Disguisingattemptstoinfluence others. Droppingasubtlehintthatyouwouldlikeyourmanager tonominateyouforaleadershiproleoraspecialproject.

Inspirational appealb

Indirectc

Kipnisetal.(1980)Hinkin&Schriesheim(1990). Yukl&Falbe(1990).

Offermann&Schrier(1985).

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aremostcommonlyusedtoimproveatarget'sperformance.Peopleinculturesthatstressstatusandpowertendtorelyonmoreemotionalinfluencetactics,suchas assertivenessandingratiation,thandopeopleincultureslessmarkedbystatusandpowerdifferentials(Kipnis&Schmidt,1983).Inthelatter,nonemotionalformsof influence,suchasrationality,aremorecommonlyusedthanemotionalforms.Peoplewhoareattemptingtoinfluencetheirsubordinates(i.e.,downwardinfluence)or peersandcoworkers(i.e.,lateralinfluence)tendtorelyonassertiveness,ingratiation,upwardappeals,andexchangetacticsmorethanthoseattemptingtoinfluence supervisors(i.e.,upwardinfluenceKipnisetal.,1980Yukl&Falbe,1990).Coalitiontactics,suchasgainingsupportfrominfluentialcolleagues,tendtobeused equallyofteninallthreedirectionsofinfluence,andrationalpersuasiontendstobeusedmoreinupwardinfluenceattemptsthanindownwardandlateralinfluence attempts(Kipnisetal.,1980),Althoughthereareexceptionstothislatterfinding(Yukl&Falbe,1990).Inadditiontodescribingthesegeneraltypesofinfluence tactics,researchershavealsofoundthatdifferenttypesofpeopletendtorelyondifferenttypesofinfluencetactics(Kipnis&Schmidt,1983,1988).Thesestylesare summarizedinSidelight6.1. Peoplewhopossessbroadbasesofpower,suchassupervisors,aremorelikelytothanotherstouseinfluencetactics.Whenpowerdifferentialsareparticularlystrong orsalientincomparisontomoreegalitariansettings,powerholderstendtorelyonstronginfluencetactics,suchasassertivenessandpressuretactics.Individualsin relativelypowerlesspositions,suchassubordinates,arelikelytouseinfluencetacticsbasedontheiravailablepowerbase(i.e.,rationalityandingratiation). GenderSimilaritiesandDifferencesinUseofInfluenceTactics Stereotypically,stronginfluencetactics,suchasassertion,coercion,bargaining,andmakinglegitimaterequests,areassociatedwithmen,andweakerinfluencetactics, suchaspersonalrewardsandsexualintimations,areassociatedwithwomen(Gruber&White,1986P.Johnson,1976).Whenaskedtoindicatehowtheymight respondtoahypotheticalscenario,menreportmorewillingnessthanwomentousemoreformsofinfluence,suchasgivingmisleadinginformation,convincingand persuading,usingassertion,bargaining,andcoercion(Ansari,1989Gruber&White,1986Offermann&Schrier,1985).Comparatively,womenreportgreater likelihoodofpleading,beggingandpraying(Gruber&White,1986)orusingpersonal/dependenttactics(similartoingratiating)andnegotiationtactics(Offermann& Schrier,1985).Kipnisetal.(1980),however,foundnogenderdifferencesinselfreportsofinfluencetactics.

Page134 Sidelight6.1TypesofInfluenceStrategies Canyouclassifypeoplebythetypeofinfluencestrategiestheyuse?Individualsinsimilarpositionsmaydifferintheirpreferenceforusingvarious influencetactics.KipnisandSchmidt(1983,1988)usedastatisticaltechniquecalledclusteranalysistogrouppeopleaccordingtothewaythey attempttoinfluenceothers.Theythensurveyedmanagersindifferentorganizationstodeterminewhattypesofinfluencersweremosteffectiveand likedmostbytheirpeersandsupervisors,andothercharacteristicsofthesedifferenttypesofpeople.Whatkindofinfluencerareyou? Type Shotguns InfluenceTacticsUsed Influenceprimarilywithassertiveness, bargaining,upwardappeals,and moderatelevelsofotherinfluence tactics. Influenceprimarilywithreasonand withotherinfluencetacticstoa moderatedegree. Characteristics Young,relativelynewmanagerswhodesireto gaininfluenceandpowerintheirorganizations. Shotgunstendtonotbelikedbytheirpeersand reporthighlevelsofstress. Foundincritical,strategicallyimportant positionswheretheycontrollargebudgetsand makeimportantdecisions.Maletacticiansare preferredbytheirsupervisorsoverothertypes ofmen,andtheytendtohavehighpower. Tendtobeinlowerorganizationalpositionsand havemoderateskills.Theirsalariesarealso moderateincomparisontoothertypesof influencers.Supervisorstendtofavoringratiator femalesoveringratiatormales. Tendtobeinunitsthatconductroutinework andhavelittleorganizationalpower.Bystanders reporthavingfewwantsorneedstosatisfyin comparisontoothers.

Tacticians

Ingratiators

Influenceprimarilywithingratiation tactics(friendliness).Useother influencetacticstoamoderatedegree.

Bystanders

Usefew,ifany,influencetactics.

Theactualbehaviorsofwomenandmenrevealfewerclearcutdifferencesintheamountortypeofinfluenceused.Todiscoverhowmenandwomeninfluencethose whohavegreaterpowers,Mainiero(1986b)conductedaseriesofcriticalincidentsinterviewswithmenandwomen.Shefoundthatwomenweremorelikelyto useacquiescencestrategies

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(doingnothing)thanmen,andmenweremorelikelytousepersuasiontacticsthanwomen.However,therewerenogenderdifferencesintheuseofcoalition formation,findingotheralternatives,oringratiation.Inlaboratorystudies,maleandfemaleresearchparticipantswereinstructedtoinfluenceanotherparticipantin ordertogainsomekindofrewardforthemselves(Molm,1985,1986J.W.White,1988).Inonesetofstudies,nogenderdifferencesintheamountofinfluence exercisedweredemonstrated(Molm1985,1986).J.W.White(1988),however,foundthatmentendedtouserewardbasedinfluencestrategiesmorethanother forms,whereaswomentendedtouserequestbasedstrategies.Theextenttowhichtheseinfluencestrategieswereused,however,dependedonotherconditions. Men,butnotwomen,tendedtousemorecoercionwhentheywereverballyinsultedbythetarget.Also,whenaccesstovaluedresourceswaslimited,bothmenand womenincreasedtheiruseofcoercion.Similarly,regardlessofgender,individualswhopossessgreaterpoweraremorelikelytoreportusingstronginfluencetactics thanthosewithlesspower(Offermann&Schrier,1985).Thus,althoughwomenandmentendtousestereotypicalformsofinfluence,theinfluencer'sroleorstatus positionorotheroutsideconditionstendtohaveastrongereffectthangenderonthetypeofinfluencestrategyused. Threetheorieshavebeenadvancedtoexplainsimilaritiesanddifferencesinwomen'sandmen'suseofinfluencetactics.Sexrolesocializationtheory(e.g., Weitzman,1979)positsthatdifferencesinwomen'sandmen'ssocializationexperiencesleadtodifferentstylesofinfluencestrategies.Womenaretaughttouseweak andpassiveformsofinfluence,whereasmenaretaughttousestrongandassertiveformsofinfluence.Thistheorypredictsthatmenandwomenwilldifferonboththe typeandamountofinfluenceexercised.Structuraltheory(e.g.,Eagly,1983Kanter,1977a)focusesontheroleofcontextualfactorsindeterminingpoweruse. Accordingtothistheory,menandwomenusedifferentinfluencetacticsbecausemenandwomenhavedifferentstatuslevelsinorganizationsandhaveaccessto differentkindsandamountsofresources.Menusestrongerformsofinfluencethanwomenbecausetheyholdpositionsofgreaterauthorityinorganizations,have greatercontroloverbudgets,personnel,andstrategicdecisions,andareaccordedhigherstatus.Ifthesestructuralfeatureswereequallydistributedamongwomen andmen,therewouldbenogenderdifferencesininfluence.Structuraltheorypredicts,forexample,thatindividualsoccupyinghigherorganizationalpositionswillexert greaterinfluencethanindividualsatlowerpositions,regardlessofgender. Amorecomplicatedperspectiveisofferedbyexpectationstatestheory(alsoknownasstatuscharacteristicstheorye.g.,Berger,Fisek,Norman,&Zelditch, 1977).Wheninformationisgroupedintocategories,oneor

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moreofthosecategoriesareoftenaccordedgreaterstatus(value)thancontrastingcategories.Twotypesofstatusinformationareavailable.Diffusestatusis informationaboutanobject(person)thatisconstantandtransportableacrosssituations.Gender,race,andattractivenessareexamplesofdiffusestatus characteristics.Specificstatusisinformationaboutanobjectthatiscontextdependent,suchasorganizationalposition(supervisorvs.subordinate).Whentwoor morepeoplearecomparedinagivensituation,thestatuscharacteristiconwhichtheyvary(diffuseorspecific)becomesthesalientfeatureonwhichdifferential perceptionsofthemarebased.Forexample,ifamaleandafemalemanagerarecompared,allelsebeingequal,theywillbeevaluatedongenderbased characteristicsadiffusestatuscharacteristic.Similarly,ifafemalesubordinateiscomparedtoafemalesupervisor,theywillbejudgedonthebasisofformal positionaspecificstatuscharacteristic.1Whenbothdiffuseinformationandspecificinformationareavailable,theycombinetoaffectothers'perceptionsofthe targets(aswellasthetargets'ownbehavior).Forexample,superiorsareexpectedtousestrongerformsofinfluencethansubordinates,butmalesuperiors(byvirtue ofsexrolesocialization)maybemorecoercivethanfemalesuperiorsbecausemenaresocializedtousemorecoerciveformsofinfluencethanwomen.Expectation statestheorysuggeststhatwecanbetterpredictthetypeandamountofinfluencesomeonewillusewhenweknowboththegenderoftheinfluenceagentandthe criticalcontextualvariablesthanwhenweknowonlyoneofthesevariables. Eachofthesethreetheorieshasreceivedsomesupportfromempiricalresearchoninfluencestrategies.Asnotedearlier,bothgenderandformalpositiondirectly predicttheuseofinfluencestrategies(Gruber&White,1986Offermann&Schrier,1985),supportingsexrolesocializationandstructuraltheories.Moreover, genderinteractswithstructuralandcontextualfeaturestoaffectchoiceofinfluencestrategies(Johnson,1993Molm,1985,1986J.W.White,1988),supporting expectationstatestheory.Thesestudiesarelimited,however,bytheirrelianceonselfreportand/orlaboratorybasedmethodology.Weunderstandverylittleabout thewaysmenandwomeninfluenceothersinongoing,complex,organizationalenvironments.However,todescribemenasstronganddirectandwomenasweakand passiveininfluencingothersisoverlysimplistic.
1

Expectationstatestheoryaccountsnotonlyfordifferencesinothers'perceptionsoftargetindividualsbutalsofordifferencesinthetargets'behaviors.Whenothershold differentexpectationsfortargetsonthebasisofstatusinformation,targetswillnormallyconformtotheirexpectationsthroughselffulfillingprophecies(Darley&Fazio,1980).

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TheEffectsofPowerandInfluence Theexerciseofpowerandinfluencenotonlygetsotherstodowhatthepoweruserswantthemtodo,resolvesconflicts,orgainsmoreresourcesforthepowerful howpowerisexercisedalsoaffectsthebehaviorsofthepowerusers,thewaytheyperceiveothers,andthewaytheyareperceivedbyothers.Thissectionreviews researchontheeffectsofpoweruseontheseotherconsequences.Weendbyexaminingthequestion,"Doespowercorrupt?" EffectsonTargets'CommitmenttotheirOrganizations Employees'levelofinvolvementandcommitmenttotheirorganizationisdirectlyrelatedtothewaypowerisexercisedintheorganization(Etzioni,1975). Organizationalpowerholders,suchasmanagersandchiefexecutives,whousecoerciveinfluencetacticscanexpectthattheiremployeeswilldotheleasttheycanget awaywithtoavoidpunishment.Thisiscalledalienativeinvolvement.Anorganization'srelianceonexchangeorquidproquobasesofpowerengenders calculativeinvolvement,whereinemployeesaremotivatedtomaximizepersonalgain.Suchemployeesarelikelytogivelittle,ifany,servicetotheorganization outsidewhatisnormallyexpectedforthejob.Finally,organizationsthatrelyonreferentor"normative"powerproducemoralinvolvement,whereindividualsare committedtothevaluesandbeliefsoftheorganizationandarelikelyperformintheirjobsandprovideservicetotheorganizationbeyondwhatisexpectedofthem. Etzioni'sconceptualizationoforganizationalinfluencestrategiesandemployeeinvolvementisbroadandperhapsoverlygeneral.Kelman(1961)offeredasimilar analysistopredictanindividual'slevelofcommitmenttoaninfluenceagentasafunctionoftheagent'sstyleofinfluence,butlittleempiricaltestinghasbeenconducted. EffectsonNonverbalBehaviors Inadditiontopredictinghowemployeesrespondtotheirorganization,powerhasanumberofinterestingeffectsonsubtle,nonverbalbehavior.Inchapter5,we discussedmalefemalesimilaritiesanddifferencesinnonverbalbehaviors.Anumberofresearchershaveexaminedthedifferencesinnonverbalbehaviorsofpowerful andnonpowerfulpeople,andtheseoverlapsomewhatwithmalefemaledifferences.Interestingly,thesenonverbalbehaviorsmirrordominancebehaviorsof nonhumanprimates

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(Ellyson&Dovidio,1985).Powerfulpersons,forexample,aremuchmorelikelytotouchlesspowerfulpersonsthanviceversa(Henley,1972).Inanaturalistic observationstudy,Henleyfoundthathigherstatusindividualscomparedtoothersweremorelikelytotouchotherpeoplebutnottobetouchedthemselves.Thus, men,olderindividuals,andpeopleofhighersocioeconomicstatusweremorelikelytotouchothersthantobetouchedbyothers.Henleynotedthatnonreciprocal touchservesasadominancecueitinformsothersaboutwhohasmorepower.SummerhayesandSuchner(1978)examinedtheimplicationsoftouchinmale femalerelationshipsandfoundthatgenerallymenareperceivedtobemoredominantthanwomen,higherstatusindividualstobemoredominantthanlowerstatus individuals,andtoucherstobemoredominantthanthosebeingtouched.Theirstudyshowedthatbothwomenandmenwhoarebeingtouchedareperceivedasless dominantthanwhentheyarenotbeingtouched.Comparatively,apersonwhoistouchingisperceivedasonlyslightlymoredominantthanapersonwhoisnot touching.Thus,touchingmadethetouchedpersonappearlessdominant,asopposedtoraisingtheperceptionsofthetoucher.Amalewhowastouchedbyawoman, forexample,appearedtobelessdominantthanamanwhowasnottouched. Eyecontactisanothernonverbaldominancecue.Whentheyarespeaking,highstatusindividualsmaintaincontactwithlowerstatusindividualsbuttendtolookaway whentheyarebeingspokento(Henley,1972).(Theratiooftheamountoftimeapersonspendslookingathisorhertargetwhilespeakingcomparedtolookingwhile listeningistermedavisualdominanceratioExline,Ellyson,&Long,1975.)Conversely,lowstatusindividualstendnottomaintaineyecontactregardlessof whethertheyarespeakingorbeingspokento.Dovidio,Ellyson,Keating,Heltman,andBrown(1988)examinedassociationsbetweengenderandvisualdominancein asocialinfluencesituation.Inlinewithexpectationstatestheory,theauthorspredictedthatwhendyadsdifferedonamountofexpertiseorrewardpower,themore powerfulpersonwoulddisplayahighervisualdominanceratiothantheother.Whentherewasnopowerdifference,gender,actingasadiffusestatuscharacteristic, wouldpredictvisualdominancewithmendisplayinggreaterdominancethanwomen.Inthisbehavioralstudy(i.e.,actualeyecontactwasmeasured,asopposedto selfreport),bothwomenandmenwitheitherrewardorexpertpowermaintainedvisualdominanceovertheirlesspowerfulpartners.However,aspredicted,when thesebasesofpowerwereequivalentamongmembersofthedyad,mengenerallymaintainedgreatervisualdominancethanwomen(Dovidioetal.,1988).Thus,with nootherinformationtothecontrary,menbehaveasiftheyhavemorepowerthanwomen(andsimilarly,womenaquiescetotheseperceptions).

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Thus,theamountandtypeofinfluenceexercisedaffectbothhowpowerholdersbehaveandhowtheirtargetsrespond.Strongtacticssuchasassertivenessand coercionforcetargetstobehaviorallycomplywithpowerholders'demands.Conversely,weaktactics,suchasreason,rationality,andfriendliness,evokeinternal commitmentfromtargets.Additionally,powerholdersdisplaynonverbalbehaviorsandspeechstylesthatconveytheirstatustoothers.Henley(1977)arguedthat genderdifferencesinbehaviorssuchastouch,eyecontact,andspeechstylescanbeaccountedforbygenderdifferencesinpower,andempiricalresearchhas generallysupportedthisclaim.Whenwomenandmenpossesspower,theytendtoactsimilarly(directandassertive)intheirinterpersonalinteractions.Whenthey bothlackpower,theybothactpassivelyanddeferently.Whennopowerinformationisprovided,diffusestatusdifferencesbetweenmenandwomenareactivated, givingmengreaterpoweroverwomen.Menandwomen,then,respondinkind.Oftenasimportantastheactualamountanduseofpower,ifnotmoreso,isthe perceptionofpower.Howothersperceivepowerholders,howpowerholdersperceivetheirtargets,andtheeffectsoftheseperceptionsarethefocusofthenext section. EffectsonPerceptionsofthePowerHolder Generally,themorepowerholdersusestronginfluencetactics,themoretheyareviewedasaggressiveanddomineeringandthemoretheyaredislikedby subordinates(Kipnis,1990).RahimandAfza(1993)examinedassociationsbetweenaccountants'perceptionsoftheirsupervisors'basesofpower(i.e.,French& Raven's[1959]basesofsocialpower)andjobattitudes.Perceptionsthatbossesusedpersonalbasesofpower(i.e.,referentandexpert)werepositivelyrelatedto accountants'organizationalcommitment,jobsatisfaction,andattitudinalcompliancewithsupervisorywishes.Referentandlegitimatebasesofsupervisorypowerwere positivelyassociatedwithbehavioralcompliance.Thatis,accountantsweremorelikelytodowhattheirbossesrequestediftheirbossesreliedontheirinfluenceand charmormadereasonablesupervisoryrequeststhanwhensupervisorsdidnotusetheseformsofinfluence.Supervisors'usesofrewardandcoercivepowerwerenot associatedwithrespondents'jobattitudes(Rahim&Afza,1993). Useofvariousinfluencestrategiesaffectssubordinates'perceptionsoftheirbosses'power.HinkinandSchriesheim(1990)demonstratedthatbossesusingrational influencetacticswereperceivedbysubordinatestopossesslegitimate,expert,andreferentpower.Conversely,bosseswhousedupwardappealsandsanctionbased influencetacticswereperceivedtopossesslesslegitimate,expert,andreferentpowercomparedtobosses

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usingotherstrategiestoinfluencetheirsubordinates.Useofassertivenesswasassociatedwithperceptionsofcoercivebasesofpower.Useofingratiation,exchange, andcoalitiontacticswasnotassociatedwithperceptionsofpowerbases.ThislatterfindinglendscredencetoKipnisetal.'s(1980)assertionthatpowerfulpeopleare lesslikelytousesuchtacticsthanthosewhoarelesspowerful. Aninterestingquestioniswhetherwomenwhousestronginfluencetacticsareequallydislikedorwhethertheyaremoredislikedthanmenwhousesuchtactics.Well knownfemaleleaderssuchasHillaryRodhamClintonandMargaretThatcherhavebeenheavilycriticizedfortheiruseofdirect,assertiveinfluencestrategies. Thatcher,forexample,whoisnotknownforherfeministtendencies,hashadhershareofthinlydisguisedhostilecommentsonherstyleandtacticsofinfluence.When shereceivedthefollowingbackhandedcomplimentfromaLabourPartyofficial(theopposingpoliticalgroup),"MayIcongratulateyouonbeingtheonlymanonyour team,"shereplied,"That'sonemorethanyou'vegotonyours!"(Barreca,1991,p.84). Researchershavestudiedthisquestionundercontrolled,laboratoryconditions.LaFrance(1992)examinedpeople'sperceptionsofmenandwomenwhointerrupteda conversationpartner.Interruption,likevisualdominance(e.g.,staring)andtouching,isadominancecuereminder.Interrupterswereviewedasmoreconfrontative, disrespectful,andassertivethannoninterrupters.Theseperceptionswerestrongestwhenawomaninterruptedaman.Consistentwithexpectationstatestheory,the observationofawomaninterruptingamanviolatedsexrolestereotypesthatwomenshouldactpassively,whichgeneratedparticularlynegativeopinionsaboutthe woman.Usingthesamelogic,KipnisandSchmidt(1988)expectedtofindthatfemaleshotgunswouldbelessfavorablyevaluatedthanmaleshotguns(seeSidelight 6.1).Bothmaleandfemaleshotguns,however,wereequallydislikedbytheirsupervisors.Geddes(1992)hadmaleandfemalespeakersuseeitherpowerfulstyle (i.e.,direct,masculinestyle),powerlessstyle(indirect,femininestyle),oramixofpowerfulandpowerlessstyles.Ratersfoundthatbothmaleandfemalespeakers whousedamixedstyleweremoreeffectiveandsatisfactorythanthoseusingeitherthepowerfulorpowerlessstyle.Themostsevereratingsweregiventoafemale speakerwhousedapowerlessstyle,contradictingLaFrance's(1992)findingthatviolatingsexroleexpectationsnegativelyimpactsperceptions.Falbo,Hazen,and Linimon(1982),however,foundthatbothmaleandfemalespeakerswhousedpowerbasesassociatedwiththeoppositesexwereregardedaslesscompetentand qualifiedthanspeakerswhousedsexappropriatepowerbases.Thesexroleinappropriatecasesinvolvedwomenusingexpertisetotalkaboutguncontrolandmen usinghelplessnesstoaddressdaycare.Raters,however,feltthat

Page141 Sidelight6.2GrayPower:AssertiveWomenandNurturantMenAreAcceptableinTheirSeniorYears Althoughmenareexpectedtoinfluenceotherswithstrongandassertivetacticswhereaswomenareexpectedtouseweakandfriendlystrategies,there isevidencethatperceptionsofmaleandfemaleinfluencetacticschangeasafunctionofage.Thatis,aswomengetoldertheyareperceivedashaving greaterstrength,selfconfidence,andinterpersonalpower,whereasmen'spowerisperceivedtodecreasewithage(e.g.,A.Friedman,1987Gutmann, 1987).Gutmanntheorizedthatduringparentingage,womenarebiologicallyinclinedtousesofter,nurturantformsofinfluence,givingthemthe appearanceofpowerlessness,whereasmenatthisageareinclinedtoexpressaggressiveresourceacquisitioncharacteristics(i.e.,powerfulness).As womengetolderandgrowoutoftheparentingrole,theycanbegintoexpresstheirdominanceandstrengthbecausetheydonotinterferewith nurturantmotheringdemands.Agingmen,ontheotherhand,donotneedtoexpressthedominanceandasssertivenessrequiredoftheirbreadwinning roleduringtheparentingyearsthus,theycanbegintoexpresstheiremergingnurturantside. Theperceptionthatwomengainandmenlosepowerwithageappearstobeafunctionofourstereotypesandbeliefsaboutagingandgenderas opposedtobiologicalfunctions.Friedman,Tzukerman,Wienberg,andTodd(1992)foundthatideologytowardparentingpredictedperceptionsof powerfulnessandpowerlessnessmorethandidbiologicalage.Researchparticipantswhocamefromanegalitarian,communalchildcareculture(an Israelikibbutz)didnotperceivefemaleparentstobelesspowerfulthanmaleparents.ParticipantsfromIsraelicities,wheremoretraditionalattitudes andgenderroleswerepresent,associatedparenthoodwithperceptionsofwomen'spowerlessness(andmen'spowerfulness).

speakersweremostqualifiediftheyreliedonexpertisethananyotherformofpower.Itisparticularlytroubling,then,thatwomenweredevaluedforusingexpertise onamalesextypetopic.Whatdopeoplethinkofwomenexpertsinnontraditionalfieldssuchasengineering,construction,andmanagement?Finally,thereis evidencethatperceptionsofmenandwomenandtheirusesofvariouspowerstrategieschangeasafunctionofage.Sidelight6.2providesareviewofthisresearch. Tosummarize,peoplewhodependonstrongaggressiveformsofinfluencearedislikedbyothersandareperceivedtohaveonlycoercion

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astheirbasisofpower.Conversely,thosewhousereasonandpersonalqualitiesandwhoexerciseauthoritywithinlegitimateboundsaremoresatisfactorytoothers. Thisappearstoholdtrueforbothwomenandmen,althoughthereisinconclusiveevidencethatwomenwhoacteithertoopowerfully(e.g.,byinterruptingothers)or toopassively(e.g.,byusingapowerlessspeechstyle)arenegativelyevaluatedincomparisontomenwhousethesestyles.AsillustratedinSidelight6.2,the relationshipbetweenagingandrespectiveperceptionsofpowergainandpowerlessforwomenandmenisinterestingand,again,appearstoreflectourculturalbeliefs aboutgenderandpower. TheMetamorphicEffectofPower:PowerHolders'PerceptionsofOthers Whydopowerholdersoftenregardthosewhosefavorstheyareseekingwithdisdain?Oneneedonlylookathistoricalevents,suchasslaveryortheHolocaust,as wellaseverydaylifetoknowthatpowerfulpeopleoftenviewtheirsubjectsascontemptible,worthless,incapablebeings.Yet,itisfromthesesubjectsthatpower holdersexpecttogaindeference,compliance,anddevotion.Kipnis(1990)posedthisquestioninhisexplorationofthecorruptingeffectsofpower.Notonlycanthe useofpowertoinfluenceothersleadtothepursuitofgreaterpowerasanendtoitself,orcanthepossessionofpoweralterone'sviewofselfasbeingabovenorms, laws,andmoralsthatapplytoeveryoneelsetheabuseofcertainformsofpoweralsoleadstofundamentalchangesinhowthepowerholderperceivesherorhis targetsofinfluence.Kipnistermedthisperceptualchangethemetamorphiceffectofpower.Zimbardo'sinfamousprisonexperiment(1972)demonstratedthatnormal individuals(maleresearchparticipantsrandomlyassignedtoprisonguardroles)whoattainedlegitimatecoercivebasesofpowerquicklyviewedandtreatedresearch participantswhohadbeenassignedtoprisonerroleslikeanimals.Kipnis(1990)explainedthatmetamorphiceffectsofpoweroccurbecauseitiseasiertoinfluence othersifpsychologicaldistanceismaintained.Iftargetsareviewedasworthlessandlazy,distastefulrequestsfeeljustifiable.Also,theactofinfluence,especiallywith stronginfluencetactics,leadstotheperceptionthattargetsarenotincontrolofthemselves.Bydefinition,stronginfluencetacticsarethosethatdonotgivetargets choiceinhowtorespond.Therefore,whentargetsdowhatthepowerholdersrequest,atypeoffundamentalattributionerrorismade.Thatis,thepowerholder disregardsthesituationalinfluencesonthetarget'sbehavior(i.e.,thatthetargetwasgivennochoice)andviewsthetargetasbeingsoincapableofmakingdecisions thatsheorhemustbeconstantlycontrolledbythepowerholder.

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Giventhesecorruptingeffectsofpoweruse,amoreplausiblequestionmightbe,''Whydon'tallpowerholdersbecomecorrupt?"Apsychologicalanswertothis questioniscomplex.Atthemostbasiclevel,influencetacticsthatpreservethefeelingsandperceptionsofthetarget'sowncontrolarerequired,thatis,weakinfluence tacticssuchasreasonandingratiation.Itwouldbedifficultforpowerholderstodespiseandmaliciouslytreatotherswhotheyviewedascompetent,autonomous,and selfreliant.Yet,cancenturiesofprejudice,ethnichatred,andgenderstereotypesbeunraveledwithasimplechangefromstrongtoweakerformsofinfluence?Itisat thispointthatthesimplebehavioralviewofpowerbecomesinadequatetofullyexplaintheconsequencesofpower.Feministscholarsarguethatpowerdifferentials areattherootofwomen'sinequalitywithmenandtheirsubsequentmistreatment.Yet,iftherearefewgenderdifferencesinpowerbasesandinfluencetactics,issuch anexplanationsufficient?Thefollowingsectionexploresgenderdynamicsandfeministviewsonpowerinmoredetail.Webrieflyreviewissuesregardingwomenand powerandfeministconceptualizationsoftheseissues.Finally,wediscussimplicationsofpowerdifferentialsonthestatusofwomenintheworkplacewithregardto topleadership,payinequity,andsexualharassment. GenderandPowerintheWorkplace Menandwomeninorganizationstypicallyhavedifferentlevelsofauthoritymenaremorelikelytoholdmanagerialpositionsthanwomen,andmalefemale differencesbecomemoredramaticthehigheronegoesintheorganization(chap.7reviewsresearchongenderdiscriminationandoccupationalsegregation).In additiontodifferencesinstructuralpower,malesandfemalesmayhavedifferentlevelsofpersonalpowerandmayacquirepowerindifferentways.Itisusefulto examineinsomedetailtherelationshipbetweengenderandpowerintheworkplace. BasesofPowerforWomen Undermanycircumstances,menandwomenusedifferentstylesofinfluence.Asexplainedearlier,however,thismaybedue,inpart,tothestructuraldifferencesinour societythathavesegregatedmenandwomenintorolesthatdifferintermsofaccesstoresourcesandstatus(i.e.,power).Forexample,corporateexecutives,by virtueoftheirpositioninorganizations,arecapableofwieldingmuchmoreinfluenceinorganizationsthanothers.Becausemostexecutivesaremen,itiseasyto assume

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thatsuchinfluenceisafunctionofbeingamanasmuchas(ormorethan)afunctionofthepositionstheyhold.Theamountofpoweranindividualpossessesinagiven situation,however,isamuchstrongerpredictorofthetypeofinfluencethatisexercisedthanherorhisgender.Thus,togainafullerunderstandingoftheobstacles womenfaceinachievingequalitywithmeninoursociety,wemustanalyzethebasesofpoweronwhichwomenrely.Thefollowingsectionreviewsthecommonly knownsocialbasesofpower(i.e.,expert,reward,etc.)astheyapplytowomenandoffersalternativeexplanationsofwomenandpower. Onalmostallbasesofpowercommonlyreportedintheliterature,womencomeupshortcomparedtomen.Firstandforemost,womenhavelessaccesstovalued resourcesthanmen.Mendominatepolitical,economic,andintellectualspheres,asthanmen(Frieze,Parsons,Johnson,Ruble,&Zellman,1978A.Kahn,1984). Theyarelessabletocontrolnotedbythepredominanceofmeninauthoritativeoccupationsinoursociety.Thus,womenhavelesspowerthanmen(Frieze,Parsons, Johnson,Ruble,&Zellman,1978A.Kahn,1984).Theyarelessabletocontrolrewards,tobeinlegitimatepositionsofpower,tobeconsidered"expert"unlessthey receiveformal,externalrecognitionoftheirexpertise(seeA.Kahn,1984),andtodoleoutpunishments.Also,becausewomenarelesslikelytobeininfluential positions,theyarelesslikelytobeviewedasrolemodelsandtopossessreferentpower.A.Kahn(1984)reportedthatitwasmorelikelyforwomentolistamanas arolemodelthanformentolistawoman.Finally,becausemenaremorecentralthanwomeninimportant,influentialcommunicationsnetworksinorganizations (Ibarra,1992),theypossessgreaterinformationalpowerthanwomen.Giventheserealdisparities,onewouldexpectgreaterdifferencesbetweenmenandwomenin theuseandtypeofinfluencestrategiesthanarereportedintheliterature. Accesstoandtheuseofpoweraremoreconsistentwithmalesexrolestereotypes,whichemphasizedominanceandachievement,thanwithfemalesexrole stereotypes,whichemphasizehelpingandcooperation.Furthermore,characteristicsofwomenthataresometimescriticalforgaininginfluence(e.g.,physical attractiveness)arenotseenasvalidbasesforachievingorexertingpower.Bothourstereotypesofmaleandfemalesexrolesandasurveyoftheorganizational realitiesexperiencedbymenandwomensuggestthatwomenarelesslikelythanmentohavepower,andthepowerandinfluencetheydohaveismorelikelytobe resentedandundermined. Yet,womendousepower,andtheyinfluenceothers.Consistentwiththestructuralmodel,however,womenuseinfluencestrategiescommonlyfoundamongthose whoarelesspowerful.Friendliness,helplessnessanddependency,andotherindirectstrategiesarecommonlyassociatedwithwomen(Falbo&Peplau,1980P. Johnson,1976)andthosewhoareinsubordinatepositions(Kipnisetal.,1980).Manystudieshavedemon

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strated,however,thatwhenwomenpossessthesamebasesofpowerasmen,theyarelikelytousethesameformsofinfluencetothesamedegreeasmen(e.g., Rosenthal&Hautaluoma,1988Sagrestano,1992).Stillothersarguethatwomenpossess"powerinpowerlessness"(seeGriscom,1992).Thatis,fromseeingthe worldfromthebottomup(intermsofpower),womenpossesskeenerawarenessoftheabusesofpoweranditsmetamorphiceffects.Thus,theymaybemorelikely tousesofter(weaker)influencetacticsthatpreservethedignityandintegrityofothers.Forexample,womenaremorelikelythanmentosharepowerwithothers throughtheuseofconsultativeandparticipativedecisionmakingmodes(i.e.,empowermentDenmark,1993Jago&Vroom,1982).Furthermore,subordinatesare muchmoresatisfiedwithdemocraticbosseswholeadparticipativelyasopposedtoautocratic,directiveleaders.Thuswomen,withtheirrelianceonweaker, empowermenttypestrategies,maybemoresuccessfulthanmen,withtheiruseofstrong,directiveinfluencestrategies.Forexample,asampleoffemaleexecutives nominatedwomenmoreoftenthanmenas"bestbosses."Thesebestbosseswerethosewhoreliedonreference,reward,informational,andexpert(i.e.,weaker) basesofpower(Oyster,1992). But,dowomenactuallyendorseorprefertouseweakerformsofpowerthatinvolvesharingpowerwithothers(i.e.,empowermenttypeformsofpower),orarethey lockedintothisstylebecauseoftheirlowerstatusinoursociety?Inanefforttounderstandhowwomenconceptualizepower,C.L.MillerandCummins(1992)asked asampleofwomentodescribewhatmadethemfeelpowerfulandpowerless,andhowtheybelievedpowerwasdefinedinoursociety.Responsestobothopen endeditems(participantscouldfreelyrespondtothequestion)andclosedendeditems(participantsratedtheirlevelofagreementwithanumberofstatements) tappingthesequestionsrevealedthefollowingthemes:controlover(resourcesandotherpeople),personalauthority(owningyourself,abilitytomakeownchoices), evaluation(viewingpoweraspositiveornegative),resources(havingmoneyandmaterialpossessions),selfenhancement(attractivenessandpositiveselfimage), andwork/men(rewardedatwork,beingwithmen).2Womenfeltthatsocietydefinespowerintermsof"controlover"butthatpersonalauthorityismostimportantin theirownlivesandshouldbeemphasizedmoreinsociety.Selfenhancementandmen/workissuesmadethemfeelmostpowerful,andlossofpersonalauthoritymade themfeelpowerless.Contrarytopredictions,empowermentdidnotemergeasasalientthemeinwomen'sdefinitionsandexperiencesofpower.Thesefindingsneed tobeviewedwithcautionbecause
2

Other,lesssalientfactorswerereproductiveissues(beingpregnant,dealingwithchildren)andrelationships(beinginarelationship,inagroupofwomen).

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thesampleofwomensurveyedwasnotrepresentative.Yetthefindingsposeinterestingquestionsforfutureresearch:Dowomen'sconceptualizationsofpowervary asafunctionoftheirstandingonvariousstructuralandpersonalindices,suchasdegreeofformalauthority,age,andsexroleattitudes? Tosummarize,intermsoftraditionalmeasuresofpower,women,comparedtomen,havelessaccesstoresourcesneededtoexertinfluence.Asaconsequence, womentendtouseinfluencetacticsassociatedwiththepowerless,suchasingratiationandreason.However,whenwomenhaveaccesstoimportantresources,giving themthesamepowerbasesasmen,theytendtousethesameinfluencestrategiesasmen.Butbecauseofthestructuralinequalitiesinoursociety,womenareonthe wholemorelikelytoviewandusepowerfromapositionofpowerlessness.Somehavearguedthatwomen'spowerlessnessgivesthemanadvantageintheirgreater willingnessandadeptness,comparedtomen,inusingsofter,powersharing,relationshippreservingformsofinfluence.Itappears,however,thatwomenthemselves donotviewthisasaformofpower.Muchremainstobelearnedaboutmen,women,andpower. Althoughwomenhavemademajoradvancestowardgenderequality,mensimplyhavemorepowerthanwomen.Thisfinalsectionbrieflyreviewstheimplicationsof thispowerdifferenceonworkplaceissues,suchasleadershipandadvancement,payequity,andsexualharassment.Eachtopicisexaminedinmoredetailinother chaptersofthisbook.Thepurposehereistoexplicatetheroleofpowerinshapingthesephenomena. PowerImplicationsforWomenintheWorkplace Malefemaledifferencesinbothstructuralpowerandpersonalpowermayhaveprofoundimplicationsforunderstandingmen'sandwomen'sexperiencesinthe workplace,especiallyinsuchareasasleadership,pay,andsexualharassment. PowerandTopLevelLeadership WomenarerelativelywellrepresentedinlowerandmidlevelmanagementpositionsinAmericanandEuropeanorganizationsbutarewoefullyunderrepresentedintop levelexecutivepositions(F.D.Blau&Ferber,1987).Anumberoftheorieshavebeenforwardedtoaccountforthisphenomenon,butpowerremainsanimportant consideration.RaginsandSundstrom(1989)arguedthatindividual,interpersonal,organizational,andsocietalfactorsimpingeonprocessesaffectingwomen'sand men'sabilitytoadvancetothetop,mostpowerfulpositionsinorganizations.Eachfactorhasadifferentimpactonwomenandmenateachrungontheorganizational ladder(i.e.,

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entrytothejobmarket,entryintoanorganization,andpromotiontopowerfulpositions).Forexample,youngadultsrespondtosexroleexpectationswhentheymake careerchoices.Menaremorelikelythanwomentochoosecareersthathavemorecentralroutestotopmanagementpositions(sociallevelofanalysis).Uponentering aparticularorganization,womenmaybemorelikelythanmentobeplacedinperipheral,lesscriticalpositionsfromwhichtheyhavelittlehopeofacquiringnecessary resourcesforpower(organizationallevelofanalysis).Men'srelativeeaseincomparisontowomeningainingaccesstoimportantinformalnetworksandtomentors bothhelpscreatetheperceptionthattheyaremorepowerfulthanwomenandactuallyprovidesmengreateraccesstoimportantresources(i.e.,otherpowerful peopleinterpersonallevelofanalysis).Finally,smallbutreliabledifferencesinwomen'sandmen'sjobexperiences,motives,interpersonalstyles,andresponsesto poweraffectselectionandpromotiondecisions(individuallevelofanalysis).Thecumulativeeffectofgenderbasedsocialization,stereotyping,discrimination,and behavioristoprovideconsiderablebarrierstogenderequityintheboardroom. Onceobtained,men'sstronguseofpowermayprovideyetanotherbarrierforwomen.Becauseofthemetamorphiceffectsofpower,women,whoaremorelikelyto beinpowerlesspositionscomparedtomen,maybeperceivedasweak,ineffective,andunabletoinfluenceothers.Indeed,decadesofstereotypingresearch,as discussedinchapter3,showsthatgivennospecificinformationtothecontrary,womenareperceivedtobeweak,dependent,passive,andunmanagerial(e.g., Brovermanetal.,1972Heilmanetal.,1989E.H.Schein,1973).Thus,womenaredeemedtobepoorlysuitedfortopmanagementpositions.Finally,thosewho demonstratemalelikecharacteristicsofassertiveness,dominance,anddirectiveness(andthusseemsuitablefortopmanagement)arelikewiseviewedaspoor executivecandidates(Fiske,1993).Expectationstatestheorypredictsthatwomenwhoviolategenderlinkedexpectationsforpoweruse(i.e.,aggressiveinsteadof passive)areharshlyjudgedbyothers.Studieshaveshownthatthosewomenwhohaveattainedtopleadershippositionshavedonesobytowingthefinelinebetween appearingtoofeminineandtoomasculine,orsimilarly,tooweakandtoopowerful(e.g.,Morrisonetal.,1987U.S.DepartmentofLabor,1991). PowerandPayInequity Reachingpositionsofstructuralequalitywithmenhasnotmeantthatwomenenjoythesamedegreeoffinancialrewardfromthesepositions.Womenaresignificantly underpaidcomparedtomeninthesameoccupationsandwiththesamelevelofqualifications(e.g.,Dreher&Ash,1990Stroh,Brett,&Reilly,1992).Centraltoour discussionhereistheroleofpowerinexplainingthegenderwagegap.Recallthatpowercomesfromtheabilitytocontrolvaluedandscarce

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resources(Salancik&Pfeffer,1977).Totheextentthatmenaremorelikelythanwomentobeinpositionsofauthorityandtocontrolmonetaryandlaborresources, menearnhigherincomesthanwomen.Spaeth(1985)examinedarandomsampleofworkingadultsinIllinoisandfoundthatmenwhowereinpositionswherethey madeimportantdecisionsaboutbudgetsearnedgreatersalariesthanmenwhodidnot.Forwomen,salarylevelswereimpactedbybudgetarycontrol,likemen,but alsobythenumberofsubordinatestheysupervised.However,togethermonetaryandpersonnelcontroldidnotyieldthesameearningsbenefitforwomenas monetarycontrolalonedidformen.Thus,totheextentthatmenareaccordedgreatercontrolovermonetaryresourcesinorganizations,theirearningsaregreaterthan women's. Powerandpayinteractwithgenderinanotherinterestinganalysis.Itispossibletopredictmanagers'salariesfromknowingwhichstyleofupwardinfluencemanagers use(Dreher,Dougherty,&Whitely,1989).However,salarypredictionsdifferformenandwomendependingonthetypeofinfluencetacticused.Menbenefited (withanaveragedollarincreaseperunitincreaseontheexchangetacticsubscaleof$5,000)fromtheiruseofexchangetypebargainingtacticswiththeirsupervisors, suchasofferingtomakeapersonalsacrificetoasuperiorifheorshewoulddowhattheywanted.Womenbenefited(by$3,000)fromtheiruseofrationalitytactics, suchaswritingadetailedplantojustifytheirideas,butwerepenalized(byadecreaseof$4,000)forusingexchangetactics.Thus,menwhoinfluencedbymeansof exchangeandbargainingearnedmorewhereaswomenwhodidthesameearnedlessthantheirsamesexpeerswhowerelessinclinedtoinfluenceinthismanner. Becausethedataarecrosssectional,causalitycannotbedetermined,butitisinterestingtonotetheassociationsbetweentypesofinfluencetacticsandjobearnings. Furtherresearchexploringtheseconnectionsiswarranted. PowerandSexualHarassment Nearly50%ofworkingwomenandfemalestudentsaresubjectedtosexualizedbehaviorfrommenthattheydidnotwelcomeanddidnotinvite(Fitzgerald& Shullman,1993).Examplesofsexuallyharassingtreatmentrangefromsexualjokesandteasingaimedatdebasingfemaleaudiencestoinappropriatesexualadvances tothreateningjobsecuritytogainsexualaccess(chap.9providesafulldiscussionofsexualharassment).Theroleofpoweranditsassociatedprocessesinexplaining thisirascibleproblemisbrieflydiscussedhere. Recallthatindividualswhopossesssignificantsourcesofpower(e.g.,men)aremorelikelytousestrong,possiblycoerciveinfluencetactics.Sexualharassmentisan influencetactic.Manyvictimsofharassmentreportquittingtheirjobsortransferringtoanotherjobsiteinordertoavoidtheharasser(Gutek&Koss,1993).Thus,the harasserhassucceeded

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ininfluencingthetargettoleavethefield.Furthermore,harasserswhoofferorganizationalrewardsorthreatenjobrelatedpunishmentsaredirectlyusingrewardand coercionpowertogainsexualcompliance.Recallalsothattheuseofstronginfluencetacticscancauseametamorphicchangeinthepowerholder'sperceptionofthe target.Byusingsexualharassment,theharasser'sviewofthetargetasaweak,ineffectual,sexualobjectmayintensify,promotinganendlesscycleofsexual debasement.Notallformsofsexualharassment,however,canbeexplainedbythesephenomena,andClevelandandKerst(1993)havemorethoroughlydelineated theroleofpowerinsexualharassment. Finally,sexualharassmentcanbeviewedasaresponsetomen'spowerloss.A.Kahn(1984)theorizedthataswomengainmorepowerinoursocietyaswellasin theworkplace,menwhofeelparticularlythreatenedbythislossmayrespondwithoneofthefewpowerbasestheyperceivethemselvestoholdontosexualand physicalcoercion.Studiesofdomesticviolenceshowthatbattererstendtobemenwhoareeconomicallydependentonwomen(amongothercharacteristics).Such dependenceplacesmeninapositionofpowerlessness,towhichtheyrespondwithviolence.Althoughthesettingsandcircumstancesofdomesticviolenceandsexual harassmentarequitedifferent,theprocessesarequitesimilar(seeCleveland&McNamara,1996).Researchisneededtoempiricallyexaminewhethermen experiencepowerlossaswomengainpowerandstatusandwhetherpowerlossisrelatedtosexualharassment. Leadership,payequity,andsexualharassmentareonlyafewworkplaceissuesaffectingwomenandmenforwhichpoweranditsrelatedconceptsplayarole.Itis beyondthescopeofthischaptertodelineatehowpoweraffectsandisaffectedbyallgenderrelatedissues.Thereaderisinvited,however,toapplytheframework forunderstandingpoweroutlinedinthischaptertoanalyzeotherissuesofinterest.Wealsocautionthereadertorecognizetheboundariesofpowerasaconstruct. Althoughpowerisaubiquitousphenomenon,torelatepowertoeverythingwouldyieldameaninglessconcept. Summary Inthischapter,wehavediscussedtheconceptofpower,howitiscriticalinunderstandingorganizationalaswellasinterpersonalprocesses,andwhyanunderstanding ofpowerisnecessarytoexplaindifferencesinthestatusofwomenandmeninorganizations.Powerismostcommonlydefinedastheabilitytoinfluenceothersandis obtainedbyhavingaccesstoscarce,importantresourcesdesiredbyothers.Powercanbeexercised

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inavarietyofways.Strong,assertiveinfluencetacticsprovidelittleoptionfortargets'responsetheymustcomplyorfaceseriousconsequences.Inrespondingthis way,targetsareperceivedasweakandineffectual,thusperpetuatingacycleofstronginfluencetactics.Inreturn,however,targetsofstronginfluencetacticsshowless commitmenttosatisfactionwith,andlikingforpowerholders.Incomparison,weakerinfluencetacticssuchasrationality,ingratiation,andrequestsprovidetargets optionsforrespondingandthuspreservetheirdignityandsenseofcontrol.Inreturn,thesetargetsaremoreloyalto,committedto,andsatisfiedwiththeirinfluencers. Foravarietyofreasons,mengenerallyhavegreateraccesstotheseresourcesandthushavemorepowerthanwomen.Thisdifferenceinpoweraccountstoalarge degreeformanyoftheobserveddifferencesbetweenwomenandmen(e.g.,thatmenaremorelikelytobeinleadershippositions,andthatmenactmorepowerfully andareperceivedtobemorepowerfulthanwomen).Itisalsoarguablethatpowerdifferencesaccountfordiscriminatorypracticesagainstwomensuchassexual harassmentandpayinequity.Somefeministscholarshavechallengedthenotionthatpowermeanstheabilitytooutcompeteothersandhavearguedthatwomengain strengthfromtheirconnectednesstoothersandtheirabilitytoempowerothers.Empiricalstudiesdonotuniversallysupportthisposition,soitwillbesometimebefore ourconceptualizationsofpowerchangeforwomenandmen. Glossary Alienativeinvolvement:Alowlevelofcommitmenttoanorganization,leader,ormanageremployeescomplywiththeleader'srequesttoaminimaldegreetoavoid punishment. Calculativeinvolvement:Amoderatelevelofcommitmenttoanorganization,leader,ormanageremployeescomplywiththeleader'srequeststotheextentthat theyperceivetheywillbenefitfromtheircompliance. Clusteranalysis:Statisticaltechniquethatgroupsobjects,suchaspeople,onthebasisofthedegreetowhichtheyaresimilartooneanotherononeormore characteristics. Corporateculture:Sharedbeliefs,expectations,andcorevaluesofpeopleinanorganization. Criticalincidentsinterview:Typeofinterviewinwhichtheinterviewerelicitsinstancesofspecificbehaviorsofinterest.Anexamplewouldbeaskingamanagerto describeallthewayssheorhetriestogetsubordinatestoperformspecialrequests.

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Crosssectionalresearch:Collectingdataonaprocessatonepointintimebutacrossdifferentcategoriesrelevanttotheprocess.Causalitycannotbedetermined fromcrosssectionalresearchdesigns.Forexample,astudyinwhichmaleandfemalemanagers(i.e.,differentcategoriesofmanagers)aresurveyedabouttheiruseof influencestrategies(i.e.,differentcategoriesofinfluencestrategies)andsimultaneouslyabouttheirsalariesiscrosssectional.Althougharelationshipbetweengender, influencestrategies,andsalarycanbeassessed,onecannotdeterminewhetheruseofdifferentinfluencestrategiescausessalariestobehigherorlowerforwomenor men. Diffusestatus:Acharacteristicaboutapersonthatcannotbeeasilychanged,thatistrueaboutthepersonregardlessoflevelofeducation,jobstatus,and achievements.Mostdiffusestatuscharacteristicsarebiologicalorcultural(e.g.,gender,race,nationality). Dominancecue:Informationthatinformsothersaboutwhohasmorepower. Empiricalresearch:Processofcollectingandanalyzingdatatosupportorrefuteahypothesis.Empiricalstudiesmustbeabletodisconfirm(provideevidencethat doesnotsupport)aresearchquestion. Expertpower:Powerderivedfromanindividual'srecognizedsuperiorskillsandabilitiesinacertainarea. Fundamentalattributionerror:Tendencytobelievethatothersactinacertainwaybecauseoftheirowndesiresorinternalmotives(i.e.,dispositions)while discountingthesituationalpressuresforthemtoactthatway. Informationalpower:Powerbasedontheextenttowhichapersoncontrolsinformationthatisvaluabletosomeoneelse. Laboratorystudies/laboratorybasedmethodologies:Researchconductedundercontrolledconditionstypicallyapartfromtheenvironmentinwhichthebehavior normallyoccurs.Researchersconductinglaboratorystudiesareabletomanipulateavariableofinterest(i.e.,independentvariable)whilekeepingallothervariables constantforallconditionsoftheexperiment. Legitimatepower:Powergrantedbyvirtueofone'spositionintheorganization. Metamorphic:Changeofform.Withregardtopower,ametamorphicchangecanbethechangeinone'sperceptionofsubordinatesascompetentindividualstothe perceptionthattheyareignorantandlazy. Moralinvolvement:Ahighlevelofcommitmenttoanorganization,leader,ormanagerthatisbasedonthebeliefthattheorganization'sorleader'srequestsare consistentwithandsupportone'sownvaluesandphilosophies.

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Normativepower:Powerbasedontheperceptionthattheorganizationhastherighttogovernemployees. Powerdependencerelations:Theoryofpowerwhichstatesthattheamountofpoweranindividual(A)hasoveranotherindividual(B)isbasedonthedegreeto whichBdependsonAforvaluedresourcesoroutcomes. Quidproquo:Latintermmeaningonethinginreturnforanother. Referentpower:Powerbasedontheextenttowhichotherslike,admire,andwanttoemulateoneself. Selffulfillingprophecies:Tendencytofulfillexpectationsthatothershaveofyou. Selfreport:Researchstrategyinwhichresearchparticipantsreporttheirownthoughts,feelings,orbehaviors(usuallybywayofasurvey)onasubjectasopposed totheresearcherdirectlyobservingthebehaviororcharacteristicorhavingothersreportabouttheparticipants'thoughts,feelings,orbehaviors. Specificstatus:Characteristicsofindividualsbasedontheparticularcircumstancestheyarein,suchastheirjobtitlesorroles. Strategiccontingenciestheory:Theoryofhowpeopleorgroupsgainorlosepower.Anentitygainspowerwhenitisabletocontrolresourcesthatarevaluableto others,scarce,andnonsubstitutable.Similarly,entitieslosepowerwhentheresourcestheycontrolarenolongervaluableorcanbeobtainedelsewhereorbysome othermeans. Strongtactics:Influencetacticsthatgivelittleornooptionforhowtargetsmayrespond(e.g.,assertivenessandcoercion). Structuralfeatures:Situationalcharacteristicsthatdefineapositionthatpeopleoccupy,suchaslevelinanorganizationalhierarchy(level),degreetowhichajob holderhascontroloverprimarybusinessfunctions(centrality),oramountofauthorityanindividualhastodirecttheactivitiesofothers(authority). Visualdominanceratio:Ratiooftheamountoftimeapersonspendslookingatatargetwhilespeakingtohimorhertotheamountoftimethepersonspends lookingatthetargetwhenbeingspokentobythetarget.Thehighertheratio(i.e.,moretimelookingwhilespeakingthanlookingwhilelistening),themoredominant thepersonisperceivedtobe. Weaktactics:Influencetacticsthatallowtargetstodecidehowtheywanttorespond(e.g.,ingratiationandrationality).

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III WOMENANDMENINTHEWORKPLACE:IMPORTANTINDIVIDUALANDORGANIZATIONALOUTCOMES

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7 GenderDiscriminationintheWorkplace
I.PrejudiceandDiscrimination A.DefiningPrejudiceandDiscrimination B.FeaturesoftheWorkplaceThatContributetoGenderDiscrimination 1.SexRoleSpillover 2.StereotypesofPeopleandJobs 3.ALackofFit 4.Tokenism II.OccupationalSegregationandGenderDiscrimination A.SegregationbyOccupation 1.DevaluingWomen'sWork 2.IsOccupationalSegregationDecreasing? B.SegregationbyJob C.EconomicModelsandGenderDiscrimination 1.HumanCapitalTheory 2.CanHumanCapitalTheoryExplainWageDifferentials? D.AccountingforOccupationalSegregation 1.GenderRoleSocialization 2.EducationalExperiences 3.TheRoleofInterests,Values,andPreferences 4.FamilyFriendlyWorkRoles E.IsDiscriminationtoBlameforOccupationalSegregation? III.Summary

Page156 TheHelpWantedadsinalocalnewspaperincludedthefollowing: DANCERS Havefunandgetpaid! Noexperiencenecessary,willtrain.Mustbeatleast18yearsofage.Canearnupto$400/weektostart. Housekeepers NowhiringFT.Exp.notnecessary.Topwages!MF,85. Duringthesameweek,theSundayTimesofIndia(NewDelhi)carriedthefollowingad: Female OfficeAssistantandPersonalSecretary.Willingforlocaltravel,typingnotrequired.

Thereisastrikingdifferenceintheseads.Theadfordancerswastakenoutbyaclubthatfeaturesfemaleexoticdancers,buttheaddoesn'tmentiongenderneither doesthehousekeepingad.Everyonereadingtheseadsislikelytoexpectalmostalloftheapplicantsandallofthosehired(especiallyinresponsetotheadfor dancers)willbewomen,buttheadsarecarefullywrittentobegenderneutral. Incontrast,theadtakenoutintheSundayTimesofIndiaexplicitlycallsforafemaleapplicant.Itisnotclearexactlywhatthedutiesofthisjobmightbe(personal secretary,willingtotravelwithemployer,butnotypingrequired),butitisclearthatonlywomenwillbeconsidered.Whatdoesthistellusaboutgenderdiscrimination intheUnitedStatesversusIndia? Therearebroadcrossculturaldifferencesinboththetypeandtheamountofgenderdiscriminationpracticedandacceptedintheworkplace.Inmoretraditional countries,jobsmightbeexplicitlysetasideformenandforwomen.InmostWesterncountries,therearerelativelyfewformalbarrierstowomen'sentryintoawide rangeofjobsandprofessions,butthatdoesnotnecessarilymeanthatthereisnogenderdiscrimination.Asshowninthischapter,genderdiscriminationcanhavea substantialeffectonmen'sandwomen'sworklives,evenifformalbarrierstotheentryofmenorwomenintoparticularjobsoroccupationsareremoved.Menand womenaretreateddifferentlyintheworkplace.Sometimes,menreceivefavorabletreatmentandwomenarediscriminatedagainst.Sometimes,itistheotherway around.Sometimes,differencesintreatmentandoutcomesarerelatedtorealandmeaningfulgenderdifferences,and

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sometimestheyarerelatedtoinaccurateperceptionsofdifferencesbetweenmenandwomen.Whenpeoplearetreateddifferentlybecauseofrace,ethnicity,gender, orothersimilarcharacteristics,thisisoftenlabeled''discrimination."Thischapterexaminesthecausesandpossibleconsequencesofgenderdiscriminationinthe workplace. Webeginbydefiningprejudiceanddiscriminationandgoontodiscussspecificfeaturesoftheworkplacethatmayleadtoorstrengthengenderdiscrimination.A recurringthemeofthissectionisthatwidelyheldstereotypesofwomenaresometimesinconsistentwithstereotypesofjobs,andthislackoffitcanleaddirectlyto discriminatoryactions.Thesecondsectionofthischapterexaminesthesegregationoftheworkforcebygender.Anumberofoccupationsarestronglysexsegregated (e.g.,almostallsecretariesandreceptionistsarewomen),andevenwithinoccupations,menandwomenoftendrawdifferentjobassignments.Weconsidereconomic modelsthatattempttoexplainoccupationalsegregationandfinallyconsideralternativeexplanationsfordifferencesinmen'sandwomen'swork.Weendthischapter byaskingwhetherdifferencesinthepay,workassignments,andcareerpathsofmenandwomenareinfacttheresultofgenderdiscrimination,andifso,howgender discriminationmightoperate. PrejudiceandDiscrimination Oneofthemostbasichumantendenciesisforpeopletofavorthosewhomtheyperceivetobesimilartothemselvesanddiscriminateagainstthosetheyperceivetobe different(Allport,1954).Thishasbothpositiveandnegativeeffects.Onthepositiveside,itenhancesfeelingsofsolidarityandcohesivenessingroups,families,and nations.Thenegativesideofthisbasichumantendencyisprejudiceanddiscrimination. Prejudiceanddiscriminationarevirtuallyuniversalphenomena,andpeoplefindallsortsofreasons(race,ethnicity,religion,language)todiscriminateagainstothers whodifferandtodiscriminateinfavorofthosetheyseeassimilar.Discriminationonthebasisofgenderisnotauniquephenomenon,butsomeaspectsofthe workplaceareimportantforunderstandinghowandwhygenderdiscriminationoperates.Beforelookingatfeaturesoftheworkplacethatmightleadto(orwork against)genderdiscrimination,wefirstdefinesomeimportantterms. DefiningPrejudiceandDiscrimination Socialpsychologists(Baron&Byrne,1994)distinguishbetweenprejudiceanddiscrimination.Prejudiceisusuallydefinedasanattitudetoward

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membersofagroup.Mostdiscussionsofprejudicefocusonnegativeattitudes,butclearlyprejudicecouldcutbothways:Womenmightbefavoredinsomesettings (e.g.,primaryschooleducation)becausetheyarewomen.Nevertheless,therearegoodreasonstofocusonnegativeattitudes.Prejudiceagainstmembersofdifferent groupsappearstocontributetowidespreadsegregationintheworkplaceandinsocietyingeneralandprobablyfostersracism,sexism,andmanyoftheother"isms" thatareofconcerntosociety. DiscriminationinvolvesactiontowardindividualsonthebasisoftheirgroupmembershipBaronandByrne(1994)defineddiscriminationasprejudiceinaction. Discriminationcantakeaveryovertform(e.g.,refusaltohirewomenintocertainjobs),butinmanyinstances,genderdiscriminationinvolvesthedegreetowhichthe workplaceisopentoversusresistanttotheparticipationofwomen.Althoughmanydiscussionsofgenderdiscriminationhavefocusedonthewaysmanagersand supervisorstreatmenandwomen,genderdiscriminationcouldinvolvemanagers,coworkers,subordinates,clients,orcustomers.Ingeneral,genderdiscrimination includesbehaviorsoccurringintheworkplacethatlimitthetargetperson'sabilitytoenter,remainin,succeedin,orprogressinajobandthatareprimarilytheresultof thetargetperson'sgender.Inchapters8and9,wediscusstheconceptofahostileworkenvironment,especiallyasitrelatestowomen'sexperiencesofsexual harassment.Thischapteroutlinessomeofthefactorsthatcancontributetoahostileworkenvironment. Therearetworeasonswhygenderdiscriminationisanespeciallyimportanttopic.First,thelikelypresenceofsystemicdiscriminationonthebasisofgendersuggests thatthenumberofpeoplewhomightbeaffectedishuge(i.e.,discriminationagainstwomenwouldputhalfthepopulationatadisadvantage).Giventhepotential impactofgenderdiscrimination,thepossibilitythatgenderisanimportantinfluenceonpeople'sworklivesmustbeconsidered.Second,thereisagooddealof evidencethatmenandwomenaretreateddifferentlyintheworkplace.Womenreceivelowerwagesthanmen,aresegregatedintolowleveljobs,andarelesslikely tobepromoted.Aswenoteinsectionsthatfollow,itissometimesdifficulttodetermineexactlywhymenandwomenenterdifferentjobsorreceivedifferentpay,and whatappearstobegenderdiscriminationintheworkplacemayinfactreflectmuchbroadersocietaltrends.Nevertheless,thereareenoughdatatosuggestthatgender isveryimportantinpredictingaperson'soccupation,pay,andprogress,andthatdiscriminationisatleastapartialexplanationforthisdisparity.Additionally,some specificfeaturesoftheworkplaceappeartocontributetoprejudiceanddiscriminationagainstbothmenandwomen.

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FeaturesoftheWorkplaceThatContributetoGenderDiscrimination Genderdiscriminationoccursinanumberofsettings.Menandwomenareperceiveddifferently,areassigneddifferentrolesandareassumedtohavedifferent characteristicsinmostsettings(e.g.,aroundthehouse,cooking,cleaning,andcaringforchildrenareusuallythewoman'srole,whereashomerepairs,mowingthe lawn,andmaintainingthecararetheman'srole).Tosomeextent,genderdiscriminationintheworkplacecanbethoughtofasasimpleextensionofbeliefsmostofus holdabouttherolesmenandwomenshouldhaveinsociety(sexrolespillover).However,specificfeaturesoftheworkplaceheightentheinfluenceofgenderon attitudesandactions,particularlythestereotypesassignedtomen,women,andjobs,andtherelativerarityofwomeninmanyworksettings. SexRoleSpillover Thetermfemaleworkerdescribestworoles(womanandworker)thatinvolvedifferentbehaviors,differentdemands,anddifferentassumptions.Thetraditionalrole ofawomaninvolvescaringforothers,selfsacrifice,submissiveness,andsocialfacilitation,whereastheworkerroleofteninvolvestechnicalaccomplishment, competition,developmentandexerciseofskills,andleadership.BarbaraGutek(1985,1992)notedthatbeliefsabouttheappropriaterolesformenandwomenare likelyto"spillover"intoaworksetting.Thatis,ourexpectationsregardingfemaleworkerswillbedeterminedinpartbyourexpectationsandbeliefsregardingwomen ingeneral.Eveninsituationswheretheworkhaslittletodowithstereotypicallyfemaleroles,expectationsaboutthetypicalrolesofmenandwomenwilllikelyhave someinfluenceonthewayweperceiveandtreatmaleandfemaleworkers.Forexample,inameetingthatinvolvesseveralmenandonewoman,itisnotunusualto findthatboththemenandthewomanassumethatitisthewoman'sjobtoservecoffee,takenotes,andcarryoutother"feminine"tasks. Youcanthinkofsexrolespilloverasaspecificinstanceofamuchmoregeneralissue,whichisthateveryonecarriesoutanumberofrolesthatmayormaynotbe fullycompatible.Afemalefacultymembermighthavetherolesofteacher,advisor,parent,wife,andyoungwoman,andherinteractionswithothersintheworkplace arelikelytobeaffectedbythewaysheisseeninrelationtoeachoftheseroles.What,then,issospecialaboutsexroles?Whyshouldwebemoreconcernedwith sexrolespilloverthanwithspilloverbetweentherolesof,forexample,parentandworker? Onereasonforpayingattentiontosexrolespilloveristhatsexrolesarebothpowerfullyingrainedandhighlysalient.Unlikemanyotherroles

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(e.g.,teacher,parent),sexrolesarejustaboutuniversallyapplicable,andgenderisusuallyahighlysalientfeatureofaperson.Forexample,ifyouweredescribinga colleaguetosomeoneelse,youmightfailtomentionmanycharacteristics,butyouwouldprobablynotforgettomentionwhetheryouweretalkingaboutamanora woman. Someenvironmentsmaybeespeciallyconducivetosexrolespillover.Forexample,workenvironmentscanbecomesexualizedinthesensethattheyfeaturerelatively highlevelsofsexualbehavior(e.g.,sexualjokes,flirting).Theseworkenvironmentsseemtoencouragepeopletoemphasizesexroleswhenthinkingaboutcoworkers (Gutek,1985),whichmayleadtoanunduegeneralizationofgeneralsocietalexpectationsaboutmenandwomeninthespecializedsettingoftheworkplace. Environmentsmightalsohighlightgenderdifferences(e.g.,withdresscodes)inwaysthatleadpeopletothinkofeachotherintermsoftheirsexrolesratherthanin termsoftheirrolesasworkers.Ingeneral,themorecuesintheenvironmentthatpointtoaworker'sgender,thehigherthelikelihoodthatmenandwomenwillbe treateddifferently. StereotypesofPeopleandJobs Table7.1listsanumberoftraitsthatcouldbeusedtodescribeaperson.Manyoftheseseemto"fit"betterwhenappliedtomenthantowomen(orviceversa). Decisiveness,confidence,ambition,andrecklessnessaretraitsweexpecttofindinmen,whereaswarmth,sensitivity,understanding,anddependenceare stereotypicallyfemininetraits.Thestereotypesofsometraitsaresostronglysextypedthattraitsviewedaspositiveinmen(e.g.,assertiveness)maybeviewedas negativeforwomen.Similarly,traitsthatareviewedaspositiveinwomen(e.g.,sensitivity)maybeviewedasnegativeinmen. Thesesamewordsmightbeusedtodescribejobsor,moreprecisely,thesortofpersonwewouldexpecttofindinajob(e.g.,decisiveexecutive,sensitivenurse). Thesameadjectivecanbepositivewhenappliedtosomejobs(e.g.,aggressivesalesmanager)andnegativewhenappliedtoothers(e.g.,aggressivekindergarten teacher).Thesameadjectivecantakeondifferentconnotationswhenpairedwithbothajobandaperson.Forexample,"assertivenurse"probablybringstominda differentimagewhenthenurseismalethanwhenthenurseisfemale.
Table7.1 TraitsThatMightbeUsedtoDescribeMen,Women,orTypicalJobHolders Decisiveness Confidence Ambition Recklessness Warmth Sensitivity Understanding Dependence

Page161 Sidelight7.1AreWeClosingtheWageGap? Oneofthemostpersistentconcernsindiscussionsofgenderandworkisthelongstandingwagegapbetweenmenandwomen.TheU.S.Department ofLaborhastrackedtheearningsoffulltimemaleandfemaleworkers,asillustratedinthefollowingfigure:

MedianWeeklyEarningsFullTimeWageandSalaryWorkers In1979,theaverageweeklyearningsformenandwomenwere$285and$177,respectively.Thatis,atthattime,womenearnedabitunder62centsfor everydollarearnedbymen.Inthefirstquarterof1998,averageweeklyearningsformenandwomenwere$596and$455,respectively.Thatis,women earnedabitover76centsforeverydollarearnedbymen.Thetrendovertimeisnotquiteassimpleasdepictedinthefiguretherehavebeenyears whenthegapwasrelativelylargerorrelativelysmaller.However,thereisstillalargegap,andthereisnosignthatitislikelytocloseinthenearfuture. Thesizeandnatureofthewagegapdependsubstantiallyonanotherdemographiccharacteristicrace.In1983,Whitewomenearned66.7%asmuch asWhitemen,whereasin1995,thegaphadclosedto75.5%.ForBlackwomen,thegaphardlyclosedatall(59.7%in1983vs.62.7%in1995).For Hispanicwomen,thereisnoevidencethatthewagegapisclosinginboth1983and1995,theyearned54%ofthatearnedbyWhitemen.

Page162 Sidelight7.2WhatDefines"Valuable"Work? Thepersonwhotakesawayyourgarbageisprobablymorehighlypaidthanthepersonwhoteachesyourchildren.Thepersonwhofixesyour refrigeratorprobablymakesmorethanthelocallibrarian.Itisnotuniversallytrue,butworkthatistypicallyperformedbywomenisusuallyviewedas lessvaluablethanworktypicallyperformedbymen.Ifyouask,"Whodecideswhatworkisvaluableorimportant?",theanswerislikelytobe"the market."Itisimportanttonotethat"themarket"isshorthandfordecisionsmadebymillionsofindividualsinasociety.Thedefinitionofwhattypeof workisvaluableandimportantandwhattypeisperipheralortrivialisavaluejudgmentthatreflectswidelysharedculturalassumptionsaboutthe worth,centrality,andimportanceofdifferentactivities. Judgmentsaboutwhatisvaluable,good,andimportantinasocietyusuallyreflectthepreferences,biases,experiences,andvaluesofthegroupsin societythathavethemostpowerandinfluence.Thatis,judgmentsaboutwhatliteratureisworthreading(e.g.,whatbooksareregardedasclassics), whatsortsofartarepreferred,orwhatsortsofhousesarebetternaturallyreflecttheviewsofgroupswhohavemorepowerandinfluence,andthe sameistrueintheworldofwork.Itshouldcomeasnosurprisethattheactivitieswhicharemostvaluableandwhichareseenasmostimportantinthe workplace(e.g.,leadingothers,exercisingauthority,controllingresources,dealingwiththingsratherthanpeople)areallconsistentwiththemale stereotype,whereasactivitiesthatareseenaslessvaluable(e.g.,dealingwithchildren,helpingothers)areoftenconsistentwiththefemalestereotype. Theworkplacehashistoricallybeenthedomainofmales,andwidelyaccepteddefinitionsofthetypesofworkthataremoreorlessvaluablearevalue judgmentsthatreflectthepreferences,experiences,andbiasesofmales. Judgmentsaboutthevalueofdifferenttypesofworkareessentiallysubjective,andassocietieschangeandevolve,thesejudgmentsmayalsochange. Thereoftenislittleabouttheworkitselfthatdeterminesitsvalue(often,people'swillingnesstoworkinajobismoreimportantthantheworkitselfin definingmarketvalue),anditislikelythatjudgmentsaboutwhatsortsofworkaremoreorlessvaluablewillchangeovertime.Whether"women's work"willbeperceivedasmorevaluableinthefutureremainstobeseen.

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Finally,thesedescriptorstakeondifferentmeaningswhenusedtodescribemenorwomeninthesamejob.Forexample,"ambitiousexecutive"mightsuggestdifferent traitswhenusedtodescribementhanwhenusedtodescribewomen.(Stereotypesofsuccessfulfemaleexecutivesareoftennegative,focusingonthesacrificesthey havemadeandontheoutofstereotypebehaviorneededtosucceedinthisman'sworld.)Similarly,"sensitiveteacher"isprobablymorepositivewhenappliedto femalesthantomales.Foraman,thischaracteristicmayviolatetypicalsexrolestereotypesandisunlikelytobeviewedasanasset,whereasforwomen,sensitivity willprobablybeseenasastrength. Thatjobscanoftenbedescribedintermsthatarestronglysextypedhasfundamentalimplicationsforunderstandinggenderdiscriminationintheworkplace.Ifyou believethatmenaremorelikelythanwomentopossesssomeattributethoughttobenecessaryforajob,youwillprobablydiscriminateagainstwomen(andinfavor ofmen)whenevaluatingapplicantsorincumbentsinthatjob.Forexample,apersonwhothinksthatdominanceisanimportantpartofpoliceworkwillprobablyfavor menoverwomenaspoliceofficers(dominanceisstronglysextyped).Stereotypingofmen,women,andjobsisnotinevitablepeopleareoftenabletolookpast stereotypesandevaluateindividualsstrictlyontheirindividualmerits.(Forareviewoffactorsthatmoderatestereotyping,seeFiske&Taylor,1991Martell,1996). However,thereiscompellingevidencethatstereotypesdoinfluenceevaluationsofmenandwomenatwork.Theroleofgenderstereotypesintheevaluationofmale andfemalemanagershasbeenstudiedextensivelyandoffersacaseinpoint. Researchsuggeststhatwomenandmendonotdifferinmanagementabilityormotivation(Dipboye,1987),butwomenaregenerallyseenaslessattractivecandidates formanagerialpositions.Evenwhentheyhavesimilarbackgroundsandcredentials,womenareperceivedtohavefeweroftheattributesassociatedwithmanagerial effectiveness(Brenner,Tomkiewicz,&Schein,1989Heilmanetal.,1989).Ourstereotypeofmanagerialsuccessincludestraitslikedecisiveness,confidence,and ambition,andwomenareusuallyassumedtobelessdecisive,lessconfident,andlessambitiousthanmen.Itisnotclearwhetherthisisreallytrueorwhetherthese traitscontributemuchtosuccessasamanager,butthefactthatthestereotypeofamanfitsthestereotypeofamanager,whereasthestereotypeofawomandoesnot, spellstroubleforwomenattemptingtoenterandsucceedinthemanagerialranks. ALackofFit MadelineHeilman(1983)developeda"lackoffit"modeltoidentifytheconditionsunderwhichgenderdiscriminationmight

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bemoreorlesslikelytooccur.Consistentwiththeprecedingdiscussion,thismodelsuggeststhatperceptionsofjobsmaybeacriticalissueindeterminingtheextent towhichgenderinfluencesworkoutcomes.Heilmannotedthatsomejobsaremorestronglysexstereotypedthanothers.Onebasisforsuchstereotypesmaybe simpleworkforcedemographics.Jobsthataremainlyheldbymentendtohavemalestereotypes,whereasjobsthataremainlyheldbywomentendtohavefemale stereotypes,almostindependentofthecontentofthejob.Asecondbasisforsuchstereotypesisthecontentofthejob.Jobsthatincludeactivitiesthatare stereotypicallymasculine(e.g.,workingoutdoors,workingwithheavyequipment)arelikelytobeviewedasmoremasculinethanjobsthatincludestereotypically feminineactivities(e.g.,workingwithchildren,caringforothers).Finally,jobsmighthavesexstereotypesbecauseofattributesthatarethoughttobecriticalfor success.Asnotedpreviously,successfulmanagersareoftendescribedasambitious,competitive,analytical,andinterestedinpower,allofwhicharestereotypically masculinetraits.Womenarethoughttohaveanumberofverydifferentskills(e.g.,interpersonalskills,interestinconsensus)thatareclearlyworkrelated,butfewof whichcorrespondtothestereotypeofamanager.Intermsofthismodel,thereisapoorfitbetweenthestereotypeofthemanagerandpopularstereotypesofwomen. Heilmansuggestedthatgenderdiscriminationismostlikelytooccurwhenthecharacteristicsofthepersondonotfitwiththestereotypeofthejob.Thatis,womenare mostlikelytoencountergenderdiscriminationwhenthejobisseenasmasculine.Conversely,menaremostlikelytoencountergenderdiscriminationwhenentering jobsoroccupationsthatarestereotypicallyfeminine.Sackett,DuBois,andNoe(1991)providedstrikingconfirmationforsomeofthepredictionsofthelackoffit model.Theyfoundthatwhenwomenmadeuplessthan20%ofaworkgroup,theirperformanceevaluationsweresubstantiallylowerthanthosereceivedbymen.In groupsthatwere50%ormorefemale,womenreceivedslightlyhigherperformanceratings. Althoughthelackoffitmodelsuggestssomesymmetryingenderdiscrimination(i.e.,womenareatadisadvantageinmasculinejobsandmenareatadisadvantagein femininejobs),wagesurveyssuggestthatlackoffitisamoreseriousissueforwomenthanformen.Thatis,meninstereotypicallyfemininejobs(e.g.,nurse,librarian) mayreceivelowerratings,lowersalaries,andfeweropportunitiesforadvancementthantheywouldintheabsenceofanygenderdiscrimination,buttheeffectsoflack offitareconsistentlystrongerforwomenthanformen.Aswenotesubsequently,onereasonforthisisthatstereotypicallyfemininejobstendtobelowerinprestige, responsibility,andpaythanstereotypically

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masculinejobs,meaningthatthereislesstoloseortogaininthesejobsastheresultofsystematicgenderdiscrimination. Tokenism Therelationshipsamongmembersofaworkgroupcanbequitedifferent,dependingonthecompositionoftheworkgroup.Thesocialdynamicsofanallmalework groupareverydifferentfromthoseofanallfemalegroup,andmixedgendergroupsshowdifferentpatternsofinterpersonalrelationshipsthaneitherallmaleorall femalegroups.Insomesettings,(e.g.,traditionallymaleoccupations),womenmaybeverymuchintheminority,andtheirstatusastokensmayleadtohigherlevelsof genderdiscrimination. Kanter(1977a)definedtokenasanindividualrepresentingaparticulargroupthataccountsforlessthan15%ofanorganization'smembers(otherresearcherssuggest thattokenstatusisnotdeterminedsolelybynumericalrepresentationseeYoder,1991).Oneofthemostbasicresearchfindingsontheeffectsoftokenstatusisthat characteristicswhichseparatethefewfromthemanytendtobeundulyemphasized(Kanter,1977).If,forexample,womenmakeup10%ofaworkgroup,thevery rarityofwomenmayleadotherstopaymoreattentiontogenderandlessattentiontojobrelatedcharacteristicsthantheywouldingroupswithequalnumbersofmen andwomen. Kantersuggestedthatthreeprocessescanleadtogenderdiscriminationwhenwomenaretokens.First,tokenstatusincreasesstereotyping.Whenmembersofone groupareinadistinctminority,otherstendtoperceiveastrongerfitbetweenthecharacteristicsoftokensandtheassumedcharacteristicsofthegroup(Kanter, 1977a).Forexample,inaworkgroupthatcontainsonlyafewwomen,thoseindividualsmaybemorereadilythoughtofinstereotypicallyfeminineterms(warmth, interpersonalconcern,dependence)thanwhentherearemanywomen.Asthenumberofwomenincreases,theprobabilitythattheywillbethoughtofasindividuals whodifferratherthanasexemplarsofasocialgroupseemstoincrease.Second,tokenstatusincreasesvisibility.Thatis,tokenstatusincreasesawarenessand scrutinyofaperson'sbehavior,particularlywhenthatbehaviorconformstoastereotype.Ifatokenwomangetsemotionalatastaffmeeting,peoplenoticeand rememberthis.Thesamebehaviorinamanwillnotdrawthesamescrutiny.Third,tokenstatusleadstopolarization,anexaggerationofdifferencesbetween membersoftheminoritygroupandmembersofthemajoritygroup.Thatis,peopletendtonoticedifferencesandignoresimilaritiesbetweentokensandmembersof themajority. Theaccomplishmentsoftokensareoftenunderestimatedbymembersofthemajoritygroup(Sackettetal.,1991Spangler,Gordon,&Pipkin,1978).Itiseasyto seewhy,whenyouconsidertheeffectsofstereotyping,

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visibility,andpolarization.Asnotedatthebeginningofthischapter,thereisanearlyuniversaltendencytothinkofpeoplewhoaredifferentfromyouinasomewhat negativelight.Asaresult,thestereotypespeopleholdaboutgroupsotherthantheirownareoftennegative(i.e.,fewpeopleholdthestereotypethatsomeothergroup isbetterthanthem).Tokenstatusincreasestheprobabilitythatapersonwillbethoughtofinstereotypicalterms,increasespublicscrutinyofthetoken'sbehavior (especiallyfaults),andexaggeratesdifferencesbetweenmembersofthetokengroupandmembersofthemajoritygroup. Tokenstatusalsoislikelytoaffectthetoken'sbehavior.Thereisconsiderableevidencethatpeoplewhoaremembersoftokengroupsmakeconsciouseffortsto downplaytheirpresenceandtheiractivities(Deaux,1979Ely,1994Sarason,1973).Again,thisiseasytounderstand.Apersonunderconstantscrutinywill probablygooutofherorhiswaytoescapefurthernotice.Theproblemwiththisstrategyisthatitmayhidetheperson'ssuccessesaswellasmistakesandmiscues. Thebasicprocessesthataffecttheperceptionsoftokensseemtoworkinsimilarwaysnomatterwhichgroupisintheminorityandwhichisinthemajority.Thatis, perceptionsofalonemaleinafemaledominatedworkgroupmayalsobeaffectedbyprocessesofstereotyping,visibility,andpolarity.However,theneteffectof tokenstatusmaynotbethesameforallgroups.Widelyheldstereotypesofsomegroupsaremorefavorablethanothers.Forexample,thestereotypesassociated withAsiansaresomewhatmorepositivethanthestereotypesassociatedwithotherethnicandracialminorities.Themorepositivethestereotype,thelowerthe likelihoodthattokenstatuswillleadtonegativeperceptions. Asnotedsubsequently,womenareoftenfoundinoccupationsthatarestronglyfemaledominated,whichmeansthatmostworkingwomenwillnotserveastokens. However,womenwhoentermaledominatedoccupationsmayencountersituationsthatincreasetheinfluenceofgenderstereotypes(i.e.,situationswheretheyare tokens),andtheeffectsofthesestereotypescouldbesubstantial.Heilman'slackoffitmodelsuggeststhatstereotypesaremostlikelytoinfluenceperceptionsof individualworkerswhenthecharacteristicsofthepersondonotfitthecharacteristicsofthejob.Maledominatedoccupationsoftenhavestronglymasculine stereotypes(e.g.,constructionworker,truckdriver),andwomenenteringtheseoccupationsmightencounteradoublynegativesetofcircumstances.First,thelackof fitbetweentheirgenderandthestereotypesofthejobmayincreasepeople'srelianceongenderstereotypeswhenobservingandevaluatingwomen.Second,women's statusastokensmayexaggeratemalefemaledifferencesandincreasescrutinyofthebehaviorofthesmallnumberofwomenenteringtheworkforce.

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OccupationalSegregationandGenderDiscrimination Thetermsegregationisoftenassociatedwithdiscriminationonthebasisofraceorethnicity,andinmanycontexts(e.g.,analysesofhousingpatternsinurbanareas) racestillistheprimarybasisforsegregation.Intheworkplace,however,gendermaybeamorepotentforceinthesegregationoftheworkforcethanrace,ethnicity, age,orotherfactors. ItispossibletofindmenandwomendoingjustaboutanyjobintheU.S.economy.Jobsthatarecompletelysexsegregated(e.g.,RomanCatholicpriest,NFL player,combatinfantryman)doexist,buttheyareclearexceptions.However,althoughtherearerelativelyfewformalbarrierstotheequalparticipationofmenand womeninmostoccupations,menandwomendofundamentallydifferenttypesofwork.Itisnotcompletelyclearwhetherthisisduetogenderdiscriminationorto otherfactors(e.g.,differencesintrainingandskills).Beforeweconsiderwhyjobsandoccupationsaresegregatedbygender,itisusefultoconsiderboththedataon sexsegregationintheworkplaceandmodels(primarilyeconomicmodels)thatattempttoexplainthesedataintermsoffactorsotherthangenderdiscrimination. SegregationbyOccupation Historically,womenhavebeenconcentratedinarelativelysmallnumberofoccupations,particularlyinservicesectorwork,clericalwork,andretailsales.Jobsin thesecategoriesaresofemaledominatedthattheyaresometimesreferredtoas''pinkcollar"work.Anumberofindicesofgendersegregationintheworkplaceexist, buttheyalltellessentiallythesamestory.Awomanenteringtheworkforceisverylikelytobefoundinanoccupationwherethemajorityofworkersarewomen abouthalfofallworkingwomenareemployedinoccupationsthataremorethan75%female(Dunn,1997bJacobs,1993). Jobsthatareheldprimarilybywomentendtoinvolvelowerlevelsoftechnicalskillandresponsibilitythanjobsheldprimarilybymenandaregenerallynotashighly valuedbyorganizations(P.England,1992).Infact,oneofthebestpredictorsofthestatusandpaylevelofajobistheproportionofwomenholdingthatjob.The morewomenfoundinaparticularjob,thelowertheaveragepay(Dunn,1997a).Aswenotelater,oneexplanationforthistrendisthatwomen,forwhateverreason, areconcentratedinjobsthatareoflessvaluetoorganizations.Analternative,suggestedbyfeministscholars,isthattheworkdonebywomenissimplydevaluedby organizations(Acker,1989).

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Occupationalsegregationisincreasinglyobviousthehigherintheorganizationonegoes.Surveysshowthat95to98%ofexecutivelevelpositionsarefilledbymen (U.S.DepartmentofLabor,1995).TheFederalGlassCeilingCommission(U.S.DepartmentofLabor,1991U.S.DepartmentofLabor,1995)concludedthat equallyqualifiedwomenarebeingdeniedadvancementtotoplevelsinorganizationsonthebasisofgender(seealsoPowell&Butterfield,1994).Malestereotypesof womenandmaledominatedculture(i.e.,socioculturalfactors)oftenarecitedbywomenasexplanationsforthisglassceiling(Bucholz,1996Dobrzynski,1996) whereasmensometimescitelackofmotivation(Maupin,1993)orpreparation(Dobrzynski,1996)(i.e.,individuallevelfactors)asexplanationsforthesmallnumber offemaleexecutives. DevaluingWomen'sWork Manyofthejobsthataredominatedbywomenappeartorequirerelativelyhighlevelsofinterpersonalornurturantskills(Kilbourne&England,1997).Female dominatedjobsofteninvolveserving,helping,orsupportingothers,andthesejobsrequireanumberofspecialskillsandabilities.Althoughinterpersonalandnurturant skillsareclearlyrelevanttosuccessfulperformanceinmanyjobsandroles,thereisevidencethattheseskillsarenotvaluedinthesamewayastechnicalskills. KilbourneandEngland(1997)notedthatjobsinvolvinghighlevelsofinterpersonalandnurturantskillstend,onaverage,toinvolvelowerwagesthanjobsthat demandlowerlevelsoftheseskills.Thenegativerelationshipbetweenthelevelofinterpersonalskillrequiredinajobandtheaveragepaylevelforthatjobisa concreteindicatorofjusthowlittlevalueisassignedtotheskillsthatoftencharacterize"women'swork." Wellrunorganizationsarelikelytousecarefulandsystematicprocessesinmakingdecisionsaboutpaylevelsassignedtodifferentjobsandcareertracks,anditis sometimesdifficulttounderstandhowgenderdiscriminationcouldaffectthesedecisions.Decisionsaboutcompensationoftenstartwithasystematicjobanalysis, whichisastudyofthetasks,duties,responsibilities,andcontentofajob.Onthebasisofjobanalysis,jobsmightbeclassifiedintofamiliesandlevels,andby combininginformationaboutjobcontentwithacarefulanalysisofmovementfromjobtojobandtheskillsrequiredanddevelopedbydifferentjobsinanorganization, careertracksmightbeidentified.Theprocessofmakingdecisionsaboutthecompensationlevelsassignedtodifferentjobsandjobfamiliesisreferredtoasjob evaluation,anditoftenincorporatesbothinformationaboutthecontentofthejobandinformationaboutmarketpayratesintotheformulasthatareusedtodetermine paylevels.Paylevelsfordifferentjobsare

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oftenlinkedtothedegreetowhichcompensablefactors(suchasresponsibility,autonomy,workinginstressfulenvironments,technicalskills,etc.)arepresentin eachjob. Jobevaluationseemssoobjectiveandthoroughthatmanypeoplequestionwhetherstereotypesandbiasescouldaffectdecisionsabouttheworthofdifferentjobs. However,genderdiscriminationcanenterintotheprocessinatleasttwoplaces.First,theuseofmarketdataperpetuatesanyhistoricalbiasthatexistsinthesystem. Suppose,forexample,thatgarbagetruckdrivershavehistoricallyreceivedhigherpaythanelementaryschoolteachers(theyhave).Ifyoudefineworthintermsof whatpeoplearewillingtopayforsomething,youmightconcludethatgarbagetruckdriversshouldbepaidmorethanelementaryschoolteachers(seeSidelight7.1). Theveryfactthattheyarepaidmorewillleadsomepeopletoarguethattheyareinfactworthmore.Analternativepointofviewisthatthemarkethashistorically discriminatedagainst"women'swork"andthatthecontinuedrelianceonmarketdatasimplyfurtherentrenchesthisdiscrimination. Second,questionscanberaisedaboutthevaluesthatdrivecompensationsystems.Typically,jobsthatinvolvemoreresponsibilityofferhigherpaythanjobsinvolving lessresponsibility.Thisreflectsavaluestatementthatresponsibilityissomethingthatshouldberewarded.Ontheotherhand,jobsthatinvolveworkingwithchildren typicallyofferlowerpaythansimilarjobsthatinvolveworkingwithadults.Thisalsoreflectsavaluestatementthatworkingwithchildrenisnotavaluedactivity (again,seeSidelight7.1).Wheneveryouseeastatementofvalues,itisusefultoaskwhosevaluesarebeingreflected.Somescholars(e.g.,Acker,1989)suggestthat assumptionsaboutwhataspectsofworkareorarenotvaluablethemselvesreflectbroadersocietalbiases.Thatis,thedecisionthatlevelofresponsibilityisvalued andrewardedwhereasworkingwithchildrenisnotmaysimplyreflectdominantculturalassumptionsthat,onthewhole,tendtoassignmorevaluetomalestereotyped activitiesthantofemalestereotypedactivities. Supposeyouaccepttheconclusionthatatabroadsocietallevel,thetypeofworkdonebywomenisnotvaluedasmuchasthetypeofworkdonebymen.Itstill mightnotbeclearwhetherthisreflectsbiasanddiscriminationorwhetheritreflectsrealdifferencesintheworkperformedandthecontributionofthatworkto organizationsandsociety.Ifdifferencesinthevalueassignedtoworkwerebasedexclusivelyonthecontentofmen'sandwomen'sjobs,itmightbeimpossibletosort outcompetingexplanationsfordifferencesintheperceivedvalueofjobs.However,itisnotonlytheactivitiesdonebywomenthattendtobedevalued.Thereisalso evidencethattheveryfactajobisdonebywomenwilllead

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tolowerpay,lowerstatus,andlowervalue.Theclearestcaseforthisphenomenonisthejobofsecretary. Secretariesarealmostalwayswomen,andgiventheskillsrequired,thestresslevelsencountered,andtheworkexpectedfromsecretaries,itseemsreasonableto arguethattheyareundervaluedbyorganizationsandbysociety.Thejobofsecretaryhasrelativelylowpayandrelativelylowstatus,butthiswasnotalwaysthecase. PriortoWorldWarI,secretarieswerealmostalwaysmale,andthejobofsecretaryhadrelativelyhighstatus.Thisjoboftenbroughtyoungmenintocloseproximity withthepowerelite,allowedthemtoworkincomfortablesurroundings,andprovidedgoodpay.Aswomenenteredthesecretarialranks,thestatusandpayofthis jobdeclined,eventhoughtheessentialfunctionsdidnotchangemuch.Thisisacasewherethefeminizationofajobseemstohavedirectlyreducedthepay,prestige, andstatusassociatedwiththejob. IsOccupationalSegregationDecreasing? Therehavebeensubstantialchangesingendersegregationinrecentyears,atleastforsomehighstatusjobs.By1990,approximately50%ofthebachelor'sdegrees andapproximately35%ofthePhDdegreesgrantedintheUnitedStateswenttowomen.About33%oftheMDand40%ofthelawdegreeswenttowomen.A numberofprofessionshaveseensubstantialgrowthinfemalerepresentation,andaswomentakegreateradvantageofeducationalopportunities(e.g.,college, professionalschool,andgraduateschool),thelikelihoodthattheywillinhabitthe"pinkcollarghetto"hasdecreased.However,occupationalsegregationisstillafact oflifeforwomenwithlowerlevelsofeducationandtraining.Thegendercompositionoffieldslikelawandmedicineischangingrapidly,buttraditionallypinkcollar jobsarestilldominatedbywomen.Despitethegainsmadebywomenwithhigherlevelsofeducationorsocioeconomicstatus,itisstillagoodbetthatreceptionists, secretaries,dietitians,anddaycareworkerswillbewomen. Patternsofoccupationalsegregationappeartodifferasafunctionofsocioeconomicvariables,suchaseducationandincome.Onthewhole,womenfromrelatively privilegedbackgroundsarelesslikelytofindthemselvesinpinkcollarjobsthanwomenwithlessaccesstoeducationandbusinesscontacts.However,evenwhen womenentertheoccupationsthatarenotstronglydominatedbymenorwomen,theymaystillencounterasexsegregatedworkplace. SegregationbyJob Sexsegregationintheworkplaceismostobviouswhenyoucomparebroadoccupations(e.g.,clericalworkvs.engineering).However,often

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thereisalsosexsegregationinjobsanddutieswithinthesameoccupation(Bielby&Baron,1986).Forexample,femalemanagersoftenleadlessprestigiousorless powerfuldepartments,femalebankmanagerstendtoworkinsmaller,moreremotebranches,andfemaleclerkshavelessprestigeandlessdiscretionthanmaleclerks (Stover,1997).BielbyandBaron's(1986)surveysuggestedthatmenandwomenperformingsimilardutiesinthesameorganizationsometimeshavedifferentjobtitles (maledominatedjobsusuallyhavingmoreprestige)anddifferentcareertracks(femaledominatedjobshavingfewerpromotionprospects). Inadditiontoholdingjobsthatareoftenlessdesirablethanmen's,womenareincreasinglylikelytoholdparttimejobs(Shockley,1997).Evenwhenjobtitlesand careertracksareformallyequivalent,womenaremorelikelytoholdjobsthathavemoretenuousstatusandprospects.Jobsheldbywomennotonlyhavelowerpay thansimilarjobsheldbymenbutarelesslikelytoprovideadequatebenefitsorjobsecurity. Withinprofessionalfields,itisnotunusualtofindsexsegregationbyspeciality.Forexample,theauthorsofthisbookareindustrial/organizational(I/O)psychologists. Twentyfiveyearsago,I/Opsychologistswereoverwhelminglymale.Today,theproportionsofmalesandfemalesenteringthefieldareroughlyequal.Otherfieldsof psychology(e.g.,developmentalpsychology,counselingpsychology)aredominatedbywomen,butafew(e.g.,mathematicalpsychology)arestilllargelymale enclaves. EconomicModelsofGenderDiscrimination Economistssometimesarguethatifgenderdiscriminationexistsatall,itreflectstruedifferencesintheproductivityofmaleversusfemaleworkers.Forexample,ifyou assumethatlabormarketsareproductiveandcompetitive,itwouldbeverydifficultforanindividualfirmtosystematicallydiscriminateagainstfemaleworkers.An organizationthatdidnotpaywomenfairlyorthatdeniedthemopportunitieswouldloseitsbestfemaleworkersandwouldbeunabletoattracthighquality replacements.Atleast,thisistheassumptionsometimesmadebyeconomists. HumanCapitalTheory Economistsarguethateducation,training,skills,andexperienceallincreaseaworker'spresentandfutureproductivityandthatfirmsrecognizeandrewardthese differencesinhumancapital.Theanalogytofinancialcapitalisdeliberate,reflectingtheideathatpeoplewhoinvesttheirtimeandenergyindevelopingjobrelated skillsshouldexpecttoseeareturnontheirinvestment.Onepossibleexplanationfor

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differencesinthewagesearnedbymenandwomenisthattheydifferbothintheskillstheyacquireandinthetimeandenergytheyinvestindevelopingnewjob relatedskills(Polacheck,1981). Humancapitaltheorists,forexample,notethatwomenaremorelikelythanmentointerrupttheircareersduringchildbearingyears.Ifunbrokenexperienceonthejob doesindeedleadonetodevelopskillsthatarenotdevelopedbypeoplewhoenter,leave,thenreenterthelabormarket(acommonpatternforsomewomen),itmight bereasonabletoarguethatpeoplewhodonotleavethelabormarket(oftenmen)shouldreceivebetterpaythanpeoplewholeaveandreenter(oftenwomen). Furthermore,employersmightbeunwillingtoinvestinextensivetrainingforworkerswhoarelesslikelytoremaininthelabormarket,furtherincreasingtheskillsgap betweenmenandwomen(Cohn,1996). Cohn(1996)notedthatonekeyassumptionofhumancapitalmodelsisthatwomenaremorelikelythanmentoleavetheirjobs(thusexperiencingmorecareer interruptionsandprovidinglessattractivecandidatesforadvancedtraining).Incertainsegmentsofthepopulation,thisassumptionisprobablytrue.Forexample, womenwithyoungchildrenareprobablymorelikelytoexperiencecareerinterruptionsthanmeninsimilaragegroups.However,acrosstheboard,thereislittle evidencethatwomenaremorelikelytoleaveorganizationsorjobsthanmen(Cohn,1996).Thus,theargumentthatmenarelikelytobemorevaluableto organizationsbecausetheysufferfewercareerinterruptionsisprobablynotrealistic.Menandwomenmayleaveorganizationsatdifferenttimesorfordifferent reasons,buttherearefewdatatosupportthebeliefthatgenderissubstantiallyrelatedtoturnover. Evenincaseswheretherearedifferencesinworkexperience,humancapitaltheorymaynotsufficientlyexplainwagedifferentials.Thereislittledoubtthatexperience isrelatedtojobperformanceandproductivity,buttherearesharplydiminishingreturnsforincreasedlevelsofexperience.Workerswith2yearsofexperienceare rarelytwiceasvaluabletoanorganizationasworkerswith1yearofexperience,andthevalueofeachadditionalyearofexperiencetendstodiminishsharply(e.g., differencesintheskillsandproductivityofworkerswith1yearvs.2yearsofjobexperiencearetypicallymuchlargerthandifferencesbetweenworkerswith20years vs.21yearsofexperience).Thus,whendifferencesinjobexperienceareusedtoexplaindifferencesinwages,carefulattentionneedstobepaidtoboththeabsolute andtherelativeamountsofexperienceofmenandwomen. CanHumanCapitalTheoryExplainWageDifferentials? Therehavebeenattemptstoreformulatehumancapitaltheorytouse

Page173 Sidelight7.3ClosingtheGapByExternalMovement? Abasicassumptionofmanyeconomicmodelsisthatcompetitivelabormarketswillsortouttruedifferences,ifany,inthevalueofwhatmenand womendo.Inparticular,ifwomenareundervaluedwhentheyenterthejobmarket,itispossiblethattheycanrecoverlostvaluebymovingfromone jobtoanother.Often,themostsuccessfulstrategyforgainingasubstantialraiseistomovefromyourcurrentorganizationtoacompetitor.Bothmen andwomenusethisexternalmarketstrategy,anditispossiblethatmovementthroughthelabormarketmightdiminishtheeffectsofinitialdifferences inmaleandfemalesalaries. BrettandStroh(1997)examinedtheuseofexternalversusinternallabormarketstrategiesbymenandwomen,andtheiranalysissuggeststhatuseof anexternallabormarketstrategydoesnotsolvebutrathermagnifiestheproblemofmalefemalepaydifferences.Datafromtheirstudyareshownin thefollowingfigure.

Inthisstudy,womenweremorelikelythanmento"jumpship"(i.e.,leavetheorganizationforajobelsewhere),buttheeffectsoffollowinganexternal labormarketstrategywerequitedifferentformenthanforwomen.Menwhomovedtootherorganizationsgainedsubstantiallyinsalary,whereas women'ssalaries(whichwereinanycaselowerthanmen's)werenotaffectedbytheirchoicetomoveorstay. Thesedatasuggestthatanexternallabormarketstrategywillnotaddressdifferencesinthewagesearnedbymenandwomen.Onthecontrary, movementinthelabormarketseemslikelytoincreaseratherthandecreasethesalarygap.

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perceptionsandbeliefsaboutturnoverratherthanactualturnoverasexplanatoryvariables.Suppose,forexample,managersbelievethatfemaleemployeesaremore likelytoleavetheorganization.Asaresult,managersmightbelesswillingtogivewomenvaluedassignmentsorexpensivetraining,fearingthattheir"investment"in thesewomenwillbelost.Atheorylikethismightexplainwhywomenreceivefewerdevelopmentalopportunitiesand,atabroadsocietallevel,mightevenexplainwhy womenarelesslikelytoholdjobsatthetopoftheorganization.However,thissortofextensionofhumancapitaltheorydoesnotexplainwhymenandwomenin similarjobsoftenreceivedissimilarsalaries. Themostpotentcriticismofhumancapitaltheoryisthatitsimplydoesnotexplainthedata.Thedifferencesinwagesearnedbymenandwomencannotbeexplained byobjectivedifferencesintheircredentials,interruptedworkhistories,ortrainingshortfalls(Cohn,1996).BielbyandBaron(1986)studiedthedistributionofmales andfemalesinjobswithinalargenumberoffirmsandfoundthathumancapitalvariablesexplainedonlyabout15%ofthevarianceinsexsegregation.Evenifyou controlfordifferencesintheoccupationsandjobsheldbymenandwomen(whichthemselvesmightbeinfluencedbygenderdiscrimination),significantwage differentialsremain(Madden,1985). Thebestsingleexplanationformalefemalewagedifferentialsisthatwomentendtoenteroccupationswithlowpay,lowprestige,andlowmobility(Jacobs,1993). Thissuggeststhatstrategiessuchasincreasingtraining,strictlyenforcingequalpaylaws,andencouraginggreaterjobmobilitymaydolittletoreducedifferencesinthe wagesreceivedbymenandwomen.Tounderstandhowandwhymenandwomenreceivemarkedlydifferentsalaries,wemustfirstaskhowtheyendupinsuch differentoccupations,careers,andjobs. AccountingforOccupationalSegregation Thirtyfiveor40yearsago,itwouldbemucheasiertoexplainoccupationalsegregation.Inthe1950sandearly1960s,itwascommontoreservesomejobsformen andothersforwomen,andoccupationalsegregationcouldbelargelyexplainedintermsofformalbarrierstotheemploymentofwomeninmostworkplaces.Today, therearefewabsolutebarrierstomen'sorwomen'sparticipationinmostoccupations,andthereislessoccupationalsegregationinthecurrentworkforcethanatany timesincethe1940s(duringWorldWarII,manywomenworkedintraditionalmaleoccupations"RosietheRiveter"wasaverypopularimageduringthisera). However,occupationalsegregationisstillafactoflifeformany

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women,anditisimportanttoaskwhetherthisistheresultoflimitedopportunitiesforwomenorofchoicesmadebywomenandbysociety(orsomecombination) thatleadtopersistentmalefemaledifferencesinoccupationsandcareers. Fourfactorsarecommonlycitedtoexplaindifferencesintheoccupationschosenbymenandwomen:differencesinsocializationdifferencesineducationdifferences ininterests,values,andpreferencesanddifferencesinemphasisonworkandfamilyroles. GenderRoleSocialization Womenarepreparedfromchildhoodfortraditionalrolessuchasmother,wife,andhelperandaresocializedintopatternsofbehaviorthatdonotfostercompetition, achievement,ormastery(B.F.Reskin,1984).Sexrolesocializationliteraturesuggeststhatgirlsandyoungwomenareexposedtonumerousmessagesfromfamily, friends,teachers,andthemediathatorientthemtowardfemalerolesandawayfromtraditionallymaleroles.Thus,womenwhochoosetraditionallyfeminine occupationsmakechoicesthataremostcompatiblewithmessagestheyhavereceivedfromsocietyalmostfrombirth. Anotheraspectofgenderrolesocializationisthatwomenareexposedtomanyrolemodelswhohavechosentraditionalpaths(e.g.,mothers,grandmothers)and fewerwhohavechosennontraditionaloccupations.Thereisclearevidencethattheavailabilityoffemalerolemodelsincreasesinterestinandpersistencein nontraditionaloccupations(Betz&Fitzgerald,1987).Manyorganizationsandeducationalinstitutionsusementoringprogramstoincreasewomen'sexposuretorole modelsofthissort. EducationalExperiences Surveysoftheeducationalbackgroundsofmenandwomenshowsubstantialdifferencesintheirtraininginmathematics,science,andcomputers.Inanincreasingly complexjobmarket,lowerlevelsofskillandexperienceinmathandsciencecansignificantlylimitcareeropportunities,andtheseeducationaldifferencesmayexplain someofthedifferencesintheoccupationspursuedbymenandwomen.Thequestion,then,iswhywomenarelesslikelytopursuetrainingintheseareas. Ingradeschoolandjuniorhighschool,boysandgirlsseemtohavesimilarlevelsofinterestandsuccessinmath,science,andrelatedfields.However,large differencesininterestandsuccessinthesefieldsemergeinhighschoolandcollege(R.Hall&Sandler,1982Vetter,1973).R.HallandSandlers'reportsuggeststhat theclassroomenvironmentinmathandsciencerelatedfieldsbecomesincreasingly"chilly"forwomen

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thefurthertheygo(i.e.,thereismoreopenhostilitytowomenincollegemathcoursesthaninhighschoolcourses),andwomenareoftenquiteactivelyencouragedto considerareasotherthanscienceandmath.Infact,thisisexactlywhathappens.Incollege,womenareheavilyconcentratedinthehumanitiesandsocialsciencesand aremuchlesslikelytomajorinengineering,math,science,orothertechnologyrelatedfields.Patternsofoccupationalsegregationthatwomenwillencounterlaterin lifeareoftenmirroredbytheirsegregationintodifferentareasofstudyinhighschoolandcollege. Heilman'slackoffitmodelmightexplainthehostilitywomensometimesencounterinadvancedmath,science,andtechnologycourses.Theseareasareall stereotypicallymasculineandaremorestronglysoatadvancedlevelsthanatintroductorylevels.Forexample,thestereotypeofacomputersystemsanalystis probablymoremasculinethanthestereotypeofaworkerwhousesacomputeroccasionally.Aswomenmoveintomoreadvancedlevelsoftraininginmathand science,thefitbetweenthestereotypeofwomenandthestereotypeofthefieldmaydecrease,leadingtogreatersalienceforgenderinevaluatingothersandmore exclusionofindividualsonthebasisofgender.Wemightthinkofcollegeandgraduateschoolasbeingmoreopentodiversitythansomeother,moreconservative segmentsofsociety,butwhenitcomestoadvancedtrainingintraditionallymaledominatedfields,thecollegeclassroommaynotbeallthatreceptivetowomen,either asstudentsorasfaculty. TheRoleofInterests,Values,andPreferences Anotherreasonfordifferencesintheoccupationschosenbymenandwomenisthattheydifferintheirvocationalinterests,thatis,workrelatedvaluesand preferences.Vocationalintereststendtodevelopandcrystallizeduringchildhood,adolescence,andearlyadulthood(allperiodsduringwhichgenderrole sexualizationisespeciallyintense),andthevocationalinterestsofmenandwomenaresubstantiallydifferent. Table7.2describesHolland'smodelofvocationalinterests.Thiswidelycitedtheoryisthefoundationformanyinterestinventoriesandhasbeenextensivelytested.On thewhole,womenshowlowerrealisticandconventionalintereststhanmenandhighersocialinterestsevidenceofdifferencesininvestigative,artistic,andenterprising interestsissomewhatmixed,althoughwomenshowlowerinvestigativeandenterprisingandhigherartisticintereststhanmeninsomestudies(Betz&Fitzgerald, 1987).Sexdifferencesinvocationalinterestsemergerelativelyearlyinlife(typically,systematicdifferencesinmen'sandwomen'sinterestscanbedetectedbythetime theyfinishhighschool),andtheyprobablyreflecttheinfluenceofgenderrolesocialization(Erez,Borochov,&Mannheim,1989).By

Page177 Table7.2 Holland'sTaxonomyofVocationalInterests Interest Realistic Characteristics Enjoysworkingoutdoors,workingwithtoolsand machines,dealingwiththingsratherthanpeopleorideas. Enjoyssolvingabstractproblems,scientificresearchnot especiallyinterestedinworkingwithothers. Enjoyscreativework,selfexpression,andunstructured activitieslessinterestedinabstractproblemsolving. Enjoysworkingwithothers,arranginginterpersonal activities,andsolvingproblemsbydiscussionwith others. Enjoysinfluencing,dominating,andleadingothers interestedinpersuasionandsales,powerandstatus. Typicaljobs Constructionworker,forestry

Investigative

Chemist,mathematician

Artistic

Designer,commercialartist

Social

Socialworker,teacher

Enterprising

Salesmanager,realestate agent

Conventional

Enjoyshighlyorderedactivities,detailorientedwork,and Accountant,banker structuredsituationslessinterestedinphysicalactivities orsocialrelationships.

thetimethewomenmakeoccupationalchoices,theytendtopreferoccupationsthataremostconsistentwithsocialinterestsandarelessattractedtooccupations mostconsistentwithrealisticorconventionalinterests.Vocationalinterestsrepresentonespecifictypeofworkorientationthatcaninfluenceoccupationalchoice.In additiontostudiesofmalefemaledifferencesinvocationalinterests,therearenumerousstudiesofmoregeneraldifferencesinworkrelatedvaluesandpreferences. Ingeneral,men'svaluesandpreferencescenteroncompetitionanddominance,whereaswomen'scenteronsocialrelationships.Forexample,menshowgreater interestinincome,leadership,andadvancement,whereaswomenshowgreaterinterestinexercisingvaluesandskills,workingwithothers,andhelpingpeople(Betz& O'Connell,1989). Itisclearthatdifferencesininterests,values,andpreferencesarerelatedtodifferencesinoccupationalchoices.Whatislesscleariswhetherthesedifferencesarethe causeortheeffectofoccupationalsegregation.Forexample,itispossiblethatwomenchoosedifferentoccupationsbecausetheyhavedifferentinterestsfrommen. However,itisalsopossiblethattheinterestswomendevelopreflecttheirperceptionofwhattheworldislike.Interestsareoftendefinedasa''responseofliking,"and itiseasytoimaginethatpeoplelearntolikethingstheythinktheywillsucceed

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inanddeveloplessattractiontowardthingstheythinkwillbeasourceoffailureandfrustration.Ifyoubelievethatpursuingacareerasamathematicianislikelytolead tofailure,rejection,andhostility,youprobablywillnotbeveryattractedtothatcareer.Girlsandyoungwomenwhofrequentlyhearthemessagethatsomecareers aremoreappropriateforwomenthanothersmayinternalizethismessageanddevelopstrongerinterestsincareersthatfitthefemalestereotype. FamilyFriendlyWorkRoles Someoccupationsrequireyoutospendlonghoursatwork,tobeavailableatamoment'snotice,ortotravelfordaysorweeksatatime,whereasothersimpose fewerdemands,providemoreflexibility,andofferlessofachancethatworkwillinterferesubstantiallywithnonworkroles.Althoughthisisnotalwaysthecase,jobs thatrequirelowerlevelsofinvolvementandtimecommitmentareusuallyalsolowerinpay,prestige,andopportunitiesforadvancement.However,jobsthatdonot demandhighlevelsofinvolvementorcommitmenthaveoneadvantageoverjobsthatprovideagreatsalaryinreturnforan80hourweek:Theyallowyoutodevote timeandenergytofamilyliferatherthantoyourcareer. Itissometimesarguedthatwomenarewillingtosettleforjobswithlowerpayandlowerprestigebecausethosejobsdonotinterferewithfamilyobligations.Another versionofthisargumentisthatwomenhavetosettleforjobsofthissortiftheywanttohaveafamily.Thedemandsofacareerinuppermanagementorinmanyofthe morehighpoweredprofessionsmayleavelittletimeforfamilylifeandprovidelittleoftheflexibilitythatisnecessarywhennormalfamilycrises(e.g.,childhood illnesses)occur. Intheory,workfamilyissuesshouldbeofconcerntobothmenandwomen,butinfact,womenarelikelytotaketheprimaryresponsibilityformostofthetraditional familycenteredroles(e.g.,caringforchildren,cooking,cleaning).Eveninfamiliesthatespouserelativelyegalitarianideologies,traditionaldivisionsoffamilyrolesare likelytooccur(Apostal&Helland,1993).Menaresocializedtoseekandacceptworkrolesthatsubstantiallyinterferewiththeirrolesashusbandsandfathers,but womenareonthewholelesslikelytomakethischoiceandlesscomfortablewhentheydomakeit.Formanywomen,careerchoiceboilsdownadecisionaboutthe relativeimportanceofcareerversusmarriageandchildren(Nieva&Gutek,1981a). Therearethreewaysthatmenorwomencandealwithpotentialconflictsbetweenworkandfamilyroles.First,theycanminimizetheirinvolvementinonerole.For women,thisofteninvolvesseekinglowpay,lowprestigejobs,butformenthisofteninvolvescuttingbackonfamilycommitments.Thisisnotalwaysthecasethere areplentyof

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womenwhochoosenottohavefamiliesortominimizetheirinvolvementinthefamilyandthereareplentyofmenwhochoosetobecome"househusbands." Nevertheless,ifthechoiceistominimizethecentralityofonerole,itisareasonableguessthatwomenwillminimizeworkinfavoroffamilywhereasmenwillminimize familyinfavorofwork. Ratherthantryingtomeetthedemandsofworkandfamilysimultaneously,anumberofmenandwomenattempttocarryouttheserolessequentially.Thatis,aperson mayentertheworkforceforaperiod,leavetheworkforcewhenchildrenareborn,andreturntotheworkforcewhenthechildrenaregrown.Onepossible explanationforwomen'schoiceofoccupationsthatarelowerinskills,pay,andprestigeisthatwomenaremorelikelythanmentoleavetheworkforcetocarefor youngchildren.Ifyouanticipatethatyouarelikelytoenter,leave,andreentertheworkforce,itisunlikelythatyouwillbedrawntowardoccupationsthatdemand highlevelsofskill(e.g.,jobrelatedskillswouldprobablybecomeoutdatedduringtheyearsyouareoutofthepaidworkforce)orexperience.Youwouldprobably findoccupationsthatareintenselycompetitiveunappealing,especiallybecauseyourpossiblepositiononthe"mommytrack"wouldputyouatacompetitive disadvantageascomparedwithyourpeers.Inshort,peoplewhoanticipatethattheywillleavetheworkforceforlongperiodsbuteventuallyreentermayfindlow skill,lowprestigejobstheonlyrealisticpossibility.Inajobofthissort,theremaynotbeasubstantialpenaltyforleavingtheworkforce,butinmanyhighskill,high payingjobs,individualswhoattempttoleaveandreenterthejobafterlongperiodsofabsencemayfinditimpossibletosucceed. Anumberofemployershavemadeeffortstodevelopamorefamilyfriendlyworkplace.Theseeffortsincludeonsitedaycare,attractivefamilyleaveoptions(aswe noteinchap.8,familyleavepoliciesthataremandatedbylawprovideonlythemostminimalhelptoworkingfamilies),flexibleworkinghours,andtelecommunicating arrangements.Theseeffortsoftenreflectacombinationofgoodfaitheffortsbyemployerstorespondtotheconflictsthatoftenemergebetweenworkandfamilyroles andarecognitionoftheeconomiccostsoffailingtoprovidesuchbenefits.Organizationsthatdonotmakeatleastminimalaccommodationsforworkfamilyconflicts mayfinditdifficulttoattractandretainthemosttalentedemployees. IsDiscriminationtoBlameforOccupationalSegregation? Theonlysensibleanswertothisquestionis"yesandno."Theresearchevidencesuggeststhatoccupationalsegregationisnot,forthemostpart,theresultofindividual employers'decisionsnottohirewomen.As

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discussedinchapter8,stifflegalpenaltiescanbeimposedonemployerswhodiscriminateonthebasisofgenderinhiring,promotion,salary,andassignmentto workingconditions.Ifwedefinediscriminationasaconsciousandintentionaldecisiononanindividualleveltotreatsimilarlysituatedmenandwomendifferentlywhen makinghiring,jobassignment,andpromotiondecisions,itisprobablyfairtosaythatgenderdiscriminationisnotthemajorcauseofoccupationalsegregation. Changesinthelawandchangesinsocietyhaveremovedmanyoftheformalbarrierstoequalemploymentopportunitiesformenandwomen. Ifwedefinediscriminationasdifferencesinthewaymenandwomenaretreatedwhenastheypreparefor,aspireto,seekingtrainingfor,orperforminvariousjobs,it seemsclearthatgenderdiscriminationdefinedinthesetermsisacriticallyimportantfactorinoccupationalandjobsegregation.Differencesinmen'sandwomen's vocationalinterests,workvalues,jobpreferences,andeducationalchoicesarerarelyamatterofbiologywhateverthecausesofmalefemaledifferencesin occupationalchoice,itisprobablynottheY(orthesecondX)chromosomethatexplainsoccupationalsegregation.Rather,malefemaledifferencesinanumberof occupationallyrelevantskills,values,interests,andexperiencesseemtobeafunctionofdifferencesinthewaysocietytreatsmenandwomen.Asnotedatthe beginningofthischapter,discriminationissometimesdefinedas"prejudiceinaction."Itseemsreasonabletoarguethatdiscrimination(i.e.,differencesinthetreatment ofmalesandfemales)atasocietallevelisthemostcriticalfactorindeterminingthesimilaritiesanddifferencesofthecareersandcareerchoicesofmenandwomen. Thereisausefuldistinctionbetweenindividualandstructuraldiscrimination.Genderdiscriminationbyaspecificindividualataspecificpointintimeiseasierto recognize(seechap.8).Structuraldiscriminationonthebasisofgendermaybeamuchtrickierissue.First,ifmenandwomenmakedifferentoccupationalchoices becauseoftheinfluenceoftheirrespectivesexrolesocializationexperiences,itmaybeimpossibletopinpointthespecificbehaviorsthatconstitutediscriminationor thespecificindividualswhoactivelydiscriminateagainstwomen.Ifgenderdiscriminationispartofthebasicstructureofsociety,itwillbeimpossibletoidentifythe responsiblepartiesorthediscriminatoryacts.Thisdoesnotmeanthatgenderdiscriminationisnotoccurring.Rather,itislikelytomeanthatgenderdiscriminationis suchapartofthesocialfabricthattheculpritislikelytobesocietyandsocialsystemsingeneralratherthansomeindividual. Individualactsofdiscriminationintheworkplacecertainlydooccur.However,themostpotentformofgenderdiscriminationisprobablytheformthatoccurswell beforemenandwomenentertheworkplace

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sexrolesocialization.Theideathatdifferentpatternsofbehaviorareappropriateformalesandfemalesissuchabasicpartofhowboysandgirlsareraisedthatitis naturaltobelievetheywillhavedifferentattitudestoward,preferencesfor,interestsin,andorientationstowardtheworldofwork.Thesedifferencesarelikelyto becomeespeciallysalientasthedemandsofworkconflictwiththedemandsoffamily,andmenandwomenaresocializedtodealwiththisconflictindifferentways. Ifoneacceptstheargumentthatoccupationalsegregationislargelyaresultofhowweasasocietydefineandcommunicatesexroles,onemightalsoacceptthe argumentthatfundamentalchangeinoccupationalsegregationisunlikelytooccursoon.Agreatdealcanbeaccomplishedbyinsistingthatemployersapplyfairand equalstandardswhenmakingdecisionsaboutindividualjobapplicantsandincumbents(seechap.8),yetitmaybelessreasonabletoholdemployersstrictly accountableforbroadersocietaldifferencesinhowweviewmenandwomenorinhowmenandwomenviewtheirownroles.Therearemanyreasonstobelievethat thesocializationofmenandwomenislessrestrictive(atleastwithregardtotheirsocializationintoworkrelatedroles)todaythanitwas50yearsago,anditislikely thatalongtermtrendtowardamoregenderintegratedworkplacewillcontinue.However,theprocessofsocietalchangeisalwaysslow,anditislikelythat differencesinthewaymalesandfemalearepreparedforandorientedtotheworldofworkwillpersistforsometime. Inadditiontothesocietalfactorsthatinfluenceourbeliefsandattitudesaboutmenandwomen(andourperceptionsofourownsexrolesandworkroles),thereisan evendeeperstructuralexplanationforgenderdiscriminationintheworkplace.Workhastraditionallybeenamaledomain,andourdefinitionsofwhatsortofworkis valuable,therelativeimportanceofworkandnonworkroles,andthesortsofbehaviorsthatcontributetoordetractfromorganizationsallreflectamaleoriented perspective.Aswenotedinourdiscussionofdifferencesinthevalueattachedto"men'swork"and"women'swork,"theassumptionthatsupervising10subordinates ismorevaluableandmoreimportantthanteaching10childrenreflectsthevaluesofthedominantculture,inthiscasethe"male"culture.Ourassumptionsaboutwhat workmeansinourliveshow,when,andwherepeopleshouldworkhoworganizationsshouldbestructuredandhowconflictsbetweenworkandnonworkroles shouldbejuggledtendtoreflectandreinforceaparticularperspectiveontheworldthatseemsmoreintunewithmalesexrolesthanwithfemalesexroles.Onthe whole,thewordofworkseemsfriendlierandmorecomfortabletomenthantowomen,andthisshouldcomeasnosurprise.Feministscholarsarguethattheworldof workwasdesignedbyandformen,andthateffortstoimprovethefitbetweenpeopleandworkshouldnot

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belimitedtochangingsexrolesbutshouldalsoincludeareconsiderationoffundamentalassumptionswemakeaboutworkitself(KesslerHarris,1985Lorber, 1986). Summary Discriminationoccurswhenpeoplearetreateddifferentlyonthebasisoftheirmembershipinaparticulargroup.Anumberoffeaturesoftheworkplaceleadtoor enhancegenderdiscrimination.Inparticular,thestereotypespeoplehaveofmenandwomenoftendifferintermsoftheircompatibilitywithstereotypesofwork.Ifyou believethatajobrequiresacompetitiveattitude,adesireforpoweranddominance,andinterestinthingsratherthaninpeople,youarelikelytothinkthatmenare bettersuitedforthatjobthanwomen.Ifyoubelievethatajobrequiresinterpersonalskill,concernforothers,andawillingnesstosubordinateone'sownneedstothe needsofothers,youarelikelytothinkthatwomenarebettersuitedforthatjobthanmen. Structuralfeaturesoftheworkplacestrengthentheeffectsofstereotypesontheevaluationofmaleandfemaleworkers.Inparticular,whenwomen(ormen)represent onlyasmallminorityoftheworkgroup,theirveryraritymayleadpeopletothinkaboutthemintermsoftheirsexrolesratherthanintermsoftheirworkroles.The extensivesexsegregationoftheworkplacesuggeststhatmanywomenareeitheradistinctminorityinamaledominatedjoborareconfinedtojobsthatareheavily dominatedbyfemales(i.e.,pinkcollarjobs). Theclearestevidenceofgendersegregationisfoundwhenexaminingtheoccupationsofmenandwomen.Themajorityofworkingwomenarefoundinarelatively smallnumberoffemaledominatedoccupations(e.g.,clericalwork,servicework)thatarecharacterizedbylowpay,lowprestige,andlowskilldemands.Evenwithin occupations,thereisevidenceofsegregation.Menandwomeninthesamegeneraloccupationalgroup(e.g.,collegeprofessors)areoftenfoundindifferenttypesof jobs(e.g.,womenaremorelikelytobefoundinthesocialsciencesandhumanitiesandlesslikelyinmathematicsandthehardsciences). Differencesinthepay,benefits,andcareerprogressionofmenandwomenreflectanumberoffactors,butalargepartofthevarianceintheseoutcomesisexplained bythegendersegregationofoccupationsandjobs.Anumberoffactors,includingsexrolesocialization,differencesineducation(particularlyinmathandscience), anddifferencesinvocationalinterestsandworkrelatedvaluesandpreferencesplayanimportantroleinthesexsegregationoftheworkplace.

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Yourconclusionsabouttheroleofgenderdiscriminationindeterminingdifferencesinthepay,benefits,andcareersofmenandwomendependsubstantiallyonhow youdefinediscrimination.Definitionsofdiscriminationthatfocusontheactionsoforganizationaldecisionmakerssuggestthatgenderdiscriminationisnotamajor factorinoccupationalsegregation.Definitionsofdiscriminationthatfocusonbroadsocietalstructures(e.g.,thewaymenandwomenaresocialized,thestructureof workroles)suggestthatgenderdiscriminationisamajorfactorindeterminingmen'sandwomen'sexperiencesintheworkplace. Glossary Compensablefactors:Featuresofajob,suchasthelevelofresponsibilityrequired,autonomy,stressoftheenvironment,andtechnicalskillsrequired,thatare acceptedbyorganizationsasbasesforawardinghigherpaytoonejobthantoanother. Discrimination:Action(usuallynegative)towardindividualsonthebasisoftheirgroupmembership. Humancapital:Jobrelatedcredentials,training,andskillsthatrepresentinvestmentsbycurrentorpotentialemployeesinincreasingtheirproductivity. Jobanalysis:Systematicstudyofthetasks,duties,responsibilities,andcontentofajob. Jobevaluation:Theprocessofmakingdecisionsaboutcompensationlevelsbyanalyzingthejobandtherelevantlabormarket. Lackoffit:AmodelforstudyinggenderdiscriminationdevelopedbyMadelineHeilman.Themodelsuggeststhatgenderdiscriminationismostlikelytooccurwhen thecharacteristicsofthepersondonotfitwiththestereotypeofthejob. Polarization:Psychologicalprocessinvolvingexaggerationofdifferencesbetweenmembersofaminoritygroupandmembersofthemajoritygroup. RosietheRiveter:PopularimageusedduringWorldWarIItorepresentwomenwhosteppedintowarproductionjobsasmalesweredrawnintotheArmed Forces. Sexrolespillover:Wheninteractionswithfemaleworkersareinfluencedbyassumptionsandbeliefsabouttheirsexroles(i.e.,thefactthattheyarewomen)rather thanabouttheirrolesasworkers. Structuraldiscrimination:Persistentpatternsofdiscriminationthataretheresultofbroadsocietalvalues,roledefinitions,andsocializationpractices.

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Tokens:Anindividualrepresentingaparticulargroupthataccountsforlessthan15%ofanorganization'smembers. Visibility:Psychologicalprocessinvolvingincreasedawarenessandscrutinyofthebehaviorofatoken,particularlywhenthatbehaviorconformstoastereotype. Vocationalinterests:Responsesoflikingtoparticulartypesofoccupationsorparticulartypesofwork.

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8 GenderandtheLegalContextinWhichMenandWomenWork
I.TheLegalFrameworkforDealingWithGenderDiscriminationintheWorkplace A.EqualPayAct 1.ComparableWorth B.CivilRightsActof1964 C.CivilRightsActof1991 D.AdditionalLegalProtection 1.InternationalTrends E.SexDiscriminationintheWorkplace:AreasofSpecialConcern 1.SexDifferencesinCompensation:CivilRightsActvs.EqualPayAct 2.SubjectiveHiringorPromotionCriteria 3.PhysicalRequirements II.EnforcingGenderDiscriminationLaws A.FederalEnforcementAgenciesandProcedures 1.EqualEmploymentOpportunityCommission 2.OfficeofFederalContractCompliancePrograms B.LitigatingDiscriminationClaims 1.DisparateTreatmentvs.DisparateImpact 2.HowDisparateImpactCasesWork C.TrendsinLitigation:YouDon'tHavetoWintoWin III.FamilyRelatedLegislation A.FamilyandMedicalLeaveAct B.PregnancyDiscriminationAct IV.IsAffirmativeActionaHelporaHindrancetoWomenintheWorkplace? A.WhatIsAffirmativeAction? B.BacklashandUnintendedConsequences V.Summary

Page186 Hopkins,anassociateinaprestigiousaccountingfirm,wasbeingconsideredforpartner.EvaluationsofHopkinsincludedphraseslike"outstandingperformance,""strong character,independence,andintegrity,""highlycompetentprojectleader,"and"defttouch."Nevertheless,despitehavingmorebillablehoursthananyoftheother87candidates forthestatusofpartner,anddespitegenerating$25millioninbusiness,Hopkinswassoundlydislikedbymanyofthepartners.OnecriticismofHopkinsinvolveddressand grooming:Theyjustwerenotuptothestandardsexpectedbythepartners.Anotherinvolvedinterpersonalskills.Hopkinswascriticizedasaggressive,harsh,difficulttowork with,andimpatientwithstaff.Hopkinswaspassedoverforpartner,whilecoworkerswithrecordsthatseemedlessstellarwerepromoted. AsubsequentlawsuitsuggeststhattheproblemwithHopkinswasgender(PriceWaterhousev.Hopkins,1989).AnnHopkinswassimplynot(inthemalepartners'eyes)very feminine.Shewascriticizedas"macho"andforusingfoullanguage(whichthepartnersfoundunbecominginalady),andonepartneradvisedherto"takeacourseatcharm school."Anotheradvisedherthatshewouldhaveabetterchanceofadvancementifshewalked,talked,anddressedmorefemininely.Therewasnosuggestionthatbeing aggressive,usingfoullanguage,anddressinginasomewhatmasculinestylewerefrownedonatPriceWaterhouse,onlythatthesebehaviorswereviewedasnegativewhen comingfromawoman. InPriceWaterhousev.Hopkins(1989),theSupremeCourtacceptedtheargumentthatdecisionsmadeaboutAnnHopkinsreflectedsexstereotypesratherthanjobrelated evaluations.WhatwasparticularlytellinginthiscasewasthatmanyofthesamebehaviorsthatwereseenasaproblemwhenevaluatingHopkins(e.g.,aggressiveness)wereseen asbeneficialinmalecandidates.Asthecourtnoted,thiscreatedanimpossiblesituationforwomenatPriceWaterhouse(BennettAlexander&Pincus,1998).Womenwhowere notaggressivedidnotbringinenoughbusinesstosucceed,butthosewhowereaggressivewereseenasunladylike.Thisdoublebindstillplagueswomeninmanyworksettings.

Thischapterexamineshowthelegalsystemdealswith,orfailstodealwith,genderdiscriminationintheworkplace.Asnotedinchapter7,federalantidiscrimination lawsareforthemostpartconcernedwithspecificactsofindividualemployersandnotwithbroadsocietaltendenciestotreatmenandwomendifferentlyandthus oftenfailtoaddressstructuraldiscrimination.However,theselawsdoofferpotentiallypowerfulprotectiontotherightsofmenandwomenwhoencounterdifferent treatmentordifferentworkrelatedoutcomesbecauseoftheirgender,andhaveopenedawiderrangeofoptionsforwomenintheworkplace. Westartbyexaminingthelegalframeworkfordealingwithclaimsofgenderdiscriminationintheworkplace.LawssuchastheEqualPay

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ActandTheCivilRightsActsof1964and1991specificallyaddressdiscriminationagainstwomeninhiring,firing,pay,andconditionsofemployment.Wethen discusstheenforcementoftheselawsbyfederal,state,andlocalagenciesandthroughlitigation.Inparticular,wediscussthesortsofissuesthatoftenariseinlawsuits chargingsexdiscriminationintheworkplace. Inadditiontoantidiscriminationlaws,severallawsdealspecificallywithpotentialconflictsbetweenworkandfamily.Inparticular,recentlawsgrantingfamilyleaveas wellaslawsforbiddingdiscriminationbecauseofpregnancyaredescribed.Thefinalsectionofthischapterdescribesthenatureandscopeofaffirmativeaction programsandconsidersthepossibilitythattheseprogramsmayharmtheirintendedbeneficiariesmorethanhelpthem. TheLegalFrameworkforDealingwithGenderDiscriminationintheWorkplace Menandwomenworkinasocietalcontextthatpromotesandcondonesdiscriminationagainstwomen(e.g.,byestablishingandreinforcinggenderstereotypes,orby devaluing''women'swork")whilevigorouslycondemningandpunishingjobdiscriminationbasedongender,race,religiousorigin,orotherdemographicfactors(e.g., throughantidiscriminationlaws).Thelegalarenarepresentsaveryspecialfacetofthebroaderculturalcontextinwhichmenandwomenwork,anditisusefulto understandwhyculturalnormsregardingthetreatmentofmenandwomenintheworkplacemightnotalwaysleadtothesameconclusionsaslegalnorms. Lawsbanningdiscriminationinschoolsandtheworkplacereflectbasicidealsaboutfairnessindealingwitheachotherinacivilsociety.Inasense,theselawsreflect the"conscience"ofsociety,atleastinthisparticulararea.Thus,thereissomeconsensusinsocietythatyoushouldnottreatapersondifferentlysolelyonaccountof thatperson'sgenderorrace.Culturalbeliefsandstereotypesaboutmenandwomen,ontheotherhand,reflectawidearrayofinformation,observations,and preconceptionsaboutwhatmenandwomenarelike,howtheyshouldbehave,andtheirappropriateroles.Althoughthelegalsystemispartofabroadercultural contextinwhichmenandwomenwork,itisoneinwhichspecializedideasaboutwhatisfair,equitable,orproperaregivenprecedenceoverothersortsofnorms, beliefs,orideas.So,eventhoughmany

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peoplebelievethatwomenshouldplacehigherpriorityonthehomethanonthecareer,shouldbeexpectedtoworkintraditionallyfemaledominatedoccupations, andshouldgivedeferencetomenintheworkplace,peoplewillalsooftenbelievethatwomenshouldnotbeforcedtochoosehomeoverwork,toavoidmale dominatedoccupations,ortoputupwithboorishorinappropriatebehaviorfromsupervisors.Thus,eveninasocietalcontextwherewidelyheldbeliefsaboutmen andwomencansubstantiallybarwomen'ssuccessintheworkplace,womenhavebeenabletotakeadvantageofanumberoflawsthatsupportequalityofrightsof menandwomeninthismaledominatedcontext. Twomajorlawsdealwithgenderdiscriminationintheworkplace(theEqualPayActof1963andtheCivilRightsActof1964),andtherearenumerousadditional sourcesoflegalprotection(e.g.,theCivilRightsActof1991).Importantfeaturesoftheselaws,andofsimilarlawsthathavebeenpassedinothercountries,are reviewednext. EqualPayAct Priorto1963,organizationswouldsometimespostseparatepayratesformenandwomen,evenforidenticaljobs.TheEqualPayActof1963representsoneofthe firstpostWorldWarIIattemptstoaddressgenderdiscriminationintheworkplace.Theactforbidspayingmenandwomendifferentratesfor"equalworkonjobs theperformanceofwhichrequiresequalskill,effort,andresponsibility,andwhichareperformedundersimilarworkingconditions."Althoughthislawaddressesan importantconcern(i.e.,differentpayformenandwomen),itseffectsarelimitedbyanumberoffactors.First,differentpaycanbegivenforworkthatis"equal"ifpay inequalitiesaretheresultofasenioritysystem,ameritsystem,orasystemthattiesearningsdirectlytothequantityorqualityofproduction.Moregenerally,pay differentialsformaleandfemaleworkersdoinghighlysimilarworkarenotillegalifitcanbeshownthattheyarebasedonafactorotherthansex. ThemostimportantlimitationoftheEqualPayActisnotthesetofexceptionspreviouslylisted(i.e.,seniority,merit,etc.)butratherthefactthattheactappliesonlyto jobsthatareessentiallyequal.Inlawsuitsbroughtunderthisact,theplaintiffhastheburdenofshowingthatworkisequal,andunlessboththeworkitselfandthe conditionsofworkcanbeshowntobeessentiallyidentical,theEqualPayActdoesnotapply.1
1

Inequalemploymentlitigation,theplaintiffgenerallyreferstotheindividualorgroupwhoisallegingharmduetosomeunlawfulemploymentprocedure,andthedefendantis usuallytheemployer.

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TheWorldWarIILaborBoardrequiredequalpayfor"comparablework"performedbymenandwomen,butundertheEqualPayActahigherstandardisrequired (Player,1988). Player(1988)notedthattheEqualPayActdoesnotrequirethatpayratesberationalordefensible.Forexample,ifonejobrequiresmoreskill,moreeffort,ormore responsibilitythananother,thereisnolegalrequirementthatitoffermorepay.Employerswhopaylowerratesinjobsdominatedbywomen(e.g.,receptionist)thanin jobsdominatedbymen(e.g.,truckdriver)arenotviolatingthisact. AlthoughtheEqualPayActissharplylimitedinitscoverage,anumberofcasesarebroughteachyear.Forexample,in1994,over1,600suitswerebroughtunder theEqualPayAct.ThisisnotnecessarilyalargenumbergiventhesizeoftheU.S.workforce,butgiventheegregiousnatureofthepracticescoveredbythisact(i.e., payingmenandwomendifferentlyforessentiallyidenticalworkperformedunderessentiallyidenticalconditions),thisnumberisstillsurprisinglyhigh. ComparableWorth Often,thecomplaintisnotthatmenandwomenarepaiddifferentlyforessentiallythesamework,butratherthatjobsheldbywomentendtobeundervaluedby organizationsandthatpayratesoftenfailtoreflecttheskillsrequiredindifferentjobs,theimportanceandcomplexityoftheactivitiesincludedineachjob,andthe conditionsunderwhichworkisperformed.Itisoftenarguedthatjobsofcomparableworthshouldoffercomparablepay. Intentionaldiscriminationinpayonthebasisofsexcanbeillegalundercertaincircumstances(CountyofWashingtonv.Gunther,1981),butthereisnofederallaw requiringorganizationstopayonthebasisofcomparableworth.Labormarketsurveysoftenshowsubstantialdifferencesinpayratesforjobsthatinvolvecomparable (butnotidentical)skills,levelsofresponsibility,andcomplexity,andthesemarketdifferencescanbeusedaslegaldefenseofgenderdifferencesinpayacrossjobs. Organizationsmayadoptcompensationsystemsbasedonassessmentsofcomparableworthattheirdiscretionbutarenotrequiredtodoso(State,Countyand MunicipalEmployeesv.Washington,1985).SomeofthestepsinvolvedinassessingcomparableworthareillustratedinSidelight8.1. Thekeyideaincomparableworthanalysesisthattheworthofajobshouldbesystematicallyrelatedtothecontentofthatjob.Analysesofcomparableworthhelp, forexample,indeterminingwhethermalefemaledifferencesinpayratescanbeexplainedbydifferencesinjobrequirementsandactivities.Barker(1997)and Acker(1989)notedthattherearemanyplacesgenderdiscriminationcouldenterintotheprocessofassessingcomparableworth(seeSidelight7.1),anditisnaiveto seecomparable

Page190 Sidelight8.1AssessingComparableWorth Paysystemsbasedonassessmentsofcomparablewortharestillrelativelyrareintheprivatesectorbuthavebeenimplementedinanumberofpublic sectororganizations(Barker,1997).Thepointfactormethodofjobevaluationissometimesusedtolinkthepaylevelassociatedwitheachjobinan organizationwiththecontentofthejobandtheconditionsunderwhichpeoplearerequiredtowork.Therearefourstepsinimplementingthismethod ofjobevaluation. First,decisionsmustbemadeaboutwhichfeaturesofajobshouldbeconsideredwhendeterminingpay(i.e.,compensablefactors).Forexample, organizationsoftenofferhigherpayforjobsthatinvolvehigherlevelsofresponsibility,morecomplexproblemsolving,ormorestringentskilland trainingrequirementsorthatrequireindividualstoworkinstressfulenvironments.(Inchap.7,wenotedthatdecisionsaboutwhatfactorsare "compensable"arevaluejudgmentsthatmayreflectthepreferencesandexperiencesofmenmorecloselythanthoseofwomen.)Second,levelsfor eachfactoraredefined,andpointsareawardedtolevelsbasedonsubjectiveoranalyticevaluationofworthofeachfactorandlevel.Forexample,ajob thatrequiresextensivetrainingmightreceive50pointsifhighlevelsofresponsibilityfordecisionsandresourcesarerequired,100pointsmightbe awarded.Third,jobsareanalyzedtodetermineexactlywhatisrequiredineach.Fourth,thisjobanalyticinformationisusedtomakeastatementabout theworthofeachjobonthebasisofthecontentofthejobandtheconditionsunderwhichpeoplework. Oncepointtotalsareobtainedforeachjobinanorganization,itispossibletodeterminetherelationshipbetweenthecontentandrequirementsof differentjobsandthepayratesforthosejobs.Thefollowingfigureillustratesoneformthisanalysismighttake. Thisfigureillustratesacommonpatternoffindingsinassessmentsofcomparableworth.Ifcompensationdecisionswerebasedsolelyonthecontent ofthejobandtherequirementsofdifferentjobs,mostjobswouldfallveryneartheregressionlineshowninthefigure.Thatis,thehigherthejobin termsofspecificcompensablefactors,themoreitshouldpay.Whatisoftenfoundisthatjobsheldbymenpaymorethantheywouldifcompensation decisionsweremadesolelyonthebasisofananalysisofwhatthejobentails,whereasjobsheldprimarilybywomenoftenpaylessthanwouldbe predictedbasedonananalysisofthejobanditsassociatedworkingconditions.Thesedifferencesareoftenattributedtomarketfactors,anditisnot clearwhetheranemployercansafelyignorethegoinglabormarketratesfordifferentjobswhendesigningcompensation

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TotalPoints packages.Nevertheless,resultssimilartothoseshowninthisfigurearewhatfirethedebateaboutcomparableworth.

worthanalysesasstatementsoftheobjectiveworthofdifferentjobs.Nevertheless,analysesoftherelationshipsbetweenjobcontentandpaylevelsdoprovide valuableinformationforunderstandingwhyjobsheldprimarilybymenorprimarilybywomenmightentailsuchdifferentratesofpay. CivilRightsActof1964 TheCivilRightsActof1964statesthatitisillegalforanemployerto"failtohireordischargeanindividual,ortodiscriminatewithrespecttocompensation,terms, conditions,orprivilegesofemploymentbecauseofsuchindividual'srace,color,gender,religionornationalorigin."Theactcoversdiscriminationinhiring,firing, training,discipline,compensation,benefits,classification,andothertermsorconditionsofemploymentforemployerswhoareengagedininterstatecommerceand/or whohave15ormoreemployees.InadditiontocoveringemployeesintheUnitedStates,theCivilRightsActof1964coversU.S.citizensworkingoutsideofthe UnitedStatesforU.S.employers.BennettAlexanderandPincus(1998)discussedspecificemployeractionsthatmightbeconsideredevidenceofsexdiscrimination Table8.1includesanumberofexamplesofdiscriminatoryactionscoveredbytheact.

Page192 Table8.1 EmployerActionsThatMightConstituteSexDiscrimination Specifyingaparticulargenderaspreferredinajobadvertisement. Refusingtohireapersonofparticulargenderforajob. Refusingtohirewomenwhoarepregnant,whohavechildrenunderacertainage,orwhoarenotmarried. Askingdifferentquestionsofmenandwomeninapplicationsorinterviews(e.g.,askingwomenbutnotmen aboutchildcareissues). Restrictinghours,assignments,orpositionstoonegender. Discipliningonegenderforactsthataretoleratedwhencommittedbytheothergender. Providingdifferenttypesorlevelsoftrainingbygender. Providingdifferentbenefitsbygender. Requiringdifferentconditionsofemploymentbygender(e.g.,settingdresscodesforfemalebutnotformale employees).

TheCivilRightActisdividedintoseveralsectionsof"titles"TitleVIIcoversdiscriminationintheworkplace.TheoriginalversionofTitleVIIdidnotforbidoreven mentionsexdiscrimination.ThiswasaddedasanamendmenttothestatuteinaspiritofsatirebythechairmanoftheHouseRulesCommittee(Player,1988),quite probablyinanattempttokillthebill(R.Arvey,1979).In1963,theideaofforbiddingdiscriminationonthebasisofsexwassucharadicalnotionthatsomepeople believedaddinggendertothebillwoulddoomitschancesintheSenate.Ironically,giventhatgenderwasincludedinanattempttoderailthebill,sexdiscrimination caseshavebecomeoneofthelargestsourcesofequalemploymentlitigation(Arvey&Faley,1988).In1995,theEqualEmploymentOpportunityCommission (EEOC)receivedover25,000sexdiscriminationclaims(EEOC,1995),representingroughlyonethirdthecaseloadunderTitleVII. Aswenoteinchapter9,theCivilRightsActforbidssexualharassmentintheworkplace,onthetheorythatsuchharassmentconstitutessexdiscrimination.Thatis,ifa womanistreateddifferentlyintheworkplacebecauseofhergender(whichwouldincludesexualharassment),thiscanconstituteemploymentdiscrimination. Furthermore,theharassmentdoesnothavetotaketheformofdirectthreats,assaults,orevenoffersofjobs,promotions,orpayraisesinexchangeforsexualfavors. Ashasbeenshowninseverallandmarkcases(e.g.,Jensonv.EvelethTaconiteCo.,1993MeritorSavingsBank,FSBv.Vinson,1986Robinsonv. JacksonvilleShipyards,Inc.,1991),ifthelevelofsexualharassmentpresentintheworkenvironmentissufficientlysevereandpervasivetolimitwomen'sabilityto functioneffectivelyortoprogress(i.e.,ifharassmentcreatesahostileworkenvironment),thecourtsarelikelytofindthatthisharassmentconstitutesgender discrimination.Again,thetheory

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isthatthebehaviorisdirectlyafunctionoftherecipient'sgender,andthatitreducesheropportunitytoperformeffectivelyonthejob. Genderbaseddifferencesinassignmentsorconditionsofemploymentareoftenfoundtobediscriminatoryevenwhentheirpurposeisseeminglybenign.InUAWv. JohnsonControls(1991),employeesinaparticularclassofjobsrantheriskofexposuretohighlevelsoflead.Womenwhomightbecomepregnantwerebarred fromthisjobandwereallowedtooccupythejobonlyiftheirinfertilitycouldbemedicallyproven.Becauseleadexposurecanbeverydangerousforafetus,this policymightbeseenasbeingintheinterestsoftheemployee(oratleastofheroffspring).InUAWv.JohnsonControls(1991),however,thispolicywasruledtobe discriminatory.Thecourtarguedthatprospectiveparents,notemployers,shouldmakedecisionsaboutprotectingtheirreproductivehealth,andthatapolicythat affectedwomenbutnotmen(menwerenotbarredfromthisjob,eveniftheyexpressedconcernsabouttheirreproductivehealth)wasclearlydiscriminatory. TheCivilRightsActalsoaddresseswhathasbeenreferredtoasgenderplusdiscrimination(BennettAlexander&Pincus,1998).Policiesthatplacedifferent limitationsonsomewomenthanonmeningeneralrepresentinstancesofgenderplusdiscrimination.Forexample,inPhillipsv.MartinMarietta(1971),the companyhadapolicyofnotacceptingjobapplicationsfromwomenwithpreschoolagechildren.Thecourtfoundthattheapplicationofthispolicytowomen,butnot tomen,wasdiscriminatory.Companiesdohavearighttoestablishperformancestandardsanddohavearighttorequirethatemployeesadheretothosestandards, regardlessofwhethertheyareparents.Forworkingparents,thisimpliesthatsomemechanismforchildcaremustbeworkedout.However,companiescannotuse thestereotypethatchildcareisthemother'sresponsibilitytoplacethislimitationonwomenonly.Thatis,treatingawomanwithsmallchildrendifferentlythanyoutreat amanwithsmallchildrenusuallyconstitutesdiscrimination. CivilRightsActof1991 AseriesofSupremeCourtdecisionsduringthe1980sseemedtosharplylimittheapplicabilityandenforceabilityoftheCivilRightsActof1964.TheCivilRightsAct of1991wasdesignedprimarilytooverturnthesedecisions(thetextoftheactincludesspecificreferencetodecisionsthatseemedtomisrepresenttheintentof Congress)andtoresolvesomeprocedurallimitationsoftheCivilRightsActof1964. LawsuitsbroughtundertheCivilRightsActof1964areheardasbenchtrialsthatis,theyareheardbeforeajudge.TheCivilRightsActof1991allowsjurytrials, whichmanybelievewillbenefitplaintiffs(juriesmay

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besympathetictoplaintiffswhoseemtohavebeentreatedunfairly,eveniftheadmissiblefactsdonotstronglysupportthecomplaint).Italsoprovidesfor compensatoryandpunitivedamagestoemployeeswhocanproveintentionaldiscrimination.ThisactappliesonlytoviolationsoccurringafterNovember21,1991, anditsimpactonthelegalsystemisstilltobeseen. AdditionalLegalProtection AnamendmenttotheCivilRightsActof1964,TitleIXEducationAmendmentsof1972,prohibitsdiscriminationonthebasisofsexinadministrationof educationalprograms.ThemostvisibleeffectofTitleIXhasbeenineffortstoequalizesupportformen'sandwomen'sathleticprogramsinhighschoolsandcolleges, butthelawisbynomeanslimitedtothisspecificapplication.ComplaintsofsexualharassmentintheclassroomhavebeenlitigatedunderTitleIX(arecentSupreme Courtrulingabsolvesschooldistrictsfromliabilityforsexualharassmentofpupilsbyteachersifthedistrictdoesnotknowthattheharassmenthasoccurred),andTitle IXmayprovidebroadprotectionagainstunequaltreatmentineducationalprogramsofjustaboutanysort. TheStateandLocalFiscalAssistanceActandtheOmnibusCrimeControlandSafeStreetsActprohibitdiscriminationonthebasisofrace,nationalorigin,sex,age, orreligionbystateorlocalgovernmentsinprogramsfundedbytheseacts.Aswenotesubsequently,thisisaspecificinstanceofabroaderprinciplethat discriminationisgenerallyforbiddeninanyprogramthatisfunded,eveninpart,bythefederalgovernment. Inadditiontospecificstatutesprotectingtherightsofwomenandminorities,employeesoftenhaveagooddealoflegalprotectionundercommonlaw.Forexample, courtsroutinelyupholdemployers'obligationtoactingoodfaithanddealfairlywhennegotiatinganddesigningemploymentrelationships.Goodfaithandfairdealing requirementsapplymostclearlytoterminationsemployersarenotallowedtoterminateemployeessolelytosecureanunwarrantedeconomicadvantageorto terminateforreasonsthatareinconsistentwithcommunitystandardsofreasonableness.Althoughnotspecificallyaimedatsexdiscrimination,thesecommonlaw protectionscanbeausefulsupplementtothespecificstatutesconsideredbythecourts. Individualscansometimesbeprotectedfromdiscriminationthroughtheobligationsimposedundertortlaw(i.e.,contractlaw).Forexample,anemployerwhosignsa contractthatincludesadutytoevaluateemployeeperformance,andthenconductsthoseevaluationsnegligentlyordischargesemployeeswithoutnoticeoropportunity tochallengeandremedyunfavorableevaluations,mayfacealegalclaimfornegligentperformance

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ofaduty.Employeehandbooksandmanualsdescribingpersonnelpoliciesoftenincludefairlyspecificdescriptionsofemployers'andemployees'rightsandduties,and thestatementsinthosemanualscanbecomethebasisforlegalcomplaintsifthosepoliciesarenotadequatelycarriedout. Finally,thereareconstitutionalprotectionsagainstdiscrimination.Forexample,genderdistinctionsthatdonotbearacloseandsubstantialrelationshiptoimportant governmentalobjectivesareusuallysubjectto"heightenedscrutiny"bythecourts.Ingeneral,constitutionalprotectionsarerelevanttotheactsofgovernmental agenciesandnottoprivateemployers.However,manyprivateemployersarealsogovernmentcontractorsandinthisrolemaybesubjecttoadditionalscrutinywhen discriminationisalleged. InternationalTrends Manyothernationshaveantidiscriminationlaws,althoughthescopeandcoverageoftheselawsarenotalwaysasextensiveasintheUnitedStates(Sowell,1990). IncreasingattentionisbeingdevotedtotheUnitedNationsUniversalDeclarationonHumanRights,whichseekstoguaranteeequalrightsformenandwomen, andforracialandethnicgroups.AlthoughtheU.N.declarationisnotitselflegallybinding,manynationshaveadoptedantidiscriminationlawsbasedonitsprovisions (e.g.,therecentagreementbetweentheRepublicofIreland,theUnitedKingdom,andNorthernIrelandislikelytoleadtoantidiscriminationlawspatternedafterthis declarationinboththeRepublicandNorthernIreland).GroupssuchasAmnestyInternationalhavecriticizedtheU.S.recordongenderdiscrimination,notingthat importanttermsoftheU.N.declarationhavenotbeenmetinthiscountry.TheargumentmadebyAmnestyInternationalisthatstructuraldiscriminationagainstwomen isjustasharmfulasindividualdiscrimination(anditseffectsaremorepervasive),andthatU.S.lawswhichignorestructuraldiscriminationdonotdoenoughtoreduce sexdiscriminationintheworkplace. SexDiscriminationintheWorkplace:AreasofSpecialConcern Thelawspreviouslycitedarerelativelybroadinscopeandcanbeappliedtoawidevarietyofspecificactions.Furthermore,thereareanumberofreasonswhy employersmight(intentionallyorunintentionally)treatmenandwomendifferentlyintheworkplace.Asaresult,therangeofissuesthathavebeenraisedinsex discriminationcomplaintsisextremelybroad.Nevertheless,somespecificissuesarisequitefrequentlyinsexdiscriminationcomplaintsandlawsuits,anditisusefulto examineafewofthese.

Page196 Sidelight8.2TheEqualRightsAmendment TheEqualRightsAmendment(ERA)wasproposedasthe27thAmendmenttotheConstitution.Surprisinglybriefandsimple,itstatedthat"equalityof rightsunderthelawshallnotbedeniedorabridgedbytheUnitedStatesoranyStateonaccountofsex."Originallyproposedin1923,theERAwas approvedbytheHouseofRepresentativesin1971andtheSenatein1972.Itwasratifiedby35states(thistotalwasreachedonlyafterthedeadlinefor ratificationwasextended),butratificationby38statesisneededtoamendtheconstitution,andtheERAfailed.ItwasreintroducedtoCongressin 1982,butitdidnotgaincongressionalapprovalandwasneveragainsubmittedtothestatesforratification. ThedefeatoftheERAcanbeattributedtoanumberoffactors,includingbeliefthatitwouldleadtoradicalfederalmandates(e.g.,samesextoilets)and thatitwouldunderminesocialinstitutionsthatrevolvearoundsexdifferentiation(e.g.,marriage,family).Anotherfactorinitsdefeatwasthebeliefthat theERAwouldhavefewrealbenefitsforwomen,basedontheassumptionthatwomenwerealreadyadequatelyprotectedbythe5thand14th AmendmentsoftheConstitution(whichguaranteeequalprotectionunderthelaw)andtheCivilRightsAct(whichoutlawssexdiscriminationinthe workplaceandineducationalprograms). ItisdifficulttopredictwhateffectspassageoftheERAwouldhavehadonsexdiscriminationintheworkplace.Theargumentthatdirect,individual actsofdiscriminationarealreadycoveredbytheCivilRightsActisprobablycorrect.Addingalayerofconstitutionalprotectiontothatalready providedbytheCivilRightsActmightnotreallychangethescopeortheeffectsoffederaleffortstopreventsexdiscrimination.However,theERA mighthaveprovidedausefultoolforaddressingsomeoftheindirectandstructuralfactorsthatleadtogenderdiscrimination.Aspecificstatementin theConstitutionthatmenandwomenshouldbetreatedequallycouldbeasignificantstepinchangingsocietalattitudesandpracticesthatfoster genderdiscrimination. ItisimportanttorecognizesomeofthepotentiallimitationsoftheERAandofconstitutionalprotectionsingeneral.TheERAwasdesignedtoforbid differencesintreatmentby"theUnitedStatesoranyState"onaccountofsex.Actsofdiscriminationbyprivateindividuals,employers,orother nongovernmentalentitiesmightnotbedirectlyaffectedbytheERAoranysimilarchangetotheconstitution.AlthoughthedefeatoftheERAwasa significantsetbacktowomen'srightsinmanyothercontexts,itmightnothavesubstantiallyimpactedspecificeffortstoreducesexdiscriminationinthe workplace.

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SexDifferencesinCompensation:CivilRightsActVersusEqualPayAct Aswenotedinchapter7,womenearnsubstantiallylowerwagesthanmen,sometimesforwhatappearstobequitesimilarwork.Differencesinmen'sandwomen's payisoftenanimportantconsiderationinevaluatingsexdiscriminationclaims. SexdiscriminationinpayiscoveredbyboththeEqualPayActandtheCivilRightsAct.Insomecases,genderdiscriminationinpaythatwouldbeauthorizedunder theEqualPayAct(specificallygenderdiscriminationthatresultsfromtheapplicationofafactorotherthansexinmakingpaydecisions)mightalsobeauthorizedunder theCivilRightsAct.Forexample,salariesmightbebasedinpartonpastexperience,education,orpriorsalary.Theseseeminglyneutralcriteriacanleadtosubstantial differencesintheaveragesalaryreceivedbymenandwomen,butsuchsalarydifferencesarenotnecessarilyevidenceofgenderdiscrimination,regardlessofwhich law(i.e.,EqualPayActvs.CivilRightsAct)isapplied.Ingeneral,ifpoliciesthatbasepayonfactorsofthissortareuniformlyapplied,andtheemployercan articulateavalidbusinessrelatedreasonforincludingthesefactorsinpaydecisions,paydifferentialsforjobsheldbymenandwomenarepermissibleunderboththe CivilRightsActandtheEqualPayAct. PlaintiffswhobelievetheyarepaidlowerratesbecausetheyarewomenmightfinditeasiertoproceedundertheCivilRightsActthanundertheEqualPayAct.As wenotesubsequently,theCivilRightsActallowslegalactioninresponsetobothintentionalandunintentionaldiscriminationandprovidesarelativelysimplestructure forpresentingandprosecutinglawsuits.Italsomayprovideharsherpenaltiestoemployersifintentionaldiscriminationcanbeproveninacourtoflaw. SubjectiveHiringorPromotionCriteria Hiringandpromotiondecisionsaresometimesbasedonrelativelyobjectivecriteria,suchastestscores,credentials,andseniority.Thesecriteriaaresubjectto challenge,particularlyifitcanbeshownthattheirapplicationleadstodifferentemploymentoutcomesasafunctionofrace,sex,nationalorigin,orothersimilarcriteria. Inothercases,thesedecisionsaremadeonthebasisofmoresubjectivecriteria,suchasaninterviewer'simpressionthatyouwouldbeagoodfitforajob,a manager'srecommendationthatyoureceiveapromotion,andsoforth.Employmentdecisionsmadeonthebasisofsuchsubjectivecriteriahavebeenafrequentfocus ofsexdiscriminationcomplaints. Therearetworeasonswhytheuseofsubjectivecriteriainmakingemploymentdecisionshasbeenaspecialconcerninsexdiscriminationlitigation.First,employment testsandotherobjectivecriteriaoftenshow

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relativelysmallsexdifferences.Forexample,ifselectiondecisionsaremadeonthebasisofwellvalidatedtestsofcognitiveability,menandwomenwillusuallybe selectedataboutthesamerateinmostjobs(Jensen,1980).Thesameisnotalwaystrueforsubjectivemeasures.Second,manyexpertsbelievethatsubjective methodsofassessmentprovidemoreleewayforstereotypesandbiasestooperate(R.D.Arvey,1979).So,aninterviewerwhobelievesthatwomendon't,ingeneral, fitaparticularjobmaybemorelikelytoevaluatefemaleintervieweespoorly,eveniftheirbehaviorisessentiallyidenticaltothatofmalecandidates(R.D.Arvey& Faley,1988Baron&Byrne,1994Heilmanetal.,1989). Anumberofcaseshaveexaminedtheroleofsubjectiveevaluationmethodsinsexdiscrimination(e.g.,Rowev.GeneralMotors,1972).Onthewhole,thecourtsare morereceptivetotheuseofsubjectivecriteriainhiringandpromotionforwhitecollarthanforbluecollarjobs(Sedmak&Vidas,1994).Subjectiveevaluation methodsthatadverselyaffectwomen,minorities,ormembersofotherprotectedgroupsmustbevalidated,anditissometimesmuchhardertodefendapparently discriminatoryemploymentdecisionsthatdependonsuchmethods.However,subjectiveevaluationmethodsthathaveshownanadverseimpactagainstwomenhave survivedlegalscrutiny(Harlessv.Duck,1977).Theparticularselectiontoolexaminedinthatcasewasawelldevelopedstructuredinterview,anditislikelythatthe carewithwhichthisinterviewprotocolwasdevelopedfiguredlargelyinitssuccessfuldefense.Ingeneral,employmentdecisionsthatrelyonsubjectiveevaluationsor assessmentsshouldbescrutinizedcarefully.Sexdiscriminationmaybemorelikelytooccurwhensubjectiveratherthanobjectivecriteriaareusedtomake employmentdecisions,andtheverysubjectivityofthosecriteriacanmakethemdifficulttodefend. PhysicalRequirements Anumberofjobs,particularlyinpublicsafetyoccupations(e.g.,police,firefighter)haveminimumheight,weight,and/orstrengthrequirements,andtheserequirements oftenhaveadisproportionateeffectonwomen.Forexample,ifyourequirejobcandidatestobe6feettall,toweigh200pounds,andtoliftveryheavyobjectsfroma standingposition,youwillprobablyscreenoutthemajorityoffemaleapplicants.Aswenotelater,requirementsofthissortarelegalifitcanbeshownthattheyare indeedrelatedtoeffectiveorsafejobperformance,andrequirementsthatdisqualifyalmostallwomenfromajobcanbelegalunderavarietyofcircumstances. Nevertheless,thefactthatheight,weight,and/orstrengthrequirementscanhavesuchasubstantialimpactonfemaleapplicants(andonjobapplicantsfromethnicor racialgroupswhosememberstendtobesmaller,lighter,etc.)hasledtosubstantialscrutinyoftheserequirements.

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Height,weight,andstrengthrequirementsforspecificjobshaveallbeenchallenged,withmixedsuccess(Blakev.CityofLosAngeles,1977Dothardv. Rawlinson,1977Harlessv.Duck,1977OfficersforJusticev.CivilServiceCommission,1975).Thegeneralmethodfordefendingtheserequirementsissimilar tothatestablishedforothertests,assessments,orminimumqualifications.Employersshouldbecautiousinsettingminimumrequirementsforheight,weight,or strength,becausetheserequirementswillalmostcertainlyhaveadifferentimpactonmenthanonwomen.Employerswhowanttoestablishandenforcesuch requirementsshouldhaveclearevidencethatthespecificrequirementstheyhaveputinplacecanbejustifiedintermsoftheindividual'sabilitytoperformthejob effectivelyortheindividual'ssafety. EnforcingGenderDiscriminationLaws Twoimportantgroupsareinvolvedinenforcingantidiscriminationlaws.First,anumberoffederal,state,andlocalagencieshavespecificenforcementresponsibilities. Second,sexdiscriminationlawsuitsfiledbyindividualsandgroupsofindividuals(classactionlawsuits)haveanimportantroleindefiningandenforcing antidiscriminationlaws.Therolesofenforcementagenciesandoflitigationintheenforcementofantidiscriminationlawsaredescribednext. FederalEnforcementAgenciesandProcedures Numerousstate,local,andfederalagenciesareresponsibleforenforcingspecificantidiscriminationstatutes(e.g.,theDepartmentofLaborWageandHourDivision enforcestheFamilyandMedicalLeaveAct).However,mostclaimsofsexdiscriminationintheworkplacearehandledbyoneoftwofederalagencies:theEqual EmploymentOpportunityCommissionandtheOfficeofFederalContractCompliancePrograms. EqualEmploymentOpportunityCommission TheEqualEmploymentOpportunityCommission(EEOC)isthefederalagencyresponsibleforenforcingTitleVIIoftheCivilRightsAct.TheEEOCischargedwith investigating,conciliating,andlitigatingviolationsofTitleVIIandwithdevelopingguidelinesforenforcementofTitleVII(althoughnothavingtheforceoflaw,these guidelinesaregrantedgreatdeferencebythecourts).TheEEOCcanbringsuitsinitsownnameorinterveneinsuitsfiledbyprivateindividuals.

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TheEEOCinvestigatesthechargesitreceivestodeterminewhetherthereisreasonablecausetobelievethatdiscriminationhasoccurred.Betweenhalfandtwothirds oftheclaimsreceivedbytheEEOCaredismissed,suggestingthattheagencydoesdifferentiatecredibleclaimsfromthosethatareeitherfrivolousorunsubstantiated. (However,thisfiguremaysaymoreabouttherelativelylimitedresourcesofthecommissionthanaboutthemeritsofthecasesitreceives.)Currently,theEEOC handlesabout80,000complaintsayearandhasabacklogofapproximately70,000cases.Thecommissionemploysabout750investigators,andthetypicalcaseload foreachinvestigatoris100to150cases. If,afterinvestigation,theEEOCfinds''cause,"itmustfirstseektoreachavoluntaryresolutionbetweenthechargingpartyandtherespondent.TheEEOCmaybring suitinfederalcourtonlyifconciliationisnotsuccessful. In1994,analysesprovidedbytheBureauofLaborStatisticsshowedthattherewereapproximately1.5claimsper1,000employeesnationwide.Althoughthe percentageofemployeesfilingclaimsisrelativelylow,thetotalnumberofclaimsislarge.In1995,therewereover70,000complaintsfiledandapproximately17,500 caseswerefiledinfederalcourts. OfficeofFederalContractCompliancePrograms TheU.S.DepartmentofLaborOfficeofFederalContractCompliancePrograms(OFCCP)enforcestheexecutiveordersthatdefinefederalaffirmativeaction policies,alongwithseveralworkrelatedstatutes(e.g.,theRehabilitationAct).Thisofficeisprimarilyresponsibleformonitoringdiscriminationinfederalcontractsand forhelpingorganizationsdevelopandimplementaffirmativeactionplans.Italsohasthepowertoinvestigatediscriminationcomplaintsandtoimposecontractremedy sanctionsonoffendingemployers. WhereastheEEOCisconcernedwithviolationsoffederallaw,theOFCCPislargelyconcernedwithenforcingspecificprovisionsoffederalcontracts.UnlikeEEOC lawsuits,whicharetypicallyheardinfederalcourt,OFCCPhearingsaregenerallyheldbeforeaDepartmentofLaboradministrativelawjudge.Despitetheir differencesinfocus,theEEOCandtheOFCCPoftenhandlesimilarcases,andthehearingscarriedoutbytheOFCCPoftendealwiththesamesetsofissuesas encounteredinenforcingTitleVII. LitigatingGenderDiscriminationClaims Supposeawomanappliesforandmeetsallthepostedqualificationsforaparticularjob.Shegoestoaninterviewandisaskedvagueandgeneralquestionsbyan interviewerwhoseemstoexhibitapatronizingattitudetowardwomen.Shedoesnotgetthejob,eventhoughmenwithsimilar

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Fig8.1 Typicalprocessforfilinga discriminationsuit

qualificationsarehired.Shebelievesthatshehasbeendiscriminatedagainstbecauseofhergenderanddecidestosuetheemployer.Whathappensnext? Althoughthereareanumberofpathsasuitmighttake,theprocedureforfilingadiscriminationlawsuitiswelldefinedandusuallytakestheformshowninFigure8.1. First,thewomanmustfileatimelycomplaintwiththeEEOCoranapprovedstateagency.Afteraninvestigation,theEEOCdetermineswhetherthereisareasonable causetobelievethataviolationhasoccurred(suitsarepossibleevenwithoutafindingofprobablecause,butinmanycases,suchafindingwillterminatethe complaint). IftheEEOCconcludesthatthereisreasonablecausetobelievethataviolationhasoccurred,itisrequiredbyTitleVIItoattempttoconciliatebetweentheparties andreachavoluntaryagreementtodealwiththecomplaint.Ifthisconciliationfails,theEEOCcanbringasuitinfederalcourt. Anindividualorgroupofindividualscanbringasuit,buttheymustfirstfileacomplaintwiththeEEOC.IftheEEOCdecidesnottopursueacomplaintitself,itmay issuea"righttosue"noticetothepartyorpartiesbringingthecharge.RegardlessofwhetherthesuitisfiledbyanindividualorbytheEEOC,thechargecanbe litigatedundertheoriesof"disparatetreatment"and/ortheoriesof"disparateimpact.'' DisparateTreatmentVersusDisparateImpact Thetermdisparatetreatmentusuallyreferstointentionaldiscriminationonthepartof

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anemployer.Anindividualwhoclaimstobetreateddifferentlythanothersimilarlysituatedapplicantsoremployeesbecauseofsexorracehasmadeaclaimof disparatetreatment.Exceptinthoserarecaseswherea"smokinggun"exists(e.g.,amemotointerviewersinstructingthemtotreatwomendifferentlythantheytreat men),disparatetreatmentcanbedifficulttoprove.Ifyouhopetoimproveintentionaldiscrimination,youmayhavetoestablishthattheemployer'sactionscannotbe explainedonanyplausiblejobrelatedgrounds(McDonnellDouglasCorp.v.Green,1973).Aclaimofdisparatetreatmentcanbedifficulttoprove,especially becauseitcanberebuttediftheemployercanproduceavalidbusinessrelatedreasonforthedecisioninquestion.Manyemploymentdiscriminationcasesareargued underanalternateapproach:thetheoryofdisparateimpact. Seeminglyneutralprocedures(e.g.,anemploymenttestthatisgiventoallapplicants)canhaveasubstantiallydifferenteffectononegroupthanonanother.For example,youmightgiveatestofautoandshopprocedureknowledgetoapplicantsforthejobofmachineoperatorandfindthatwomenfailthetestmoreoftenthan men.(TheArmedServicesVocationalAptitudebatteryhasasubtestofthissort,andpassratesformalesandfemalesareconsistentlydifferentMurphy& Davidshofer,1998.)EmploymentproceduresthathavedifferenteffectsformenandwomenorWhitesandBlacksmaybeillegalunderTitleVII. Claimsthatanemploymentprocedurehasdisparateimpactusuallystartwithademonstrationthattherearemeaningfuldifferencesinpassingrates,selectionrates,or someotheremploymentrelatedoutcome.J.M.O'Connor(1997)notedthatindisparateimpactcases,crediblestatisticalevidencethatthepracticebeingchallenged hasanimpact,andthatitsimpactissubstantialenoughtobestatisticallyreliable,isabsolutelycrucial.Withoutsuchevidence,disparateimpactcaseswillalmost certainlyfail. Returningtoourexample,toshowthattheinterviewhadadisparateimpactonwomen,theplaintiffwouldhavetoproducecredibleevidencethatwomenapplicants typicallydidworseintheinterviewthanmen.Thisbyitselfwouldnotbeenoughtoshowthattheinterviewillegallydiscriminatedagainstwomen.Rather,aswe describenext,chargesthatanemploymentprocedurehasdisparateimpactcanoftenbedefendedbyshowingthattheprocedureisrelatedtojobperformanceor someothervalidbusinessinterestoftheemployer. HowDisparateImpactCasesWork Mostsexdiscriminationcasesarearguedunderthetheoryofdisparateimpact,anditisusefultodescribeindetailhowthesecaseswork.Ingeneral,thesecases involveatwostepprocedure,wheretheplaintiffpresentsevidencethataprocedure

Page203 Table8.2 AssessingAdverseImpact


Female

Applicant Male 90

Hired 120 21

Selectionratio 45 .233

Adverseimpactratio

.233/.375=.621

Note.Iftheselectionrateforfemalesislessthan80%aslargeastheselectionrateformales,thisisacceptedas evidenceofadverseimpact.Here,thefemaleselectionrateis62.1%aslargeastheselectionrateformales.

hasdifferentimpactonmembersofdifferentgroups,andthedefendantpresentsevidencethattheprocedureisrelatedtojobperformanceortothesafeandefficient operationofthebusiness. Tosucceedinadiscriminationclaim,theplaintiffmustfirstprovethattheprocedureinquestionhasadverseimpact,thatis,thatithasasubstantiallydifferentimpact ononegroupofapplicantsthanonanother.Table8.2illustratesonemethodthatmightbeusedtodeterminewhethertheinterviewdescribedinthisexampleinfact hadadverseimpact. Toevaluateadverseimpact,wecomparepassingratesattainedbymalesandfemales.Forexample,if120menwereinterviewedand45werehired,thepassingrate (orselectionratio)formenwouldbe37.5%.If90womenwereinterviewedand21wereselectedforthejob,thepassingrateforwomenwouldbe23.3%.Statistical testsareavailabletodeterminewhetherthisdifferenceinpassingrates(i.e.,37.5%vs.23.3%)islargeenoughtobestatisticallyreliable,buttheUniformGuidelineson EmployeeSelectionCriteriasuggestasimplerulethatiswidelyfollowedbythecourts.Thepassingrateforwomenwillbejudgedtobemeaningfullylowerthanthe rateformenifitislessthan80%aslargeasthemen'srate. Inthisexample,theselectionrateformenis.375.Thismeansthatanyselectionrateforwomenthatislowerthan.300(i.e.,.80x.375)willbeacceptedasevidence thattheselectionprocedurereallydoeshaveadverseimpactonwomen.Inourexample,thewomen'sselectionrate(.233)issubstantiallylowerthan.300,andthe adverseimpactratio(i.e.,acomparisonoftheselectionrateforwomenandmen)isfarbelow.80(here,theselectionrateforwomenis62%aslargeastheselection rateformen).Evidenceofthissortestablishesaprimafaciecasethattheinterviewhasanadverseeffectonfemaleapplicants. Theplaintiffmustestablishthisprimafaciecasetohaveanyhopeofsucceedingwithoutcredibleevidenceofadverseimpact,theemployerwillalmostalwaysprevail indisparateimpactcases.Oncetheplaintiffhasdemonstratedadverseimpact,theburdenofproofshiftstothe

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employer.Theemployercansuccessfullydefendanemploymentpracticethathasadverseimpactifheorshecanshowthatthepracticehasbusinessnecessityorthat genderisabonafideoccupationalqualification(BFOQ). Thereareonlyafewinstancesinwhichgenderisavalidjobrequirement,inthesensethatajobcanonlybeperformedbymales(e.g.,spermdonor)orfemales(e.g., wetnurse).However,itisusuallyverydifficulttoestablishgenderasaBFOQ.Evenifcustomers,coworkers,andmanagersstronglyprefertodobusinesswithmales ratherthanfemales,sexisgenerallynotitselfanessentialrequirementofmostjobs,andemploymentpracticesthatarechallengedonthebasisofsexdiscriminationare rarelydefendedwiththeargumentthatgenderisaBFOQ.Rather,theyaremuchmorelikelytobedefendedwiththeargumentthatbusinessnecessityjustifiesthe employmentpracticesinquestion.Anemployercanfollowtwostrategiesindemonstratingbusinessnecessity.First,iftheemployercanshowthattheprocedurebeing challenged(e.g.,theinterviewdescribedinourexample)isrelatedtothejob,eitherintermsofitscontentorintermsofasignificantrelationshipbetweeninterview outcomesandjobperformance,theprocedurewillgenerallybeupheldaslegaleventhoughithasanadverseimpactonwomen.Aslongasanemployercan demonstratethatatestorassessmentisjobrelated,thefactthatitadverselyaffectswomenwillnotbeenoughtoshowthatitillegallydiscriminates.Onthecontrary, aslongasemployerscandemonstratethattheyaremakingdecisionsbasedoncriteriathatarerelevanttothejob,theyareoftenfreetouseproceduresthatappearto discriminateagainstwomenandminorities. Evidenceofjobrelatednessisnottheonlymethodofshowingthebusinessnecessityofanemploymentpractice.Forexample,abusinessthatinvolvessubstantial contactwiththepublicmayimposedressandgroomingstandardsonemployees.Thesestandardsmayhavelittlerelevancetotheperformanceofspecificjobduties, buttheemployermayarguethattheyarenecessarytothesuccessofthebusiness.Note,however,thatimposingsubstantiallydifferentstandardsonmenandwomen mightconstitutesexdiscrimination. TrendsinLitigation:YouDon'tHavetoWintoWin Bothfederalagencies(EEOCandOFCCP)andprivateindividualshavefilednumerouslawsuitschallengingemploymentpracticesthatappeartodiscriminateagainst women(andoccasionallymen)becauseoftheirgender.Thesesuitscantakeyearstoinvestigate,litigate,andappeal,and

Page205 Sidelight8.3CanYouBeFiredForNoReason? Thesimpleanswerisyes.Inmanycases,ifyouremployerdecidesheorshedoesn'tlikeyou,doesn'twantyoutoremainintheorganization,doesn't likethecolorofyourcar,andsoon,youremploymentcanbeterminated.Ifthereisnoagreement(impliedoractual)orcontracttothecontrary, employmentisusuallyconsideredtobeatwill.Thatis,thereisnoobligationoneithersidetoremainintherelationship.Undertheatwillemployment doctrine,eithertheemployerortheemployeecanterminatetheemploymentrelationshipatanytimeandforvirtuallyanyreason,aslongasthereason forterminationisnotprohibitedbylaw(e.g.,discriminationonthebasisofraceorgender).Thepracticaleffectisthatinmanysituations,anyonecan befired,andtheemployerisundernoobligationtoprovidearationaleforfiringthatindividual. Organizationsthatarewaryoffiringemployeeswillsometimescreateconditionsthataresointolerablethattheemployeehasnorealoptionbuttoquit. Thisisreferredtoasconstructivedischarge(BennettAlexander&Pincus,1998),underthetheorythattheemployer'sactionsratherthanafree decisionoftheemployeeleadtothedischarge.Employersareforbiddentoengageinconstructivedischargewhensuchactsarebasedonthesexor raceofanemployee,butthereisnobroadprohibitionagainstemployersmakingyourlifesomiserablethatyoufeelforcedtoquit.Constructive dischargesare,ingeneral,handledlikeordinarydischarges. Employmentatwillisnotassumedwherethereisabreachofpromiseorwherethedischargeviolatessomerecognizedpublicpolicy.Forexample,an individualwhoisfiredbecauseheorsherefusedtoengageinsomecriminalactonthebehalfofanemployer(e.g.,peoplewhorefusetogoalongwith whitecollarcrimeintheorganization)canusuallysueforwrongfuldischarge.However,unlessyoucanshowthatanactualorimpliedcontractexists, orthatthedischargeoccurredbecauseofsex,gender,ornationaloriginorthatitwasinviolationofsomepublicpolicy,youoftenhavenolegalbasis forchallengingaterminationdecision.

manyplaintiffscanbediscouragedfromsuingbythemerefactthattheprocessisoftensolonganddifficult.However,therecenttrendinlargescalegender discriminationlawsuitshasbeenfororganizationstoofferverysubstantialsettlementsincasesbeforetheygototrialorbeforeatrialiscompleted.Forexample,in 1997,HomeDepotU.S.A.announceda$65millionsettlementinaclassactionsuitallegingthatwomenwerediscriminatedagainstbybeingforcedintodeadend jobs(e.g.,80%of

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thecashiersinHomeDepotstoreswerewomen,whereas66%oftheemployeesweremen)anddeniedopportunitiestomovetosupervisoryandmanagement positions.PublicSupermarketspaid$81.5milliontosettleasimilargenderdiscriminationsuit.MitsubishiMotorsManufacturingofAmericarecentlyagreedtopay $34milliontosettleasexualharassmentcase(thelargestsettlementtodateforasexualharassmentcase). Whyareorganizationswillingtosettleforsuchlargesums?Thereareseveralpossibleexplanations,butthetwomostplausibletheoriesincludepublicrelations concernsandthesheerexpenseanddifficultyofdefendingacomplexlawsuit.Forexample,therewasextensivepublicityconcerningthelawsuitsfiledagainstHome DepotandMitsubishi,andtheirpublicimagessufferedconsiderably.Atsomepoint,executivesinbothorganizationsmighthavedecidedthatthedamagetotheir imagewasfarmorecostlythanthesettlementstheyoffered.Noexecutivewantstoseestoriesofapparentlyegregiousdiscriminationathisorherorganizationbecome astapleinthenightlynews. Asecondexplanationfororganizations'willingnesstosettleisthatlitigationofthissortisunbelievablyexpensiveandtimeconsuming.Betweendepositions,discovery, meetingswithlawyers,andthetrialitself,thecostsintermsoftimespentbymanagersandexecutivesaloneisquitehigh.Ifyouaddlegalfeesandallthecostsof preparingandpresentingadefense,itiseasytounderstandwhysomeorganizationsarenervousabouttakinglawsuitstocourt.Eveniftheywin,thecostscanbe staggering,andiftheylose,thereisarealpossibilitythatverylargeawardswillbegrantedtotheplaintiffs. Whatallofthismeansisthatwomendonotnecessarilyhavetowinoreventofilealawsuittogainimportantconcessionsfromorganizations.Animportantfactorin enforcingtheselawsisorganizations'awarenessofthesubstantialcoststhatevenasmalllawsuitmightinvolve.Acrediblethreatoflegalaction(i.e.,onethatisbacked upbybelievableevidencethatdiscriminationhasoccurred)isincreasinglylikelytogettheattentionoftopmanagement,andifthetrendinmultimilliondollar settlementscontinues,thisthreatislikelytobecomeincreasinglyeffective.Thisdoesnotmeanthatwomenormembersofminoritygroupscangetwhattheywant simplybythreateningtosue(althoughthistacticcanbesurprisinglyeffective).AsFigure8.1illustrates,employmentdiscriminationlawsuitsarefirstevaluatedbythe EEOCorsimilaragencies,andiftheseagenciesfindnoprobablecausetobelievethatdiscriminationhasoccurred,threatstosuemaynotbeviewedascredible. However,anindividualwhocanassembleconcreteevidencethatdiscriminationhasoccurredwillprobablyfindthattherecenttrendtowardlargescalesettlements willenhancehis

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orherbargainingpowerinattemptingtoresolvediscriminationclaimswithoutgoingtocourt. FamilyRelatedLegislation EmploymentpoliciesintheUnitedStatesareoftensubstantiallylessfamilyfriendlythaninothercountries.Inparticular,manyEuropeancountriesprovidelongand wellsubsidizedparentalleave,strictregulationsguaranteeingthatawoman'scareerwillnotbesubstantiallyharmedbytakingleaveforchildbirth,andpoliciesthat encouragerearrangingworkdutiesandschedulesduringachild'searlyyears.Priorto1993,therewerefewfederallawsprotectingjobsecurityforwomenwhotook morethanaminimalfamilyleave,andeventoday,thelawsthatprovidesuchprotectionareconsiderablylessfamilyfriendlythaninmostindustrializedcountries(e.g., federallawguaranteessomerightstofamilyleavebutdoesnotrequirethatitbepaidleave).Nevertheless,therehasbeensomeprogressintheUnitedStatesin developinglegalprotectionsformenandwomenwhosefamilyrolesmaynotalwaysbecompletelyconsistentwith(oratthemercyof)theirworkroles. FamilyandMedicalLeaveAct(1993) TheFamilyandMedicalLeaveAct(FMLA)providesupto12weeksofunpaidfamilyormedicalleaveforbirthoradoptiontocareforanillchild,spouse,or parentorforanemployee'sownillness.TheFMLAappliestoemployerswith50employeesormoreandcoversasignificantlysmallerportionoftheworkforcethan mostfederalantidiscriminationlaws(notethattheCivilRightsActapplieswhenthereare15employeesormore).BennettAlexanderandPincus(1998)notedthat theFMLAappliestoabout5%ofU.S.employersandabout40%ofU.S.employees.Simplyput,mostU.S.employeesarenotprotectedundertheFMLA. Ingeneral,theFMLAprotectsaperson'srighttoreturntohisorheroldjobortoanequivalentjob(withequivalentpay)intheorganization,butthereisanimportant exception.Highlycompensatedemployees(thoseinthetop10%ofanorganization'semployees)arenotrequiredtoberestorediftheirreturnwouldcause "substantialandgrievouseconomicinjurytotheoperationsoftheemployer."Theactalsorequiresemployerstomaintainhealthcarebenefitsattheirnormallevel duringtheleave.Employersareallowedtocountpaidvacation,sickleave,personalleave,orothersortsofleavetowardthe12weektotal,sothatanemployerwho alreadyoffered2weeksofvacation,1weekofpaidsickleave,and1week

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ofpaidpersonalleavewouldnotberequiredtoprovideanother12weeksoffamilyleave.Thisemployerwouldberequiredtoprovideanadditional8weeksof unpaidleave,providedthatleavewasrequestedforoneofthespecificpurposesdescribedintheact. ThereareseveralreasonswhytheFMLAwasnotextendedtosmallerbusinesses(i.e.,1549employees),butthemostimportantonewasaconcernamong businessownersthatmandatedleavewouldseverelyhurttheirabilitytocompete.Forexample,ifyouhave10employeesand2take3monthleavesatthesametime, youcouldfinditverydifficulttogetadequatetemporaryreplacementsortofunctioneffectivelywitha20%reductioninyourworkforce. Despiteconcernsexpressedbysomebusinessowners,theFMLAhasnotprovedtobeburdensome.DepartmentofLabor(DOL)Surveysshowthat90%of employersreportthatcompliancecostslittleornothinglessthan2%ofemployersreportreducingotherbenefitstocomplywiththelaw.Onereasonforthelowcost istherelativelylowutilizationrate.DOLsurveyssuggestthatthemedianlengthoftimeawayfromworkwhileonfamilyand/ormedicalleaveis10days,andthatonly 2to3%ofemployeesactuallytakeleave(58%oftheleavesprovidedunderFMLAaregrantedtowomen).Becausetheleavesgrantedunderthisactareoften unpaid,itcanbeasignificanthardshiptotakethefull12weeksallowedbylaw,andevenleavesof2weeksormoremaybebeyondthemeansofmanyemployees. Again,thereislegalprotectiononthebooks,butinpracticeitislessthaneffectiveinaddressingworkfamilyrealitiesthatwomenface. PregnancyDiscriminationAct Approximately50%oftheworkforceisfemale,andabout75%ofthoseofchildbearingagewillhavechildrensometimeduringtheirworkingyears,whichsuggests thatallowingorganizationstodiscriminateagainstpregnantworkerscouldcausesubstantialproblems.Nevertheless,in1976,theSupremeCourtruled(General ElectricCo.v.Gilbert)thatdiscriminationonthebasisofpregnancywasnotsexdiscriminationunderTitleVII.Twoyearsafterthisdecision,Congresspassedthe PregnancyDiscriminationAct,whichprohibitsterminationorrefusaltohirebecauseofpregnancyandprotectsreinstatementrightsofwomenonleaveforpregnancy relatedreasons. ThePregnancyDiscriminationActof1978requiresemployerstotreatpregnancyliketheywouldtreatanyothershorttermdisability.Inparticular,employerscannot refusetoallowapregnantemployeetoworkifshewishestoandisphysicallyableto,norcantheyrefusetoprovideaccommodationstopregnantemployeesthat theywouldprovidetoem

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ployeeswithothershorttermdisabilities(e.g.,ifanemployeewhostrainshisorherbackisplacedontemporarilylightduties,similaraccommodationsmustbemade forpregnantemployees).Also,theactforbidsemployerswhomakeaccommodationsforpregnantemployeestousethoseaccommodationsasapretextfora subsequentnegativeemploymentdecision.Thus,anemployercannotassignpregnantemployeestolightdutiesandthenfirethembecausetheyhavenotbeenas productiveasregulardutyemployees. IsAffirmativeActionaHelporaHindrancetoWomenintheWorkplace? Aseriesofexecutiveorders(startingwithExecutiveOrder11246,signedbyLyndonJohnson)andlawspassedoverthelast25to30yearshavecreatedwhatis probablythemostvaguelydefinedandpoorlyunderstoodstrategyfordealingwithemploymentdiscrimination:affirmativeaction.Peopleappeartohavevery differentideasaboutwhataffirmativeactionactuallyinvolves,andtheirattitudestowardaffirmativeactionaresometimesdecisivelyshapedbytheirmisperceptionsof keyaspectsoftheseprograms(Kravitzetal.,1997).Inthefollowingsections,wedefineaffirmativeactionandconsiderthehypothesisthataffirmativeactionmaydo moretoharmthantohelpitssupposedbeneficiaries. WhatisAffirmativeAction? Federallawrequirescompanieswithgovernmentcontractsover$50,000andmorethan50employeestocomplywithnondiscriminationrequirementsandestablish affirmativeactionplans.Thecomponentsoftheseplansvary,buttheyusuallyemphasizeactiontoincreaseaccessandopportunitiesforwomenandminorities(e.g., utilizationanalysis,enhancedrecruitment,andsettinggoalsandtimetables).Employersarerequiredtoestablishaffirmativeactiongoalsandtargetsandtomakegood faitheffortstoreachselfdefinedgoals,andfailuretoadoptorcomplywithanaffirmativeactionplancanbetreatedasbreachofcontractwiththegovernment. However,therearegenerallynopenaltiesforfailingtoreachaffirmativeactiongoals. Asthetermaffirmativeactionimplies,theseprogramsaredesignedtodomorethansimplyremoveexistingbarrierstoequalemployment.Thekeyideaof affirmativeactionisoutreach,thatis,specificeffortstoensurethatqualifiedmembersofunderrepresentedgroupsareconsideredwhen

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hiringandpromotiondecisionsaremade.Preferentialtreatmentisnotrequiredaspartofaffirmativeactionandinfactisusuallyillegal(e.g.,theCivilRightsActof 1964specificallynotedthatemployersarenotrequiredtoremedyworkforceimbalancesbypreferentialtreatmentofthelessfavoredgroup).Quotasarenotrequired inestablishingaffirmativeactionprogramsandinmanysettingsarespecificallyforbiddenbylaw. Oneofthemostsignificantmisunderstandingsofaffirmativeactionprogramsisthebeliefthattheyrequirepreferentialtreatmentforwomenandminoritygroup members.Aspreviouslynoted,thisisnottrue.Thus,thefactthatwomenmaybediscriminatedagainstintheworkplaceisnotasufficientjustificationforpreferential hiringorpromotion.Genderconsciousemploymentpoliciesarelegalonlyifthreeconditionsaremet: 1.Therehasbeenacompetentfindingofillegaltreatmentofwomeninaspecificsetting. 2.Theplanisdesignedtoremediatethatspecificdiscriminatorytreatment. 3.Theplandoesnotrequirethedischargeofmalesorexcludethemfromconsiderationforemployment(Player,1988). Furthermore,evenwhengenderconscioushiringispermitted,itisgenerallyillegaltohireanunqualifiedwomanoveraqualifiedman.Courtscanorderhiringand promotiongoalsandratiostoremedyspecificeffectsofdiscrimination,butcourtscannotmandatelayoffstoredresspastdiscrimination.Affirmativeactiongoalsunder ExecutiveOrder11246aretreatedsolelyastargets,andevidenceofgoodfaitheffortstomeetthesetargetsissufficienttodocumentcompliance. Affirmativeactioneffortscanbeimplementedattheindividuallevel(e.g.,programstoincreaseoutreachtofemaleapplicants)orattheorganizationallevel.Various governmentagencieshaveestablishedsetasideprograms,thatis,programswhichreserveacertainproportionofgovernmentcontractsforbusinessesownedby womenand/orminoritygroupmembers.Asistrueforpreferentialhiringprocedures,setasideprogramsareoftenillegalunlesstheyaredesignedtoremediateproven discriminationinaparticularsectoroftheeconomy.Evenhere,firmsetasideprograms(i.e.,onesthatlimitapplicationstofirmsownedbywomenormembersof minoritygroups)areoftennotallowed(AdarandConstructors,Inc.v.Pea,1995).Ratherthansettingfirmquotas,currentsetasideprogramsarelikelytofocus onenhancingthecompetitivenessofproposalsfromfirmsownedbywomenormembersofminoritygroups(e.g.,apricebreakofupto10%whencalculatinglow bidderongovernmentcontracts).

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Althoughaffirmativeactionisoftenattackedbypoliticians,thereisstrongsupportforthisconceptinthebusinesscommunity.Thisisinpartbecauseitrepresentsa visibleactiontocorrectpastdiscrimination,andperhapsalsobecauseitcanlimitliabilityforsuchdiscrimination.Organizationsthatareengagedinawelldeveloped affirmativeactioneffortseemlesslikelytobesuedfordiscriminationortobesubjecttostrictscrutinybyagenciessuchastheEEOCorOFCCP. Althoughaffirmativeactiondoesnotrequirequotasorpreferentialtreatment,thepublicperceptionthattheseprogramsmightleadtoreversediscriminationisnot entirelyillusory.Organizationsarerequiredtomakegoodfaitheffortstomeettheirownaffirmativeactiongoals,andacompanythathasconsistentlyfailedinhiringor promotingwomenormembersofminoritygroupsmayconcludethatitsliabilitywouldbelowerifits''numbers"weremorerepresentative.Althoughthereisrarely pressurefromenforcementagenciestograntpreferentialtreatment,itdoesappearthatsomeorganizationswhosehiringpoliciesareunderscrutinymaydoexactly that.However,dataontheeffectsofaffirmativeactiononbothitsintendedbeneficiaries(i.e.,women,minoritygroupmembers)andonthosenotconsidered beneficiaries(essentially,Whitemales)arehardtocomeby.Forexample,despitethewidespreadpublicconcernoverreversediscrimination,fewerthan2%ofall discriminationcasesinvolvecomplaintsofsexdiscriminationfiledbymalesand/orcomplaintsofracialdiscriminationfiledbyWhites,andrelativelyfewofthese complaintsareupheldincourt.Similarly,thereisclearevidencethatemploymentoutcomesforwomenandmembersofminoritygroupshaveimproved,butitis difficulttodeterminehowmuch(ifany)ofthisimprovementisduetoaffirmativeaction(AffirmativeActionReview,1995Kravitzetal.,1997). BacklashandUnintendedConsequences Intheory,affirmativeactionrepresentslittlemorethananattempttomakesurethatfullyqualifiedwomenandminoritygroupmembersaregivenafairshakeinthe employmentprocess.Proponentsoftheseprogramsemphasizeactivitieslikeoutreach(e.g.,runningemploymentadsinplaceswhereawiderangeofpotential applicantsarelikelytoreadthem)andalsoemphasizetheideathatpreferentialtreatment,quotas,andreversediscriminationarenotpartofaffirmativeaction. However,thisisnottheimageofaffirmativeactionheldbythegeneralpublic. Surveysofattitudestowardaffirmativeactionconsistentlyshowthreethings:

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1.Alargepercentageofthepopulationbelievethataffirmativeactioninvolvesorrequiresthepreferentialtreatmentofwomenandminoritygroupmembers. 2.ThesebeliefsarenotlimitedtoWhitemalesbutareheldtovaryingdegreesbyvirtuallyalldemographicgroupsinthepopulation. 3.Thestrongerthebeliefthataffirmativeactioninvolvespreference,quotas,reversediscrimination,andthelike,themorenegativeattitudestowardaffirmativeaction become(Kravitzetal.,1997Kravitz&Platania,1993Turner&Pratkanis,1994). Oneveryconcreteindicationofthepublicperceptionthataffirmativeactioninvolvespreferentialtreatmentandreversediscriminationisthedebateoverarecentballot initiativepassedinCalifornia.In1996,CaliforniavotersapprovedProposition209,whichbanspreferentialselection,promotion,andcontractingonthebasisofrace, sex,ornationalorigin.Thislawisalmostuniversallydescribedas"outlawingaffirmativeaction,"butinfacttherelationshipofthislawtoaffirmativeactionprogramsis notclear.Thelawdoesnotaddressorevenmentionthecomponentsoftraditionalaffirmativeactionprograms(e.g.,outreach,recruitment,andantidiscrimination policies),andmanyoftheactionscoveredbythislaware,intheory,alreadyillegalundertheCivilRightsActsof1964and1991.2Thetextofthispropositionspeaks oftheneedtoremovediscriminationonthebasisofsex,race,ethnicity,andthelikeandinmanyrespectsoverlapswiththeCivilRightsActof1964. Ingeneral,researchshowsthatthebeneficiariesofaffirmativeactionaremorelikelytohavepositiveattitudesabouttheseprogramsthanthosewhodonotbenefit (Kravitzetal.,1997).This,however,doesnotmeanthataffirmativeactionenjoyswidespreadsupport,evenamongthosewhostandtobenefit.Forexample,surveys generallyshowthatabouttwooutofthreewomenandaboutthreeoutoffourmenopposeaffirmativeactionprogramsiftheybelievethattheseplansinclude preferentialtreatmentofwomen.
2

AballotinitiativeintheCityofHoustonsuggeststhatpublicperceptionsofaffirmativeactionactivitiescanbedecisivelyinfluencedbyhowtheyarelabeledanddescribed.The votersinHoustondecisivelydefeatedPropositionA,whichwouldhaveamended"theCharteroftheCityofHouston...toendtheuseofAffirmativeActionforwomenand minoritiesintheoperationofCityofHoustonemploymentandcontracting,includingendingthecurrentprogramandanysimilarprogramsinthefuture."Thissuggeststhat "affirmativeaction"mightbeseeninmorepositivetermsthan"preferentialtreatment."Tofurthercomplicatematters,onJune26,1998,TexasDistrictCourtJudgeSharolynWood threwouttheresultsofthiselection,onthegroundsthatthecityhadpurposelywordedthisinitiativeintermsof"affirmativeaction"ratherthan"preferentialselection.''The originalproponentsofthisinitiativehadproposedalawmodeledonProposition209,andthecitychangedthewordingoftheinitiativetorefertoaffirmativeactionratherthan preferentialtreatment.

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Negativeperceptionsofaffirmativeactionitselfmayleadtoamuchmoreseriousproblem:negativeperceptionsofthesupposedbeneficiariesofaffirmativeefforts. MadelineHeilmanandhercolleagueshaveextensivelyresearchedthe"stigmaofincompetence"(Heilman,1994Heilman,Lucas,&Kaplow,1990Heilman, McCullough,&Gilbert,1996Heilman,Rivero,&Brett,1991Heilman,Simon,&Repper,1987).Thesestudiesshowthatthebeliefthatyouhavegainedaposition becauseofpreferentialselectioncanleadtothedevaluationofyourabilities,skills,andaccomplishments.Thatis,ifpeoplebelieveyouhavebeenselected,promoted, andpositivelyevaluatedbecauseyouareawoman,theyarealsolikelytobelievethatyouarelesscompetent,lessskilled,andlesslikelytoperformwellthanaman. (Otherscholars,includingTruax,Cordova,Wood,Wright,&Crosby,1998,questionwhethersuchdevaluationoccursinreallifecontexts.)Furthermore,thiseffect showsupinselfperceptionsaswellasperceptionsofothers.Thatis,individualswhobelievethattheirownsuccessisinpartduetopreferentialtreatmentarelikelyto devaluetheirownabilities,skills,andaccomplishments.Oneofthemostpotentargumentsagainstaffirmativeactionisthatitmaydomoreharmthangood.Thatis,it mayleadtomorenegativeperceptionsofwomeneveniftheirselectionorsuccesshasnothingtodowithraceorsex.Opponentsofaffirmativeactionnotethatmany womenandmembersofminoritygroupswhosesuccesscamebecauseoftheirabilities,skills,andhardworkwillneverthelessbedismissedasincompetent,basedon theassumptionthattheyarethebeneficiariesofreversediscrimination.Researchonbacklashassociatedwithaffirmativeactionsuggeststhatthissometimesoccursfor women,butthereislittleevidenceoftheseeffectsforotherminorities. Opponentsofaffirmativeactionhavemadeconsiderableheadwaywiththeargumentsthatdiscriminationonthebasisofraceorsexiswrong(evenwhenthemotives forsuchdiscriminationarebenign)andthataffirmativeactioncanharmitsintendedbeneficiaries.Proponentsofaffirmativeactionnotethatthereissomeironyinthis suddenconcernfordiscriminationandforthestigmaofincompetence.Areviewofourrecenthistorysuggeststhatdiscriminationonthebasisofraceandsexdidnot seemtobeaburningconcerntopoliticalconservativesuntiltheybelievedthatWhitemalesmightsufferfromdiscrimination.Similarly,concernthatpreferential selectionmightharmitsintendedbeneficiarieswasneverraiseduntilsomeoneotherthanWhitemaleswasseentobenefit. TheUnitedStateshadalongstandingprogramofpreferentialselection,reservingmostdesirablejobsforWhitemales,thatlastedforover350years.Toour knowledge,thereislittleresearchaboutthestigmaofincompetenceasitappliedtoWhitemalespriorto1964.Youcouldcertainlyarguethatmanyofthese individualsweresuccessfulbecause

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theydidnothavetocompetewiththemajorityofthepopulation(i.e.,women,membersofminoritygroups)forjobs,capital,andeducation,andthattheywouldnot havebeensosuccessfulinafreeandopencompetition.Whilethe"stigmaofincompetence"observedbyHeilmanandhercolleaguesisarealandimportantproblem, wearenotconvincedthatthepossibilityofsuchastigmashouldbeusedtoendaffirmativeactioneffortstodecreasediscriminationintheworkplace.Thebeneficiaries ofthepreferentialselectionprogramsinplacepriorto1964seemedtosurvivewithoutanyoneassumingtheywereincompetent,anditisnotcompletelyclearwhythis stigmashouldbeaproblemnowifitwasnotaproblembeforethepassageoftheCivilRightsAct. Finally,toreiterateapointmadeinchapter7,equalemploymentopportunitylawsandaffirmativeactioneffortsarelikelytoaddressonlysomeofthecausesofsex discriminationintheworkplace.Sexdiscriminationislikelytoreflectamixofintentionaldecisionsonthepartofemployers(disparatetreatment)unintentional discriminationthatresultsfromusingtests,assessments,ordecisioncriteriathattendtoscreenoutwomen(disparateimpact)andoccupationalsegregationthatresults fromsexrolesocializationanddifferencesinmalefemaleinterestsandvalues.Litigationandaffirmativeactioninterventionsarelikelytoaddressdiscriminationby employersbutareunlikelytoaddressthebroaderquestionofdiscriminationbysociety. Summary Inthischapterweexaminethelegalframeworkfordealingwithgenderdiscriminationintheworkplace.Thelegalcontextofworkcanbeanimportantfactorin shapingorganizationalactionsand,inpart,largersocietalattitudes.TitleVIIoftheCivilRightsActof1964isthesinglemostimportantlawdealingwithemployment discrimination,butthereareanumberofotherspecificlaws(e.g.,EqualPayAct)aswellasconstitutional,commonlaw,andtortlawremediesavailablefordealing withdiscriminationbyemployers.Employmentdiscriminationcomplaintscaninvolveawiderangeofissues,butsomeissuesarisewithsufficientfrequencythataseries oflawsorrelevantcasescanbecited(e.g.,malefemaledifferencesinpay,theuseofsubjectiveemploymentcriteria,orheight,weight,andstrengthrequirements). Wediscusstherolesoffederalagenciesversusindividualandclassactionlawsuitsinenforcingantidiscriminationlawsanddescribedthestepsinvolvedinfilingand litigatingdiscriminationclaims.Wedistinguishbetweenintentionalandpotentiallyunintentionaldiscriminationanddis

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cussthestepsinatypicalsuitallegingunintentionaldiscrimination.Finally,wenotearecenttrendfororganizationstoofferlargesettlementsratherthanriskthe outcomeofsexdiscriminationcasesincourt. Incontrasttootherindustrializeddemocracies,theUnitedStatesdoesrelativelylittletoaccommodateworkwithhavingandraisingchildren.However,federallaws protectfemaleworkersagainstdiscriminationonthebasisofpregnancyandprovideatleastsomeminimalfamilyleave.Wediscusstheselawsandcommenton reasonsfortherelativelylowuseoffamilyleaveprovisions. Finally,wediscussaffirmativeaction.Despiteitslonghistoryanditswidespreadimplementation,affirmativeactionpoliciesarepoorlyunderstoodbythepublic. Althoughpreferentialselectionandreversediscriminationareoftenforbiddenbylaw,mostpublicdiscussionsofaffirmativeactionarebasedontheassumptionthat theseprogramsfavorwomenandmembersofminoritygroupsovermorequalifiedWhitemales.Thisassumption,inturn,canleadtoa"stigmaofincompetence,"a tendencytodevaluetheabilities,skills,andaccomplishmentsofwomenandmembersofminoritygroups,ontheassumptionthattheyhavereceivedscholarships,jobs, andpromotionssolelybecauseoftheirsexorrace.Thereisevidencethataffirmativeactionprogramscanhavenegativeconsequencesfortheirintendedbeneficiaries, althoughtheextentofthisproblemisfarfromclear. Glossary Adverseimpact:Situationinwhichanemploymentcriterionleadstosubstantiallydifferentemploymentoutcomesfordifferentgroupsinthepopulation. Affirmativeaction:Programunderwhichgovernmentcontractorsandlargeemployersarerequiredtodevelopprogramstoincreaseemploymentopportunitiesfor qualifiedwomenandmembersofminoritygroups.Theseprogramsoftenincludetoolssuchasutilizationanalysis,enhancedrecruitment,andemploymentgoalsand timetables. Bonafideoccupationalqualification:Acriterionthatappropriatelyrestrictsemploymentopportunitiestoparticulargroups,basedontheargumentthata characteristicsuchassexisanessentialrequirementforperformingthedutiesofajob(e.g.,spermdonor,wetnurse). Businessnecessity:Test,assessment,oremploymentrequirementthatisdemonstrablyrelatedtojobperformanceorthatcanbeshowntobenecessaryforthesafe orefficientoperationofabusiness. CivilRightsActof1964:Federallawforbiddingdiscriminationonthebasisofsex,race,ethnicity,nationalorigin,orreligion.

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Classaction:Legalactiontakenonbehalfofagrouporclassofsimilarlysituatedindividuals. Comparableworth:Settingpayratesonthebasisoftherequirements,duties,orworkingconditionsofjobs. Defendant:Individualorgroupaccusedofviolatingcivilorcontractlaw. Disparateimpact:Theoryunderwhichseeminglyneutralemploymentcriteriathathaveadverseimpactsagainstprotectedgroupsareoftenlitigated. Disparatetreatment:Intentionaldiscriminationonthebasisofsex,race,ornationalorigin. EqualEmploymentOpportunityCommission:FederalagencyresponsibleforenforcingtheCivilRightsAct. EqualPayAct:Federallawforbiddingdifferentpayformenandwomendoingessentiallyidenticaljobs. EqualRightsAmendment:Proposedconstitutionalamendment(neverratified)thatcalledforequalrightsunderthelawformenandwomen. FamilyandMedicalLeaveAct:Federallawguaranteeing12weeksofunpaidfamilyleaveperyear. Hostileworkenvironment:Workenvironmentinwhichthelevelofsexualharassmentissufficientlysevereandpervasivetolimitwomen'sabilitytofunction effectively. Genderplusdiscrimination:Discriminatorypoliciesthattreatsomewomen(e.g.,womenwithsmallchildren)differentlythantheytreatmen. OfficeofFederalContractCompliancePrograms:Federalagencyresponsibleforenforcingnondiscriminationclausesandaffirmativeactionprovisionsoffederal contracts. Plaintiff:Individualorgroupbringalegalaction. Primafaciecase:Presentationofevidencethatanindividualoragrouphasbeenadverselyaffectedbyanemploymentprocedure(e.g.,selectiontest,promotion process). Preferentialtreatment:GrantingmembersofprotectedgroupspreferenceoverequallyqualifiedormorehighlyqualifiedWhitemaleswhenmakingemployment decisions. Protectedgroups:Demographicgroupsprotectedfromemploymentdiscriminationbyspecificfederallaws(e.g.,women,racialminorities). Selectionrates:Proportionofapplicantsselectedbyanorganization. Stigmaofincompetence:Assumptionthatwomenandmembersofminoritygroupsowetheirsuccesstopreferentialtreatmentratherthantotheirownabilities, skills,oraccomplishments. Subjectivecriteria:Methodsofmakingdecisionsthatrelyonthejudgmentofinterviewersandmanagers.

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TitleVII:SectionoftheCivilRightsActof1964dealingwithdiscriminationinemployment. TitleIX:AmendmenttotheCivilRightsActof1964dealingwithdiscriminationineducationalprograms. UnitedNationsUniversalDeclarationonHumanRights:StatementofprinciplesdevelopedbytheUnitedNationsthatseekstoguaranteeequalrightsformen andwomenandracialandethnicgroups.

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9 SexualHarassment
I.EmergingAwarenessandLabelingofSexualHarassment A.DefinitionandMeasurement 1.LegalDefinitionofSexualHarassment a.QuidProQuo b.HostileWorkEnvironment 2.PsychologicalDefinitionofSexualHarassment B.PrevalenceofSexualHarassment II.MultifacetedImpactofSexualHarassment A.IndividualCosts B.OrganizationalCosts III.BadApplesorBadBarrels?TheoriesandModelsofSexualHarassment A.BiologyorSociology?MacroTheoriesofSexualHarassment B.Personality,MotivesandSituations:MicrotheoriesofSexualHarassment IV.CombatingSexualHarassment A.SocietalandLegislativeStrategies B.OrganizationalStrategies C.IndividualStrategies V.Summary

Page219 InSeptember1990,"sportsreporterLisaOlsonwasgoingaboutbusinessasusual.ShewasreportingontheNewEnglandPatriotsfootballgameagainsttheIndianapolisColtsfor herpaperTheBostonHerald.Butonthatday,businesswasanythingbutusual.Whilecoveringher'beat,'whichaswithallsportsreportersincludesthelockerroom,fivenaked menapproachedherandbeganmakinglewdandthreateninggesturestoher.Olsontriedtocontinueherinterview,butfinally,shakenandconfused,shelefttheroom.Theordeal onlylastedafewminutes,buttheaftermathwillhauntherforquitesometime." ( Burley,1990,p.23) "Inluriddetail,[AnitaHill]described[thenU.S.SupremeCourtnomineeClarence]Thomasasabosswhopesteredherfordatesandspokegraphicallyaboutpornography, bestiality,rapeandhisskillsasalover.'Hetalkedaboutpornographicmaterialsdepictingindividualswithlargepenisesorlargebreastsinvolvedinvarioussexacts.'" ("AnatomyofaDebacle,"1991,p.26) "'Allthenicegirlsloveasailor,'asthesonggoes.Notsothe26womensailorsandofficersattheTailhookconvention[inSeptember1991],whofound,onthethirdflooroftheLas VegasHilton,ameleeofdrunkenandgropingnavalaviators." ("SexualHarassment,"1992,p.29) "Justdaysafter[SenatorRobertPackwood,Republican,Oregon]wonreelectioninacloselyfoughtrace...BobPackwoodwasaccusedofsexualharassmentbyanumberof womenwhohadworkedforhim.Itseemsthesenatorhadapenchantforseizingyoungwomenandkissingthem,afterliterallychasingthemaroundthedesk.Itfurtherseemsthat thishadbeengoingonunabatedforyears." ( J.L.Symons,1993,p.56) "Asearlyas1992femaleemployeesatMitsubishi...reportedobscene,crudesketchesofgenitalorgansandsexacts,andnamesoffemaleworkersscratchedintounpaintedcar bodiesmovingalongtheassemblyline.Womenwerecalledsluts,whoresandbitchesandsubjectedtogroping,forcedsexplayandmaleflashing.Explicitsexualgraffitisuchas 'KilltheSlutMary'werescrawledonrestareaandbathroomwalls." ( Jaroff,1996,p.56) "OnMay8,1991,...PaulaCorbin[nowPaulaJones]...,aneyecatching24yearoldwithaclericaljobattheArkansasIndustrialDevelopmentCommission,...[wastoldby oneofthenGovernorBillClinton'sstatetroopers]that'Thegovernorsaidyoumakehiskneesknock'ThetrooperlaterreturnedwiththenumberofasuiteinthehotelwhereMr. Clintonwantedtomeether.IntheJonesversionofwhatfollowed,shenaivelyallowedhereselftobeaccompaniedtotheroomwhereshefoundherselfalonewithMr.Clinton.After somesmalltalk...heputhishandonherlegandtriedtokissher,saying'Iloveyourcurves.'Despiteherrejections,sheclaims,Mr.Clintonexposedhimselfandaskedfororal sex"("Scandal,"1997,p.21).AU.S.Districtcourtjudge,however,ruledthatMs.Jones

Page220 didnothavealegalcaseofsexualharassmentagainstMr.Clintonbecausetheallegedconductwasonlybriefandisolated. ( Rankin&Cannon,1998)

LisaOlsonandtheNewEnglandPatriots,ClarenceThomasandAnitaHill,Tailhook,Packwood,Mitsubishi,PresidentClintonandPaulaJones.Althoughpeoplehad alreadybeguntorecognizesexualharassmentasaseriousworkplaceissue,thesewidelypublicizedeventshavehadtheeffectofanationalslapintheface,forcing ustofocusourattentiononthisproblem.Althoughpeople'sopinionsandtheoriesregardingsexualharassmenthavebeenwideranging,theycertainlyhavenotbeen neutral.Thesexualharassmentcontroversyisfueledbythemanyinterpretationsaffordedbyvariousdefinitionsofsexualharassment.Whatappearstobeblatant harassmenttoonepersonisnothingmorethaninnocentflirtationtoanother.Whatclearlyrepresentsmaledominationoverwomentosomeissimplyoldfashioned courtesyforothers.Inthischapterweorganizeandpresentcrossdisciplinaryresearchonsexualharassment.Wesummarizedifferentviewpointsaboutwhat constitutessexualharassment,itsprevalence,itscosttotheindividualandorganization,possibleexplanationsforitsoccurrence,andwaystocombatandeliminate suchbehavior.Consistentwiththeoverallmodelofstudyingsexandgenderissuesintheworkplacepresentedinchapters1and2,wediscusssexualharassmentfrom individual,group,andorganizationalperspectives.Wehopethischapterwillcontributetoreasoneddialogueanddiscussion. EmergingAwarenessandLabelingofSexualHarassment Beforethephenomenonwasnamed,presumablybytheWorkingWomenUnitedInstitutein1976(MacKinnon,1979cf.Farley,1978),sexualharassmentwasjust partofeverydaylifeforworkingwomen.Suchtreatmentwasconsidered"businessasusual."MaryBulzarik(1978)recounted19thcenturyfemalefactoryworkers' dailyfears:"ThereintheofficeIsatonachair,thebossstoodnearmewithmypayinhishand,speakingtomeinavelvety,softvoice.Alas!Nobodyaround.Isat tremblingwithfear"(p.32). LynFarley's(1978)book,entitledSexualShakedown:TheSexualHarassmentofWomenontheJob,poignantlyrelabeled"businessasusual"as"sexual harassment."OntheheelsofFarley'sbook,CatherineMacKinnon,afeministlegalscholar,offeredacompellingargumentthat

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sexualharassmentisaformofsexualdiscrimination,becauseitismuchmorelikelytoaffectwomenthanmen.WithinayearofpublicationofMacKinnon'sbook,the EqualEmploymentOpportunityCommission(EEOC)adoptedguidelinesconsistentwithMacKinnon'sposition:Targetsofsuchbehaviorshouldreceivelegal protectionfromTitleVII(Gutek,1993).Furthermore,severalimportantlegaldecisionshaveupheldtheviewthatsexualharassmentisdiscriminatoryandillegaland thatsubstantialpenaltiescanbeimposedontheperpetratorsandemployingorganizations.Thus,sexualharassmenthasalongpastbutashorthistory.Withintwo decades,whatwas"businessasusual"isnowwidelyunderstoodtobemorallyandlegallyreprehensible. Despitethisawareness,sexualharassmentcontinuestobeaseriousthreattogenderequality.Numeroussurveyshavebeenconductedtodeterminetheprevalenceof sexualharassmentintheworkplaceandineducationalsettings.Thefollowingsectionsummarizescurrentconceptualizationsofsexualharassmentandsurveyresearch addressingitsprevalence. DefinitionandMeasurement Wheneverasocialissueemergesasapublicconcern,muchcontroversyanddebateoveritsdefinitionandboundariesensue(Gillespie&Leffler,1987).Sexual harassmenthasbeennoexception.Intheearlyyearsofsexualharassmentscholarship,thedefinitionsusedbyresearchersrangedfromtheoccurrenceofveryspecific events(e.g.,actualorattemptedrapeorassaultUnitedStatesMeritSystemsProtectionBoard[USMSPB],1981),tobroadgeneralizationssuchas"unwanted sexualovertures"(seeGutek,1985).Scholars,practitioners,andlaypersonsalikehaveexpressedconcernaboutthevaguenessandambiguityofthesedefinitions. ArveyandCavanaugh(1995)andLengnickHall(1995)arguedthatambiguousandinconsistentdefinitionscontributetopoortheoreticaldevelopmentandimprecise measurementinstruments.Forexample,howcanresearchonthecausesofsexualharassmentprogresswithoutaprecise,commonlyaccepteddefinition? Furthermore,howvalidaretheresearchinstrumentsdevelopedtostudysexualharassmentrelatedphenomena,suchasincidentratesandpsychologicalor organizationaloutcomes?Humanresourcesofficersandotherpractitionersinorganizationschargedwithdevelopingandenforcingsexualharassmentpoliciesare concernedwithwhethertheirpoliciescoverenoughgroundorperhapsgotoofarindrawingtheboundariesofacceptablebehavior.Finally,theaveragepersononthe streetwantstoknowwhatactsconstitutesexualharassmentwhenisthatlinebetweensensiblesocialsexualinteractionsandsexualharassmentcrossed?

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Unfortunately,aclear,unambiguous,unanimouslyagreedupondefinitionofsexualharassmentdoesnotexistnorisitlikelythatonewillbedeveloped.Becausethe heartofthematteriswhethertherecipientofpotentiallyharassingbehaviorfeelsthatsheorhewastreatedinasexuallyinappropriatemannerinaworkorschool relatedcontext,sexualharassmentdefinitionsmustallowforsubjectivity.Fortunately,however,bothlegaltheoryandpsychologicaltheoryhaveadvanced considerablyinthepasttwodecadesresultinginclearer(butnotabsolute)consensusonthedefinitionofsexualharassment.Asthefollowingreviewdemonstrates, todaywearebetterabletoaddresstheconcernsraisedbyscholars,practitioners,andlaypersons. LegalDefinitionofSexualHarassment TheEEOCdefinitiondevelopedin1980hasbeenadoptedbycourts,organizations,anduniversitiesandimplicitlybymostsocialscientists.AccordingtotheEEOC, sexualharassmentisdefinedasfollows:


Unwelcomesexualadvances,requestsforsexualfavors,andotherverbalorphysicalconductofasexualnatureconstitutesexualharassmentwhen(1)submissiontosuch conductismadeeitherexplicitlyorimplicitlyatermorconditionofanindividual'semployment,(2)submissiontoorrejectionofsuchconductbyanindividualisusedasthebasis foremploymentdecisionsaffectingsuchindividual,or(3)suchconducthasthepurposeoreffectofsubstantiallyinterferingwithanindividual'sworkperformanceorcreatingan intimidating,hostile,oroffensiveworkingenvironment.(EEOC,1980,p.33)

ConditionsIand2ofthisdefinitionaretermedquidproquaharassment,andCondition3isoftentermed''hostileworkenvironment"harassment.Thisdefinitionof sexualharassmentisnotlimitedtoharassmentofwomenbymenbutratherappliesequallyifharassmentiscarriedoutbywomen(e.g.,womenharassingmen)orifit involvessamesexharassment.Regardlessofthegenderoftheharasserorthetargetofharassment,behaviorthatfitstheEEOC'sdefinitionconstitutessexual harassment,anditcansubstantiallyinterferewiththerecipient'sabilitytofunctionintheworkplace. Inthischapter,wefocusontheharassmentofwomenbymalecoworkers,supervisors,andevensubordinates.Ourreasonforfocusingonthistypeofharassmentis simpleover90%ofthereportedcasesofsexualharassmentintheworkplaceinvolvemaleharassersandfemalerecipients.Tobesure,thereareinstancesinwhich womensexuallyharassmen,inwhichwomensexuallyharassotherwomen,orinwhichmensexually

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harassothermen,buttheseareallrareincomparisontotheharassmentofwomenbymen. QuidProQuo Conditionssatisfyingquidproquoharassmentaremoreclearcutthanthoserelatingtohostileworkenvironmentharassment(Paetzold&O'LearyKelly,1996). Examplesincluderequiringanemployeetoprovidesexualfavorsforasupervisor,suchassexualintercourse,inordertomaintainemployment,orfiringanemployee whorefusestoprovidesexualfavors.Subtleformsofquidproquosexualharassment,suchashintingthatanemployeemaybetreatedbetteronthejobifshe providessexualfavorstotheboss,arealsoillegal.Therequirementsformeetingthelegaldefinitionofquidproquosexualharassmentarethatemployment consequencesareconditionedonsexualconduct,andthattheoffenderisanemployerorsupervisor. HostileWorkEnvironment Thisformofsexualharassmenthasbeenmoredifficulttodefine.Forhostileworkenvironment(HWE)sexualharassmenttoexist,atangibleemploymentbenefit(such askeepingajoborgainingapromotion)doesnothavetobeatstake.ExamplesofHWEincludeworkinginanareawheresexualjokes,teasing,pornographic materials,andother"sexualstimuli"arepartofthedailyworkenvironment.Repeatedlyaskingapersonforadateormakingunwantedtelephonecallsofasexual naturetoacoworkeroremployeearealsoformsofHWEsexualharassment,asaresexualtouching,staring,grabbing,andkissing.RamonaPaetzoldandAnne O'LearyKelly(1996)reviewedU.S.FederalCourtsofAppealscasesofsexualharassment(whichdealwithissuesoflaw,asopposedtofact)thatwerebracketed bythetwoU.S.SupremeCourtcasesthatdealtwithhostileenvironmentcases(MeritorSavingsBank,FSBv.Vinson,1986Harrisv.ForkliftSystems,Inc., 1993).Thesecasesareparticularlyimportantbecausetheyshedlightonthelegaltheoryregardinghostileworkenvironmentharassmentthathasevolvedinthistime frame. Toestablishacaseofhostileenvironmentsexualharassment,theplaintiffmustshowfourthings: 1.Sheorhewassubjectedtounwelcomeharassment(theplaintiffmustnothaveinvitedorenticedtheconduct). 2.Theallegedlyharassingconductoccurredbecauseoftheplaintiff'ssex(i.e.,thebehaviorwouldnothavereasonablybeendirectedtowardanoppositememberof theplaintiff'ssex). 3.Theconductwassevereorpervasive(theplaintiffwasadverselyaffectedbytheallegedharassmentandcanshowthata"reasonable

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person"(calledthereasonablepersonstandard)wouldalsobeadverselyaffectedbythesametreatment). 4.Theemployerisheldliablefortheaction(theemployereitherhadactualknowledgeoftheharassmentorshouldhavebeenawareoftheharassmentduetoits natureorchangesintheplaintiff'sbehavior)(Paetzold&O'LearyKelly,1996). Oftheseelements,theplaintiff'sabilitytoprovethattheharassmentwassevereorpervasiveandthattheemployerhadactualknowledgeofthemistreatmentbutfailed toactadequatelyarestronglyrelatedtofederalcourtdecisionsfavoringtheplaintiff(Terpstra&Baker,1992). Asrelativelystraightforwardastheseelementsappear,however,considerabledebatehasensuedoverhowsomeoftheseelementsshouldbeoperationallydefined. Forexample,inestablishingthe"unwelcomeness"element,sometriersoffact(e.g.,jurorsandjudges)haveconcludedthatanallegedsexualharassmentrecipientwho doesnotformallycomplainaboutthemisconductattheonsetmustnothavemindedthetreatment(or,conversely,"welcomed"it).Towit,U.S.A.Todaypolls indicatedthatonly25%ofAmericansbelievedAnitaHill'stestimony.Thedisbeliefwascenteredonthefactthatshedidnotofficiallyreportthebehaviorshe complainedaboutinhertestimony.Yet,socialscienceresearchhasconsistentlyshownthatonlyafewtargetsofharassmentandothersexrelatedcrimes,including rape,reporttheseincidentstoinstitutionalorlegalauthorities(Fitzgeraldetal.,1988Fitzgerald,Swan,&Fischer,1995Koss,1990).Moreover,considerable (althoughnotfullytested)theoryexiststoexplainwhytargetsaredisinclinedtoactivelyreportsexualharassment.AbriefreviewofthesetheoriesispresentedinTable 9.1. The"severity"elementalsoprovesproblematic.Plaintiffsareusuallyrequiredtoprovethattheysufferedjoborschoolrelated,economic,physical,and/or psychologicalconsequencesasaresultoftheallegedharassment.Becausemanytargetsofharassmentexperienceatleastoneifnotmanymeasurableadverse consequences(Gutek&Koss,1993Pryor,1995),itisoftenpossibletopresentconcreteevidenceofthissort.ThecaseofPaulaJonesversusBillClinton,however, wasthrownoutbyaU.S.DistrictCourtjudgebecausetheplaintiff(Ms.Jones)concededthatallegedbehaviorwasbriefandisolatedanddidnotresultinalevelof distressthatareasonablepersonwouldfindunbearable. Therearesubstantialindividualdifferencesinhowtargetsreacttoharassment.Somepeopleareabletowithstandalotofabusewithoutphysicallyorpsychologically suffering,whereasothersaremuchmorevulnerabletotheseeffects.Shouldatarget'sreactionstoallegedharassmentbetheproofthatharassmentoccurred(as opposedtothefactsoftheharassingbehavioritself)?Fortunately,theU.S.SupremeCourt,aided

Page225 Table9.1 ExplanationsforTargets'ReluctancetoReportSexualHarassment Fearofnegativeconsequences Activereportingmayleadtodirectorindirectretaliationagainstthe victimoraworseningofpsychologicalorwork/schoolrelated consequences.(Fitzgerald,Swanetal.,1995Gutek&Koss,1993 Stockdale,1997) Bydenyingthatabadthinghashappened(e.g.,sexualharassment),the targetmaintainsthebeliefthattheworldisjustandpeoplegetwhatthey deserve.(Koss,1990) Targetinitiallyinterpretsharasser's(typicallymorebenign)behavioras friendlyorprofessionalandbecomescommittedtotheworkplace relationship.Thetarget'sacceptancesignalstheharassertoescalatehis behavior.Inturn,thetargetbecomesconfusedaboutwhetherthe harasser'sintentionsareprofessionalorsexualandisthustrappedand unabletomakeaproactivecomplaint.(Williams&Cyr,1992) Individualsdifferintheiropinionsaboutwhatcopingstrategieswill effectivelydetertheharassingtreatmentandrestoreasenseofsafety. Althoughmanymenbelieveinactiveconfrontationandassertive strategies,womenperceivethatignoring,avoiding,orgoingalongwith thebehaviorwillbemoreeffectivethanactiveconfrontation.(Fitzgerald, Swanetal.,1995) Womenarelesslikelythanmentouseformaldisputeresolutionsystems, suchasformalreportingchannelsfordealingwithworkplacedispute,due toeitherdifferentialsocializationexperiencesand/ordissatisfactionwith priorexperienceswithformaldisputechannels.(Lach&GwartneyGibbs, 1993Riger,1991)

"Justworld"hypothesis

Escalationofcommitment

Genderdifferencesinappraisalof copingeffectiveness

Genderdifferencesindispute resolutionpreferences

byanamicuscuriaebrieffromtheAmericanPsychologicalAssociation,opinedinHarristhatproofofpsychologicalsufferingisnotnecessarytoestablishacaseof sexualharassment.Althoughitisnotnecessarytodemonstratephysicalorpsychologicalsuffering,therequirementthattheplaintiffpresentconcreteevidencethatshe hassufferedharmensuresthattheplaintiff'sassertionofsexualharassmentisnottrivialorhypersensitive.Thisreasonablepersonstandard,however,hasalsobeenthe centerofconsiderabledebate. Intheirreviewofthesocialpsychologicalresearchbearingonthisissue,GutekandO'Connor(1995)statedthatmanycourtshavereliedonthereasonableperson standard,askingwhetherareasonablepersonwouldfindtheworkenvironmenthostileorabusive(e.g.,Rabiduev.OsceolaRefiningCo.,1986/1987Radtkev. Everett,1993).Thisstandardhelpsdeterminewhethertheallegedsexualharassmenthadthe"effectofsubstantiallyinterferingwithanindividual'sworkperformance orcreatedanintimidating,hostile,oroffensiveworkingenvironment"(EEOC,

Page226

1980).TheNinthCircuitCourtofAppealsinEllisonv.Brady(1991),however,modifiedthisstandardbyassertingthatsexualharassmentcanbedefinedasconduct thata"reasonablewoman"wouldfindsevereorpervasive.Theargumentforthereasonablewomanstandardisbasedontwoassumptions: Women(whoaretypicallythetargetsofsexualharassment)perceiveandexperiencesexualconductdifferently(moreseverely)thandomen. Whenaskedtoevaluateallegedsexuallyharassingconductfromareasonablepersonperspective,decisionmakers,suchasjudgesandjuries,aremorelikelyto adoptanormativemaleperspectivethanafemaleperspective. Oneargumentforthelatterassumptionisthatmostjudgesaremenandmaybelesssensitivetoviewingsexualharassmentfromawoman'sperspectivethanfroma man'sperspective(Ellisonv.Brady,1991). Inarguingthemeritsofthereasonablewomanversusreasonablepersonperspective,feministscholarssitonbothsidesofthefence,withsomedesiringtoeradicate thereasonablenessstandardaltogether,whether"person,""woman,"or"victim"(Paetzold&Shaw,1994).Proponentsofthereasonablewomanstandard(or,more generally,thereasonablevictimstandard)arguethatwomenandmenhaveconsistentlyperceivedandexperiencedsocialsexualbehaviordifferently(withwomen typicallymoresensitivethanmentotheaversivenatureoftheseexperiences),andthatthereasonablewomanstandardwillhelpjudgesandjurorstaketheperspective ofandbemoresympathetictothetypicalvictimsofsexualharassment(i.e.,women).Backingtheirargumentisarathersubstantialbodyofresearchshowingthat womenandmenreliablydifferintheirperceptionsofsocialsexualbehavior(seeFrazier,Cochran,&Olson,1995,forathoroughreview).Skepticsofthe reasonablewomanstandardarguethathighlightingthedistinctionbetween"reasonableperson''and"reasonablewoman"onlyreinforcesgenderstereotypesand strengthenstheviewthattherearenatural,unalterabledifferencesbetweenwomenandmen(Gutek&O'Connor,1995Paetzold&Shaw,1994).Gutekand O'Connorsupportedtheirpositionbycarefullyanalyzingtheexistingresearchongenderdifferencesinperceptionsofsexualharassmentrelatedphenomenaandnoted thatgenderdifferencesaretypicallyverysmall,albeitsignificant.Morepotentfactorsincludetheseverityoftheact(s)andthepowerdifferentialbetweentheharasser andthetarget.Further

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more,genderdifferencesaremorelikelytobefoundinstudiesthatrelyonshort,ambiguouswrittenscenariosthaninstudiesthatstrivetoprovidemorerealistic, complexstimuli(seeSidelight9.1).Thus,theredoesnotappeartobeconsensus,evenamongfeministscholars,aboutwhichstandard(ifany)shouldbeusedtojudge claimsofsexualharassment. Tosummarize,thelegaldefinitionofsexualharassmenthasbeengenerallylaidoutbytheEEOC(1980).Thisdefinitionincludesbothquidproquoandhostilework environmentformsofsexualharassment.Thecourtshaverecognizedbothforms(e.g.,MeritorSavingsBank,FSBvs.Vinson,1986),butofthese,hostilework environmentformsofsexualharassmenthavebeenmoredifficulttodefineandareopentowiderinterpretation.Courtstypicallyinvokeseveralcriteriaforjudging claimsofhostileworkenvironmentsexualharassment,butthecriticalcomponents,unwelcomenessandseverity,containsubjectiveelementsthatremainenigmatic. Thecourts,aswellasorganizationsandindividualsstrivingtoeradicatesexualharassment,needtolooktosocialscienceresearchandtheorytobetterunderstandthe complexitiesunderlyingtheseissues(Wiener,1995).Thus,welooknextatthesocialscienceresearchthathasaddressedthesedefinitionalandmeasurement concerns. PsychologicalDefinitionofSexualHarassment Fitzgeraldarguedthatsexualharassmenthasbothalegalandapsychologicaldefinition(Fitzgerald,Gelfand,&Drasgow,1995).Thelegaldefinition,outlined previously,isusedtodeterminewhetheraparticularcaseofsexualharassmentisworthyofbeingtriedinacourtoflaw.Manypeople,however,aresubjectedto treatmentthatmaybeconsideredsexualharassmentbutdoesnotmeetthelegaldefinition.Nonetheless,theirexperiencesmayresultinnegativeconsequencessuchas loweredproductivity,absenteeism,depression,and/orphysicaldisturbancesthatmeritconcernofresearchersandpractitioners.Moreover,theexistenceofthese eventsmaybesymptomaticofawidersetofprocessesthatmayleadtolitigationorotherseriousconsequencesandthusmaybeworthyofanorganization'sattention (Fitzgerald,Gelfand,etal.,1995).Inthissection,wereviewthepsychologicaldefinitionofsexualharassmentandtheinstrumentsthathavebeendevelopedto measureit. Althoughscholarsbeganqueryingvariousgroupsofwomen(typically)abouttheirexperiencesveryearlyinthe"discovery"ofsexualharassment,moresystematic attemptsweremadeafterpublicationoftheEEOC'sdefinitionofsexualharassment.Varioussurveyinstrumentsweredevelopedbasedimplicitlyonthisdefinition.A commonapproachwasto

Page228 Sidelight9.1UsingLongScenariosandVideotapestoMoreAccuratelyAssessPerceptionsofSexualHarassment "Janeiswalkingslowlydownthehallatwork.Mr.Davidson,Jane'sboss,walksupfrombehind.AsMr.DavidsonpassesJane,hepatsheronthe fannyandsays,'Hurryup,you'llnevergeteverythingdonetoday'"(fromGuteketal.,1983,p.35).Isthissexualharassment?Manystudieshaveused short,fairlycontextvoidscenariossuchasthisonetodeterminehowpeopleviewsexualharassment.However,ifyouareahumanresourcesofficer,a coworker,oramemberofajury,youwouldnotlikelylearnaboutthepurportedfactsofasexualharassmentinsuchalimitedandomniscientmanner.It ismorelikelythatyouwouldhavemuchmoreinformationaboutthecontextinwhichtheallegedharassmentoccurredandthenatureoftherelationship betweenthetwo(ormore)parties,andyouwouldhaveseveralversionsofthestory(e.g.,"hesaid,shesaid").Howvalid,then,isourknowledgeabout factorsaffectingperceptionsofsexualharassmentthatcomesfromthestudieswhichusetheseshort,unnaturalisticscenarios?BarbaraGutekandher colleagues(Gutek,O'Connor,Melancon,&Greer,1998)recentlystudiedperceptionsofsexualharassmentusingamuchmorecomplexanddetailed scenarioofanallegedsexualharassmentincident.Thescenariowascreatedbothasawrittenaccount(11/2pages,typed,singlespaced)andasa1l/2 hourvideotapeofacourttrialbasedonthefactsofthecase.ThescenariowasbasedonarealharassmentcasetriedinaWestCoastcourt.The scenario(boththewrittenandvideotapeforms)providedextensivedetailsabouttheorganizationinwhichtheharassmentoccurredandprovidedthe target's(plaintiff's)versionofthestoryaswellasthedefendant'sview.Groupsofbothcollegestudentsandadults(peoplewaitingtoservejuryduty andparticipantsinasupervisorytrainingprogramonsexualharassment)viewedthewrittenorvideotapeversionsandcompletedquestionnairesabout theirperceptionsofcase.Thefindingssuggestthatmanyofthefactorsthoughttobeimportantininfluencingperceptionsofsexualharassment,such astheresearchparticipant'sgender,thestatusofthedefendant(supervisororcoworker),andthemannerinwhichthetargetrespondstothe harassment(doesnothing,goesalongwiththebehavior,orreportsthebehaviorimmediately),haveonlyverysmalleffectsonperceptionsofthecase. Therefore,researchersmaynothavecapturedoridentifiedalltheimportantfactorsassociatedwiththisproblem.Thismayexplainwhymanypeopleare stillconfusedaboutwhatissexualharassmentandwhythereisstillconsiderableuncertaintyintheoutcomeofsexualharassmentcases.

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generatealistofpossiblequidproquoandhostileenvironmentsituationsandaskrespondentstoindicatewhethertheyhadexperiencedthemwithinacertaintime frameandcontext(e.g.,onthejobinthelast2yearsFitzgeraldetal.,1988Gutek,1985WorkingWomen'sInstitute,1975).Sometimestheseitemsaregroupedin categories(e.g.,jobconsequencesrelatedtoexpectedsexualactivity).Unfortunately,itbecomesdifficulttodeterminetheprevalenceofdifferentformsofsexual harassmentwhenagivenbehaviorcanbeclassifiedinmorethanonecategory.Forthisreason,someresearchershaveattemptedtoevaluatedefinitionsofsexual harassmentsystematicallyanddevisecategorizationschemesthatarebothexhaustiveandmutuallyexclusive.TheeffortsofFitzgeraldetal.(1988)andGruber (1992),summarizedasfollows,arenoteworthy. BasedonearlierworkbyTill(1980),Fitzgeraldetal.(1988)developedacomprehensivesurveytomeasurefiveformsofsexualharassment: 1.Genderharassment:generalizedsexistremarksandbehavior 2.Seductivebehavior:inappropriateandoffensivebutessentiallysanctionfreesexualadvances 3.Sexualbribery:solicitationofsexualactivityorothersexlinkedbehaviorbypromiseofrewards 4.Sexualcoercion:coercionofsexualactivitybythreatofpunishment 5.Sexualassault:grossimpositionorassault(Fitzgeraldetal.,1988,p.157) Onthebasisofstatisticalevidence,Fitzgerald,Gelfand,etal.(1995),classifiedCategoryIasgenderharassmentandCategories2and5asunwantedsexual attention,bothofwhichareaspectsofahostileworkenvironment.Categories3and4werecombinedandlabeledsexualcoercionorquidproquo.Thus,this systemprovidesspecificdefinitionsfortheformsofsexualharassmentcoveredintheEEOCdefinition. TheSexualExperiencesQuestionnaire(SEQFitzgeraldetal.,1988nowrevisedastheSEQW[employeeform]orSEQE[studentform]Gelfand,Fitzgerald,& Drasgow,1995)containsbehavioralitemscorrespondingtothesethreeformsofharassment.Becauseindividuals'definitionsofandthresholdsforlabelinganeventas sexualharassmentvary(Fitzgeraldetal.,1988Stockdale&Vaux,1993),theSEQdoesnotrequirerespondentstoindicatewhethertheyexperienced"sexual harassment"perse.Insteadtheyindicatewhethertheyexperiencedagivenevent(e.g.,"Haveyoueverbeeninasituationwhereacoworkerdirectlyofferedyou somesortofrewardforbeingsexuallycooperative?").BecausetheSEQisbasedonasoundconceptualizationofsexualharassmentandbecauseiteliminatesa seriousresponsebiasassociatedwiththe

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emotionallyladentermsexualharassment,theSEQisoneofthebestsexualharassmentsurveyinstrumentsavailable. Gruber(1992)createdasexualharassmenttaxonomybasedonacontentanalysisof17publishedsurveysofsexualharassment.Notingthatresearchersused differenttermstomeanthesamebehavior(e.g.,expectedsexualactivity,verbalnegotiations,sexualbribery)andthatmanyresearchersomittedimportantformsof sexualharassment(e.g.,sexualbribery),Gruberincludedinthetaxonomy11formsdividedintothreebroadcategoriesofharassment:verbalrequests(goaloriented statements,includingthreats,intendedtoestablishsexualorrelationalintimacy)verbalremarksandcomments(personallydemeaningstatements,questions,or remarksaboutwomen)andnonverbaldisplays(nonverbalwaysofsexuallyharassingwomen,rangingfrompornographicpicturestosexualassault).Although Gruber'staxonomyhasnotbeensubjectedtoempiricaltestingandvalidating,thethoroughnessofthecontentanalysisstrategysuggeststhatimportantcontributions willevolvefromthiswork. PrevalenceofSexualHarassment AnumberofscientificallysoundstudiesbasedondifferentpopulationswithintheUnitedStateshavebeenconductedtodeterminehowwidespreadissexual harassmentintheworkplaceandinacademicsettings.Inastratifiedrandomsampleof23,964federalworkers,theU.S.MeritSystemsProtectionBoard (USMSPB,1981)estimatedthat42%ofthefemalerespondentsand15%ofthemalerespondentshadexperiencedsomeformofsexualharassmentwithina2year period.Surveyorsaskedrespondentsiftheyhadexperiencedoneormoreofthefollowingeventsinthelast2yearsonthejob:unwelcomesexualremarks,deliberate touching,pressurefordates,pressureforsexualcooperation,unwelcomelettersandtelephonecalls,andactualorattemptedsexualassault/rape.Althoughwomen reportedexperiencingallofthesurveyedformsofsexualharassmentmorethanmen,bothgroupsreportedhigherratesoflessseriousformsofsexualharassment, suchasunwelcomesexualremarks,thanmoreseriousformsofsexualharassment,suchasassault.Afollowupstudyconductedin1987yieldedverysimilar prevalencerates(USMSPB,1988)asdidamorerecentfollowupstudyin1994(USMSPB,1995).Table9.2presentstheprevalenceratesofsevenmajorformsof sexualharassmentfromfivelargescalestudies. Gutek(1985)conductedarandomtelephonesurveyofworkingadultsinLosAngelescounty.Hermethodologyemployedahybridofthebehavioralexperiences approachandthedirectqueryapproach.Sheaskedrespondentstoindicatewhethertheyhadexperiencedanyofseveralformsofsocialsexualbehaviorduring theirworkinglives,andthensheasked

Page231 Table9.2 EstimatesofthePrevalence(PercentageofSample)ofSeveralFormsofSexualHarassmentAcrossSeveral LargeScaleStudies Federalgov.198a (N=8,523) Federalgov. 1994b N=8,052) U.S.military 1988c (N=22,800) Midwestern U.S.Navy1989d university1994c(N (N=6,042) =1,147)

Formof harassment

Rape/sexualassault Female Male Requestforsexualfavors Female Male Deliberatetouching Female Male Lettersandcalls Female Male Pressurefordates Female Male 15.0 4.0 13.0 4.0 26.0 3.0 27.0 2.0 14.0 9.0 12.0 4.0 10.0 4.0 14.0 3.0 17.0 1.0 19.0 15.0 26.0 8.0 24.0 8.0 38.0 9.0 29.0 3.0 27.0 18.0 9.0 3.0 7.0 2.0 15.0 2.0 14.0 1.0 2.0 2.0 0.8 0.3 4.0 2.0 5.0 1.0 6.0 0.4 6.0 3.0

Suggestivelooks,gestures Female Male Sexualremarks Female Male


a

28.0 9.0

29.0 9.0

44.0 10.0

37.0 2.0

38.0 24.0

35.0 12.0

37.0 14.0

52.0 13.0

39.0 3.0

41.0 37.0

USMSPB(1988). USMSPB(1995).

Martindale(1991).

Note:Threeadditionalformsofsexualharassmentweremeasuredonthissurvey,butnotreportedinthis table:whistlesandcalls,attemptstogetparticipation,andotherattention.
d

Culbertsonetal.(1992).Note:Onlydatafromenlistedofficersarereported.Thecategorywhistlesandcallsis notreportedinthistable.
e

Cashinetal.(1993).

themthedegreetowhichtheyconsideredeachformtobesexualharassment.Shereportedthat53%ofthefemalerespondentsindicatedexperiencingatleastone formofsexualharassmentduringtheirworkinglives. OneothersetofsexualharassmentsurveysthatmeritsdiscussionwasconductedbyGruberandhiscolleagues(Gruber,Smith,&KauppinenToropainen,1996). Althoughrandomsamplingprocedureswerenotemployed,thesesurveyscomparedincidentsofsexualharassmentunderGruber's(1992)taxonomyinsamplesof U.S.,Canadian,andEuropean(formerSoviets)workingwomen.ConsistentwithpatternsofresultsfoundinsurveysofU.S.federalandprivatesectorworkers,the incidentratesof"lesssevere"formsofsexualharassmentsuchassexualjokes,teasing,andcategoricalremarksaboutwomenwerehighinallsamples,ranging

Page232 Sidelight9.2DoesAsking"HaveYouBeenSexuallyHarassed"AffectPrevalenceRates? Manypeoplewhoindicateonsurveysthattheyhaveexperiencedatleastoneformof"unwantedsexualattentionoradvance"intheworkplaceorinan academicsettingdonotclaimtohavebeensexuallyharassed(Stockdale&Vaux,1993).Thereappearstobeathresholdthatdiffersacrossindividuals concerningtheseverityorpervasivenessofunwantedsexualattentiononewillexperiencebeforeclaimingtohavebeensexuallyharassed.Therefore,if asurveymeasurestheprevalenceofsexualharassmentonthebasisofthequestion,"Haveyoubeensexuallyharassed?"itislikelytounderestimate theamountofpotentiallysexuallyharassingbehaviorthatexistsintheworkplace(orinacademia).ResearchersattheNavyPersonnelResearchand DevelopmentCenter(Newell,Rosenfeld,&Culbertson,1995)wantedtoknowhowthetypeofquestionaffectedsexualharassmentprevalencerates. Usingtwodifferentapproaches,theresearchersexaminedtheprevalenceofsexualharassmentinastratifiedrandomsampleof12,000activeduty membersoftheU.S.Navy.Inthefirstapproach,theEEOCdefinitionofsexualharassmentwasprovidedandrespondentsweredirectlyaskedifthey hadbeensexuallyharassedonoroffdutyonabaseorshipintheyearprecedingthesurvey.Thismethodofelicitingresponsesistermedthedirect queryapproach.Prevalencewasmeasuredbycountingthenumberofpeoplewhoagreedwiththestatement,"Ihavebeensexuallyharassed."Inthe secondversion,respondentswerenotdirectlyaskediftheyhadbeensexuallyharassed.Instead,theywereaskediftheyhadexperiencedanyofeight specifictypesofeventsintheyearprecedingthesurvey(unwantedsexualteasing,sexuallooks,orsexualwhistles,etc.deliberatetouchingpressure fordateslettersandphonecallspressureforsexualfavorsorattemptedrape/assault).Thismethodistermedthebehavioralexperiencesapproach. Prevalenceisdeterminedbycountingthenumberofpeoplewhoreportsexualharassmentexperiences. Culbertsonetal.(1993)foundthatprevalenceestimatesbetweenthetwoformsvariedconsiderably.Theratesofharassmentcalculatedfromthedirect queryapproachwere44%offemalesenlistedand33%offemaleofficers.Eightpercentofmalesenlistedand2%ofmaleofficersindicatedbeing sexuallyharassed.Comparatively,prevalenceestimatescalculatedfromthebehavioralexperiencesapproachwere74%and60%offemalesenlistedand femaleofficers,respectively,and21%and7%ofmalesenlistedandmaleofficers,respectively.Onaverage,thebehavioralexperiencesapproach yieldedprevalenceestimatesthatwere55%higherthanthedirectqueryapproach.Thesedataclearlyshowthatestimatesofprevalenceareaffectedby thesurveymethodologyemployed.

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from24%(formerSoviets)to75%(U.S.workers).Furthermore,ratesofsevereformsofharassmentsuchassexualbriberyandsexualassaultwererelativelylow (e.g.,briberyrangedfrom5%forformerSovietsto16%forU.S.workers).Moreover,therankorderof10formsofsexualharassmentintermsofprevalencewas verysimilaracrossallthreesamples,suggestingthatpatternsofsexualharassmentareuniversal(atleastamongtheseinternationalcomparisons). Thus,theexperienceofsexualharassmentiswidespread,especiallyforwomen.Thepervasivenessofsexualharassmentissimilaracrossseveraldifferentcultures, acrossseveraldifferentsubpopulationswithintheU.S.culture,andacross2decadesofresearchonthistopic.Whatisthecostofthiswidespreadworkplace stressor? MultifacetedImpactofSexualHarassment Howharmfulisonetastelessjokeoranoccasional"hey,babe?"Furthermore,doesn'talittlesexualtensionintheofficemakeworkmoreinteresting?Itisnoeasytask todeterminethecostsofsexualharassment,letaloneconvinceothersofthesecosts. Ingovernmentlevelstudies,costshavebeenassessedintermsofturnover,absenteeism,individualandgroupproductivityloss,andestimatesofinsurancebenefitsto coveremotionalandphysicaldistress(USMSPB1981,1988,1995).Althoughthesecostprojectionsinvolvedmuchspeculation,theywerebasedonrelatively straightforwardassumptionsaboutdamagestoindividualswhoidentifiedthemselvesthroughsurveyresponsesastargetsofsexualharassment.Parametersnotyet consideredincludetheimplicationsofsexualharassmentforworkplacemoraleorclimateanditseffectsontheattitudesandbehaviorsofindividualswhoobserve othersbeingsexuallyharassed.Attachingdollarvaluestotheseandotheroutcomeswillprovedifficult. Inadditiontothedifficultyofunderstandingandadequatelymeasuringtherangeofpotentialoutcomes,sexualharassment(likeotherformsofsexualviolence)is peculiarbecausetheharminducedbyaparticulartypeofharassmentvariesacrosstargets(i.e.,targetsaredifferentiallysensitivetodifferentformsofsexual harassment)."Unrecognizedharm"(Vaux,1993)representsarelatedbutdistinctissue.Lesssensitivetargetsmaynotunderstandthattheirtolerancecanperpetuate sexualharassment.Interestingly,individualswhoexperiencenoxioustreatmentvarygreatlyintheirtendenciestolabeltheexperienceassexualharassment(Stockdale &Vaux,1993).Thelikelihoodoflabelingone'sownexperienceassexual

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harassmentappearstobenogreaterformoresevereincidents,suchassexualimposition,thanforconceptuallymilderformsoftreatment,suchassexualseduction. Respondents'feelingsofdistressandemotionaldisturbanceassociatedwiththeexperience,regardlessofwhattypeitwas,havebeenrelatedtoacknowledgementthat thetreatmentwassexuallyharassing(Stockdale,Vaux,&Cashin,1995).Thus,thesestudiesunderscoretheimportanceoflisteningtothetarget'sopinionaboutthe severityofherorhisexperiencesbeforeformingjudgmentsaboutwhattypesofharassmentareorarenotharmful.Keepingtheseissuesinmind,wenowreview availableinformationontheimpactsofsexualharassmentonbothindividualsandorganizations. IndividualCosts Koss(1990)reviewedsurveybasedaswellasanecdotalandclinicaldatatoexamineeffectsofsexualharassmentontargets.Amongthebehavioraloutcomesof harassment,Kossreportedthatasubstantialnumberofacknowledgedtargetsreportedadverseemploymenteffectssuchaspoorworkingconditions,diminished opportunitiesforadvancement,andjobchanges.Losingone'sjoborquittingoutoffrustrationwerealsoreported.Furthermore,decreasedmorale,absenteeism,job dissatisfaction(Culbertson,Rosenfeld,BoothKewley,&Magnusson,1992Gruber&Bjorn,1982,1986),andlossofconcentrationhavealsobeenreported (Gutek&Koss,1993Koss,1990). Mentalandphysicalhealtheffectsarecommon.Emotionsrangefrom"anger,fear,depression,anxiety,irritability,lossofselfesteem,feelingsofhumiliationand alienation,andasenseofhelplessnessandvulnerability"(Koss,1990,p.78seealsoLoy&Stewart,1984).Deterioratedinterpersonalrelationshipshavealsobeen reported(e.g.,Bandy,1989).Physicalsymptomsincludegastrointestinalattacks,stressinducedjawtightnessandteethgrinding,sleepandeatingdisorders,nausea, andcryingspells(e.g.,Crull,1982Loy&Stewart,1984).Preliminarybutimpressivedatalinksexualharassmenttoposttraumaticstressdisorder(PTSD)and depression.PTSDinvolvesexposuretoanextremestressor,reexperienceofthetrauma,avoidanceofsituationsthatresemblethetraumaticevent,andheightened arousal.GutekandKoss(1993)reportedapreliminarystudybyKilpatrick(1992)inwhichanationallyrepresentativesampleofemployedwomenweresurveyed regardingPTSD,depression,andharassmentexperiences.WomensufferingfromPTSDanddepressionweresignificantlymorelikelytohavereportedsexual harassmentexperiencesthanwerewomeningeneral.Thiswastrueacrossthefullrangeofharassmentexperiences(frommildtosevere). MostofthestudiesreviewedbyKoss(1990)werebasedonsmallsamplesofselect(i.e.,notrandomlyselected)women.Oftenthesestudies

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donotrelyontheoreticallyandpsychometricallysoundindicesofphysical,attitudinal,and/oremotionalstates.Itistellingthatnomatterwhatsampleofwomenare surveyed,awiderangeofaversiveconsequencesarealwaysfound.Nonetheless,moreweightshouldbegiventorigorousresearchthatusessoundsampling techniquesandinstrumentation.Fortunately,researchofthisnaturehasrecentlybeenconducted. TheU.S.government'ssurveysofU.S.federalgovernmentemployees(USMSPB,1981,1988,1995)andtheU.S.military(Martindale,1991)areamongthemost comprehensivesurveysofsexualharassmenttodate.Bothsetsofsurveysusedsophisticated,comprehensivesurveytechniques.Samplesizesrangedfrom8,000to almost24,000,andallreceivedhighreturnrates(e.g.,66%).Althougheachsurveymeasuredvariousworkandhealth(bothphysicalandemotional)related outcomes,thevalidityofthesemeasureswasnotreported.Nonetheless,thesefindingsprovideveryusefulinformationabouttherangeofoutcomesexperiencedby targetsofsexualharassment. Mostpeoplewhoindicatedthattheyhadhadatleastonesexuallyharassingexperience(regardlessofwhethertheylabeleditasso)reportednochangeintheir workingconditions(UnitedStatesMeritSystemProtectionBoard,1981,1986,1995).Theworkingconditionsofroughly10%ofbothmaleandfemaletargets worsened,however,with7%offemaletargetsand5%ofmaletargetsbeingdeniedapromotionorotherpositiveresourceaction.Feelingsregardingworkworsened for36%offemaletargetsand19%ofmaletargetsasdidemotionaland/orphysicalconditionsfor33%offemaletargetsand21%ofmaletargets.Percentagesof targetsexperiencingtheseoutcomeswerenotreportedintheUSMSPB1988and1995reports,althoughthedatawerecollected. Themilitarystudy(Martindale,1991)wasmodeledverycloselyafterthefederalgovernmentsurveys(e.g.,USMSPB,1981).Pryor(1995)analyzedtheresponsesof over20,000individualstodeterminethepsychologicalimpactofsexualharassmentonwomeninthemilitaryandfoundthatsexualharassmentaffectedfourareas: 1.Fortytwopercentofthefemaletargetsexperiencedproductivityproblems(quantityandqualityofwork,attitudes,andfeelingsofcontrolaboutwork). 2.Sixtypercentexperiencednegativeattitudesaboutthemilitary(e.g.,feelingsaboutthemilitaryingeneralandaboutherunitandsupervisors). 3.Fiftyeightpercentexperiencedemotionaldistress(e.g.,lossofselfesteem,morenegativeopinionsaboutothers,diminishedemotionalandphysicalcondition.)

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4.Eightpercentexperiencedfamilyproblems(e.g.,relationswithspouseandotherfamilyproblems). AlthoughtheU.S.governmenthasconductedthemostcomprehensivesurveysofsexualharassmentanditseffects,scientificallysoundstudieshavebeencardedoutin theprivatesector(Schneider,Swan,&Fitzgerald,1997).Schneideretal.foundthat68%ofthewomensurveyedreportedatleastonesexuallyharassingincident. Harassedwomenreportedsignificantlylowerjobsatisfaction,lowerintrinsiccommitmenttotheorganization,andgreaterworkandjobwithdrawalcomparedto nonharassedwomen.Inallcomparisons,harassedwomenwereworseoffthannonharassedwomen.Bothlifesatisfactionandgeneralmentalhealthwerenegatively affectedbyharassmentexperiences.Finally,womenexperiencinganyformofsexualharassmentweremorelikelytoreportsymptomsofPTSDthanwomenwhohad notbeenharassed. OrganizationalCosts TheUSMSPBstudies(1981,1988,1995)alsoattemptedtoestimatethefinancialcostsofsexualharassmenttothefederalgovernment.Thesecostsweremeasured intermsofabsenteeism,medicalcosts,turnover,andproductivityloss.TheUSMSPB(1981)estimatedthatsexualharassmentcostthefederalgovernmentfrom $200millionto$327million1981dollarsovereach2yearperiodcoveredinthethreestudies.ResearchersanalyzingtheU.S.militarysurvey(Martindale,1991) examinedspecificcostsassociatedwithhiring,transfers,training,andsoforth,foreachjobrepresentedinthesurvey(Faley,Knapp,Kustis,&Dubois,1994).They calculatedthetotalcostofsexualharassmenttobecloseto$500million(1993dollars).Hanisch(1996)noted,however,thatneithertheUSMSPBsurveysnorthe Faleyetal.studyprovidedsufficientinformationtoevaluatetheaccuracyoftheircostestimates.Nonetheless,itisreasonabletoconcludethattheorganizationalprice tagforsexualharassmentisveryhigh. Becauseadisproportionatenumberofwomenintraditionallymaleoccupationsareharassed(Gruber&Bjorn,1982Gutek,1985Guteketal.,1990),another indirectorganizationalcost(aswellasapersonalcost)isthelossoftalented,productivewomenintheseoccupations.Thecostoflosingasubstantialnumberof talentedindividualsbecauseofsexualharassmentcouldbestaggering.Thisisparticularlysalientatatimewhenorganizationsareconcernedaboutthechanging demographicsoftheworkplace,whenWhitewomenandminoritiesareprojectedtorepresentthemajorityofnewworkforceentrants(Bolick&Nestleroth,1988 Johnston&Packer,1987).

Page237 Sidelight9.3DoesHarassmentHaveDifferentImplicationsforWomenThanforMen? Menoftenclaimthattheywouldnotbeoffendedby,wouldenjoy,orwouldevenbecomplimentedbysexualattentionfromtheirfemalecoworkers. Furthermore,thesamebehaviorsaresometimesinterpreteddifferentlywhencomingfrommenthanwhencomingfromwomen.Womenwhoarethe targetsofsuggestivelooksfrommalecoworkersoftenreportfeelingoffendedandharassed,whereasmenwhoarethetargetsofsuggestivelooksfrom femalecoworkersmightfeelarousedorcomplimented.Isitreasonableforthesamebehaviorstobeinterpretedasharassmentwhendirectedtoward womenbutasacceptablewhendirectedtowardmen? Earlier,wediscusseddifferencesbetweenthereasonablepersonstandardandthereasonablewomanstandard,andthisdistinctionmayhelpexplain whythesamebehaviorscanhavedifferentimplicationswhendirectedtowardmenversuswomen.Sexualharassmentrepresentsaninappropriateand unwelcomesexualizationoftheworkplace.Inchapter4,wenotedthatsexualinteractionsintheworkplacearecommonandoftenwelcome.One importantissue,therefore,istounderstandtheconditionsunderwhichsexualbehaviorsintheworkplacearelikelytobewelcome. Inchapter3,wenotedthatmenaremorelikelythanwomentointerpretfriendlybehaviorfromtheoppositesexinromantictermsandtowelcomesexual attentionofthissort.Onthewhole,menaremorelikelytowelcomeunsolicitedsexualattentionthanwomen.However,malefemaledifferencesin acceptanceofsexualattentionareonlypartofthestory.Amuchmoreimportantissueislikelytobethedifferentimplicationsofharassmentformen andforwomen.Womenwhoarethetargetsofsexualharassmentareputinasituationinwhichothersexercisepowerandcontrol(i.e.,byengagingin unwantedbehaviorsthataredetrimentaltotherecipient)andwhichreinforcesthestereotypethatwomenshouldbeconsideredassexualobjectsrather thanaspeopleintheworkplace.Menhavenottraditionallybeeninpositionsofdiminishedpowerandcontrol,andtheyareveryunlikelytofeelthat theirprimarypurposeintheworkplaceistoprovidesexualoutletsfortheirfemalecolleagues(thinkofallthejokesandcartoonsabouttheboss' attractive,wellendowedsecretary).Forwomen,sexualharassmenttendstomaintainandreinforcetheirsubservientpositionintheworkplace,butmen arelesslikelytofeelthattheirpositionorstatusisthreatenedordemeanedasaresultofsexualattentionfromtheircoworkers.

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Theimpetustochangetheworkplacemaybefacilitatedbylegalprecedentanddecisions,butspecificguidelinesforchangeshouldbeinformedbytheoryand researchdrivenbytheoriesormodelsofsexualharassment.Thefollowingsectionexaminesvariousexplanationsofsexualharassment. BadApplesorBadBarrels?TheoriesandModelsofSexualHarassment Aresexualharassers''dirtyoldmen"forwhomtheworkplaceisaconvenientsettinginwhichtoexpresstheirvariousperversions(badapples)?Issexualharassment ofwomenamanifestationofpowerinequalitiescondonedandperpetuatedbyapatriarchicalsociety(badbarrels)?Whatorganizational,situational,orindividual characteristicsinfluenceharassmentbehavior?Thissectionreviewscurrenttheoriesofsexualharassment. BiologyorSociology?MacroTheoriesofSexualHarassment Tangri,Burt,andJohnson(1982)describedthreebroadtheoriesofsexualharassment:thebiologicalmodel,theorganizationalmodel,andthesocioculturalmodel. Theyalsotestedsomegeneralhypothesesderivedfromeachmodelusingdatafromthe1981USMSPBsurveyoffederalworkers.Thesemodelsaresimilartothe generalapproachespresentedinchapterIdesignedtoexplainsimilaritiesanddifferencesbetweenwomenandmen. AccordingtoTangrietal.(1982),thebiologicalmodelpositsthatsexualharassmentisamanifestationofbiologicallybasedhumancourtshippatterns.Thismodel suggeststhatsexualharassmentvictimsarelikelytobewomenwhoareattractivesexualtargetsformen(i.e.,similarinageandrace,notmarried).Furthermore, harassmentbehaviorsshouldresemblenormalcourtshipbehaviorsthattargetswouldnotfindoffensiveorharmful.TheseassumptionswerenotsupportedinTangriet al.'s(1982)analyses.Neitherthecharacteristicsofharassers,theiractions,northevictims'responseswereconsistentwiththebiologicalmodel'spredictions. Specifically,harasserstendedtobeolder,marriedmenratherthanyounger,mateseekingmen.Theytendedtoharassmorethanoneperson,asopposedtoseeking oneononerelationshipsandvictimstendedtohavenegativereactionstothemen'sbehaviors,asopposedtobeingflattered.Thebiologicalmodelhassincebeen dismissedasaviableexplanationofsexualharassment(cf.Studd&Gattiker,1991).

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Theorganizationalmodelpositsthatinstitutionsprovideopportunitiestousepoweranddominancetoobtainsexualgratification.Thatis,sexualharassmentoccurs becauseexistingorganizationalfeaturessuchaspowerhierarchies,skewedgenderratiosinworkgroups(Kanter,1977b),andgenderedorganizationalnorms(e.g., waitresses,receptionists,andwomeninotherfemaledominatedoccupationsareviewedassexobjectswithintheirorganizations)provideastructurethatfacilitates sexualharassment.Tangrietal.hypothesizedthatifthismodelisviable,victimsshouldtendtooccupylowpowerpositions(e.g.,temporaryorparttimeworkers, thoseinlowgradelevels,newcomers,andtokens).InU.S.organizations,these"vulnerable"peoplearemorelikelytobewomenthanmen.Furthermore,becauseof theirpowerlessness,victimsshouldfeelunabletorespondassertively.ThesepredictionswerepartiallysupportedinTangrietal.'s(1982)analyses.Womentrainees experiencedmoresexualharassmentthanwomeninotherjobcategories.Womenwerealsolikelytofindtheharassingeventsmoreoffensivethanflatteringandfelt thatitwouldbefutiletorespondassertively. Thesocioculturalmodelpositsthatapatriarchalsocietyestablishesgendernormsofmaledominanceandfemalesubservience.Men,therefore,aresocializedto beaggressive,whereaswomenaresocializedtobeacquiescent.Sexualharassmentisameansformentoexpressdominance.Thismodelpredictsthatwomen, regardlessoforganizationalstatus,aremorelikelytobevictimsthanmen.Womeninpositionswheretheir"femaleness"isasalientfeature,suchastheonlywomanin anallmaleworkgroup,orwomenwhoworkinatraditionallyfemaleoccupation,shouldbeevenmorelikelytoexperiencesexualharassment.Again,these predictionswerepartiallysupportedinTangrietal.'s(1982)analysesoftheUSMSPBdata.Womenwerefourtimesmorelikelytoexperiencesexualharassmentthan men,andonlywomenwhooccupiedthehighestjobgradeswerepartiallyshieldedfrombeingsexuallyharassed. Personality,Motives,andSituations:MicroTheoriesofSexualHarassment SandraTangriandhercolleagues(Tangrietal.,1982)exploredthreeverybroadtheoriesofsexualharassment,andfoundthatnosingleapproachadequately explainedwhysexualharassmentoccurs.Inrecentyears,thefocushasshiftedfromtryingtounderstandsexualharassmentfromabroadperspective,suchas socioculturalororganizationalpower,tomoresubtle,personalitybasedexplanations.JohnPryor,aprominentsocialpsychologist,foundthatsexualharassmentmay beafunctionofbothpersonalityandsituationalfactors.HistheoryislabeledthepersonXsituationmodel.Specifically,hefoundthatmenwhohaveverynegative

Page240 Sidelight9.4IfWomenGainasMuchPowerasMen(orMore)intheWorkplace,WillTheyBeasLikelytoSexuallyHarassasMenCurrentlyAre? Inthepopularnovel(andmovie)Disclosure,MichaelCrightondramatizesthepossibilitythatwhenwomengainpowerinorganizations,theywillbeas likelyasmentousesexualharassmentasatoolofdominance.Isthislikely?Althoughonlytimecantell,researchconductedinthepastdecadecasts doubtonthishypothesis.Inonestudy,researchersanalyzeddatafromtheU.S.federalgovernment'snationalsurveyofitsemployees(USMSPB,1981) andfoundthatfactorsrelatedtoanindividual'spower(orpowerlessness)intheorganization,suchasoccupationalstatusandtypeofoccupation, werenotasimportantinpredictingwhowouldbesexuallyharassedthanmoregeneralcharacteristicssuchasageandmaritalstatus(Fain&Anderson, 1987).Young,unmarriedwomenweremorelikelytobesexuallyharassedthanothersregardlessofhowpowerfultheywereintheorganization.In anotherstudyofsexualharassmentinIsrael,researchersbelievedthatwomenwholivedandworkedinegalitariansectionsofIsraelisociety(i.e.,the Kibbutzim)wouldbelesslikelytobesexuallyharassedthanwomenwholivedandworkedinmoretraditional,nonegalitarianareas(Barak,Pitterman,& Yitzhaki,1995).Contrarytoresearchers'expectations,however,Kibbutzimwomenwereaslikelytoexperiencesexualharassmentastraditionalwomen. Althoughthesetwostudiesdonotdirectlyaddressthequestionofwhetherwomenwillbemorelikelytosexuallyharassiftheygainorganizational power,theydoshowthatorganizationalpowerdoesnotseemtobeaveryimportantexplanationforsexualharassment.

attitudestowardwomenandhaveahighneedforpoweraremorelikelytosexuallyharasswomenthanareothermen(Pryor,1987).Hecreatedasurveythat measuresmen'slikelihoodtosexuallyharass(LSH).ScoresontheLSHmeasurearecorrelatedwiththetypeofmisogynisticattitudesandpersonalitypreviously described.PryortheorizedthatmenwhoscorehighontheLSHmeasure(andthushaveahighpropensitytosexuallyharass)tendtolookforsituationswherethey can"disguise"theirmotivestogetawaywithsexualharassment.Forexample,ifasituationariseswheretouchingawomanisappropriate(e.g.,inteachingherhowto holdagolfclub),thesementendtotouchherinmoresexualwaysthandoothermeninthesamesituation.Or,ifthesemenobserveothermen

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engaginginpotentiallyharassingbehavior,theyaremorelikelythanothersto"model"thatbehavior(Pryor,LaVite,&Stoller,1993). BuildingonPryor'swork,Barghandhiscolleagues(Bargh&Raymond,1995Bargh,Raymond,Pryor,&Strack,1995)developedatheorythatlinkspowerand sexrelatedmotives.UsingPryor's(1987)LSHmeasure,Barghandhiscolleaguesfoundthatmenwhoaremorelikelytosexuallyharassautomatically(i.e., subconsciously)associatesexandpowercues.AsBarghandRaymond(1995)noted,"When[thesemen]areinasituationinwhichtheyhavepoweroverawoman, theconceptormotiveofsexwillbecomeactiveautomatically"(p.87).Thismayexplainwhysomemendonotthinkthattheirbehaviortowardwomenissexually harassingevenwhenwomentellthemthatitis. Sexrolespillovertheory(Gutek,1985Gutek&Morasch,1982)isbasedonthesuppositionthatgendernormsaresowellestablished,stable,andsalientthatthey "spillover"intotheworkrole,andthereforepeoplerespondtowomenintheirsexrole(orgenderrole)insteadoftheirworkrole.Inchapter7,wenotedthatsex rolespillovercouldleadtogenderdiscriminationintheworkplace.Itcanalsoleadtoinappropriatesexualizationoftheworkplace.Becausethefemalegenderrolestill includesasexobjectcomponent(asdiscussedinchapter3onstereotypesWilliams&Best,1982),mencanbeexpectedtosometimestreatwomeninthe workplaceassexualobjectsratherthanascoworkers. Sexrolespilloverismorelikelytooccurwhenratiosofwomentomeninoccupationsandjobsareskewed(Gutek&Morasch,1982).Anindividual'sgender becomesamoresalientattributewhenoneisinatokenpositionthatstrengthenstraditionalsexroleexpectations(Kanter,1977a).Accordingtothisapproach, womeninmaledominatedoccupationsandworkgroupsshouldexperiencemoresexualattentionthanwomeningenderbalancedoccupationsandworkgroups. Womenintraditionallyfeminineoccupationsbutwhoworkprimarilywithmen(e.g.,secretaries,nurses,receptionists)shouldalsoexperiencesexrolespillover.In thesecases,theoccupationsthemselvesarethetargetsofspilloverbecausetheworkrolebecomesentwinedwithfemalesexroleexpectations.Gutekandher colleaguessuggestthatsuchwomenalsoexperiencemoresexualattentionthanwomeningenderbalancedoccupationsandworkgroups. Thesexrolespillovertheorywastestedinasurveyofwomenwhoworkedoutsidethehome(Gutek&Morasch,1982).GutekandMoraschfoundthatwomenin nontraditionaljobs(i.e.,maledominatedoccupationsorjobs)weremorelikelytoreceivebothcomplimentaryandinsultingsexualcomments,gestures,looks, touches,andrequestsfordatingandsexthanwomeningenderintegratedoccupations(i.e.,wheretheratioofwomentomeninthejoboroccupationisroughly 50:50).Sexual

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behaviorwaspersonallydirectedatthesewomen,andtheyexperiencedmorenegativeconsequences(e.g.,wereforcedtoquittheirjobs)thantherestofthesample. Comparatively,womenintraditionallyfemaleoccupations(i.e.,femaledominatedoccupationsorjobs)experiencedbothcomplimentaryandinsultingsexualattention morethandidwomeningenderintegratedoccupations.Womenintheseoccupationsweremorelikelythanotherstoreportthatphysicalattractivenesswasimportant bothingettinghiredandinhowtheyweretreatedonthejob.Theybelievedthatwomenintheiroccupationswereexpectedtodressinasexuallyattractivemanner andthatsexualcommentsandjokeswerecommon.Givethesefindings,oneconclusionisthatsexualitybecomesapartoftheinformalatmosphereintraditionally femaleoccupations(Gutek&Morasch,1982). Arelativelystraightforwardalternativeexplanationforwomen'ssexualharassmentexperiencesingenderskewedoccupationssuchasfactoryjobsorupperlevel managementisthenotionthatincreasedcontactwithmenleadstogreaterlikelihoodofbeingsexuallyharassed.Thishasbeentermedthe"contacthypothesis"(Gutek etal.,1990).Itiscommonlyobservedthatmensexualizetheirenvironmentsmorethanwomen.Comparedtowomen,menaremorelikelytotellsexuallybased jokes,hangpinups,commentaboutsexualexploits,andpursuesexualstimuli(Guteketal.,1990).Someresearchevidencesupportsboththecontacthypothesisand thesexrolespillovermodel(Guteketal.,1990).Womenwhohadmorecontactwithmenweremorelikelythanotherstoperceivethattheirworkenvironmentwas sexualized,whichinturnledtoreportsofsexualbehavior,bothharassingandnonharassing.Men'sreportsofsexualizedworkenvironments,however,didnotchange asafunctionoftheirlevelofcontactwithwomen. Whetherstrongsocietalgenderrolesspilloverintotheworkplacemaydependonotherfactors.Forexample,RaginsandScandura(1992)foundthatwomenin nontraditionaloccupationswherethegendercompositionofworkgroupswashighlyskewedwerenotmorelikelytoreportsexualharassmentthanwomenin integratedortraditionallyfemaleoccupations.However,amongthenontraditionalwomenintheirsample,thoseinbluecollaroccupationsweremorelikelytoreport harassmentthanwomeninallotherclassifications.Theresearchersstatedthatthemereratioofmentowomeninajobsettingisnotsufficienttoexplainsexrole spillover.Anotherfactor,occupationalculture,maybenecessarytoexplainsexrolespilloverandsexualharassmentexperiences.Inoccupationalcultureswhere masculine,"physical"attributesarevalued,theperceptionthatwomenaresexobjectsprevails.Thisphysicalculture,whichvaluestoughness,sendsamessageto womenthatsexualharassmentisapartofthejobthattheymustprovetheycanhandle.Theeffectsthat

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physical,"macho"culturesfoundinbluecollarjobshaveonsexualharassmentexperienceshavebeendocumentedbyotherswhohavestudiedbluecollar occupations(Gruber&Bjorn,1982Yount,1991seealsothedescriptionofharassmentatMitsubishiatthebeginningofthischapter). TheoreticalSummary Threebroadexplanationsforsexualharassment,thebiological,organizational,andsocioculturalmodels,havebeendebatedbyscholarsforoveradecade.These models,however,havebeensupplementedbymorespecificexplanations.Althoughmoretheoreticalprecisionandresearchareneeded,itisbecomingclearthatboth personalityandsituationalfactorsareimportantinunderstandingsexualharassment.Somemen(certainlynotall)havepersonalitiesandattitudesthatdisposethemto viewwomeninnegative,hostileways.Whenthesemenareinworkenvironmentsthattolerate,condone,orfacilitatesexualharassmentorareinotherways sexualized,thesemenwilllikelyactontheirharassingimpulses.Moreover,itappearsthatthesemenarenotawarethattheyareactinghostilelytowardwomen becausetheybelievetheyareactingonbenevolentsexualimpulses.Asdiscussednext,identifyingsuchmenandthesexualizedenvironmentstheyworkinand retrainingthemtothinkandbehavemoreappropriatelyareamongthestrategiesanorganizationcantaketodealwithsexualharassment. CombatingSexualHarassment Throughoutthisbookweemphasizethatequitabletreatmentofwomenandmenintheworkplaceisnecessarytoensurethatallorganizationalmembershaveequal accesstothefullbenefitsofemploymentandtherebytopromotehealthy,functional,competitiveorganizations.Organizationshavenochoiceaboutwhethertodeal withsexualharassment.Sexualharassmentisillegalundertwofederalstatutes(TitleVIIoftheCivilRightsActof1963[andnowundertheCivilRightsActof1991] andTitleIXoftheEducationAmendmentsof1972),andcourtshavefoundorganizationsliableforactionsoftheiremployeesorrepresentatives(Burlington Industries,Inc.,v.Ellerth,1998&Faragherv.BocaRaton,1998).Organizationsthathavefailedtovigorouslycombatsexualharassmentarelikelytobeheld accountablebythecourts(Terpstra&Baker,1992). Inthischapter,wedocumenttheinsidious,discriminatory,andcostlyeffectsofsexualharassmentonindividualsandorganizations,andwesummarizeexisting explanationsforsexualharassment.Certainly,more

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researchisneededtoobtaincompleteinformationabouttheseexperiences.Wedohavesufficientinformationbasedonbothresearchandlegalprecedent,however, tooffersomegeneraladviceforcombatingsexualharassment.Thelastsectionbrieflyoutlinesthesestrategies. SocietalandLegislativeStrategies Totheextentthatsexualharassmentisameansofsocialcontrol,likeotherformsofsexualviolence(Fitzgerald,1993),womenaretargetedbecausetheyare accordedlesspowerandlowerstatusinoursociety(Cleveland&Kerst,1993Farley,1978Grauerholz,1989).Thus,effortstocombatsexualharassmentshould includestrategiestoempowerwomen.Electingandappointingwomentohighpublic,governmental,andjudicialofficesremovingbarrierstoexecutivepositionsin organizationseliminatinggenderbiasededucationandincreasingmulticulturalawarenessandvaluesrepresentempowermentstrategiesthatmaynotonlyreduce sexualharassmentbutalsoimprovethequalityofwomen'slivesingeneral. Inadditiontothesebroadbasedapproaches,theactionsandattitudesofthelegalandlegislativesystemstowardsexualharassmentstronglyinfluencewomen's empowerment.Alreadywehaveseenthatsocialscienceresearchhasbeenused(atleastinsomecircuits)toalterthereasonablepersonstandardtothereasonable womanstandardfordeterminingseverityofharassmentclaims.Itistooearlytotellwhetherswitchingtoareasonablewomanstandardwillhelpjudgesandjurors emphasizemorewithwomen'sviewsofharassment.Certainly,triersoffactshouldbeeducatedaboutthedifferencesaswellasthesimilaritiesinhowwomenandmen viewharassment.Inaddition,Fitzgerald(1993)calledforthefollowinglegislativeinitiativesandlegalreform: 1.Removecapsonavailabledamagesandconsiderwaystoencouragetheawardofsubstantialpunitivedamagesthatfittheseriousnessoftheoffense. 2.Reformunemploymentcompensationstatutestoensurethat[people]whoquittheirjobsduetoharassmentcanreceiveunemploymentcompensation. 3.Extendthestatuteoflimitationsforfilingsexualharassmentcharges. 4.Ensurethatthelegalsystemdoesnotcontinuetorevictimizeharassmentvictims(p.1074). OrganizationalStrategies Organizationswithstrongpoliciesagainstharassmentandmanagerswhoactswiftlyandjudiciouslytoenforcethosepoliciesarelessvulnerable

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toclaimsofsexualharassmentthanotherorganizations(Terpstra&Baker,1992).Moreimportantly,themoreanorganizationfostersaclimatethatdisdainssuch offensivetreatment,thelesslikelyissexualharassmenttooccur(Hulin,Fitzgerald,&Drasgow,1996Pryoretal.,1993).Severalwritershaveprovidedstrong guidelinestohelporganizationscurtailanddealeffectivelywithharassment. 1.Haveaclearpolicyagainstharassmentandeffectivegrievanceproceduresthataremadeknowntoallemployees(Biaggio,Watts,&Brownell,1990Fitzgerald, 1993). 2.Designaflexibledisputeresolutionsystemthatprovidesvariousinformalandformalmechanismsforresolvingconflict(Rowe,1996). 3.Traineveryoneintheorganization.Dependingontheaudience,trainingshouldserveavarietyofpurposes,suchasincreasingawarenessandsensitivitytosexual harassment,promotingunderstandingoftheorganization'spolicyandreportingprocedures,anddevelopingstrategiesformonitoringhostileenvironments(Stock dale,1996). 4.Developinterventionstochallengeattitudesthatperpetuatesexualharassment.Biaggioetal.(1990)offerednumeroussuggestionsrelevanttoharassmentin academicenvironments,suchastrainingstudentleaderswhoseenlightenedattitudesmayinfluenceothers.Itemsrelatedtosexistcommentsandsexualinvitations shouldbeincludedinteachingevaluations.Resultsofsurveysindicatingtheprevalenceofsexualharassmentatparticularuniversitiesshouldbepubliclydisplayed. Manyofthesesuggestionscanbeadaptedfororganizationaluse.Forexample,sexualharassmentrelatedcriteriacanbeincorporatedintoperformanceappraisals. RecentlytheSupremeCourtmadeitclearthatorganizationscanbeheldresponsiblefortheharassingactivitiesoftheiremployees(BurlingtonIndustries,Inc.v. Ellerth,1988Faragherv.BocaRaton,1988).Thecourtfurthersuggestedthatthebestdefenseanorganizationcanhaveagainstbeingheldliableforsexual harassmentisastrongpolicyagainstsexualharassment.Furthermore,companiesshouldmakesurethateveryoneinthecompanyknowsandunderstandsthepolicy andistrainedtorecognizeandcombatsexualharassment.Gutek(1997)suggestedthefollowinggoalsofasexualharassmentpolicy:
(1)Takeastandonsexualharassment,thatis,toshowtheorganizationcares(2)makethestancepublicknowledge(3)discourageemployeesfromengaginginharassing behavior(4)encouragetargetsofharassment

Page246 tocomeforwardandinformmanagement(5)educatepeopleaboutsexualharassment(6)provideguidelinesfordealingwithallegationsofharassmentand(7)beabletodefend theorganizationintheeventthatitistakentocourtinasexualharassmentcase.(p.188189)

IndividualStrategies Withoutsocietalandorganizationalorstructuralinterventionstoreducesexismandpowerimbalances,sexualharassmentmayneverbeeliminatedcompletely. However,individualsmaybeabletoreducetheseriousconsequencesofsexualharassment.Recently,researchershavefocusedonvarioustypesofresponseor copingstrategiesforsexualharassmentandtheirrelativeeffectiveness.Earlystudiesreportedthattargetsofsexualharassmentwhotookassertiveactionagainstthe offender(e.g.,toldthepersontostop,reportedtheoffensetoanauthority)foundthesemethodsto"makethingsbetter"comparedtotargetswhotooklessassertive actions,suchasgoingalongwiththebehaviororavoidingtheharasser(USMSPB,1981).Laterstudiesfoundthatcopingassertivenesstendedtobeassociatedwith moresevereordistressingformsofsexualharassmentandwithmoresevereoutcomes(Gruber,1989).Thesefindingssuggestthatharassedindividualsreservemore assertiveformsofcopingforseriouslevelsofsexualharassment.Butdotheseassertivemethodsofdealingwithsexualharassmenthelpalleviatetheserious consequencesofsexualharassment?Stockdale(1997)studiedthecopingresponsesof1,782womenand553meningovernmentjobswhoindicatedexperiencingat leastoneformofunwantedsexualtreatmentonthejob.Shefoundthatindividualswhodealtwiththeirharasserinanassertivemanner(e.g.,tellinghimorhertostop orthreateningtoreportthebehavior)experiencedmorenegativeconsequences,suchasquittingtheirjobsortakingleavesofabsence,thandidpeoplewho experiencedthesameamountofharassmentbutwhodidnotrespondassertively.Thiswasespeciallytrueformen,moreover.Thus,betterindividualstrategiesfor respondingtosexualharassmentneedtobedevelopedandtested. Inthemeantime,therecommendedindividualstrategyistomonitortheworkenvironmentforconditionsthatmayleadtosexualharassment.Sexualizedwork environments(e.g.,abundanceofflattery,sexualovertures,jokes,andteasing)tendtoleadtoagreaterincidenceofsexualharassmentthannonsexualizedsettings (Gutek,1985).Supervisorswhoareresponsibleforworkenvironmentsmustunderstandhowtorecognizesexualharassmentandinformothersthatitisnot acceptable. Finally,althoughsexualharassmentwasonlyrecentlylabeledandthusonlyrecentlyscrutinizedsystematically,itisneitherarecentnoranisolatedphenomenon. Scholars,practitioners,andactivistsmustincorpo

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rateknowledgefromcoreareasofthesocialsciences(e.g.,aggression,altruism,socialinfluence,andgroupdynamics)toimproveourunderstandingofsexual harassment.Notonlywillthisintegrationhelpustoeradicatesexualharassment,butsexualharassmentscholarshipcanhelpusunderstandbroaderissuesofhuman interaction. Summary Beforeitwaslabeledassuch,sexualharassmentwasconsidered"businessasusual"inthelivesofworkingwomen.However,duringthelate1970s,sexual harassmentwasformallylabeledandrecognizedasaformofsexualdiscriminationthatcouldbesuccessfullylitigatedunderTitleVIIofthe1964CivilRightsAct. Although2decadeshavepassed,debatecontinuesonwhatspecificallyconstitutessexualharassment.Sexualharassmenthasbeendefinedinlegalterms,although manybehaviorsthatareperceivedasharassingwouldnotfallunderthelegaldefinitions.Therefore,moresystematic,psychologicaldefinitionsofsexualharassment haveemerged.Thisresearchsuggeststhatbehaviorsconsideredharassingtakeawiderangeandvaryintermsofseverityandfrequencyincludinggenderharassment, unwantedsexualattention,andsexualcoercion(listedfromlessseveretomoresevere).Furthermore,itappearsthatthesupposedlylesssevereformsofharassment occurmostfrequently,thatallformsofharassmentaremuchmorefrequentlytargetedtowardwomenthanmen,andthatthefrequencyofsuchbehaviorstowardmale andfemaletargetsmaybesimilaracrosscountries. Throughbothmilitaryandgovernmentsurveys,itisclearthatsexualharassmentexactsatollonboththeorganizationandtheindividual.Organizationalcostsinclude thoseassociatedwithturnover,absenteeism,andproductivityloss.Suchcostestimatesdonotincludetheimpactofsexualharassmentonorganizationalmoraleor coworkerreactions.Ontheindividuallevel,targetsofharassmentreportjobloss,quitting,decreasedmorale,andjobdissatisfaction.Negativemental,emotional,and physicalhealtheffectsarecommon.Giventhatadisproportionatenumberofwomeninmaleoccupationsareharassedandthatwomenandminoritiesareprojectedto representthemajorityofnewworkforceentrants,harassmentincursaparticulartollonboththeorganizationandtheindividual. Numeroustheorieshavebeenofferedtoexplainwhysexualharassmentexists.Macrotheoriesofsexualharassmentlargelyreflectthreeapproachessimilartothose describedinchapter1:thebiologicalmodel,theorganizationalmodel,andthesocioculturalmodel.Thebiologicalmodelsuggeststhatsexualharassmentisa manifestationofhumancourtshippatterns.

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Whereasthisapproachhasbeendismissedasacredibleexplanation,theothertwomodelshaveprovidedpartialexplanationsforsexualharassment.Theorganization modelpositsthatinstitutionssuchasworkorganizationsandtheiraccompanyingstructureprovideopportunitiestousepoweranddominancetoobtainsexual gratification.Organizationalfeaturessuchaspowerhierarchies(ofjobsoroccupations),skewedgenderratiosinworkgroups,andgenderedorganizationalnorms facilitatesexualharassment.Thesocioculturalmodelpositsthatthepatriarchalsocietyestablishesandreinforcesnormsofmaledominanceandfemalesubservience andthatsexualharassmentisanexpressionofmaledominance.Aspectsofbothofthesemodelshavebeenempiricallysupported. Althoughthesemacromodelsprovidesomeexplanationforsexualharassment,morerecentmicroexplanationshaveemergedtosupplementthem.Itisbecoming clearthatbothpersonalityandsituationalfactorsareimportantinunderstandingsexualharassment.Itappearsthatsomemenwholinkpowerandsexrelatedmotives aremorelikelytoviewsexualbehavioratworkasappropriateandtobewillingtoengageinsuchbehavior. Finally,combatingsexualharassmentrequiresactionandstrategiestargetedatmultiplelevelswithinoursociety.Certainly,femaleemployeescanuseindividual strategiestoavoidsexualharassmentandifthisfailscandirectlyaddressharassingbehavior.However,individualcopingstrategiesalonearedoomedtofailure. Organizationsmustalsodevelopstrongpoliciesagainstharassmentandcreateorganizationalclimatesthatpreventsuchbehavior.Anumberoforganizationalstrategies aresuggestedinthischapter.Furtheractionisnecessaryatboththelegislativeandsocietallevelsaswell,including,forexample,shiftingtothereasonablewoman standardfromthereasonablepersonstandard(althoughitistooearlytoassesstheoutcomesofthismove). Glossary Behavioralexperiencesapproach:Methodofdeterminingwhethersomeonehasexperiencedsexualharassmentinwhichtherespondentreadsanexampleofa behavior,suchas''unwanted,deliberatetouching,leaningover,cornering,orpinching,"andindicateshowfrequently(ifatall)sheorheexperiencedthatbehavior(cf. directqueryapproach). Biologicalmodel:Perspectiveonsexualharassmentwhichpositsthatsexuallyharassingbehaviorisafunctionofbiologicalsexdrives.Itadmitsthatharassing behavioroccursinorganizationsbutdeniesthattheintentistoharass,discriminate,ordominate.

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Directqueryapproach:Methodofdeterminingwhethersomeonehasexperiencedsexualharassmentinwhichtherespondentisdirectlyaskedhowfrequently(ifat all)sheorhehasbeensexuallyharassed(cf.behavioralexperiencesapproach). Externallyfocusedstrategies:Methodsofcopingwithorrespondingtosexualharassmentthatareproblemsolvinginnature.Examplesincludeavoidance, appeasement,assertion,seekinginstitutionalororganizationalrelief,andseekingsocialsupport. Genderharassment:Categoryofverbalandnonverbalbehaviorsthatconveyinsulting,hostile,anddegradingattitudestowardwomen.Examplesincludeslurs, taunts,andgesturespornographyintheworkplaceandgenderbasedhazingorthreateningbehavior. Gendersaliency:Extenttowhichaperson'sgenderinfluenceshowsheorheisperceivedand/ortreated. Genderednorms:Informalrulesabouttheappropriatenessofmaleandfemalebehavior(e.g.,thatmenshouldrequestdatesfromwomenandthatwomenshould dressprovocativelytoattractsexualattention). Internallyfocusedstrategies:Methodsofcopingwithorrespondingtosexualharassmentcharacterizedbyattemptstomanagethecognitionsandemotions associatedwiththeevent.Examplesincludeendurance,denial,detachment,reattribution,andillusorycontrol. Likelihoodtosexuallyharass:ResearchinstrumentdevelopedbyJohnPryor(1987)thatprovidesseveraldifferentscenariosofquidproquosexualharassment. Amongotherquestions,respondentsareaskedtoratethelikelihoodtheywouldactliketheperpetratorineachofthescenarios(i.e.,wouldtheyoffersomejob relatedbenefitinexchangeforsexualfavors?).Menwhoscorehighonthisscaleareconsideredtohaveahighlikelihoodofsexuallyharassingwomen. Misogyny:Hatingwomen,oratendencytoviewwomeninhostileways,especiallynontraditionalandfeministwomen. Needforpower:Strengthofanindividual'sdesiretoexercisecontroloverothers. Organizationalculture:Attitudes,values,behavioralnorms,andexpectationssharedbyorganizationmembers. Organizationalmodel:Perspectiveonsexualharassmentpositingthatsexualharassmentistheresultofopportunitiescreatedbyorganizationalclimate,hierarchy, andspecificauthorityrelations.Forexample,individualscanusetheirpowerandpositioninanorganizationtoextortsexualgratificationfromtheirsubordinates. Patriarchy:Socialsysteminwhichmentendtohavegreatereconomicandpoliticaldominancethanwomenandtheprevailingsocialbeliefstendtosupportand legitimizetheirdominance.

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Quidproquo:Latintermmeaning"onethinginreturnforanother."Insexualharassment,itistheexchangeofjobrelatedbenefitsorconsequencesforsexualfavors throughbriberyorthreat(seesexualcoercion). Reasonablepersonstandard:Astandardgiventojudgesandjurorswhereintheyaresupposedtoconsiderwhetherareasonableperson(e.g.,notsomeonewho is"hypersensitive")inthesameorsimilarcircumstancesastheplaintiff(personfilingthelawsuit)wouldconsidertheallegedconductsufficientlysevereorpervasiveto altertheconditionsofemploymentandcreateanabusiveworkingenvironment(cf.reasonablewomanstandard). Reasonablewomanstandard:Analternativetothereasonablepersonstandardinsomecourts(e.g.,theNinthCircuitCourtofAppealsinEllisonvs.Brady, 1991)inwhichjurorsareinstructedtoconsiderwhetherareasonablewomaninsimilarcircumstancesastheplaintiffwouldconsidertheallegedconductsufficiently severeorpervasivetoaltertheconditionsofemploymentandcreateanabusiveworkingenvironment.Byreplacingthetermpersonwithwomaninthestandard, jurorsareexpectedtobemoresensitivetowomen'sperceptionsofsocialsexualbehavioratworkincomparisontomen'sperceptions. Sexrole:Asetofsharedexpectationsaboutthebehaviorofmenandwomen. Sexrolespillover:Transferenceofgenderrolestotheworkrole.Forexample,whenthefemalesexrolestereotypeofbeinga"sexualobject"isexpectedinthe workdomain,sexrolespilloveroccurs. Sexualcoercion:Categoryofbehaviorthatincludesbribesandthreats,explicitorsubtle,forwhichtheperpetratorconditionssomejobrelatedbenefitor consequenceonsexualcooperation(seequidproquo). Sexualharassment:Unwelcomesexualadvances,requestsforsexualfavors,andotherverbalorphysicalconductofasexualnaturewherein(a)submissiontosuch conductismadeeitherexplicitlyorimplicitlyatermorconditionofanindividual'semployment,(b)submissiontoorrejectionofsuchconductbyanindividualisused asthebasisforemploymentdecisionsaffectingtheindividual,or(c)suchconductsubstantiallyinterfereswithanindividual'sworkperformanceorcreatesan intimidating,hostile,oroffensiveworkingenvironment. Skewedratios:Whentheproportionofonegrouptoanother(e.g.,mentowomen)islessthanorequaltoroughly5:1.Forexample,ifaworkgroupcontains10 menand2women,theratioofwomentomenisskewed(seetoken). Socioculturalmodel:Perspectiveonsexualharassmentthatreflectsthelargersociety'sdifferentialdistributionofpowerandstatusbetweenthesexes.Becausemen tendtohavemoreeconomicandpolitical

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powerinpatriarchalsocieties,theiruseofaggressiveanddomineeringsexualbehaviorsoverwomentendstobesociallyrewarded. Stratifiedrandomsample:Amethodofsamplingmembersofapopulationinwhichthemembersvaryononeormorecharacteristics(stratifications)suchthata randomsampleofagivenproportionisdrawnfromeachstratification.Forexample,ifapopulationcontains20%managersand80%workersandtheresearcher wantstodrawarandomsampleof10%,sheorhewouldstratifythesamplebyjoblevel(managervs.worker)anddrawa10%randomsamplefromeachgroup. Theresultingsampleshouldcontain20%managersand80%workers. Token:Inaskewedworkgroup,amemberofthegroupwithnumericallyfewermembers. Unwantedsexualattention:Verbalandnonverbalsexualbehaviorsuchasletters,telephonecalls,touching,grabbing,cornering,andsexualassaultthatisunwanted bytherecipientbutthatdoesnotimplyjobrelatedlossesorbenefits. Workrole:Asetofsharedexpectationsaboutbehaviorinajob.

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10 CareerIssuesforWomenandMen:Mentoring,Children,andDualCareerCouples
I.Careers:TraditionalDefinitionsandEmergingForms A.WhatIsaCareer? B.EmergingViewofCareers C.CareersasUnfoldingStages 1.CareerStageModels II.Women'sCareerDevelopment A.CriticalGapsandIssuesinWomen'sCareerDevelopment B.ApproachestoWomen'sCareerDevelopment III.MentoringintheWorkplace A.WhatIsaMentor? B.BarrierstoMentoringUpwardlyMobileWomen IV.Childbearing,ChildCare,andCareers A.MarriageandtheDecisiontoBearChildren B.PregnancyandWomen'sCareers C.ChildcareintheUnitedStates D.EmployedMothers:EffectsontheHealthofWomen,Men,andChildren V.DualCareerCouples A.EffectsofDualCareerStatusonComparisonsBetweenFemaleandMale Managers 1.Promotion,Mobility,andSalary 2.ComparisonsBetweenManagersWithorWithoutChildren 3.DualCareersandWork/LifeAttitudes B.DualCareers,HouseCare,andChildCare VI.Summary

Page253 Myth:Childrensufferwhenwomentrytocombinebothcareerandparenthood. Reality:Boysandgirlsofemployedmothersaremorelikelytobeindependentandtoholdegalitariansexroleattitudesthanchildrenofstayathomemothers. Myth:Maleandfemalemanagersaresimilarintermsofmaritalstatusandparenthood. Reality:Womenmanagersarelesslikelytobemarriedandmorelikelytobechildlessthantheirmalecounterparts. Myth:Careersofmenandwomenreflectsimilarpatternsofcareerdevelopmentandprogression. Reality:Traditionalcareerdevelopmenttheorieshavebeenbasedlargelyonallmalesamples.Women'scareersareinfluencedtoagreaterdegreebysituationalfactorssuchas supportbyothers,presenceofchildren,andspousalsupport.

Popularmythsaboundregardingwomenandwork.Thisisespeciallytrueforworkingwomenwithchildren,femalemanagersandprofessionals,andcareerminded women.Asweindicatedinourintroductorychapter,theworkforceisincreasingindiversity.Furthermore,withineachgroup(e.g.,gender,ethnicity,age),individuals differ.Forexample,womendonotallbehaviorsimilarlyatwork,Hispanicsdonotallengageinthesameactivities,andolderworkersvaryinskillssignificantly. Careerissuesforwomenandmenexemplifythisdiversity.Notonlydomenandwomenfacediffercareerissues,butamongwomen,thereisgreatdiversityintheir careerpaths,obstacles,workexperiencesandsuccesses.Althoughthereareanumberoftextdevotedtounderstandingcareers,webelieveageneraldiscussionis essential. Inthischapter,wediscussthedefinitionsofcareeranddescribebrieflythetraditionalandemergingstrategiesforexaminingcareers.Abriefreviewofthestagesof one'scareerisfollowedbyadiscussionofissuesassociatedwithwomen'scareers.Anumberofissuesorfactorsplaysignificantrolesinbothmen'sandwomen's careerdevelopmentthatareparticularlycrucialforwomenincludingmentoring,childbearingandchildcare,anddualearnerordualcareerfamilyissues. Careers:TraditionalDefinitionsandEmergingForms WhatisaCareer? DouglasT.Hall(1976),anorganizationalscientistandexpertoncareers,suggestedthattherearefourdistinctmeaningsofcareer.Thefirsttwo

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definitionsreflectamoretraditionalviewofacareerthatemphasizesupwardmovementwithintheorganization.Inthefirstdefinition,acareerisidentifiedintermsof advancement,thatis,intermsofmovementupanorganizationalhierarchyorasequenceofpromotions.Directionalityisimportantinthisdefinitioncareersare assumedtomoveupward,notdownward.Thisisoneofthemostcommonviewsofcareers.Second,acareermightbeviewedasaprofession.Althoughrelatedto theviewofcareerasadvancement,thisisalesscommonview.Certainoccupationsareviewedascareerswhentheyhaveclearsequencesforadvancement.For example,lawyersproceedfromlawstudies,thentolawclerkships,andthentoassociatepartnershipsandpartnerships(D.T.Hall,1976).Otherjobsdonotleadto orhavesuchclearconsequencesofjobsandarethereforenotviewedascareers.Examplesincludewaitersorparkinglotattendants. Althoughthesetwodefinitionsoftenappearinpopularwritingsoncareers,twootherdefinitionsarecommonamongbehavioralscientistsandmayencompassmore recentcareerstrategieswithinorganizations(D.T.Hall,1976).Athirddefinitiondescribescareersaslifelongsequencesofjobs(D.T.Hall,1976).Acareeris representedbyone'sjobhistoryregardlessoforganizationorlevelintheorganizationalhierarchy.Accordingtothisdefinition,allpeoplewhohavepaidworkhave careers.Afourthviewofacareersuggeststhatitisalifelongsequenceofrolerelatedexperiences.Acareercanbethoughtofasawayoneexperiencesasequence ofjobsandactivitiesinvolvedwithone'sworkhistory.Itcanbeviewedasalifelongprocessandcanincludecareersindependentofwork.Therefore,thedefinition includesthehistoryofapersoninanyroleorstatus,notonlyworkroles. EmergingViewofCareers Priortotheextensivecorporatereengineeringandrestructuringthatweresocharacteristicofthe1980sand1990s,careermanagementwasviewedasa lifelongprocessoflearningaboutoneself,jobs,andorganizationssettingpersonalcareergoalsdevelopingstrategiesforachievingthosegoalsandrevisingthose goalsbasedonworkandlifeexperiences(Greenhaus,1987).Thisprocesswasviewedasajointresponsibilityoftheindividualandtheorganization.Theindividual certainlywasresponsibleforknowinganddevelopingherorhimselfinworkrelevantways,buttheorganizationwasalsoresponsibleinpartneringwiththeindividual, especiallyinhelpingtheindividualsetandachievejobandorganizationallyrelevantgoals. However,withthedramaticorganizationalchangesinthelasttwodecades,thebalancebetweenindividualandorganizationalresponsibility

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formanagingcareershasshifted(Nelson&Quick,1997).Thenotionsofcareerandcareermanagementareundergoingaparadigmshift.Lifetimeemploymentina singleorganization,whichwasimplicitinthetraditionalviewofcareers,isbecomingincreasinglyrare.Theresponsibilityofmanagingone'scareerhasshifted dramaticallytotheindividualemployee. AsshowninTable10.1,thenewcareerparadigmischaracterizedbydiscreteexchange,occupationalexcellence,organizationalempowerment,andproject allegiance(Arthur,Claman,&DeFillippi,1995),eachofwhichisdescribednext. Discreteexchangeinemploymentreferstoanexchangewheretheorganizationgainsproductivitywhiletheindividualgainsworkexperience.Theexchangeisshort term,andperiodicallytherelationshiporpsychologicalcontractbetweentheemployeeandtheorganizationmustberenegotiatedbecausejobskillschangeinvalue (i.e.,becomeobsoleteorreplacedbytechnology)andorganizationalconditionschange(i.e.,downsizing,mergers,andsoforth).Underthetraditionalcareer paradigm,therelationshipbetweenemployeeandemployerimpliedanexchangeinwhichaloyalemployeewouldbeguaranteedjobsecurity.Occupational excellenceisachievedwhentheindividualcontinuallyincreasesoracquiresskillsthataremarketableacrossorganizations.Thefocusisonachievingexcellencein one'soccupationanddevelopingfuturejobopportunitiesforoneselfratherthanspecificallywithinoneorganization.Usingthemoretraditionalcareerparadigm,the individualwouldachieveexcellencebyenhancingorganizationspecificknowledgeandskills,therebybenefitingoneorganization.Organizationalempowerment referstopowerthatcomesdowntobusinessunitsandthentoemployeesfromexecutivemanagementlevels.Employeecreativityandinnovativenessareexpectedto helptheorganizationremaincompetitive.Employeeinitiativewouldlikelybeviewedpositivelyusingthenewcareerparadigm,whereasitmightbeviewedbythe traditionalparadigmasdisloyaltyordisrespect(Nelson&Quick,1997).Finally,projectallegiancereferstocommitmentthattheemployeeandtheorganization havetothesuccessofagivenproject.Successfulprojectcompletionisawinwinsituationforboththeorganizationthroughenhancedproductivityandtheindividual throughworkexperience.Projectmembersthenbreakupandgoontootherprojects.Underthetraditionalcareerparadigm,allegianceisultimatelytothe corporation,andcorporatepoliciestakeprecedenceoverspecificprojectneeds. Thetraditionalcareerparadigmisfarfromdead,butthecorporateworldisinsignificanttransition.Still,inmanyorganizations,thenormisverticalcareer progressionasdepictedbyHall'sfirsttwodefinitionsofcareer.However,increasingly,individualsarerequiredtoprepareand

Page256 Table10.1 TheNewVersusOldCareerParadigms NEWCAREERPARADIGM Discreteexchangemeans: explicitexchangeofspecifiedrewardsinreturnfortask performance basingjobrewardsonthecurrentmarketvalueofthe workbeingperformed engagingindisclosureandrenegotiationonbothsides astheemploymentrelationshipunfolds exercisingflexibilityaseachparty'sinterestsandmarket circumstanceschange Occupationalexcellencemeans: OLDCAREERPARADIGM Themutualloyaltycontractmeant: implicittradingofemployeecomplianceinreturnfor jobsecurity allowingjobrewardstoberoutinelydeferredintothe future leavingthemutualloyaltyassumptionsasapolitical barriertorenegotiation assumingemploymentandcareeropportunitiesare standardizedandprescribedbythefirm Theoneemployerfocusmeant:

performanceofcurrentjobsinreturnfordevelopingnew relyingonthefirmtospecifyjobsandtheir occupationalexpertise associatedoccupationalskillbase employeesidentifyingwithandfocusingonwhatis happeningintheiradoptedoccupation emphasizingoccupationalskilldevelopmentoverthe localdemandsofanyparticularfirm gettingtraininginanticipationoffuturejob opportunitieshavingtrainingleadjobs Organizationalempowermentmeans: strategicpositioningisdispersedtoseparatebusiness units everyoneisresponsibleforaddingvalueandimproving competitiveness businessunitsarefreetocultivatetheirownmarkets employeesidentifyingwithandfocusingonwhatis happeningintheirparticularfirm forgoingtechnicalorfunctionaldevelopmentin favoroffirmspecificlearning doingthejobfirsttobeentitledtonewtraining: makingtrainingfollowjobs Thetopdownfirmmeant: strategicdirectionissubordinatedto"corporate headquarters" competitivenessandaddedvaluearethe responsibilityofcorporateexperts businessunitmarketingdependsonthecorporate agenda independententerpriseisdiscouraged,andlikelyto beviewedasdisloyalty Corporateallegiancemeant: projectgoalsaresubordinatedtocorporatepolicy andorganizationalconstraints beingloyaltotheworkgroupcanbemoreimportant thantheprojectitself financialandreputationalrewardsstemfrombeinga "goodsoldier"regardlessofresults socialrelationshipswithincorporateboundariesare activelyencouraged

newenterprise,spinoffs,andalliancebuildingare broadlyencouraged Projectallegiancemeans: sharedemployerandemployeecommitmenttothe overarchinggoaloftheproject asuccessfuloutcomeoftheprojectismoreimportant thanholdingtheprojectteamtogether financialandreputationalrewardsstemdirectlyfrom projectoutcomes uponprojectcompletion,organizationandreporting arrangementsarebrokenup

FromOrganizationalBehavior,2ndedition,byD.L.NelsonandJ.CampbellQuick1997.Reprintedwith permissionofSouthWesternGoldenPublishing,adivisionofInternationalThomsonPublishing.FAX:800 7302215

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managetheirowncareerswiththeknowledgethatchangeisthewordoftheday(Buhler,1995). CareersasUnfoldingStages Althoughcareertheoryandresearchinorganizationsarerelativelynewwithinthesocialsciences(E.H.Schein,1990),vocationalpsychologyhasalongerhistoryof theorydevelopmentinthisarea.Thedifferencebetweenvocationalpsychologists'andorganizationalpsychologists'approachestocareersisthetimespaninvolved. Vocationalpsychologistsandcounselorsfocusonanindividual'sinitialoccupationalchoiceafterleavinghighschoolorcollege,whereasorganizationalexpertsfocus onlifelongworkexperiences(D.T.Hall,1990)(Forexcellentreviewsofvocationaltheoriesandorganizationaltheoriesofcareerdevelopment,seeOsipow(1983) andBrown(1990),respectively).However,onethemevocationalpsychologistsandorganizationalexpertshaveincommoninapproachingcareersisa developmentalperspective.Thatis,individualspassthroughaseriesofstagesintheirlivesthatfollowaspecificpatternandhavesomewhatdistinctsetsofactivities associatedwitheach.Organizationalcareerexpertsfocusonthestagesthatindividualspassthroughduringtheirworklivesratherthanpriortoenteringwork(D.J. Levinson,1986). CareerStageModels Althoughtherearenumerouscareerstagemodels,fourgeneralstagesthatpeoplepassthroughduringtheircareersarecommonlymentioned:establishment, advancement,maintenance,andwithdrawal.Thefirststageofanindividual'scareerisestablishment,wheretheindividualbeginsasanewcomertoan organization.Typically,thisstagebeginsduringearlyadulthoodbetweenages18and25years.Remember,however,thisisusingthemoretraditionalcareer paradigm.Undertheneworemergingcareerparadigm,theestablishmentstagecouldoccurwithsomevariationwheneveranindividualchangesjobs,organizations, orcareers.Usually,atthisstage,theindividualishighlydependentonotherstolearntoperformsometaskscompetentlyandtolearnwhichtasksareessentialand whichrequirelessattention(L.Baird&Kram,1983).Oftennewcomersareassignedpartsoflargerprojectsthataredirectedbymanagers,andmuchoftheirwork involvesfairlyroutinetasks.Duringthisstage,individualsdeveloptheirpsychologicalcontractwiththeorganization.Specifically,individualslearnwhatisexpectedof themandwhattheorganizationwillprovideinreturnfortheircontinuedperformance.Asweindicatedwiththeshiftincareer

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paradigm,thepsychologicalcontractintheworkplaceisevolving.Whatemployeestraditionallyexpectedfromorganizationswasjobsecurity,whichisbeingreplaced withindividualemployability.Inaddition,duringtheestablishmentstage,theindividualmustlearnhowtogetthingsdoneusingbothformalandinformalroutesof communication.Ideally,atthisstage,anewcomerwillbeassignedtoamoresenioremployeewhoissuccessful,knowstheorganization,andisskilledwithworking withnewemployees.Mentorsarevaluablesourcesofinformation,advice,andsupportforbothmaleandfemalenewcomers.Wediscussmoreaboutmentorsand mentoringlaterinthischapter. Theadvancementstageofteninvolvesnewexperiencesincludingspecialassignments,transfers,promotions,andpossiblyoffersfromothercompanies.Thestageis characterizedbyachievement,greaterresponsibilityandauthority,andupwardmobility.Usuallythisstageoccursaroundage30to35(aswenotelaterinthechapter, agerangesforallofthecareerstagesarebasedonresearchcarriedoutwithlargelyallmalesamples).Performancefeedbackbecomescriticalduringthisstage.The individualisoftenconcernedaboutdevelopingasolidworkrecord.Tasksareperformedmoreindependentlywithlittlesupervision.Thefocusatthisstageisupward mobility,yetpeerrelationshipsareimportant.Findingamentorbythisstageiscritical,becauseguidance,coaching,counseling,andfriendshiparekeystosuccess.Itis alsoduringtheadvancementstagethatchildbearingandchildrearingdecisions,dualcareerconcerns,andworkhomeconflictsaremostsalient.Bothchildcareand dualcareerconcernsarediscussedlaterinthischapter,andworkhomeconflictsarediscussedinchapter12. Themaintenancestagemaybeinappropriatelylabeled,becausesomeindividualscontinuetogrowintheircareersalthoughperhapsnotatthesamerateasinthe advancementstage(Nelson&Quick,1997).Atthisstageanumberofpersonalchangesoccurthatcaneitherpositivelyornegativelyaffecttheindividualandwork. Atthisstagetheindividualislikelytoexperienceahostofphysicalappearancechangesincludingmorewrinkles,grayingand/orthinninghair,decreasedstamina,and soforth.Asdiscussedinchapter4,perceptionsofattractiveness(bothperceptionsbyothersandselfperceptions)playasignificantroleinourlives.Alsoatthis stage,individualshavebeenintheworkarenalongenoughtorealizethattheircareershaveorhavenotliveduptotheirdreamsandexpectations.Duringthe maintenancestage,apersonmaytakeoneofthreecareerpaths:star,solidcitizen,ordeadwood(Hellriegel,Slocum,&Woodman,1986).Stars,ofcourse,continue toprogressupwardandreceivegreaterrecognition,awards,andpromotions.Solidcitizens,thelargestgroupofemployees,dogoodworkbutforsomereasonhave lowerprobabilityofmovingfurtherupthehierarchy.Theyhavereacheda

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careerplateauorstagewhereupwardpromotionsareunlikely.Increasingly,careerplateauingoccurssimplybecausetherearemorequalifiedpeopleforhigherlevel positionsthantherearepositionsavailable.Theseindividualsmayseekemploymentinotherorganizationsormaychangecareersaltogether.Deadwoodemployees havelittlechanceforpromotionandoftenaregiventasksthatarenotcriticalindevelopingmarketableskills.Theperformanceoftheseemployeesislikelytodecline. Thewithdrawalstageoccursaroundage60.Individualsmaybecomeincreasinglydisengagedfromworkduetoagediscriminationorstereotyping.Ontheother hand,anindividualmaysuccessfullybringvariousfactionsofpeopletogetherforinnovationormayplaytheroleofmentor.However,thisstageisusually characterizedbyashiftawayfromworkandtowardretirement. Women'sCareerDevelopment Untilrecently,mostcareerresearchwasconcernedwithmen'scareers.Foravarietyofreasons,women'scareersoftendevelopindifferentwaysthanmen'sandmay posedifferentchallengesforcareerresearchers.Therefore,itisimportanttounderstandhowcurrentmalebasedcareertheorieshavedevelopedandhowwomen's careerdevelopmentdepartsfrommen's. CriticalGapsandIssuesinWomen'sCareerDevelopment Thedevelopmentalperspectivepresentedearlierinthischapterisbasedlargelyonobservationsandresearchonmen'scareers.Althoughcareerdevelopmenttheories cancontributetoourunderstandingofwomen'scareerdevelopment,thesetheoriesmaynotfullyexplainthisprocess(Fitzgerald&Crites,1980).Foravarietyof reasons,thetheoriespreviouslyreviewedcannotfullyilluminatewomen'scareerdevelopment.Onereasonisthatcareerdevelopmentmodelshaveemphasizedmen's aspirationsandaccomplishments(Gustafson&Magnusson,1991Roe,1949,1952)andarebasedonnearlyexclusivelymalesamples.Additionally,currenttheories ofcareerdevelopmentoftendonotincludeorconsidervariablesthatinfluencewomen'scareerdecisions.Forexample,asaresultofsexrolesocialization,women aremoredifferentiallyinfluencedbyachievementmotivationthanmen(Fitzgerald&Crites,1980).Thatis,developmentofachievementmotivationforgirlsdependsin largerpartontheexperiencesandsupportthatgirlsreceivefromothers.Womenarelikelytoencountervocationalcounselorswhoarebiasedandhave

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distortedorlimitedviewsofoccupationsandwomen's''properplace"invariousoccupationsand,therefore,implicitly(andsometimesexplicitly)discouragethemfrom enteringhighpay,highstatusoccupations.Finally,careerstagetheoriesthatcontinuetobeinfluentialgivelittleconsiderationtosuchcriticalissuesaschildbearingand childrearing(e.g.,Super,1953,1963). Inthesetheories,malesserveasthestandardforcomparison.Womenareoftenstudiedintermsofhowtheydepartfromthemalestandard,intermsofbothcareer choiceandcareerdevelopment(Gutek&Larwood,1987).Manyexperts(e.g.,Betz&Fitzgerald,1987Fitzgerald&Crites,1980)notedthatwomen'scareer developmentisfarmorecomplexlydeterminedandvariedandlesseasilycategorizedthanmen's.Because,historically,womendonotnecessarilyexpecttobe engagedinfulltimepaidwork(andmendo),women'scareersmoreheavilydependonattitude,roleexpectations,and,generally,socialization(Gustafson&Magnus son,1991). Women'scareerdevelopmentwillcontinuetodifferfrommen'sforfourreasons.First,therearedifferentexpectationsformenandwomenregardingthe appropriatenessofspecificjobs.Theseexpectationsaffectthekindsofjobsthatmenandwomenprepareforandselect.Oftenwomenarenotpreparedtopursuea careeratall(althoughtheyoftenmayexpecttoengageinpaidemploymentduringsomepartoftheirlives),whereasmenareexpectedtoparticipatecontinuouslyin paidwork.Educationisakeyconsiderationhere(Larwood&Gutek,1987).Second,husbandsandwivesdifferintheirwillingnesstoaccommodateeachother's careers.Wivesaretypicallymorewillingtoaccommodatethanhusbands,somarriagehasdifferenteffectsonmen'sandwomen'scareers.Formen,marriageis careerneutralorsomewhatadvantageous(especiallyifthewifedoesnotworkoutsidethehome).Forwomen,however,marriageandespeciallyhavingchildrencan beamongthemostlimitingfactorsforcareers(Larwood&Gutek,1987).Third,theparentalroleisdefineddifferentlyformenandwomen(aswediscussingreater detaillaterinthischapter).Pregnancyandchildrenarecriticalfactorsinwomen'scareerdevelopment,inlargepartbecausethemother'sroletypicallyrequiresmore timeandeffortthanthefather'srole.Thestereotypeisthatwomeninterrupttheircareerstobearandraisechildren,butthisisoftennotthecase.Careertheoriesmust beflexibleenoughtoaddresswomenwhofollowtraditionalpathsaswellasthosewhochoosetohavechildrenandcontinuewiththeircareersalmostimmediately (Larwood&Gutek,1987).Finally,comparedtomen,womenfacemoreconstraintsintheworkplaceincludingharassment,discrimination,andstereotypesthatare detrimentaltocareeradvancement(Gutek&Larwood,1987).

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Understandinghowandwhywomen'scareerdevelopmentdiffersfrommen'sbecomesincreasinglyimportantasthenumberofwomenparticipatingintheworkforce increases.TheproportionofwomenatworkintheU.S.isincreasing(F.D.Blau&Ferber,1985U.S.DepartmentofLabor,1983).Increasednumbersofwomenin thelaborforcehavebeenreportedinotherCountries(Davidson&Cooper,1983).Finally,weneedtounderstandwhy50%ofthemenintheworkforceare distributedacross64occupations,butonly16occupationsaccountfor50%ofemployedwomen(Healy,1982Hedges&Bemis,1974seechap.7foradiscussion ofoccupationalsegregation). ApproachestoWomen'sCareerDevelopment Althoughearlyworkinvocationalpsychologyandchoiceacknowledgeddifferencesbetweenmenandwomeninlifepatterns(Brooks,1990),theunderlying assumptionofsuchtheories(Super,1957Zytowski,1969)wasthathomemakingandworkroleswereseparate(Vetter,1973),thatthemodelliferoleforwomen washomemaker(Betz&Fitzgerald,1987),andthatwomen'scareercommitmentwasnaturallylow(L.S.Hansen,1978).Whereasthestudyofmen'scareer developmenthistoricallyfocusedonvariablesdescribingthenatureoftheircareerchoices,earlyresearchonwomenfocusedonwhetherwomenwantedtopursuea careeratall.Inthe1970s,theassumptionthatwomenmustchooseeitherhomeorcareerwasreplacedwithconcernsabouthowtocombinefamilyandcareer(Betz &Fitzgerald,1987Yogev,1982).Itwasnotuntil1975thatwomen'scareerdevelopmentbegantobesystematicallystudied(Brownetal.,1984). Differentapproachesofwomen'scareerdevelopmenthavefocuseduponsocietal,cultural,and/orpsychologicalfactors.Theseapproacheshaveidentifiedsomeofthe factorsthatcreatebarriersforwomenatworkorfacilitatethecareersofbothwomenandmeninorganizations.Thesociologicalapproachtoresearchonwomen's careerdevelopmentfocusesonstructuralconcerns.Specifically,thisapproachaddresseshowinstitutionsandsocialpracticescontributetoobserveddifferences betweenmenandwomen(Berheide&Segal,1985Epstein,1988Gallos,1989Kanter,1977aScanzoni,1983).Observeddifferencesbetweenmen'sand women'slifechoicesareattributedtoroles,policies,andsocialconditions.Thesecondapproachisaculturalapproach(Gallos,1989)andincludesboth anthropologicalandsocialpsychologicalresearch.Here,thefocusisonhowtheculturalimagesofmenandwomenareshapedbysocialrolesandlifechoicesat home,atwork,andinmarriage(Yankelovich,

Page262 Sidelight10.1ShouldWeFocusonJobsorGenderWhenStudyingWomen'sCareers? Researchersstudyingthesociologyofwork(e.g.,Feldberg&Glenn,1982)haveemployedtwoverydifferentmodelstoexploretheworkbehaviorof menandwomen:thejobmodelandthegendermodel.Thejobmodeltreatsworkthatpeopledoasanindependentvariable.Theemphasishereishow theactualworkinfluencesperceptionsofworkaswellasmentalandphysicalhealth.Thejobmodelisoftenusedtoexplaindifferencesamongmenin workperceptionsandbehaviors.Thegendermodelignorestypeofjobandworkingconditions.Frequently,women'sperceptionsofandreactionsto workaretreatedasaresultofpersonalcharacteristicsandrelationshipstofamilysituations(Feldberg&Glenn,1982).Thegendermodelisoftenused toexplaindifferencesbetweenmen'sandwomen'sperceptionsandbehaviors. Incorporatedinboththesemodelsisthebasicassumptionthatmenarebreadwinnersandwomenarewivesinthislineofresearch,women's employmentisviewedassecondarytotheirprimaryroleaswife.Themodelsmakedifferentassumptionsabouttherelationshipbetweengenderand workfamily.Accordingtothejobmodel,thebasicsocialrelationshipsaredeterminedbywork.Inthegendermodel,suchrelationshipsaredetermined byfamily.Inthejobmodel,thepaidworker'sconnectiontothefamilyisasaneconomicprovider,whereasinthegendermodel,theconnectiontothe familyisaswifeormother.Theworker'ssocialpositioninthejobmodelisdeterminedthroughworkinthegendermodel,itdependsonthefamily.The individual'ssociopoliticalbehaviorsandattitudesareassumed,inthejobmodel,tobederivedfromoccupationalsocialization,classorstatusofthe occupation,andsocialrelationshipofwork.Thegendermodelimplicitlyassumesthatsuchattitudesandbehaviorsarederivedfromgenderrole socialization,familyrolesandactivities,andtherelationshipofhouseholdwork(Feldberg&Glenn,1982).Finally,bothmodelsmakevarying assumptionsconcerningtheindividual'scentrallifeinterest:Thejobmodelassumesitisemploymentandearningmoney,whereasthegendermodel assumesitisthefamily. FeldbergandGlenn(1982)suggestedthatwhenonemodelisusedandnotintegratedwiththeother,researchonmen,women,andworkislikelyto producebiasedanddistortedresults.First,datathatdonotfitthemodelbeingusedarelikelytobeignored.Whenmanyexplanationsarepossible, onlytheonesconsistentwiththemodelinuseareconsideredorfavored.Choiceofaparticularmodeldetermineswhatvariablesareconsideredas appropriatetostudyanddirectsresearchers'attentiontospecificissues.Thus,researchthatconsidersonlyoneofthesetwoperspectivesisunlikely toyieldabalancedpictureofmen'sandwomen'sexperiencesatwork.

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1981).Thethirdisthepsychologicalapproach,whichfocusesongenderspecificwaysinwhichmenandwomenexamineandmakesenseoutofwork(Bardwick, 1980Belenky,Clinchy,Goldberger,&Tarule,1986).Theresearchonvocationalandorganizationalcareerdevelopmentofwomenoftenreflectsacombinationof thesethreeapproaches. Forexample,reflectingboththesociologicalandculturalapproaches,theclassicworkofBetzandFitzgerald(1987)identifiesfourfactorsthatinfluencewomen's careerchoicesandsubsequentcareersatisfactionandsuccess:culturalfactors,subculturalfactors,immediateenvironment,andeducation.Culturalfactorsinclude societalsexrolestereotypesthatconveyappropriatechoicesandbehaviorstomenandwomen,occupationalsexstereotypesthatappeartobedurableovertime, andthelackofrolemodels,especiallyforwomeninnontraditionaljobs.Subculturalfactorsincludesocioeconomicstatus,race,nationality,andreligion.Thecareer experiencesofwomenfromvarioussocioeconomicstrataorwomenofcolorvary,yetwedonotunderstandjustwhattheseexperiencesare.Intheimmediate environment,criticalfamilybackgroundconsiderationsincludefamilyeducationallevel,whetherthemotherworks,marriage,andchildren.Amongadults,themost consistentindicatorofawoman'scareerdevelopmentisheradultmaritalandfamilystatus. Amonggirls,plansformarriageandchildrenarekeyindicatorsofsubsequentcareerprogression(Betz&Fitzgerald,1987).Theinfluenceofrolemodelsor,aswe discusslater,mentorsintheworkplaceisalsoanimportantfactorinawoman'simmediateenvironment.Finally,educationhasacriticalinfluenceonwomen'scareer development,especiallywheneducationisdefinedbroadlytoincludetheinfluenceofcounselinginterventions,abilitiesandachievementlevels,personalityvariables (e.g.,selfconceptandsexrolerelatedcharacteristics),andvocationalinterests,needs,andvalues(Betz&Fitzgerald,1987).Forexample,careercounselors sometimesreinforcethesocietalrestrictionsimposedonwomen'scareers(Healy,1982).Womenwhoindicateadesiretoenternontraditionaloccupationstendtobe evaluatedasmoredeviantandinneedofmorecounseling(A.H.Thomas&Stewart,1971)thanwomenenteringmoretraditionaloccupations. HackettandBetz(1981)proposedaselfefficacytheoryofwomen'scareerdevelopment,suggestingthatgenderdifferencesinselfefficacy(i.e.,thebeliefthatyou arecapableofsucceedinginawiderangeoffields)arisefromsexrolesocializationand,morespecifically,fromdifferencesinmen'sandwomen'sopportunities.On thewhole,womenhavefeweropportunitiestoengageinchallengingworkrelevantactivitiesacrossdifferentsettingsand,therefore,feweropportunitiestodevelop selfefficacy.Furthermore,environmentalcontingenciesinfluencethesebeliefs.

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Sexrolesocializationcanpreventwomenfromdevelopingskillsandtalentsthatwouldleadtoselfefficacy(Hackett&Betz,1981).Forexample,girlsarelesslikely thanboystoengageinmathematicalortechnicalactivities,whichlowersthelikelihoodofstrongselfefficacyforthemajorityofhigherpayingoccupations(i.e., occupationsthatrequireskillsintheseareas). Thedegreesofselfefficacythatpeopledemonstrateinteractwithboththeiroutcomeexpectationsandincentives.Outcomeexpectationsarebeliefsaboutthe consequencesofperformance.Forexample,awomancanbelievesheisverycapableofbeingaCEOofanorganization(selfefficacy).However,shemayalso believethateventhoughshecanperformatanexceptionallevel,shewillnotbepromotedintosuchapositionbecausetheorganizationwantsaman(outcome expectations).Selfefficacyisabeliefaboutone'sability,whereasoutcomeexpectationsreflectbeliefsaboutwhatwillhappenifyouperformwell.Womenwho believethatgoodperformancewillnotberewardedwithrecognitionandpromotionswillhavelessincentivetoexcelintheworkplacethanmenwhobelievethat performancewillberewarded. Anothermodelapplicabletobothmenandwomenincorporatesavarietyoffactorsreflectingsocietal,cultural,andpsychologicalinvolvementincareerdevelopment (Gottfredson,1981).Accordingtotheoccupationalaspirationsmodel,peopleclassifyoccupationsalongdimensionsofsextype,levelofwork,andfieldofwork. Aswithothertheoriesofwomen'scareerdevelopment(Hackett&Betz,1981),peoplethenassessthesuitabilityofoccupationsaccordingtoselfconceptandthe amountofefforttheyarewillingtoexerttoentertheoccupation.Elementsofselfconceptthatareoccupationallyrelevantincludegender,socialclass,IQ,interests, values,andabilities.Occupationalaspirationsareshapedbytheseelementsofselfconceptcertainoccupationsarerejectedoracceptedonthebasisoftheir perceivedfitwithone'sselfconcept.Researchapplyingthismodelsuggeststhatoccupationsarerejectedfirstonthebasisofgender,thenonthebasisofsocialclass andabilitylevel,andfinallyonthebasisofpersonalinterestsandvalues.Onceapersonrejectsanoccupation,itisunlikelythatsheorhewilllookatitagainasan acceptablealternative(Brooks,1990).Theoccupationalaspirationsmodelsuggeststhatwomenarefoundinlowerleveljobsbecausethesejobsarecompatiblewith women'sselfconceptsandviewsabouttheaccessibilityofdifferentjobs(i.e.,thelikelihoodthattheywillhavetheopportunitytocompeteforjobs)(L.Brooks, 1990Gottfredson,1981). Womenoftendonotexpecttoworkcontinuouslythroughouttheirlivesthus,theinfluenceofkeycontextualfeaturessuchassupportfromothers,nonwork responsibilities,andspousalemploymentbecomescritical.Therefore,inachapteronmen,women,andcareers,itisessential

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todiscussworkplacementoring(e.g.,interpersonalworksupportfromkeycoworkers),thedecisiontomarryandbecomeaparent(e.g.,nonworkresponsibilities), anddualcareerissues(e.g.,spousalemployment). MentoringintheWorkplace Forbothmenandwomen,mentoringisrelatedtoorganizationaladvancement,careerdevelopment,andcareersatisfaction(Barnier,1982Fagenson,1988Orth& Jacobs,1971Ragins&Cotton,1992Scandura,1991).Mentoringcanbebeneficialatmanycareerstages,althoughdifferentkindsofmentoringmaybeneededat differentstages(K.E.Kram,1985Ostroff&Kozlowski,1993).Thetypesofmentoringrelationshipsavailabletomenandwomenandtheextenttowhichmentors arewillingorabletohelpmenversuswomenintheworkplaceoftendiffer,whichmeansthatmentorsmayhaveadifferentinfluenceonthecareersofmenand women. WhatisaMentor? Amentorisanexperienced,productivesuperiorwhorelatestoalessexperiencedemployeeandassistswithhisorherpersonaldevelopmentforthebenefitofthe organizationandtheindividual(K.E.Kram,1985Noe,1988b).Thementoringrelationshipmaybeinitiatedbyeitherparty.Oftenprotgs attractmentorsthrough highperformanceorsimilaritiesininterest.Mentorsprovidebothcareerandpsychosocialsupport.Careersupport,whichisbelievedtohelptheprotglearnthe jobandprepareforadvancement,mayincludecoaching,protecting,providingchallengingassignments,promotingvisibility,anddirectsponsorship.Psychosocial supportenhancestheprotg'ssenseofcompetence,clarityofidentity,andeffectivenessintheprofessionalrole(O'Leary&Mitchell,1990).Mentorscanserveas rolemodels,friends,andcounselorsandcanofferprotgspositiveregardandacceptance(Dreher&Ash,1990).Mentorsprovideprotgsentryintothe organization'sinformalsocialnetworksandhelpthemestablishalliances.Mentoringistobedistinguishedfromcareernetworks,whichinvolvecontactwithmany colleaguesforthepurposeofmutualbenefit(O'Leary&Mitchell,1990). Formen,theearlyyearsofadultdevelopmentoverlapwiththeirearlycareeryears,buttheseyearsarenotsoeasilydefinedforwomen.Frequently,womenselect careerslaterthanmen,andwomen'searlyworkyearsmaybecharacterizedbybriefbutrepeatedcareerinterruptions.Mentoringmaybenefitwomenbyincreasing thelikelihoodthattheywillreceivesupportandcooperationfrompeers(Ilgen&Youtz,1986),which

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inturnmayincreasetheirlikelihoodofsuccess.Mentoringmayalsoreducejobstress.Womenwithoneormorementorsreportgreatersatisfactionandjobsuccess (Riley&Wrench,1985).Mentorscreateopportunitiesforwomentooperateoutsideorganizationalnorms,sethighstandardsofperformance,andpublicizeprotg accomplishments(Missirian,1982).Womenwhoarementoredreportincreasedselfconfidenceandgreaterawarenessanduseofskills(Reich,1986),which, accordingtopreviouslymentionedtheories,arecriticaltowomen'scareerdevelopment. BarrierstoMentoringUpwardlyMobileWomen Formalandinformalmentorscanbeinstrumentalinthesuccessfulcareerdevelopmentofbothmenandwomen(forreasonspreviouslycited,mentorscanbe especiallyusefultowomen).Unfortunately,aswomenprogresstohighermanagerialranks,theyaremorelikelytobewithoutfemalementors(Warihay,1980).Only 38%ofexecutivemanagerialandadministrativejobsareheldbywomen(U.S.BureauofLaborStatistics,1987b),andthesewomenareoftenfoundinsuch traditionallyfemaledominatedfieldsasretailsalesandeducation(U.S.DepartmentofLabor,1983).Inaddition,menholdmorecentralizedpositionsthatallowthem tosharevaluableinformationaboutjobopenings,keyassignments,anddecisionswithinamoreinformalnetwork(H.L.Smith&Grenier,1982).Informalpower throughtheinformalsharingofinformationgivesmalementorsawiderpowerbasethanfemalementors,generatesabetterbasistosetrealisticgoals,providesgreater visibility,andallowsgreateraccesstovaluableresources(Noe,1988b). Thereissomeevidencethatfindingamentorisdifficultforwomen(Noe,1988b),asisbecomingamentor(Ragins&Cotton,1992).Withoutmentors,womenmay finditdifficulttoenteranoccupation,especiallymaledominatedoccupationssuchasmanagement.Mostmentoringrelationshipsareinformal.However,formal mentoringprogramsareincreasinginthepublicandprivatesectors(Roche,1979),althoughtheeffectivenessoftheseprogramshasnotbeenassessed.Becausethere aresofewwomeninhighlevelorganizationalpositions,itisverylikelythatwhenawomandoesfindamentor,itwillbeaman. Severalbarrierstoestablishingcrossgendermentorshipshavebeenidentified(K.E.Kram,1985Noe,1988a,1980bRagins&Cotton,1992).Oneoftheseislack ofaccesstoinformationnetworksthatis,womenmayhavelimitedopportunitiestoestablishcontactwithpotentialmentors.Theselimitedopportunitiesresultfroma lackofknowledgeabouthowtodevelopinformalnetworks,apreferenceforinteractingwithpeers,orintentionalexclusionofwomenbymalemanagers.Although women

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receiveequalorgreaternumbersofpromotionsthanmen(L.P.Stewart&Gudykunst,1982),evidencesuggeststhattheydonotadvanceasfarintheorganizational hierarchy.Rather,women'spromotionsmayreflectlateralmovementsratherthanconsistentupwardmovement.Furthermore,womenarelesscentraltomen's organizationalnetworks(especiallydominantnetworksBrass,1985Rosenetal.,1981),perhapsbecausetheylackmentors(Noe,1988). Asecondreasonwhywomenmayhavedifficultyfindingamentoristokenism.Womenoftenhavehighvisibilityduetotheirtokenstatus.Potentialmentorsmaynot wanttoentersucharelationshipbecauseofawoman'shighvisibility(Noe,1988a).Ifthewomanisunsuccessfulormakesamistake,thevisibilityofthementoring relationshipcoulddamagethementor'scareer.Tokens,especiallywomenwhoobtaintheirpositionsthroughaffirmativeaction,mayexperienceresentmentfrommen whofeelthattheirownjobsecurityisthreatened(seechap.8foramoredetaileddiscussionofaffirmativeaction).Therefore,thesemendonothelpwomensucceed, therebyvalidatingthemen'sperceptionsthatwomenarelesscompetent.Thisisfurthercomplicatedbyevidencethatwomenhiredbyorganizationswithstrong affirmativeactionprogramsmaydevelopselflimitingattitudesabouttheirowncompetence,performance,andcommitment(Chacko,1982Heilmanetal.,1987). Therefore,awoman'ssuccessmaybeattributedtoorganizationalpolicy(e.g.,affirmativeaction)ratherthanability.Third,negativestereotypesandattitudestoward womenasmanagersandleadersarestillcommon.Suchstereotypesincludebeliefsthatwomenaremoreinterestedinpleasantworkenvironmentsthanin responsibilityandadvancement(Rynes&Rosen,1983).Potentialmentorswhoacceptthesestereotypesarelesslikelytoinvesttimeandeffortinadvancingfemale protgs. Normsregardingcrossgendermentoringrelationshipsinorganizationscanbeahindranceforfemalesseekingmentors.Menmaypreferandfeelmorecomfortable workingcloselywithothermen.Peerperceptions,too,arecritical,aspeersmaybeconcernedthatacrossgendermentoringrelationshipwillbecomesexual.Chapter 4discussesanumberoffactorsleadingtointerpersonallikingandattraction,andclosementoringrelationshipscaninvolveanumberofthesefactors.Perceived sexualattractioncanleadtomaritaldisruptionanddamaginggossip,whichcanunderminetheeffectivenessofcrossgenderrelationships.Theconflictbetween wantingtodevelopone'sprotgorsubordinateandthedesiretoavoidawkwardcomplicationshasbeencalledthe"developmentaldilemma"(Burke&McKeen, 1990),anditmaybeasignificantbarriertocrossgendermentoringrelationships.Concernaboutperceptionsofintimacybetweenmalementorsandfemaleprotgs mayleadtolessfrequentinteractions,lessonetoonecontact,anddecreasedeffectiveness(Burke&McKeen,

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1990).Finally,womenthemselvesmayinhibitmentoringbyrelyingonineffectivepowerbases.Somewomenuseindirectinfluencestrategiessuchasemphasizingtheir ownweaknessorincompetence(e.g.,helplessness).Othersmayrelymoreonacquiescencestrategiesratherthanassertivestrategiesforinterpersonalinteractions. Mentorscanbevaluableresourcesinthecareerdevelopmentofbothmenandwomen.Theconsequencesofwomen'sreducedaccesstomentorscanbesubstantial. Lackofamentormayreducethejobeffectivenessofwomen(Noe,1988a)andmayhaveseriousconsequencesfortheorganizationaswell.Inadditiontonotfully usingallavailablehumanresources,organizationswithoutmentoringprogramsmayfindthemselvesunderlegalscrutiny.Theabsenceofcrossgendermentoring relationshipscanitselfbeacauseforlitigation,onthetheorythatitconstitutesdisparatetreatmentofmaleandfemaleemployees(Noe,1988). Childbearing,ChildCare,andCareers Throughoutthisbookwediscussmyths,stereotypes,andmisperceptionsthatpeopleholdabouttherolesofmenandwomeninrelationtotheirwork.Whenaskedto estimatethepercentageoftheirworkerswhowereinfamilieswherethemalewasthesolebreadwinnertosupporthisathomewifeandchildren,executivesfroma HarvardUniversityseminarbelievedthatbetween40%and70%oftheirworkersfellintothiscategory(D.E.Friedman,1986).Inreality,however,only approximately10%ofU.S.householdsfitthetraditionalsingleearner,maleheadofhouseholdpattern.Furthermore,approximately40%oftheworkforceconsists ofdualearnerfamilies,andanother6%ofsingleparents(D.E.Friedman,1986).Approximately80%ofworkingwomenareofchildbearingage,and90%ofthese womenwillbecomepregnant.About60%ofmenhavewiveswhoworkfullorparttime(D.E.Friedman,1986). Asubstantialmajorityofwomenintheworkforcewillatsomepointhavechildren,andasubstantialmajorityofwomenwithyoungchildrenwillcontinuetowork. Therefore,thechoicebetweenworkandfamilyforwomen(aswellasformen)isoftenillusoryorisaluxurythatonlyasmallproportionofthepopulationcanafford. Thequestionweconsiderhereisnotwhetherwomen(andmen)withyoungchildrenshouldworkorshouldattempttobalanceworkandfamily:Mostwomenwilldo both.Rather,weexaminehowchildrenarelikelytoaffectwomen'scareers,andhowwomenandorganizationscanmosteffectivelybalancethedemandsofworkand family.

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MarriageandtheDecisiontoBearChildren Fewifanytextbooksonthepsychologyorsociologyofworkdiscussmen'sandwomen'sdecisionstomarryandbearchildren,pregnancydiscrimination,childcare options,ortheeffectsofworkonthewellbeingofmothers,fathers,andchildren.Exclusionofthesetopicsfromappliedtextsonworkandmanagementisnotdueto alackofinformation.Instead,thesetopicshavebeenviewedhistoricallyas"women'sissues,"notasmainstreamemployeeorhumanresourcesproblems(Kossek, 1990Magid,1983).Webrieflydiscusstheseissuesasimportantfactorsinthesuccessfulcareerdevelopmentofmenandwomen. Careertheories,whichhavehistoricallytreatedworkandfamilyasseparateandindependentdomains,implythatmendonotexperienceconflictbetweentheircareers anddecisionstomarryorbecomeparents.Forwomen,however,itisexplicitlyrecognizedthatfamilyissues,includingdecisionstomarryandespeciallywhenor whethertohavechildren,dramaticallyaffectcareerdevelopment(Betz&Fitzgerald,1987).Forexample,inaCanadiansurvey,61%ofwomenagreedthat advancementintheirorganizationsdependedonputtingtheircareersbeforetheirpersonalorfamilylives(incontrast,only44%ofmalechiefexecutivessaidthesame thing).Over40%oftheseniorfemalemanagersinthissurveymadethechoiceeithertopostponehavingchildrenornottohavethematall,and19%decidedeitherto delaymarriageornottomarry.Finally,giventhegrowingnumbersofdualearnerfamilies,decisionsregardingchildbearingmaybecomemoreimportantforboth partners. Womenoftenreportconflictsbetweencareer,marriage,andfamilyresponsibilities.Forexample,asurveyofmanagerialwomenintheir20sshowedthatmany believedtheyhadlittletimeforrelationshipsbecausetheywereconcentratingoncareerdevelopment(Davidson&Cooper,1992).Manywomenenterthe workplace,begintheircareers,andearntheirfirstpromotionsduringthesameyearsorstagestheyaremostabletobearchildren.Manyofthesesamewomen postponemarriageorhavingchildren,basedonthe(reasonable)beliefthatthiscouldsubstantiallythreatentheircareerprogress(Davidson&Cooper,1983Scase& Goffee,1989).Managerialwomenwhoattempttojuggletheircareerswithmarriageandchildbearingreporthighlevelsofstress(Davidson&Cooper,1987,1992 seealsochap.12).Morerecently,inassessmentsofcareerandfamilyroleexpectations,bothparentsanddaughtersexpectedthedaughterstoexperiencelittle frustrationinbalancingfuturecareerandfamilyroles(Schroeder,Blood,&Maluso,1992).Thatis,girlsandyoungwomenfullyexpectedtoengageinbothworkand familyroles,but,to

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date,therehavebeenfewchangesintheworkplacetoaccommodatethoseexpectations. Oncemenandwomendomarryanddecidetohavechildren,oftenthenextphaseoffamilylifeispregnancy.Althoughthereislittleavailableempiricalresearchon people'sattitudestowardpregnantwomenworkingoutsidethehome,thereisnoshortageofstereotypesaboutthem(Davidson&Cooper,1992). PregnancyandWomen'sCareers Organizationshistoricallyhaveviewedchildcareasa''women'sissue."However,thereislittleinformationregardingtheeffectsofpregnancyonwomen'sperceptions ofwork,nordoweknowmuchaboutothers'perceptionsofpregnantworkingwomen.Suchevidencesuggeststhatawoman'sfemininity(andperhapshersexuality, too)isrenderedmoresalientbypregnancy(Corse,1990).Inalaboratoryworkplacesimulation,subordinatesperceivedapregnantmanagermorenegatively,were lesssatisfiedwiththeirinteractions,directedmoresocialcommentstowardher,expectedhertobepassiveandnurturing,andweresurprisedbyherauthoritative behaviormorethanwithanonpregnantfemalemanager(Schroederetal.,1992).Furthermore,therewerenodifferencesbetweenmaleandfemalesubordinates' reactionstothepregnantmanager(Corse,1990).Thesefindingssuggestthatpregnantworkersareviewedinamorestereotypicallyfemininemannerandmaybe viewedmorenegativelyaswell.Thesefindingsareconsistentwithfindingsthatanemployedwomanwithaninfantwasevaluatedlesspositivelyandreceivedless approvalthananonemployedwomanwithaninfant(Schroederetal.,1992). Oursocietyembracesanumberofsocialroleexpectationsregardingpregnantwomen(Myers&Grasmick,1990).Perceptionsofpregnantwomenaresometimes describedintermsofasickrolemodel(Parsons,1951),whichemphasizesthedeviancyanddependencyofthesickperson.Pregnantwomenwhoareviewedas "sick"arelikelytobeassignedfewerdutiesandresponsibilities.However,womenarelesslikelythanmentothinkthatpregnantwomenshouldbeexcusedfromother roleresponsibilities,andassocioeconomicstatusincreases,women'sadherencetothesickrolemodeldecreasesfurther(Myers&Grasmick,1990).Womenare morelikelythanmentoexpectpregnantwomentowanttoreturnquicklytonormalroleresponsibilities.Thisexpectationisalsopositivelyrelatedtosocioeconomic status.Women,especiallywomenwithhigherincomesandstatus,mayfeeltheymustbalancemultiplerolestoprotecttheinvestmentstheyhavemade,includingtheir careers(Myers&Grasmick,1990). Thesefindingshaveinterestingimplicationsforpotentialperceptionsandtreatmentofpregnantwomenatwork.Itisevidentthatmensubscribe

Page271 Sidelight10.2ChildrenandCareerSuccess Inthischapter,wediscussanumberofstudiesdescribingmen'sandwomen'sperceptionsthathavingchildrenlimitsawoman'scareerprogressor success.Isthistrue? Asasociety,wecontinuetobelievethatwomenhavechoiceswhendecidingwhethertowork.However,onlyonethirdofworkingwomenhave husbandswhoearnadequateincomestherest,atleasttwothirds,areeithermarriedtomenwhoseincomeswerelessthan$15,000in1984,orare single,widowed,divorced,orseparated(U.S.DepartmentofLabor,1984).Working,therefore,isthenormforU.S.womenand,increasingly,an economicnecessity. Evidencedemonstratesthatwomenarecombiningchildbearing,family,andwork(Diamond,1987).Womendonotleavetheirjobsafterchildbirth,or,if theydo,theyreturnverysoonthereafter.Between1973and1983,participationratesformotherswithchildrenunder3yearsofageincreasedfrom30% to46%(U.S.DepartmentofLabor,1984).However,women,especiallythosewithchildren,continuetofacehostilityinnontraditionaljobs.Working womenwhobecomepregnantfacestereotypicalattitudesandreceivefewerpromotions(J.Adams,1984).

tothesickroleperceptionofpregnancymorestronglythandowomen.Mentendtobelievethatpregnantwomenshouldnotbeexpectedtoengageinalltheactivities thatoccupiedtheirtimepriortopregnancy.Thereisaperceptionthatpregnancydebilitatesawomaninsomeway.Itwouldbeinterestingtodeterminewhether managershesitatetoassignchallenging,careerenhancingtasksorprojectstopregnantwomen.Furthermore,menaremorelikelythanwomentobelievethatpregnant womendeserveextraprotectionandcare(seechap.8foradescriptionoflegalprotectionsregardingpregnancy).Thisfindingmayagainhaveimplicationsfor women'scareerdevelopment.Apregnantwomanmayfinditunusuallydifficulttolocateapotentialmentorifothersperceiveherasrequiringprotectionfromhigh visibilityprojects.Finally,womenaremorelikelythanmentobelievethatapregnantwomanshouldlookforwardtogettingbacktoherregularresponsibilitiesand normalroutineoncethepregnancyisover(Myers&Grasmick,1990). ChildCareintheUnitedStates Theinfluxofwomenintotheworkforceduringthelasttwodecadeshasalteredthecompositionofboththeworkplaceandfamilylife(Silverstein,

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1991).Yet,unlike75othercountries,theUnitedStateshasnocomprehensivefamilypolicytoassistcouplesincopingwithworkfamilyconflicts(oneexceptionis theFamilyandMedicalLeaveActdiscussedinchap.7,whichprovidesforunpaidfamilyleaveforsomeworkers).Workfamilyconflictscancontributetostress, roleconflictandoverload,decreasedsatisfactionandcommitment,absenteeism,tardiness,andturnover(Kossek&Grace,1991),andlackofadequatechildcareis oftenasignificantsourceofsuchconflicts. AcombinationoffactorshavepromptedanincreaseinchildcareordependentcareprogramsintheUnitedStates.Organizationsarebeginningtooffersuchcarefor severalreasons:increasingcompetitionforskilledworkersduetoshiftsinthegenderandskillmixoftheworkforce,changingexpectationsofemployees,growing researchevidenceaboutnegativeeffectsofworkfamilyconflictonproductivity,andcontinuingshortagesofqualitycare(Kossek&Grace,1991).Availableand affordablechildcareiscriticaltothecareersuccessandsatisfactionofworkingwomenanddualearnerfamilies.Workingmothers,althoughtheyspendlesstimeon housework,spendasmuchtimeonchildcareastraditionalfulltimemothers.Fathersindualcareerandsingleearnerfamiliesspendsimilaramountsoftimeonchild care(Kossek,1990Nock&Kingston,inpress).Havingchildrencaninhibitthecareerdevelopmentofwomen,especiallywhenchildcareisinadequate(Gwartney Gibbs,1988Kossek,1990).Thisisparticularlytrueofwomenwhoworknontraditionalhours(e.g.,nurses)andwhenchildrenbecomeill.Careofsickchildren posesaparticularproblemforworkingparents,employers,andchildcareworkers(Chang&Landis,1991).Thereisaneedtoaddressmorefullythetopicofsick careforchildren,especiallyinlightofevidenceshowingincreasednumbersofchildrenattendinggroupchildcarecenterswheretheincidenceofillnessisgreaterthan whenchildcareremainswiththefamily(Caruso,1992Chang&Landis,1991). Thereisevidencethatqualityofonsitechildcarecanalsoincreasewomen'sselfefficacybyfacilitatingwomen's(andpresumablymen's)abilitytoperformbothwork andfamilyroles(Kossek&Nichol,1992).Childcareoptionsandavailabilityaremorecriticalforwomenemployedoutsidethehomethanformenforseveral reasons: Womenaretheprimarypersonsresponsibleforhousekeepingandcareofchildren,especiallywhenthechildrenareill(Bryson,Bryson,&Johnson,1978Nieva& Gutek,1981b). Women'sworkandfamilydemandsareconcurrent,whereasmen'saresequential(D.T.Hall,1972).

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Marriageandchildreninterferewithwomen'scareeropportunitiesandprogressmorethanworkinterfereswithfamilyactivities(Laws,1979. Childrenandfamilyareoftenviewedbyemployersasburdensforwomenbutassetsformen(Brysonetal.,1978). Oneexplanationforthislastperceptionisthatwomenaremorelikelytointerrupttheircareersformarriageandchildbearingthanaremen(Li&Currie,1992). Moreinformationisneededfortopmanagerialdecisionmakersregardingtheeffectsofdependentcareresponsibilitiesonjobperformanceandtheextentofthe organization'sresponsibilitytoprovidesuchcare(J.J.Miller,Stead,&Pereira,1991).Researchindicatesthatorganizationscanincreaseproductivityandreduce absenteeismwhenchildcareprogramsareimplemented(ChambersCook&Youngblood,1984Maume,1991).Otherfindingssuggestthatalthoughonsitechild careisnotdirectlyrelatedtoperformance,theprimaryperformancelinkmaybethroughtheopportunitytoperformratherthanthroughmotivationorability(Kossek &Nichol,1992).Thatis,childcareavailabilitycreatesafavorableorganizationalclimatebyreducingworkfamilyproblemsandallowingemployeestofocusontheir jobs.KossekandNichol(1992)foundthatparent/employeesintheorganizationwhowereonachildcarewaitinglistshowedafrustrationeffect,believingthatthey werebeingdeniedanorganizationalbenefit. EmployedMothers:EffectsontheHealthofWomen,Men,andChildren Itwaslongassumedthatwomen'semploymentwasdetrimentaltochildren,particularlywhenchildcarewasinvolved.Researchhassoconvincinglyoverturnedthis stereotypethatexpertsonchildcarehaveurgedamoratoriumonresearchsearchingfornegativeconsequencesofworkingmothersandnonfamilialchildcareand haveaskedforgreaterresearchdocumentingthenegativeconsequencesofnotprovidinghighquality,affordablechildcaretochildrenandtheirfamilies. Women'semploymentandchildren'sexperiencesinnonfamiliarchildcaresettingscanbenefitboththemother'sselfperceptionsandwellbeingandthechildren's development(Parasuraman&Greenhaus,1993).AFortunestudyofemployedmothersandfathersindicatedthat86%ofthewomenand78%ofthementhought childrenofemployedparentsbenefitedfromhavingbothasinterestingrolemodels(Chapman,1987).Childrenofdualcareerfamiliesholdmoreegalitariansexrole attitudes

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(Stephan&Corder,1985)andaremoreindependent(Knaub,1986G.L.Symons,1984)thanchildrenintraditionalfamilies.Furthermore,themother'sworkcan haveapositiveeffectonherselfesteemandemotionalwellbeing(Barnett&Baruch,1985Baruch&Barnett,1986),especiallyifsheisemployedbychoice(Ross, Mirowsky,&Huber,1983)andholdsachallengingandinterestingjob(Valdez&Gutek,1987).Thereislittleevidencethatinvolvementinmultiplerolescontributes toroleoverloadandhasnegativeconsequencesforawoman'shealth(Jacobs&Waldron,1989).Instead,multiplerolescontributetobetterhealthforsomewomen, throughpositiveconsequencesoflaborforceparticipationandmarriage. MeneghanandParcel's(1991)longitudinalstudyshowedthattheoccupationalcomplexityofamother'sworkpositivelyaffectsthehomeenvironmentthatthe motherprovidesforherchildren.Personalresourcesthatworkingmothersbringtotheirchildrenincludingheightenedselfesteem,increasedlocusofcontrol, enhancededucationalachievement,andincreasedmaturity(workingmotherstendtohavechildrenatalaterage)allhavepositiveeffectsonchildren'shome environments(Menaghan&Parcel,1991).Notonlydoesawoman'semploymenthaveapositiveeffectonherselfesteem,butamother'spreferenceforacareerhas apositiveeffectonherchildren'sselfesteemandevaluationsoftheirowncompetence.Wediscussthestresslevelsandhealthofworkingandnonworkingmenand womeninchapter12. DualCareerCouples Oftenwhenwediscusswomen'scareerdevelopment,weareactuallydescribingamorecomplexsetofworkandnonworkinteractionsexperiencedbydualearneror dualcareercouples.BruceandReed(1991)describedthedualcareercoupleas"twoprofessionalpeopleinamaritalorsignificantrelationshipinwhichboth partnerspursueacareercharacterizedbystrongcommitment,personalgrowthandincreasinglevelsofresponsibility"(p.1).Suchcouplesmayormaynothave children.However,dualcareerconcernsareinnowaylimitedtothoseinvolvedinpsychologicallyinvolving,upwardlymobile,orprofessionalwork(Greenhaus, 1987).MostworkingcouplesinAmericaarebetterdescribedasdualearners,whoarelikelytoneedwaystobalancethedemandsofworkandhomewithout completelysegregatingworkresponsibilities(handledbytheman)andhome/familyresponsibilities(handledbythewoman). Anumberoflimitationswithinthedualcareeranddualearnerresearchliteratureshouldbekeptinmindaswereviewfindings(A.Lewis&

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Cooper,1988).First,thisresearchisoftenbasedexclusivelyonmiddleclasscouples(Fogarty,Rapoport,&Rapoport,1971Pendelton,Paloma,&Garland, 1982).Second,moststudiesassumethatbothindividualsareinfulltimeemployment,butdefinitionsofwhatconstitutesfulltimeemploymentcanvaryfrom20(Pleck &Staines,1985)to35(E.A.House,1986)hoursperweek.Otherstudiesincludewiveswhoareemployedparttime(Pleck&Staines,1985).Third,definitionsof dualcareercouplesvaryacrossstudies.Oneoftheoriginaldefinitionsofatwoearnercouplereferredtocombiningtwojobswithchildrearing(Rapoport& Rapoport,1969).However,notallresearchspecifiesthetypesofjobsthetwomembershold,whethertherearechildren,ortheagesofthechildren.Fourth,research ondualearnerordualcareercouplesiswomancenteredthatis,thereisanassumptionthatworkisprimaryformen,andhomeandfamilyareprimaryforwomen. Differentassessmenttechniquesareusedwithfemaleandmalesubjects,andsomequestions(e.g.,concerningdomesticwork)areaskedofwivesbutnothusbands. Finally,thereislittlecrossculturalresearchondualcareerordualearnercouples.MuchoftheresearchhasbeenconductedintheUnitedStates(A.Lewis& Cooper,1988a),althoughthetopicisreceivingincreasingattentioninGreatBritain. Inacomprehensivereviewofresearchondualcareermanagers,JeanneBrettandhercolleagues(Brett,Stroh,&Reilly,1992)discussedhowdualcareermanagers comparewiththeirsinglecounterpartsaswellaswiththetraditionalcareermodel(i.e.,asinglebreadwinnerwhoistypicallytheman).Thesectionthatfollowsdraws largelyfromthatreview. EffectsofDualCareerStatusonComparisonsBetweenFemaleandMaleManagers Comparisonsofcareeroutcomesformaleandfemalemanagersarecomplicatedbythefactthattheydiffersubstantiallyinanumberofattributes.Inparticular,the majorityofmalemanagersaremarriedandhavechildren,whereasthemajorityoffemalemanagersareeithersingleorwithoutchildren.Furthermore,variablessuchas thespouse'sstatus(e.g.,joblevel,salary)mayhavedifferentimplicationsforwomenthanformen.Asaresult,itisnecessarytointroducemanyqualifiersintothe followingdescriptions.Sometimes,malefemaledifferenceswilldependonwhetherthemanagersinquestionaresingle,areindualcareerrelationships,havechildren, andsoforth. Promotion,Mobility,andSalary Brettetal.(1992)foundthatdualcareerfemalemanagersarepromotedasfrequentlyastheirmale

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peersbuthavelessmobility.Thisisconsistentwithotherresearch(Bielby&Bielby,1992).Althoughtherewerenodifferencesamongthefourgroupscomparedin Brettetal.'sstudy(i.e.,singlemen,singlewomen,dualcareermen,anddualcareerwomen)intermsoftheproportionwhoturneddownjobtransfersduringthe previous5years,dualcareerwomenwithoutchildrenweremostlikelytoconsidertransfers,whereasdualcareerwomenwithchildrenandsinglewomenwereless willingtomoveinternationallythananygroupofmen.Thedecisiontorelocateisoftenamorecomplicateddecisionforwomenthanmen.Althoughstressfulforboth menandwomen,movingmaybeparticularlydifficultforwomen.Promotionandtransferoccurofteninthestageofawoman'scareerwhensheisalsoconsidering whethertohavechildren.Thismaybeastagewhenwomenfacetheambiguityoruncertaintyoftheeffectsofhavingchildrenontheircareers(Brettetal.,1992). Althoughrelativesalariesofhusbandsandwivesindualcareerrelationshipsvariedconsiderablyinthismanagerialsample,52%ofdualcareerfemalesearned $5,000morethantheirhusbands.Only20%ofthesewomenearned$5,000lessthantheirhusbands.Furthermore,thejobsofdualcareerfemalestendedtobeof equalorgreaterstatusthanthehusband's.Salaryincreasesforfemalemanagersweresmallerovera5yearperiodthanweresalariesofsingleanddualcareermale groups.Dualcareermen'ssalariesincreasedby63%,singlesmen'sby61%,anddualcareerwomen'sbyonly55%.Ontheotherhand,dualcareerwomenreceived largersalariesthansinglewomen.Althoughmoredualcareerfemalemanagersoccupiedjobsinthebetterpayingindustriesthandidsinglemen,themen'ssalaries werelargerby6%. IntheUnitedStates,geographicmobilityandrelocationarerelatedtooccupationaladvancement(Markham,1987).Peoplewhomoveforoccupationaladvancement areusuallybetteroffthanthosewhodonotmovethisisespeciallytrueformen(Harris,1981Sell,1982)andunmarriedwomen(Mincer,1978Sandell,1977 Sandell&Koenig,1978).Amarriedcoupleismorelikelytomoveintheinterestofadvancingthehusband'scareersthanthewife's.Itisnotsurprising,then,thatthe husband'sincomeispositivelyaffectedbysuchmoves.Dualcareercouples'movesalsofavorthehusbands'careers.Althoughoverallfamilyincometendstoincrease afterrelocating(Mincer,1978),wives'incomesgenerallydecreasewithmoves. Womenmanagersmaynotreviewtheircareerprogressionasadvancing(likemendo)becausetheymayquestionwhethertheyaregettingbackwhattheyhave invested.Malepeerstransfermorefrequentlyandreceivebettersalaries.Althoughthereareapparentlynodifferencesinpromotionrates,women'spromotionsarenot alwayslinkedwithrelocationsotheirsalariesdonotkeepupwiththeirmalepeers'.

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ComparisonsBetweenManagersWithorWithoutChildren Brettetal.(1992)alsocompareddualcareerwomenwithchildrentothosewithoutchildren.Thecareerliteraturesuggeststhatforwomen,familyresponsibilitieslead toworkfamilyconflict.Onefrequentresponsetothisconflictistoreduceone'sworkload,which,inturn,oftenlimitswomen'scareeradvancement(Parasuraman& Greenhaus,1993).However,intheBrettsample,itappearedthatdualcareerwomenwithandwithoutchildrenweretreatedsimilarly.Intermsofopportunitiesto transfer,womenwithchildrenmovedasfrequentlyasthosewithoutchildrenandconsideredmovesmorefrequently.Althoughonethirdofthedualcareerwomenwith childrenwithdrewtheirnamesfromtransferconsiderationsoneormoretimes,thesedecisionsdidnotsignificantlyreducetheirratesofmobility. Thesalariesofdualcareerwomenwithchildrenwereactuallygreaterthanthoseofwomenwithoutchildren74%ofthosewithchildrenearnedatleast$5,000more thantheirhusbands,andonly11%earned$5,000lessthantheirhusbands.Therefore,therewaslittleevidencethatorganizationsdiscriminatedagainstdualcareer womenwithchildrenmorethanwomenwithoutchildren.However,comparedtomen,boththesegroupshadfeweropportunitiesfortransferandsalaryincreases (Brettetal.,1992). Dualcareercoupleswithoutchildrenappearsimilartotraditionalcouples(i.e.,wherethemanisthebreadwinnerandthewomanstaysathome)intermsofsalary.In dualcareercoupleswithoutchildren,malemanagersbroughtmoreincomeandprestigeintothefamilythandidtheirwivesatleast90%ofthemearnedatleast $5,000morethantheirwives.Interestingly,dualcareermenwithchildrenweremorereluctanttomovethaneitherdualcareermenwithoutchildrenortraditionalmen withchildrentheirratesofmovingorpromotionwerelowerthaneithercomparisongroup(Brettetal.,1992).Dualcareermenwithchildrenmovedevery5years dualcareermenwithoutchildrenmovedevery4yearsandtraditionalmenwithchildrenmovedevery3.5years.Dualcareermenwithchildrenwithdrewtheirnames frommoveconsiderationsmorethandidtraditionalmaleearners(30%vs.19%).Ontheotherhand,traditionalmenwithchildrenwithdrewtheirnamesfromtransfer considerationasfrequentlyasdiddualcareermenwithchildren.Yetthemorefrequentmovesoftraditionalmalemanagerswithchildrensupportedthenotionthat theyreceivedmoretransferopportunitiesthandualcareermenwithchildren.Thesalaryprogressionofdualcareermenwithchildrenwas2%lessthandualcareer menwithoutchildrenand7%lessthantraditionalmenwithchildren. Comparingmenwhoweremarriedtohomemakerswithdualcareermen,Brettetal.(1992)foundthatsalariesofdualcareermenincreasedby63%over5years whereastraditionalmalemanagers'salariesincreased

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by87%overthesameperiod.Thisisconsistentwithotherfindings(Pfeffer&Ross,1982).Thisdifferencemaybetheresultofsocialexpectationsandgender stereotypesspecifically,themanisassumedtobethesolefinancialsupportofthefamilyandthenonemployedwifeprovidesresourcesandassistance(e.g.,flexibility inmoving,etc.)tothehusband'scareer(Pfeffer&Ross,1982). DualCareersandWork/LifeAttitudes Therewerenosignificantdifferencesinworkattitudesamongdualcareer,single,ortraditionalfamilytypes,includingattitudestowardpay,security,theworkitself, andorganizationalcommitment(Brettetal.,1992).Managerswithandwithoutchildrenalsoshowedsimilarattitudes.Oneexceptiontothispatterninvolvesjob involvement:Womenwerelessinvolvedthanmen.Also,dualcareercoupleswereleastinvolved,whereassinglemanagerswerethemostinvolved.Inaddition, regardlessofgender,managerswithchildrenwerelessjobinvolvedthanthosewithoutchildren.Dualcareerwomenhadthelowestlevelsofjobinvolvement.The findingthatdualcareermenareassatisfiedwiththeirjobsandlivesasaretraditionalmensuggeststhatdualcareerfamiliesmaylivewithonlymodestchangesin traditionalfamilypractices(Kingston,1988).Becausesomanywomenmoveintoandoutoftheworkforceorholdparttimejobs,husbandsandwivesworkfulltime yearroundinonlyonefourthofthetwojobfamilies. DualCareers,HouseCare,andChildCare Whenwomenenterthepaidworkforceandworkoutsidethehome,onemightexpectthattheywouldalsoengageinlesshousecareandlesschildcare.Infact, workingwomenspendlesstimeonhousekeepingbutasmuchtimeonchildrearingeachweekaswomennotemployedoutsideofthehome.Arelatedassumption suggeststhatwiththeirwivesworkingoutsidethehome,husbandswouldincreasetheircontributionstohouseandchildcare.Researchdataonthesharingof householdandchildrearingresponsibilitiesbyworkinghusbandsandwivesareequivocal.Thereisevidencethatworkingwomencontinuetobeargreater responsibilityforhomeandchildcarethantheirhusbands(Biernat&Wortman,1991).Forexample,amongdualcareercouplesintheUnitedKingdom,79%ofthe womendonearlyallthehousework.Furthermore,menindualcareerfamiliesaverage6morehoursoffreetimeperweekthantheirwives(Henwood,Rimmons,& Wicks,1987).Husbandsaremostlikelytoparticipateinhomeandchildcaremorewhentheirwivesarepsychologicallyinvolvedwiththeirownwork(Yogev& Brett,1985)andwhenthemenareengagedinfewerhoursofpaidwork(Biernat&Wortman,1991

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Pleck,1983).Crossculturalresearchalsoshowsthatfemalemanagersspendmoretimewiththeirchildrenthandomalemanagers(Larwood&Wood,1977,1979 A.Lewis&Cooper,1988). Couplessharemoreofthehouseworkifthewivesearnalargershareofthefamilyincome(IshiiKuntz&Coltrane,1992).Thedegreetowhichhusbandsrestructure theirworkforfamilyactivitiesdependsonanumberofworkandhomecarevariables.Menwillrestructureormakechangestoaccommodateworkfamilydemands dependingupontheiroccupationandtheircareerstage(Brett&Yogev,1989).Malemanagersdotheleastrestructuring,whereasmaleprofessionals(e.g.,doctors, psychotherapists)dothemost.Meninanestablishedcareerstagealsodomorerestructuring.Themorepaidhelpthatthefamilyreceiveswithchildcareor housework,themorerestructuringmenarelikelytodo.Ontheotherhand,men'srestructuringisnotrelatedtonumberofhoursworkedperday,numberofextra workactivities,frequencyoftravel,orpsychologicalinvolvementinwork(Brett&Yogev,1989).OneexplanationthatBrettandYogevprovideisthatmenwhosee moreneedforrestructuringmayalsoseetheneedformoreoutsidehelp.Furthermore,thereisanegativerelationshipbetweenmen'sselfefficacyandamountof restructuring.Thosemenwhorestructuremayfeelthattheyarenothandlingthingswell(Brett&Yogev,1989). Wives'attemptstorestructuretheirworkarealsorelatedtoarangeofworkandnonworkvariables(Brett&Yogev,1989).Womendoingextraworkactivitiesand whoarehighlyinvolvedintheirworkdosignificantlylessrestructuring.Likemen,women'srestructuringisnotrelatedtonumberofhoursworkedperday,travel,or careerstage.Nonworkvariablesthatpredictwomen'srestructuringincludefamilystageandnumberoffamilyworkactivities.Womenwithyoungchildrendomore restructuringthanwomenwitholderchildren.Furthermore,womenwhospendmoretimeonhouseworkandchildcaredomorerestructuring.Awoman's restructuringisnotrelatedtonumberofchildren,familyinvolvement,paidhelpwithhouseworkandchildcare,orherselfefficacy(Brett&Yogev,1989).Finally,a woman'slevelofrestructuringdoesnotpredictherhusband'slevelorviceversa.Therefore,differentfactorsareassociatedwithrestructuringformenandwomen. Summary Womenarenotnewtotheworkforce,andcurrentexpectationsarethat95of100womenwillworkoutsidethehomesometimeintheirlives

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(Betz&Fitzgerald,1987).Mostmarriedwomenworkoutsidethehome,includingmorethan61%ofmotherswithchildrenunder18yearsofageand52%of motherswithpreschoolers.However,muchofwhatweknowaboutcareerscanbelabeled''thevocationaldevelopmentofmiddleclassmales"(Tyler,1977,p.40). Duringthelastseveraldecades,interestinwomen'sworklivesandcareershasincreased.Yetfewtheoriesexclusivelyaddresswomen'scareerdevelopmentandeven fewertheoriesattempttounderstandminoritymaleandfemalecareerdevelopmentwithoutusingWhitemenasthereferentorcomparisongroup(Betz&Fitzgerald, 1987Osipow,1983). Expertsoncareerdevelopmentstaterepeatedlythat,althoughwomen'scareerdevelopmentissimilartomen's,thereareenoughdifferencestowarrantdifferent theories(Larwood&Gattiker,1987Osipow,1983).Womenencounterexperiencesinsociety,intheireducation,andatwork(e.g.,discrimination)thatmendonot. Researchersneedtoconsiderhowthefamilyandcompetingexternalworkenvironmentsaffectbothmenandwomenandtoidentifyotherfactorsthatdistinguish men'sandwomen'scareerrelatedexperiences. Becausewomenoftenaresocializedtoexpectsomeworkinterruptions,continuousemploymentthroughoutawoman'slife(comparedtoaman's)maybemore heavilyinfluencedbysupportfromandexpectationsofothers,decisionstomarryorhavechildren,andthespouse'scareer.Mentoringrelationshipsareimportantto thesuccessofbothmenandwomenintheworkplace.Mentoringprovidesvaluableinformalsupport,includingcoaching,aswellaspsychosocialsupport.Yet,there arenumerousbarrierstomentoringforwomen,includingfewfemalementorsasonemovesuptheorganizationalhierarchy.Inmaledominatedoccupations,women willlikelyhavemalementorsandmayhavelimitedopportunitiestoestablishcontactwithpotentialmentorsduetounfavorablefeaturesassociatedwiththestatusof token.Lackofamentor,however,mayreducejobeffectivenessforwomen. Onemythormisperceptionaboutyoung,married,workingwomenisthattheywillinterrupttheirworklivesforextendedperiodsoftimetobearandcareforchildren. Althoughwomendostopworkbrieflytohavechildren,themajorityreturntoworkafteraverybriefinterruption.Thedurationofthe"interruption"maybemore drivenbyharsheconomicrealities(i.e.,unpaidmaternityleavesundertheFamilyLeaveAct)thanbyconsiderationofthewelfareofthemother,child,andfamily. Thereisalsoevidencethatpriortoherdeparturefromtheworkplace,apregnantwomanisoftenviewedasasickpersonor,atbest,astemporarilydisabled.Men tendtomorestronglyholdthisviewthandootherwomen.Itisnotsurprising,then,thatpregnantwomenfinditdifficulttoestablishandmaintainmentoring relationships.

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Althoughlackofadequatechildcareoftenmaybeasourceofworkfamilystress,qualitychildcareanddependentcareprogramshavepositiveeffectsonworking mothers.Onsitecarecanenhancewomen'sselfefficacyinhandlingworkfamilyconflicts.However,moreresearchisneededonthespecificlinksbetweenchildcare featuresandchilddevelopment.Also,accommodationandcareforsickchildrenhavereceivedlittleattention,intermsofbothresearchandpracticalopportunitiesfor workingmothers.Thereisevidencethatchildrenofemployedmothersandfathersbenefitfromhavingbothasstrong,interestingrolemodels. Finally,withincreasingnumbersofwomenofchildbearingageparticipatingintheworkforce,theworkandfamilyexperiencesofdualcareercoupleshavebecome moreimportant.Occupationaladvancementisassociatedwithmobility,anddualcareerwomentendtohavelessmobilityyetsimilarratesofpromotiontomen.Dual careerwomenwithchildrenreceivelargersalariesthanwomenwithoutchildrenyet,comparedtomen,boththesegroupshavefewsalaryincreases.Menandwomen alsoholdsimilarworkattitudesexceptintermsofjobinvolvement,wheredualcareerfemalesshowthelowestlevelsofjobinvolvement. Glossary Advancementstage:Secondstageofcareerprogression,whichinvolvesnewexperiencesincludingtransfersandpromotionsandischaracterizedbyachievement, greaterresponsibility,andupwardmobility. Careermanagement:Lifelongprocessoflearningaboutoneself,jobs,andorganizationssettingpersonalcareergoalsdevelopingstrategiesforachievingthose goalsandrevisingthosegoalsbasedonworkandlifeexperiences. Careernetwork:Contactwithmanycolleaguesformutualbenefit. Careerplateau:Apointinanemployee'scareerwhereheorshemightbedoinggoodworkbutforsomereasonhasalowerprobabilityofmovingupthe organizationalhierarchy. Careersalience:Whenone'scareerplaysaveryimportantandvitalroleinone'slifeanddecisions. Corporatereengineeringandrestructuring:Processofchanginghowdifferentpartsofanorganizationareseparatedfromandinterconnectedtoeachother.The structurecreatesandreinforcesrelationshipswithinandamonggroupsintheorganization.Furthermore,thestructureofanorganizationshapesvariousinterpersonal andgroupprocesseswithintheworkplace.

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Culturalapproach:Anapproachtostudyingwomen'scareersfocusingonhowtheculturalimagesofmenandwomenareshapedbysocialrolesandlifechoicesat home,atwork,andinmarriage. Developmentalperspective:Perspectivewherebyindividualsarestudiedastheypassthroughaseriesofstagesintheirlives.Thestagesfollowaspecificpattern andinvolvedistinctsetsofactivities. Discreteexchange:Anexchangewheretheorganizationgainsproductivityandtheindividualgainsworkexperience. Downsizing:Reductioninlaborforcewithinanorganization. Dualcareercouple:Twoprofessionalpeopleinasignificantrelationship(e.g.,marriage)wherebothpartnerspursuecareersthatarecharacterizedbystrong commitment,personalgrowth,andhighlevelsofresponsibility. Dualearner:Apersoninasignificantrelationship(e.g.,marriage)wherebothpartnershavejobsthatmayormaynotbeprofessional,upwardlymobile,orinvolving. Establishmentstage:Stagewhenindividualbeginsasanewcomertoanorganization. Gendermodel:Modeltoexploretheworkbehaviorofmenandwomenwhereperceptionsofandreactionstoworkaretreatedasaresultofpersonal characteristicsandrelationshipstofamilysituations. Independentvariable:Inexperimentalresearch,avariablethatismanipulatedwhileitseffectonanothervariableisobserved. Jobaccessibility:Availabilityofjobsinageographicalarea. Jobmodel:Modelthathasbeenusedtoexploretheworkbehaviorofmenandwomen.Itemphasizeshowactualworkinfluencesperceptionsofworkaswellas mentalandphysicalhealthandisoftenusedtoexplaindifferencesamongmenandwomeninworkperceptionsandbehaviors. Longitudinalstudy:Typeofresearchinwhichtheinvestigatorobservesthesamepeopleoverandoveragainthereareseveralmeasurementsoveranextended periodoftime. Maintenancestage:Thethirdstageincareerdevelopmentwhereanumberofpersonalchangesoccurandapersontakesoneofthreecareerpaths:star,solid citizen,ordeadwood. Mentoring:Relationshipwhereanexperienced,productivemanageroremployeerelatestoalessexperiencedemployeeandassistswithhisorherpersonal developmentforthebenefitoftheindividualandtheorganization. Merger:Whentwoorganizationsjointogetherunderonestructure. Occupationalaspirationsmodel:Modelwhichpositsthatpeopleclassifyoccupationsalongdimensionsofsextype,levelofwork,andfieldof

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workandthenassessthesuitabilityofoccupationsconsistentwiththeirselfconceptandamountofefforttheyarewillingtoexert. Occupationalcomplexity:Degreetowhichanoccupationrequirestheincumbenttopossessintelligenceandskillinordertoperformcomplextasksthatrequire decisionmakingandresponsibility. Occupationalexcellence:Qualitywherebyanindividualcontinuallyincreasesoracquiresskillsthataremarketableacrossorganizations. Organizationalempowerment:Powerthatcomesdowntobusinessunitsandthentoemployeesfromexecutivelevels. Outcomeexpectationsandincentives:Beliefsabouttheconsequencesofperformance. Paradigmshift:Movementfromonemodelorpatterntoanother. Projectallegiance:Commitmentthattheemployeeandtheorganizationhavetothesuccessofagivenproject. Protg:Lessexperiencedparticipantinamentoringrelationshipwhoreceivesassistancewithpersonaldevelopmentfromamoreseniorandexperiencedemployee. PsychologicalApproach:Approachtostudyingwomen'scareersthatfocusesongenderspecificwaysinwhichmenandwomenexamineandmakesenseofwork. Psychologicalcontract:Implicitorunspokenunderstandingbetweentheemployeeandtheorganizationusuallyinvolvingwhattheyexpectfromeachother. PsychosocialSupport:Atypeofsupportamentoroftenprovidesincludesenhancingtheprotg'ssenseofcompetence,providingfriendship,andofferingpositive regardandacceptance. Sociologicalapproach:Studyofwomen'scareersfocusingonhowsocialinstitutionsandpracticescontributetoobserveddifferencesbetweenmenandwomen. Selfefficacy:Acomponentofselfconceptthatdealswithone'sperceivedabilitiesandcompetenciestodealwithagiventask. Selfconcept:Acomplexcollectionofinformationthatsomehowisheldtogetherasoneself. Selflimitingattitudes:Attitudesthatresultfromnegativeselfevaluationsandcausepeopletolimittheirrangeofcareeroptionsandhavelimitedconfidence, assertiveness,andpresentationofcompetence. Sickrolemodel:Modelusedtoexamineperceptionsofpregnantwomen.Usingthismodel,pregnancyisviewedasadeviantrole,implyingdependencyofasick person. Tokens:Theunderrepresentedmembersinagroupwhere,forexample,thereisa85:15ratioofmentowomenorviceversatheyarepeople

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whodifferfromthemajorityonareadilyobservabledemographiccharacteristiclikegender,age,orrace. Verticalcareerprogression:Progressionuptheorganizationalhierarchy,oftenthroughpromotions. Vocationalpsychology:Thestudyofindividualfactorssuchasinterestsandsituationalfactorsthatleadtooccupationalchoiceandsatisfaction. Withdrawalstage:Stagethatoccurslaterinlife(aroundage60)whenemployeesmaybecomeincreasinglydisengagedfromworkduetostereotyping,health factors,skilldeterioration,ordiscrimination.

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11 GenderandLeadership
I.DefinitionsandTheoriesofLeadership A.WhatIsLeadership? B.TraditionalTheoriesofLeadership 1.TraitApproaches 2.BehavioralApproaches 3.SituationalTheories 4.RelationalBasedTheories C.LeadershipintheNewEra 1.TransformationalLeadership 2.ConnectiveLeadership 3.AdviceforLeadersintheModernEra a.Vision b.SharingLeadership c.Credibility d.Communication e.IntegrationandStrategy II.GenderandLeadership A.StereotypesofMaleandFemaleLeaders:ImplicationsforHowTheyAre Judged B.EmergentLeadership C.BehaviorsandStyles D.GenderComparisonsofTransformationalandConnectiveLeadership E.TheBottomLine:AreMenMoreEffectiveLeadersThanWomen? III.TheGlassCeiling:ASpecialChallengeforWomen A.ExplanationsfortheGlassCeilingEffect:FewerSkillsorUnfairBarriers? B.BreakingtheGlassCeiling C.LeadershipandtheGlassCeilingforNonwhiteWomen IV.Summary

Page286 ProfilesofWomenLeaders CarolStephenson,presidentandCEOofStentorResourcesCentre,Inc.,anallianceofninemajorCanadiantelephonecompanies.Stephensonbeganhercareerasatelephone operatoratBellCanadawhilefinishingherundergraduateeducationattheUniversityofToronto.AftergraduationsheenteredBell'smanagementtraineeprogram,whereshe progressedtoplantmanagerofaswitchingcenter.There,shesupervised60men,mostlyengineersandtechnicalspecialistswhoweretiredofbeing"overmanaged."Sheresponded totheirheedbybecomingaresourceperson,allowingtheemployeestoselfmanageaslongasperformancelevelsremainedhigh.Hersuccessledtomorepromotions,andshe eventuallybecamevicepresidentofoperatorservices.Here,herspanofcontrolincludedover3,000operators,mostlywomen,who,shediscovered,werebright,articulate,andwell educated.Again,usingherpenchantforempowerment,shealteredtheseoperators'jobsfromprovidingroutineinformationtopromotingproductsandservicesthatgenerated millionsofdollarsinnewrevenues.Followinghersuccessinlinelevelpositions,shebecamevicepresidentofregulatoryaffairs,apolicyposition.Subsequently,shewaspromoted togroupvicepresidentatStentorandthenappointedaspresidentandCEO.Shecreditshersuccesstopowerfulfemalerolemodelsinherfamily(hergrandmotherownedand operatedabusinessschoolandhermotherwasanurse),acriticalyetsupportivehusband,supportiveandinfluentialmentorsthroughouthercareer,andherownwillingnessto acceptriskypositionsandchallengingassignments.Furthermore,shevaluesher"female"styleofmanagement,whichincludesanabilitytolistenandspeakclearlyandhonestly, tomediatebetweenconflictingpartiesandviews,andtobrightentheworkplacewithanewsenseofstyle. Source:Stephenson(1997) RebeccaMark,executive,EnronCorp.,aninternationalenergybusiness.Markdoesn'tshyawayfromusingherfemininecharmstosecuremultimilliondollarcontractsin developingnationssuchasBrazilandIndia.Eschewing"dressforsuccess"formulasofdarkcolored,belowthekneemasculinesuits,Markchoosesbetweentightpantsandared andwhitejacketforalunchwiththemajorclients,andafluorescentredorangeminiskirtedsuitforaspeechbeforeacrowddressedindullgrayandnavy.Andwithanyoutfitare the3inchstilettoheels.Markadmitsthatalthoughherfashionflareprovidesabitoftheater,helpinghertomakeimportantdealswithinfluentialpoliticalandbusinessleaders, herbusinessandinterpersonalsavvyhavehelpedherrisetothelevelofimminentCEO.HavingimpressedacolleagueinapreviousjobinHouston,Markwashandpickedasthe financechiefofanew,riskyupstartbusiness,Enron,whichdevelopedoutofenergyderegulation.Soon,Mark'sjobwastoopennewmarketsforprivateenergyplantsthatcould sellpowertoutilities.MarkcapitalizedonachancemeetingwithaBrazilianenergyconsultanttodevelopamarketforEnroninBrazil.Aftermanymeetingsandnegotiationswith headsofstateinBrazilandBolivia,MarkcapturedtheBrazilianenergymarketforEnron.ShemetwithsimilarsuccessinIndia.MarkgrewuponafarmeastofKansasCity, Missouri,whereshelearnedthevalueofhardwork.

Page287 ShemovedtoTexas,earningherBAinpsychologyandanMAininternationalbusinessatBaylorUniversity.Oncehercareerbegantodevelop,shecompletedaHarvardMBA.In additiontohavingaflareforstyleandtheatrics,Markisaconsummatenegotiatorandcompromiser.Sheiswillingtotakeshorttermlossestogainalongtermwinwinsolution nettingafarmoreprofitablearrangementforEnron.Analystspredictthatifsheisn'tpickedoffbyanothercompany,Mark,44,maybethefirstfemaleCEOinthehighlymale orientedenergybusiness. Source:Mack(1998)

Leadershipisaconceptthatpervadesallages,generations,cultures,anddomainsoflife.Whetheronediscussesmythologicalheroeswhoovercametremendous obstaclestoobtaindivineleadershippowers(Campbell1949)orthechallengesofU.S.businessestoremaincompetitiveinaglobaleconomy,leadershipremainsan essentialqualificationforprogress.Asthetwoverydifferentprofilesofsuccessfulfemaleleadersdepictedatthebeginningofthischapterdemonstrate,thereisnoone bestwaytoleadandbeeffective.Thischaptersummarizesthemajortheoriesofleadershipinorganizationsandexaminestheimplicationsforfemaleandmaleleaders. Next,researchexaminingcomparisonsofmaleandfemaleleadersisreviewed.Finally,additionalchallengesfacingfemaleleadersandorganizationsthatstrivetofully utilizetheirleadershipresourcesarediscussed. DefinitionsandTheoriesofLeadership Scholarsinanumberofdisciplines,rangingfrompsychologytomilitaryscience,havewrittenextensivelyonleadership,andanumberoftheories,perspectives,and definitionsofleadershipexist. WhatIsLeadership? Althoughdefinitionsandperspectivesonleadershipvarywidely,mostexpertsonthetopicagreethatleadershipimpliesinfluencethatgoesbeyondnormalrole requirements(Yukl&VanFleet,1992).Asupervisor,forexample,whoordersworkerstocompletetaskswithinacertainperiodoftimeisinfluencingtheseworkers butnotleadingthem.Theworkersaresimplyrespondingtotheroledemandsofthesupervisor.Ontheotherhand,asupervisorwhoinspiresworkerstoachieve difficultgoalsamidmountingobstaclesisexhibitingleadership.Inthelattercase,thesupervi

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sor'sinfluenceisgreaterthantherewardsandpunishmentslegitimatelyaccordedtohimorherduetoorganizationalposition.Tothisend,itisimportanttodistinguish betweenleadershipandmanagement,keepinginmindthatmostoftheresearchonleaderslooksatmanagers.Nonetheless,Robinson(1989)summarizedthe differencebetweenmanagingandleading.Whereasmanagingothersinvolvesdirectingothers,competing,usinghierarchy,emphasizingconsistencyandsameness, usingslowdecisionmaking,seekingpermission,beingaversetorisks,makingindividualcontributions,andseeingpeopleasanexpense,leadingothersinvolves guidinganddevelopingothers,collaborating,usingnetworks,emphasizingdiversityandflexibility,makingfastdecisionsandjudgments,takingrisks,beingateam player,andseeingpeopleasanasset. Oneimplicationofthedistinctionbetweenmanagementandleadershipisthatthepeoplewhoarenominallyinchargeofaworkgroup(e.g.,thelinesofauthority depictedonanorganizationalchart)arenotnecessarilyitsleaders.Inchapter6,wedistinguishbetweenstructuralpower(i.e.,formalauthority)andpersonalpower (i.e.,influenceoverothers).Thisdistinctionismaintainedhere.Inthischapter,leadershipreferstoextraroleinfluence,notnecessarilytotheformalpositiononeholds inanorganization. TraditionalTheoriesofLeadership Theoriesofleadershipcanbecharacterizedbroadlyasbeingconcernedwithwholeads(i.e.,characteristicsofleaders),howtheylead(i.e.,leaderbehaviors),under whatcircumstancesthelead(i.e.,situationaltheories),orwhofollowstheleader(i.e.,relationaltheories).Examplesofallfourapproachesarepresentednext. TraitApproaches Overthemillennia,greatleaderswerebelievedtopossessspecialtraitsorattributesthatdistinguishedthemfromotherpeople.Accordingtothis"greatman"or "greatperson"theory,leadersseemedtohaveextraordinaryambition,clearandarticulatevision,andawinningpersonalitythatdrewpeopletothem.SirFrancis Galton,amemberofaneminentEuropeanfamilywhichincludedCharlesDarwin,arguedthatthetraitswhichdistinguishedgreatleadersfromotherswereinherited. Earlysystematicresearchinwhichthetraitsofabroadvarietyofleaderswerecomparedwithabroadvarietyofpeoplewhowerenotdescribedasleadersfound veryfewconsistentdifferences(Mann,1959Stogdill,1948).Recently,however,therehasbeenarenewedinterestinlearningwhetherleaderspossesscertaintraits orcharacteristicstoagreaterextentthandononleaders.Wereturntothisinourdiscussionofcharismaticandtransformationalleadershiplaterinthechapter.

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BehavioralApproaches Thebehavioralapproachfocusesonwhatleadersdoasopposedtowhattraitstheypossess.ResearchersattheOhioStateUniversityaskedemployees(andothers) whattypesofbehaviorsoractstheyobservedintheirleaders.Alonglistofbehaviorswerecollected,whichtheresearchersdeterminedfellintotwocategories: consideration(C)andinitiatingstructure(IS)(seeFleishman,1973forasummaryofthisresearch).Considerationencompassesbehaviorsthatdemonstrateaconcern forpeople,theirneeds,andtheirrelationshipswithothersinitiatingstructureencompassesconcernfororganizingandaccomplishingtasks.Becausethesefactorsare uncorrelated,aparticularleadercandemonstratebothCandISbehaviors,oneortheother,orneither(although,bydefinition,apersonwhodoesnotengageineither CorISbehaviorsisnotaleader).Theeleganceandsimplicityofthismodelledtoaproliferationofprogramstoteachleadershipskills.Mostnotably,Blakeand Mouton's(1964)managerialgridemphasizedtheimportanceofutilizingahighdegreeofbothCandISbehaviors. Thissimpletwofactortaxonomydominatedtheresearchonleadershipinthe1950sand60showever,itdidnotappeartocapturetherichnessandcomplexityof whatleadersdid.Inthiseraofhightechnology,rapidcommunicationandtransportation,globalization,andincreasingdiversityofhumanresources,leadersmustdraw onabroadrangeofbehaviorsandskillstonavigatetheirbusinessesthroughtumultuouswaters.Leadersareconstantlycommunicating(bothspeakingandlistening), makingdecisions,strategizing,decipheringinformation,buildingrelationships,expandingnetworks,andsolvingproblems(LipmanBluman,1996Yukl&VanFleet, 1992).LeadershipresearcherGaryYuklandhiscolleaguesdevelopedamorespecificlistofbehaviorsthatmostmanagersengageinfromtimetotimedependingon thesituation.Theseincludingplanningandorganizing,problemsolving,clarifying,informing,monitoring,motivating,consulting,recognizing,supporting,managing conflictandteambuilding,networking,delegating,developingandmentoring,andrewarding(seeYukl&VanFleet,1992Yukl,Wall,&Lepsinger,1990). Ingeneral,thetwofactorapproachtoleadershiphasnotrevealedagreatdealaboutwhatmakesaneffectiveleader(Yukl&VanFleet,1992).Although subordinatesseemtobemoresatisfiedwiththeirjobsiftheirleadersusealotofCbehaviors(seeYukl&VanFleet,1992),bothdomainsofbehaviors(i.e.,Cand Is)aswellasthemorespecificsetsofbehaviorsidentifiedbyYukletal.(1990)areneededforeffectiveleadership.Thebehavioraltheoriestendtooverlookthe importanceofthesituationandtheinteractionbetweenthesituationandtheleader'straitsandstylesindetermininghoweffectiveaparticularleaderwillbe.

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SituationalTheories WouldAdolfHitlerhavebecomesuchapowerfulfigureinthemid1920sand1930sifGermanyhadn'tsuffereddevastatingeconomiclossesfromWorldWarI? WouldMartinLutherKing,Jr.,beenaninfluentialleaderifhehadlivedacenturyearlierorlater?Ofcourse,wecan'tanswerthesequestionsempirically,butasking thempointsouttheimportanceofconsideringthesituationwhenwestudyleadershipstyle,behavior,andeffectiveness. Lookingmorecloselyatleadershipinorganizations,Stewart(1976)notedthatwhendecidinghowtointeractwithsubordinates,peers,orthepublic,leadersconsider theextenttowhichtheworkenvironmenttheymanageispredictableversuscertainandunhurriedversusrushed,andwhetherworktasksaresustainedforalong periodoftimeorarebrokenupbyotherdistractionsorrequirements.Otherresearchershavefocusedontheinterpretationsorattributionsleadersmakeaboutwhy subordinatesactthewaytheydo(especiallyforpoorperformance)indecidinghowtohandlesubordinates(Green&Mitchell,1979).Forexample,iftheleader believesthatthesubordinatedidnothavethepropertoolsorequipment,thensheorheislikelytotrytochangethesituation(e.g.,providethetools).However,ifthe leaderbelievesthesubordinatewaslazyorlackedtherequiredabilities,thensheorheismorelikelytopunishtheemployeeorprovideremedialtraining. Situationaltheoriesofleadershiptrytoexplainleaderstyle,behavior,oreffectivenessbyunderstandinghowaspectsofthesituationshapeleaders'behavior.Although situationalapproachesremindusoftheimportanceofexternalconditions,mostpeople,includingscholars,believethatleadersnotonlyareproductsoftheir environmentsbutalsoshapetheirsituations. Contingencytheoriesofleadershiptaketheviewthatthepersonalcharacteristicsofleaders,suchastheirtraits,behaviors,andpreferredleadershipstyles,interact withcharacteristicsofthesituationsinwhichtheylead,suchasthedegreetowhichgroupmembersgetalong,subordinates'skillsandprofessionalism,orthedegreeto whichworktasksareroutineandpredictable,indetermininghowsuccessfulleaderswillbe.Thereareseveraldifferentcontingencytheories.Somefocusonoverall leadershipeffectiveness(e.g.,Fiedler'scontingencytheory,R.E.Fiedler,1978andpathgoaltheory,House&Mitchell,1974),whereasothersfocusonthe acceptanceandeffectivenessofleaders'decisions(e.g.,normativedecisionmodel,Vroom&Jago,1974Vroom&Yetton,1973)andeventheneedforleadership (Kerr&Jermier'ssubstitutesforleadershiptheory,1978).Table11.1summarizesthemajorcontingencytheories.Regardlessoftheirfocus,thesetheoriessharethe assumptionthatcertaintypesofleaderskills,styles,orapproachesaremoreorlesseffective

Page291 Table11.1 SummaryofLeadershipContingenciesTheoriesandModels Theoryormodel Fiedler'sContingency Theory Importantpersonalleadershipcharacteristics Leaderstyle,measuredbytheLPC(LeastPreferred Coworker)scale HighLPCscorersprefer''personoriented"leadership LowLPCscorersprefer"taskoriented"leadership Importantsituationalcharacteristics Groupatmospheredegreetowhichgroup membersgetalong Taskstructureextenttowhichthetaskis clearlyunderstoodvs.ambiguous Leaderpoweramountofauthoritytheleader hasinthegroup Expectedoutcomes Ifsituationcharacteristicsareallfavorable(good leadermemberrelations,hightaskstructure,and highauthority),oriftheyareallpoor,thelowLPC leadershouldbemoreeffectivethanthehighLPC leader.Thelatterisexpectedtodowellwhenthe situationismoderatelyfavorable(someaspectsare good,othersarenot). Dependingonthesituationalcharacteristics, leadersuseoneofthefourstylesofleadershipto influencesubordinates'perceptionsandtomotive them.Thisleadstoroleclarity,expectationsof meetinggoals,jobsatisfaction,andimproved performance. Whenneutralizers(subordinate,task,or organizationalcharacteristics)arepresent,leaders donotneedtoexhibitreward/punishmentor instrumental/supportivebehaviors(dependingon thenatureoftheneutralizer)toachievegroup effectiveness.Theneutralizersubstitutesforthe needforleadership.Whentheneutralizerisnot present(e.g.,tasksareambiguousandnovel insteadofunambiguousandroutine),leadershipis needed(e.g.,theleaderneedstobeinstrumental andsupportive)toachievegroupeffectiveness.

PathGoalTheory

Leaderbehaviors/styles Directiveleadership Supportiveleadership Participativeleadership Achievementorientedleadership

Subordinatecharacteristics(locusofcontrol and/orability) Environmentalforces(taskcharacteristics, formalauthoritysystems,primaryworkgroup)

Substitutesfor Leadershipa

Leaderbehaviors Rewardandpunishmentbehaviors Instrumentalandsupportivebehavior

Subordinatecharacteristics(ability,experience, training,needforindependence,professional orientation,orindifferencetowardorganizational rewards) Taskcharacteristics(unambiguousandroutine, selfprovidingfeedback,orintrinsically satisfying) Organizationalcharacteristics(formal,inflexible, highlyspecifiedandactiveadvisoryandstaff functions,closelyknit,cohesivegroups, rewardsnotinleader'scontrol,orspatial distancebetweensuperiorandsubordinates)

(Tablecontinuedonnextpage)

Page292 Table11.1 Continued Theoryormodel Importantpersonalleadership characteristics Importantsituationalcharacteristics Expectedoutcomes

VroomYettonDecision Leaderdecisionstyles TreeModel Authoritarian Consultative Delegation Groupbased

Questionstheleaderasksaboutthe subordinatesandaboutthesituationinwhich thedecisionneedstobemade: Qualitysolutionneeded? Leaderhassufficientinformation? Problemstructured? Subordinateacceptanceneeded? Ifsolvedalone,subordinateswouldaccept? Subordinatessharegoals? Conflictlikely?

Leaderfollowsadecisiontreecontainingthese sevenquestions.Dependingonthepatternof answers,afeasiblesetconsistingofoneormoreof sevendecisionstyles(basedonthefourde scribedtotheleft)canbeusedtomakethe decision.Iftheleaderchoosesastyleinthe feasibleset,thedecisionismorelikelytobe successfulthanifastylenotinthefeasiblesetis chosen.

Note:FromFiedler(1967),House&Mitchell(1974),Kerr&Jermier(1978),Podsakoffetal.,(1966),Vroom&Yetton(1973).
a

Inthistheory,importantsituationalcharacteristicsarecalled"neutralizers."

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underdifferentconditions.Inmoretechnicalterms,characteristicsofthesituationmoderate(makemoreorlessimportant)thedegreetowhichapersonal characteristicoftheleaderwillbeassociatedwithgoodoutcomesforthegroupororganization. Scientificinvestigationsintotheaccuracyorvalidityofcontingencytheorieshaveyieldedmixedresults.Forexample,criticshavearguedthatalthoughseveralstudies supportFiedler'spredictions,manyotherstudiescontradictthetheory'spredictions(Korman,1974).Thesubstitutesforleadershiptheory(Kerr&Jermier,1978) wasrigorouslytestedbyPodsakoff,MacKenzie,andBommer(1996),whonotedthatpastresearchonthesubstitutestheorydidnotsupportthetheory'spredictions. Instead,Podsakoffetal.(1996)foundthatcharacteristicsofsubordinates(e.g.,beingintolerantoforganizationalrewards),ofthetask(e.g.,theextenttowhichthe taskdirectlyprovidedperformancefeedbacktotheworker),andoftheorganization(e.g.,theextenttowhichtheorganizationfollowedformalrulesandguidelines) hadstronganddirecteffectsonmanyoutcomesbelievedtobeinfluencedbygoodleadership,suchasworkersatisfaction,commitmenttotheorganization,andthe extenttowhichsubordinatesexperienceroleambiguity,regardlessofwhatleadersdidorwhatstyletheyused.Similarly,criticsofpathgoaltheoryfoundthatthe modelwasunabletosupportmanyofitspredictions(Schriesheim&DeNisi,1981).Thus,althoughcontingencytheoriesofleadershipenticeustoviewleadershipina morecomprehensiveandintegratedmannerthanotherleadershiptheories,itappearsthatmorerefinementordifferentconceptualizationsofleadershipareneeded. RelationalBasedTheories Amorerecentdevelopmentinourunderstandingofleadershiphasbeentomoveawayfromtraits,behaviors,styles,orsituationalcharacteristicsthatdetermine leadership.Instead,leadershipisviewedintermsofrelationshipsbetweenleadersandfollowers.Thequalityoftheserelationshipsdetermineshowtheleaderandthe followerrespondtoeachotherandhoweffectiveateam,group,ororganizationwillbe.Relationshipbasedleadershiptheoriesarebasedonsocialexchangetheory, whichstatesthatpeoplewillremaincommittedtoarelationshiptotheextentthatthebenefitstheyreceivefromtherelationshipoutweighthecostsofbeinginthe relationship(Luthans,1998).Inleadershipterms,boththeleaderandthefollowerscommittoworkingtogether(i.e.,thefollowersarewillingtobeledandtheleader iswillingtoprovidedirectionandsupport)aslongasmembersfindtherelationshipmutuallysatisfying. Aninfluentialrelationshipbasedleadershiptheoryistheleadermemberexchange(LMX)modelbyDansereau,Graen,andHaga(1975).

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Alsocalledtheverticaldyadlinkagemodel,LMXtheoryclaimsthatleaderschangetheirstyleofleadershipdependingonthequalityoftherelationshiptheyhavewith aparticularsubordinateorfollower.Theleaderprovidesmoredecisionlatitude,authority,andconsiderationforsubordinateswhoareabletotakeonmore responsibility.Thesefollowersbecomepartoftheleader's"ingroup"andthelevelofexchangebetweenthesefollowersandtheleaderisrelativelyhigh.Theleader spendsconsiderabletimedevelopingandmentoringingroupfollowers,andinreturn,theybecomeloyal,dependable,andhardworking.Subordinateswhomerely complywiththeformalrequirementsofthejobdescriptionbecomepartoftheleader's"outgroup."Thelevelofexchangebetweenthesefollowersandtheleaderis muchlowerandmoreformalthanbetweeningroupmembers.Theleaderprovideslessconsiderationandcommunicateswiththemlessoftenand,inreturn,the followersmerelyfulfilltheirformaljoborroleobligations.Bydividingsubordinatesintoingroupsandoutgroups,theleaderisabletomoreeffectivelychannelenergy towardrelationshipsthatpromiseahighyieldofrewards. LeadershipintheNewEra Pickupanybusinessmagazineornewspaper,oranyofdozensofnewbooksonleadership,management,andorganizationalchange,or,betteryet,talktopeople whoareworkinginalmostanyindustry,andyou'llquicklylearnthatorganizationsarechangingrapidly.Therapidpaceoftechnologicaldevelopmentsaffectsnotonly thespeedandthewayinwhichproductsaredesignedandmanufacturedbutalsothetypesofservicesthatareoffered.AlargeMidwesternbank,forexample,gives customersatremotebranches,realestateoffices,andevensupermarketsanopportunitytointeractdirectlywithcorporateexpertsviavideoconferencinginorderto applyformortgages,makeinvestments,orcompleteothercomplexservices.Technologyischangingthewaypeoplecommunicate:Cellphones,faxes, videoconferencing,andemailarebreakingdowntheformalityofinterpersonalcommunication,increasingthespeedwithwhichinformationisexchangedandacted upon,andclosinggeographicalandpsychologicalgaps.Organizationalstructuresarealsoshiftingfromrigid,hierarchicallystructuredbureaucraciestolean, decentralized,employeemanagedorganizations,orahostoftemporarystructures,includingboundarylessorganizationsandvirtualorganizations,inwhich organizationsofferingcomplementaryservicesorspecializedskillsjointogetherforalimitedbusinessventure.Amidallofthetechnologicalandorganizational advancesisaburgeoningmultiethnic,multiraciallaborforcenotonlydemandingfullandequalaccesstoemploymentopportunitiesbut

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expressingtheneedtohavetheirethnic,racial,orgenderrelatedtalentsandvirtuesvaluedandfullyutilizedinsteadofhomogenizedintopreexistingWhitemale frameworks.Accordingtoareportpreparedinthelate1980s,womenandpeopleofcolorincludingAfricanAmericans,Hispanics,andAsianswillmakeupthe majorityofnewgrowthinthelabormarketoverthenext2decades(Johnston&Packer,1987).Withunemploymentinthelate1990satthelowestlevelinalmost3 decades,drawinguponthefullmultiracial,multiethniclaborforceisnotonlyamoralobligationbutabusinessnecessity. Thedemandsonandopportunitiesforleadersduringtheseturbulenttimes,therefore,areimmense.Asimple,singlefacetedapproach(suchasjusttraits,just behaviors,orjustinteractionskills)isinsufficientforunderstandingalloftheattributesleadersmustpossessandallthestrategiestheymustenactinordertothrive.In thissection,weaddresssomeofthemorerelevantandinfluentialmodemapproachestounderstandingleadershiptransformationalleadershipandconnective leadershipandalsoreportadvicefromU.S.businessleadersandmanagementconsultantsandscholarsaboutleadershipinthisturbulentera. TransformationalLeadership Transformationalleadershipis"theprocessofinfluencingmajorchangesintheattitudesandassumptionsoforganizationalmembers...andbuildingcommitmentfor majorchangesintheorganization'sobjectivesandstrategies"(Yukl&VanFleet,1992,p.174).Transformationalleadershipgoesbeyondthedaytoday, reward/punishmentbasedstylesdescribedin"transactional"theoriesofleadership(e.g.,leadermemberexchange,OhioStateleadershipstudies).Transactional leadershipproducesincrementalchangesinthewayfollowersbehave,whereastransformationalleadershipproducesfundamentalchangesinfollowers'beliefsand attitudesabouttheorganization.Manyscholarshavearguedthattransformationalleadershipiscriticalfororganizationaleffectivenessinanageofincreasingturbulence anduncertainty. Althoughmanytheoriesoftransformationalleadershipexist(e.g.,Bums,1978Conger&Kanungo,1987R.J.House,1977),Bass'theory(1985)ismorefully developedandhasreceivedmoreattentionthanmost.Bass(1985)arguedthatleadersneedtousebothtransactionalandtransformationalleadershipstyles,albeit withahigherconcentrationofthelatter.Thetransformationstylesarelabeled"thefourI's": 1.Idealizedinfluence:moral,outwardlyfocusedbehaviorthatinspiresadmiration,trust,andidentificationamongfollowers.

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2.Inspirationalmotivation:possessingcharismaandvision. 3.Intellectualstimulation:inspiringcreativity,innovation,andrisktakingamongfollowers. 4.Individualizedconsideration:attentiontofollowers'growthneedsbyactingasacoachandmentor(Avolio,Waldman,&Yammarino,1991). Therearethreesalienttransactionalleadershipstyles:contingentreward,managementbyexception,andlaissezfaire.Contingentrewardinvolvestheexchangeof rewardsfordesiredresults.Managementbyexceptiontakestwoforms:active(monitoringdeviationsfromexpectationsandtakingcorrectiveaction)orpassive (waitingformistakestooccurandthentakingcorrectiveaction).Laissezfaireischaracterizedastheabsenceoravoidanceofleadershipandisneithertransactional nortransformational(Bass&Avolio,1994).BassandAvolioarguedthatthemosteffectiveleadersengageprimarilyintransformationalbehaviors(thefourI's), somewhatfewercontingentrewardbehaviors,andproportionatelyfewermanagementbyexceptionandlaissezfaireleadershipbehaviors. Arecentreview(Lowe,Kroeck,&Sivasubramaniam,1995)supportedBassandAvolio's(1994)claim.Across39publishedandunpublishedstudiesthatmeasured Bass'transformationalandtransactionalleadershipdimensionswithrealleadersinrealorganizations(asopposedtohypotheticalleadersorcontrivedlaboratory studies),individualswhousedtransformationalskillswereratedbytheirsubordinatesasmoreeffectivethanthosewholedprimarilywithtransactionalstyles. Furthermore,transformationalleadershipwasassociatedwithobjectiveorganizationalmeasuresofsuccess(e.g.,profit,percentageofgoalsmet,orsupervisory performanceappraisals)morethanwastransactionalleadership. ConnectiveLeadership OrganizationalsociologistandmanagementconsultantJeanLipmanBlumen(1996)describedthenewerathatorganizational,political,andsocialleadersfaceasthe "connectiveera."Thiserareplacesthephysicalerainwhichterritorialboundariesdefinedaleader'sdomainandthegeopoliticalerainwhichpoliticalandideological differencesdefinedtheboundariesofleader'sinfluence.Althoughsinglefacetedleadershipstylessuchascompetitivenessandauthoritarianismmayhavesufficedin previouseras,theyarenotsufficient(yetnotcompletelyobsolete)intheconnectiveera.Twoforces,interdependenceanddiversity,providesignificantnewchallenges forleadersintheconnectiveera.Theseforces

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summarizetheconditionsofchangeandturbulencedescribedpreviously.First,withtherapidgrowthintechnologyandthebreakdownofgeopoliticalboundaries, everythingisconnectedtoeverythingelse.Second,astheworldbecomessmaller,duetotheseinfluences,recognitionofdiversityincultures,values,preferences, styles,skincolor,abilities,gender,andsoforthisessential.Leadersintheconnectiveeramustdrawuponawealthofstylesandabilities,especiallythosethat emphasizemutualityandinclusiveness,toharnesstheforcesofinterdependenceanddiversity. LipmanBlumen(1996)isspecificallyconcernedaboutthemultitudeofwaysthatleaderscanachievesuccessfortheirorganizations.Shehasdoneconsiderable researchindevelopingamodelofachievementstylesforconnectiveleaders(summarizedinTable11.2).Manyofthesestylesarenotnew.Therevelationisthat connectiveleadersmustdrawonallorasubstantialmixofmanyofthesestylestoachievesuccess,andthatleadersmustusetheirstylesinaccordancewiththe followingprinciples: DenaturedMachiavellianism:Unliketheselfinterested"endsjustifythemeans"leaderofMachiavelli'sThePrince,theconnectiveleaderfollowsprincipled instrumentalityinwhichtheselfandothersareusedethicallytoachievegroupgoalsorsolveimportantorganizationalproblems. Authenticityandaccountability:Iftheleaderalwaysplacesorganizationalandsocietalgoalsabovepersonalglory,thenotherswillacceptseeminglycontradictory behavior,suchaseliminatingasatisfactorilyperformingsubsidiary.Furthermore,whenleaderscommunicateregularlyandhonestlywithawiderangeofstakeholders, accountabilityandtrustincrease. Thepoliticsofcommonalities:Connectiveleaderstakethewidestviewofproblems,strategies,andsolutionstofosteraviewofalltheinterconnectedpartsof systemsandhumanity. Adoptingalongtermperspective:Althoughleadersexploitrapidchangeandtemporariness,theymustalwaysconsiderthelongtermimpactoftheirdecisions, makingsuretheycanremainflexibleintheireffortstoachieveultimateorganizationalandsocietalgoals. Leadershipthroughexpectation:Byempoweringotherstohandlesignificantresponsibilities,theconnectiveleaderisabletoaccomplishmoretaskswhilealso buildingaweboftrustingrelationships. Personalodysseyforlife'smission:Connectiveleadersactivelyseektobetterunderstandthemselves,theorganization,andthesocietiesinwhichtheyliveand interact. Leadersintheconnectiveeradrawonmanytalents,skills,andstylesinaprincipled,ethicalmannertobuildeffective,enduringrelationships

Page298 Table11.2 AchievementStylesforConnectiveLeadership Category Direct Style Intrinsic Focus Focusonpersonalmasteryorexecutionofatask.Derivepleasure fromtheworkitself.Enjoycreativity,individualinnovation,self reliance,andautonomy. Example/description Peopleforwhomdoingtheirbestismoreimportantthan beatingthecompetition.

Competitive

Focusonmeasuringthemselvesagainstanexternalstandard, Peopleforwhomwinningisthemostimportantgoal. typicallytheircompetitors'accomplishments.Treatmostsituations ascontests. Focusoncontrolling,influencing,andcoordinatingpeople,tasks, resources,andsituations.Enjoytakingchargeanddominating. Peopleforwhomcoordinatingandcontrollingandseeing resultsarenotalwaysjustforpersonalglorybutalsofor achievingimportantorganizationalorsocietalgoals. Peoplewhorealizethatlongtermsuccessisoftenmore feasiblewhenworkingtogetherratherthanworking competitively. Stereotypically,womenhavecapitalizedoncontributory stylestosupportspousesorchildren'sgoals,butthese stylesarealsousedeffectivelybyleaderswhofindthat helpingothersachievegoalsforwardsamutualagenda. Peopleforwhompersonalhappinesscomesfromwatching thesuccessofothers,suchasmentorsorsportsfans.

Power

Relational

Collaborative

Focusonworkingwithotherstoachievemutualgoals.Enjoy smoothworking,longtermrelationshipswithothersandshort term,energized,highintensitycollaborations. Focusonprovidingsupporttohelpsignificantothersachieve mutualgoals.

Contributory

Vicarious

Focusonencouragingandguidingotherstotheirgoals.Identify withthedreamsandgoalsofotherleaders.Donotparticipate directlyinthetasksoftheotherachiever.

Instrumental

Personal

Focusonusingalltheirpersonalresources,includingintellect, CharismaticleaderslikeJ.F.Kennedy,M.L.King,Jr.,and humor,charm,physicalattractiveness,persuasiveskills,andsocial SteveJobs(seealsothehighlightonRebeccaMarks, status,toachievesuccess. beginningofchapter)whopossessspecialcharacteristics thatdrawothersintotheirgoalsandaspirations. Focusonusingrelationshipswithotherstoachievedesiredgoals. Notjustsocialclimbers,butpeoplewhorecognizethe Tendtobuildelaboratenetworkswithpeoplewhohavespecific importanceofbuildingrelationshipswithothers. strengths,skills,orconnectionsthatwillbeusefultotheachiever atsomepoint. Assumethatotherssharetheirgoalsandtrustthatotherswilluse theirtalentsandrisetotheoccasionwhenneeded.Relyontrust andpositiveexpectations. Peoplewhoarouseintrinsicdesiresinotherstomeet challenginggoalsforthegoodofthegroup,organization,or society.

Social

Entrusting

Note:DatafromLipmanBlumen(1996).

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withfollowers,constituents,andevenbusinesscompetitorsinordertosuccessfullyharnesstheforcesofinterdependenceanddiversitythatshapethemodem landscape. AdviceforLeadersintheModernEra Thechangestotheworldbusinesscommunitydescribedpreviouslyarewellunderstoodamongprogressivebusinessleaders,managementconsultants,andscholars. FrancisHesselbeinandherassociatesatthePeterDruckerFoundationforNonprofitManagementcompiledacollectionofessaysandadviceonleadership challengesandopportunitiesfromtheseleadersandscholars(Hesselbein,Goldsmith,&Beckhard,1996).Althoughthisinformationdoesnotcomparewithscientific theoryandempiricalresearch,itdoesprovideinsightsintothefuturedirectionofleadership.Followupscientificinvestigationswilllendcredenceordoubttothe truthfulnessoftheirinsights.Thefollowingthemeshavebeengleanedfromtheseessays(seealsoexemplarsofthesethemesinTable11.3). Vision Bydefinition,leadersinthisturbulenterafacecomplexissuesandforcesthatmustbecarefullyevaluated,balanced,andintegratedtodevelopasuccessfulstrategy. Manystakeholdergroups,includingorganizationalmembersatalllevels,customers,shareholders,andcommunitymembers,aredemandingtohaveavoiceandan importantroleinshapingandguidingtheorganization'sagenda.Leadersneedtodevelopandarticulatetheirvisionforachievingsuccessfortheorganization(Kanter, 1996).Furthermore,thisvisionmustresonatewiththegoalsandaspirationsoftheconstituents(Kouzes&Posner,1996),mustcreateasenseofcommunityamong stakeholderssothateveryoneisguidedbyacommonpurpose(Pinchot,1996),andmustserveasa"glue"thatkeepsautonomousandevencompetingentitieswithin organizationsunitedforacommonpurpose(Handy,1996Pinchot,1996). SharingLeadership TheconceptofempoweringemployeestomakedecisionsandtakeresponsibilityhasbeenanincipientvalueoftheHumanRelationsMovement,andithasnotlost itsvalueinover50years.Infact,ithasbroadenedfromtheconceptofsimpledelegationtofullychargingleadershipresponsibilitiesamongallmembersofthe organization(W.Bridges,1996Handy,1996)totheconceptof"servantleadership,"wheretheorganizationalhierarchyisturnedupsidedownand"top"managers considerthemselvesservantstoafullyempoweredworkforce(Greenleaf,1977).Pinchot(1996)offeredauniqueleadershipsharingmodelinwhichempowered subunitsoforganizationscompete

Page300 Table11.3 ExemplarsofLeadershipThemes Theme Theme1:Vision Exemplar FrancesHesselbein,currentlypresidentofthePeterF.DruckerFoundationforNonprofitManagementandchairmanoftheBoardof GovernorsoftheJosephsonInstitutefortheAdvancementofEthics.Hesselbeiniscreditedastheoutstandingleaderofthevoluntary sector.From1976to1990,HesselbeinwasCEOofGirlScoutsofAmerica.In1976,GirlScoutshadover3millionmembersandwasrunby over650,000volunteers.Cookiesalesgrossedathirdofabilliondollarsannually,buttheGirlScoutshadnotkeptupwiththeincreasing socialchangesofthepreviousdecades.TheGirlScoutsremainedaWhite,middleclassclub.Hesselbeinworkedwithherboardand managementteamtodebatethepurposeandmissionofthescouts.Fromthisemergedanewmission:"Tohelpeachgirlreachherown potential."Topursuethismission,Hesselbeinwantedtotripleminoritymembership.Sheandhercolleaguessucceededbycreatinga communityinwhichlocalleadersfeltinspiredandempoweredtoachievethisgoal.Throughparticipatoryleadershipandrespectforall opinions,Hesselbeinwasabletounitepeoplewithdifferentandsometimesopposinggoals.Herwillingnesstolistenandrespectall pointsofviewhelpedbuildcohesionwithintheorganizationinsteadofdivisiveness. MaxDePree,CEOofHermanMiller,oneofthelargestproducersofofficefurniture.DePreehasbuildhiscompany'sreputationasone ofthemostcreativeinnovatorsoftheindustrybecausehetruststhestrengthsofallHermannMilleremployees.Formotivation,Herman MillerhaslongutilizedtheScanlonplan,whichrewardsemployeeswithfinancialgainsfromtheirsuggestionsforimproving productivity.DePreeisalsounafraidtosurroundhimselfwithadvisorsandmanagerswhohavebetterskillsandabilitiesthanhe,being unafraidto"abandonhimselftothestrengthofothers." AnitaRoddick,founderofTheBodyShop.Roddickhasbuiltasuccessfulinternationalbusinessbyemphasizingsuchbusinessgoalsas aconcernfortheenvironment,tradewithdevelopingnationsinsteadofaid,educationinsteadofadvertisingpressureforcustomers,and promotionofsocialcausesandvolunteerismamongemployeesandcustomers.WhenRoddicktravelstoBodyShoplocationsshestays inthehomesofemployeesandtalkstothemabouttheirhopesforthemselvesandtheirideasforthecompany.Roddickisthedaughter ofItalianimmigrantstoGreatBritain.Shestartedhersmallcompanyin1976asawaytosupportherfamilyandsoonrealizedthather organizationwouldbeguidedbyholisticprinciples.Shedidn'tshyawayfrommakingprofitbutquicklyturnedthoseprofitsintowaysof helpingachievethecompany'ssocialgoals.Forexample,sheinvested8millionpoundstobuildasoapfactoryinoneoftheworstslum areasinGlasgow,believingthatthepeopleofGlasgowcouldbeemployedconsumersinsteadofdisaffectedsocialburdens.Recently, RoddicksteppeddownasCEOofTheBodyShop,believingitwastimefornewleadershipinthecompany

Theme2:Sharing

Theme3:Credibility

(Tablecontinuedonnextpage)

Page301 Table11.3 Continued Theme Theme4:Communication Exemplar RobertGalvin,CEOofMotorola.Galvinenvisionedthepowerofselfmanagingteamsintheearly1970sandwasoneofthefirstleaders ofalargeU.S.companytoenableleadershipcapacitiesamongallworkers.Thiswasaccomplishedthroughcommunicationandfeedback sothatemployeesunderstoodhowtheirownpieceofthebusinesscontributedtothegrandcorporatescheme.Galvinalsoencourages healthydebateandchallengestotopexecutiveinitiatives.Employeeswhosuccessfullychallengeinappropriatepremisesoftop executivesareamplyrewarded. MitchSnyder,homelessadvocate.Snyderisknownforunrelentingdevotiontoachieveadequatehousingforthehomelessof Washington,D.C.Althoughhisvisionissingular,hisstrategiesarenot.Harnessingacoalitionofvolunteers,communitygroups,and religiousleaders,Snyderfirstattemptedtouseapowerstrategytocommandeerabuildingtoshelterthehomeless.Whenthisstrategy failed,heinitiatedaGhandilikefasttobringattentiontohiscoalition'scause.Ashisstrengthslowlyebbedandheslippedfrom consciousness,thefederalgovernmentfinallyagreedtofunda6milliondollarshelterneartheWhiteHouse.

Theme5:Integrationand Strategy

Note:FromLipmanBluman(1996),O'Toole(1995),Pinchot(1996).

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withotherserviceunitsforinternalorexternalcustomers.Leadershipatthesubunitlevelisneededtomobilizetheunittomeetandexceedcustomerexpectations,and executiveleadershipisneedednotonlytobuildhealthycompetitionamongsubunitsbutalsotokeepsubgroupsunitedtowardcommonpurposes.Regardlessofthe modelorstyleofemployeeempowermentthatisachievedinanorganization,sharingleadershiprequiresmutualtrust,respectfordifferencesanddiversity,acceptance offeedbackandcriticism,skillsincollaboration,andanabilitytoalignwithagreedupongoals(Kouzes&Posner,1996Pinchot,1996Work,1996). Credibility Respectandauthorityareearned,notgranted.Typically,leadersgaincredibilitywhentheyworktheirwaythroughmanyareasofthebusinessandareconstantly willingtodotheworkandmakethesacrificestheyaskotherstodo(Handy,1996Kouzes&Posner,1996).KouzesandPosneralsosuggestedthatleadersgain credibilitybyachievingsmall,earlysuccessestowardalargergoal.Whenstakeholdersexperiencesmallwins,theirvisionof,confidencein,andcommitmenttothe overallstrategysolidity.Anothercriticalfeatureofcredibilityischaracter.Leaderswhoactwithhonesty,areforwardlooking,andbehaveinaccordancewiththeir valuesandgoalsinspiretrustanddevotion. Communication Integraltoalltheattributesofsuccessfulleadershipiscommunication.Articulatingavision,empoweringandenablingsubordinateleaders,buildingtrust,and establishingcredibilityallrequireleaderstoopenfreeflowingchannelsofcommunication.Leadersneedtoshareinformationhonestlyandopenly,althoughBardwick (1996)suggestedthatleadersreduceinformationoverloadbysimplifyingandamplifyingkeymessages.Concomitantly,leadersneedtobeeffectivelistenersandto gatherinformation,opinions,advice,andfeedbackfromallimportantconstituentsincludingemployees,customers,stockholders,andcommunitymembers(Bardwick, 1996Pinchot,1996). IntegrationandStrategy Theforcesofacomplex,global,interdependent,anddiversifiedbusinessenvironmentrequiretoplevelintegrationandtaskorientedstrategicplanning.Employee empowerment,relianceontemporarylaborforces,andorganizationalstructuresruntheriskofdisintegrationwithoutspecificguidanceonhowdisparateunitswill worktowardthecommongoalsenvisionedbythecorporateleadership.Visionandpersuasioncommunicationskillsalonearenotsufficienttobringsuccess.Specific actionplans,objectivegoals,andmechanismsforpulling

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togetherlooselyconnectedorganizationalunitsareessentialingredientsforrealizingtheorganization'svisionforsuccess(Bardwick,1996W.Bridges,1996). GenderandLeadership Whenresearchersorthegeneralpublicevaluatetheeffectivenessofmaleandfemaleleaders,orthepotentialforwomenormentolead,itisimportanttodetermine whethercomparisonsarebasedonstereotypicalconceptionsofmaleandfemaleleadersorwhethersuchcomparisonsarebasedonobservedbehaviors,traits,or stylesofmaleandfemaleleaders.Evenwhencomparisonsarebasedon''unbiased"observations,situationalcuesandroledemandscaninfluencetheleadership relatedbehaviorsweobserve.Inotherwords,womenandmenmayleaddifferentlybecausetheyoccupysituationsthatcallfordifferentstylesofleadership.The followingsectionsreviewtheresearchliteratureonbothpeople'sperceptionsandjudgmentsofmaleandfemaleleadersandobserveddifferencesandsimilaritiesinthe waysomemenandwomenlead.Wealsodiscusstheimplicationsofstereotypesofmaleandfemaleleadersandprovidetheoreticalexplanationsforthesefindings. StereotypesofMaleandFemaleLeaders:ImplicationsforHowTheyAreJudged Sincetheearly1970s,researchershaverepeatedlyshownthatmanytraitsassociatedwithmanagementandleadership(e.g.,competitiveness,leadershipability,self confidence,anddesireforresponsibility)areseenas"male"traits(Brenneretal.,1989Heilmanetal.,1989Powell&Butterfield,1979,1989V.E.Schein,1973, 1975).Ourstereotypesof"leader"seemtooverlapsubstantiallywiththemalestereotype.Femalemanagers(especiallysuccessfulones)appeartobeviewedasa "differenttype"ofwoman(seechap.3onstereotypes). Theimplicationsofthesestereotypesforevaluationsofmaleandfemaleleadersandmanagershavebeenwelldocumentedintheresearchliterature.Evenwhen resumes,workproducts,orworkrecordsareidentical,womenaretypicallyperceivedaslesscompetent,aslesseffective,andashavinglessmanagement/leadership potentialthanmen(e.g.,Goldberg,1968Paludi&Strayer,1985).Thetendencytoevaluatemaleleadersmorefavorablythanfemaleleadersisconsistentlyfound acrossnumerousstudieswheretheworkproductorperformanceisthesame(Swim,Borgida,

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Maruyama,&Myers,1989).Althoughthepromalebiasissomewhatsmall,itisparticularlyprominentwhenmaleandfemaleleadersinastereotypicallymasculine contextsuchasmanagementareevaluated. Other,moresubtleformsofbiashavebeendocumented.Forexample,itismorelikelythatwomen'ssuccessonamasculinetaskwillbeattributedtoluckoreffort thantoability,comparedtomen(e.g.,Deaux&Emswiller,1974Deaux&Farris,1977),whereaswomen'sfailureismorelikelytobeattributedtolackofability thantobadluck(Deaux&Taynor,1973).Womenmanagersmaybemorelikelytobeassigneddull,unchallengingtaskscomparedtomen(MaiDalton&Sullivan, 1981M.S.Taylor&Ilgen,1981),whichmayhaveseriousimplicationsforpromotionopportunities. Withtheincreasingawarenessoftheillegalityofgenderdiscriminationinperformanceevaluations,genderbiasislesslikelytobeobservedinovertperformance judgments.Yetstereotypescontinuetoinfluencereactionstomaleandfemaleleadersinsubtleways.Forexample,ButlerandGeis(1990)foundthatwomenandmen wereratedasequallycompetentbytheirgroupmembersinacontrolledlaboratoryexperiment.Trainedobservers,however,foundconsistentdifferencesingroup members'nonverbal,affectiveresponsestomaleandfemaleleaders.Thatis,femaleleadersreceivedfewerpositivenonverbalresponsesfromtheirgroupmembers (e.g.,headnodding,eyecontactdisplayingapproval)andmorenegativeresponsesthanmaleleaders.Thesefindingsweremorenegativewhenfemaleleaderstooka moreactive(vs.passive)leadershiprole.Oneexplanationforthesefindingsisthatwhenawomanassumesanactiveleadershiprole,itiscontrarytotraditionalsex roleexpectationsandevokesnegativeemotionsamongfollowers.Thus,althoughgroupmembersclaimedthatmaleandfemaleleaderswereequallyeffective,they tendedtohavemorenegativenonverbalreactionstofemaleleaders. Inanumberofotherareasofleadership,researchershavestudiedobservers'judgmentsofmaleandfemaleleaders,leaders'judgmentsoftheirownstyles,ormore objectivebehavioraldifferencesinthewaywomenandmenlead.However,beforewereviewthisresearchitisimportanttosummarizetheconditionsthatinfluence whetherstereotypesguideourjudgmentsofwomenandmen(seealsochapter3).Generally,femalemanagersandleaders,comparedtomales,areviewedmore stereotypically(andthuslesscompetently)whenthesalienceoftheirgenderisheightened.Suchconditionsprevailinthreesituations: 1.Whenratersmustmakejudgmentswithoutjobrelevantinformation(e.g.,whenratersarereviewingbriefresumesorshortvignettesofperformanceHeilman, Martell,&Simon,1988).

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2.Whencandidatesarejudgedontasksthatarestereotypicallycrossgenderspecific(e.g.,whenwomenareratedin"masculine"jobssuchasmanagement,orwhen menareratedin"feminine"jobssuchasnursingHeilman,1983Nieva&Gutek,1981). 3.Whenwomenaresubstantiallyoutnumberedinagroup,suchthattheyappeartobetokens(Kanter,1977a). Bearinginmindtheseconditionsunderwhichstereotypesguidejudgments,weexaminetheresearchongenderdifferencesinperceptionsofleadershipandinactual leadershipbehaviors. EmergentLeadership Animportantaspectofleadershipisbeingperceivedasaleaderbyothers.Anaturalwaytostudytheseperceptionsistoformgroupswithoutanassignedleaderand observewhoemergesinthatrole.Measuresofemergentleadersarebasedongroupparticipants'orindependentobservers'perceptionsofwholeadsthegroup. Distinctionsbetweenwholeadsintaskorientedandsocialorienteddomainsareoftenexaminedaswell.Becausemasculinityisassociatedwith agentic/instrumentalcharacteristicssuchascompetitiveness,taskstructuring,andassertiveness,whereasfemininityisassociatedwithcommunal/expressive characteristicssuchashelpfulness,expressiveness,andconsideration,itisimportanttodistinguishamongthetypesofsituationswheremenandwomenmay differentiallyemergeasleaders. AclassicstudyofemergentleadershipconductedbyMegargee(1969)wasdescribedinchapter4onlanguageandpower.However,itisvaluabletodiscussthe findingsintermsofleadershipimplications.Megargeemeasuredtheresearchparticipants'personalitytraitof"dominance"andpairedmaleandfemalesubjectswho werehighandlowonthistraitonataskdemandingleadership.Inthistaskonepersoninstructedtheotheronwhatcolorboltstoinstallintoaspeciallydesignedpanel. The"follower"couldnotseetheleader'ssideofthepanelandthuswasdependentontheleader'sinstructions.Insamesexpairs,thehighdominancepersonemerged asleadermoreoftenthantheother.Similarly,highdominancemenemergedmoreoftenasleaderswhenpairedwithlowdominancefemales.Theinterestingfinding wasthatlowdominancemenweresignificantlymorelikelytoemergeasleaderswhenpairedwithhighdominancewomen.Althoughthesewomendidnotemergeas leadersinthesepairings,theyweremorelikelythanotherwomentochoosethattheirmalepartnerbetheleader.Inotherwords,thesehighdominancewomen displayedtheirdominancebychoosingwhowastheleader.Actually

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beingtheleader,however,wasconsideredtooinappropriateevenforwomenwhohavestrong,dominantpersonalities.Replicationsofthisstudyinrecentyearshave generatedsimilarresults(Carbonell,1984Nyquist&Spence,1986). Normsabouthowwomenandmenareexpectedtoactstronglyinfluencetheirbehavior(Lips,1991).Inmasculinesettings,suchasintheMegargeestudy(screwing boltsintoapanel),femininesexrolesassociatedwiththesettingstronglysuggestthatwomenshouldbehavesubmissively.Evenwomenwithdominantpersonality characteristicsyieldtothesesexrolepressures(althoughtheyexerttheirdominancebychoosingtheleader).Otherresearchershaveexaminedwhetherthetasksex typemoderatestherelationshipbetweengenderofthegroupmemberandemergentleadership.Whenperformingastereotypicallyfemininetask(e.g.,sewingon buttons),thosewithdominantpersonalitiestendtoemergeasleadersregardlessofgender(Carbonell,1984).Inneutraltasks,however,mentendtoemergeas leadersregardlessoftheirlevelofdominance(Nyquist&Spence,1986),unlessfeedbackabouttaskcompetenceisgivenbeforeleadersareselected.Therefore, unlesssalientinformationornormstothecontraryexist,womenandmentendtorespondconsistentlywiththesexroleexpectationthatmenshouldlead. Stereotypetheoriespositthatsexrolestereotypesguideourbehaviorwhengenderishighlysalient.Forexample,whentaskgroupsareeithernewlyformedor artificial(e.g.,laboratorybasedexperiments),orwhenwomenareintokenpositions,suchtheoriespredictthatwomenwillbelesslikelythanmentoemergeas leaders.Thesepredictionsweresupportedinacomprehensivemetaanalysisofresearchonemergentleadership(Eagly&Karau,1991).Specifically,menweremore likelythanwomentoemergeasleaderswhenthelengthoftheinteractionwasshort,inlaboratorystudiesratherthaninfieldstudies,onmasculinetypetasksrather thanongenderneutralorfemininetasks,andingroupswherethetaskwasnotsociallycomplex.Therewerenogenderdifferencesinemergentleadershipingroups thatinteractedforlongperiodoftimes,suchasactualworkgroupsinfieldsettings.Furthermore,womenweremorelikelytoemergeasleadersonmeasuresofsocial leadershipandwhenthesocialcomplexityofthetaskwashigh.Thus,thecumulativeevidenceonemergentleadershipsuggeststhatgenderguidesemergentleadership processeswhensexrolestereotypingdemandsarestrong.Whengroupsareallowedtointeractoverameaningfulperiodoftime,few,ifanygenderdifferencesin leadershipexist. BehaviorsandStyles Thissectionreviewsresearchthathasexaminedsimilaritiesanddifferencesinthewayswomenandmeanlead.Asmentionedpreviously,the

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twomostgeneraldimensionsofleadershipbehaviorsareinitiatingstructure(IS)andconsideration(C).Althoughthesedimensionsaremutuallyindependent,they reflectstereotypicalnotionsofmasculinityandfemininity,respectively.Thus,researchershaveexaminedthedegreetowhichmaleandfemaleleadersdifferintheir manifestationofISandCbehaviors.BartolandButterfield(1976)foundthatfemaleleaderscomparedtomaleleadersreceivedmorepositiveratingsiftheyadopted aCstyle(focusonpeopleandrelationships).AnISstyle(focusonstructuringthetaskBass,1981)wasconsideredtobemoresuitableformenthanforwomen. Fieldresearchhasbeenunabletoreplicatethesegenderdifferencesinleaderevaluations,however(Butterfield&Powell,1981Izraeli&Izraeli,1985Rice,Instone, &Adams,1984).Moreover,inalaboratorystudy,trainedcodersratedwrittentranscriptsofleadersinteractingwithasubordinateandfoundnostereotypicalgender differencesinleaders'behaviors(Winther&Green,1987).Leaders'verbalbehaviorswerecodedforsocialandtaskorientedthemes.Contrarytogender stereotypes,maleleadersdemonstratedmoresocialorientedlanguagethandidfemaleleaders,whointurnreportedbeingmoreinvolvedintheleadershiptaskthan didmen.Finally,inametaanalysis,DobbinsandPlatz(1986)foundnogenderdifferencesinmeasuresofISorCleadershipbehaviors. Athirddimensionofleadershipthathasbeenstudiedoftenisthedegreetowhichleadersusedemocraticorparticipative(involvingothers)versusautocratic(madeby oneself)approachestodecisionmaking(Vroom&Yetton,1973).Powell(1993)reportedthatmetaanalysesrevealedlargergenderdifferencesonparticipativeand autocraticdimensionsthanonCandISdimensions.Womentendtoleadmoredemocratically(participatively)thanmen.Thisgenderdifferencemaybedue,inpart, tonegativeevaluationsgiventowomenwholeadautocratically.Aparticipativeleadershipstylewasperceived(andrated)asappropriateforbothmenandwomen, butanautocraticstylewasdeemedappropriateonlyformen(Jago&Vroom,1982).Therefore,womenmayhavearestrictedrangeofchoicesindecisionmaking stylecomparedtomen. Overall,womentendtoleadmoredemocraticallythanmen.Forbothmenandwomen,autocraticdecisionmakingappearstobeviewedmorenegativelythan participativedecisionmakingbyfollowers.However,womenareevaluatedparticularlynegativelywhentheyuseanautocraticstyle.Thesenegativeevaluationsare consistentwithexplanationsprovidedbysexrolestereotypetheories.Womenwhoengageinleadershipstrategiesthatareinconsistentwithstereotypes,suchas usinganautocraticdecisionmakingstyle,areviewedverynegatively(Eagly,Makhijani,&Klonsky,1992Lord&Maher,1991).ThecaseofAnnHopkins,aPrice Waterhouseassociatewhowasdeniedpartnershipdespitebringinginmorebusinessrevenuethananyofhercompetitors,exemplifiesthis

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phenomenon(hercaseisdescribedatthebeginningofchap.7).Herstylewasdescribedastough,masculine,andunfriendly.Amongrecommendationsgivento improveherstyle,shewastoldsheneededtoactmorefemininelyandwearmoremakeup.AmericanPsychologicalAssociationmembersarguedtotheU.S. SupremeCourtthatjudgmentsofherfitnessforpartnershipwerebasedonstereotyping,notonheractualperformance(Fiske,Bersoff,Borgida,Deaux,&Heilman, 1991).Shewasdevaluedbecauseshewasawomanwhousedamasculinestyle. Becausemodemtheoriesofmanagementexaltthegloriesofparticipative,democraticleadership(e.g.,Likert,1967Peters&Waterman,1982),onemightinferthat womenarebetterleadersthanmen,becausetheirupbringingandgenderrolesocializationsupplythemwithmoretalenttoleadparticipatively(e.g.,Loden,1985).As encouragingasthissounds,restrictingwomen'sleadershipstylestooneacceptabletype(participative)ultimatelymaybedestructive.Theverynotionofparticipative versusautocraticdecisionmakinggrewoutofcontingencytheoriesthatprescribetheeffectiveuseofbothformsofdecisionmakingunderdifferentcircumstances (Jago&Vroom,1982Vroom&Yetton,1973).Touseleadershiptalentfully,womenneedtobefreetousethesamespectrumofleadershipstylesthatweafford men. Consideration,initiatingstructure,andparticipativeautocraticdecisionmakingstylesdescribebroaddimensionsofleadershipbehavior.Becauseofthewide variationinleadershipstyleswithingroups(e.g.,amongmenandamongwomen),itisunderstandablewhytherearenotbigdifferencesbetweengroups(e.g.,between womenandmen)onthesegloballeadershipdimensions.Closerinspectionofmorespecificstylesofleadershipmayrevealinterestinggenderassociations.Inthenext section,welookatdimensionsoftransformationalandconnectiveleadershipstyles. GenderComparisonsofTransformationalandConnectiveLeadership Asmentionedinthediscussionontransformationalleadership,thecruxoftransformationalleadershipisbuildingtrust,respect,andadmirationinfollowerssothat effectivechangesfortheorganizationcanberealized(Bass,1985).Transformationalleadersempowertheirfollowerstothinkcreativelyandactresponsiblyinboth autonomousandcooperativesettings.Thereissomeevidencethatwomenaremoreskilledinseveralaspectsoftransformationalleadershipthanmen(Denmark, 1993),butresearchexamininggenderdifferencesintransformationalstylesofleadershipisscarce,andgenderisrarelymentionedinthetransformationalleadership literature.Ahandfulofstudiesthathavecomparedmaleandfemaleleadersontransactionalandtransformationalleadershipfindthat

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femaleleaders,comparedtomaleleaders,aremorelikelytobeperceivedbytheirfollowersastransformationalleaders(Bass,Avolio,&Atwater,1996Bycio, Hackett,&Allen,1995Druskat,1994).Inastudyinvolvingstudentresidenthallleaders,bothmenandwomenreportedusingindividualconsiderationmorethanany othertransformationalortransactionalleadershipstyle(Komives,1991).Theonlygenderdifferenceinleadershipstyleswasfoundwithintellectualstimulation,on whichmenratedthemselveshigherthanwomen.Furtherresearchisneededtodeterminewhethertransformationalleadershipinfactistheprovinceofwomen leaders. TheconnectiveleaderachievementstylesoutlinedbyLipmanBlumen(1996)havealsobeenexaminedinresearchontransformationalleadership.Leaderswho achievetheirgoalsbybuildingeffectiverelationshipswithfollowersaremorelikelytobeperceivedastransformationalthanleaderswhoachievethroughcompetition andusingpoweroverpeople(LipmanBlumen,HandleyIsaksen,&Leavitt,1983). LipmanBlumen'sleaderachievingstyles(discussedearlierinthischapter)wereexaminedamonganationalgroupofelitefemalecollegeleadersaswellasamonga groupofmenandwomenwhowerenotleaders(i.e.,controls,Offerman&Beil,1992).Althoughthemalenonleaderscomparedtofemalenonleadersused competition,power,andsocialinstrumentalachievingstyles,theelitefemaleleaderscomparedtobothmaleandfemalenonleadersusedmoreintrinsic,reliant,and collaborativeachievingstyles.Femaleleaders,therefore,appeartousestylesofachievingconsistentwithtransformationalleadership,thatis,achievingsuccessby workingwellwithothers.Becausethestudydidnotcontainasampleofelitemalecollegeleaders,genderdifferencesinleadershipstylesorachievingpatternscannot beassumed. Inanotherstudy,maleandfemaleleaders(residenthalldirectors)werecomparedontransformationalandtransactionalleadershipstylesandonleadershipachieving styles(Komives,1991).Leadersratedtheirownachieving,transformational,andtransactionalleadershipstyles.Furthermore,theirfollowers(residenthallassistants) ratedtheirleaders'stylesonthesesamedimensions.Mentendedtoassociatetheirdirectachievingstyles(stylesthatfocusontheuseoftheselfasthesolesourceof leadership)withbothtransformationalandtransactionalleadership,whereasbothfemaleleadersandfollowersofeithergenderassociatedrelationalachievingstyles (i.e.,cooperatingwithandusingothers)withtransformationalleadershiponly.Theauthorconcludedthatfollowersperceiverelationalachievingstylestocontributeto transformationalleadership,whichisconsistentwithfemaleleaders'viewsofthemselvesbutnotwithmaleleaders'views.TheresultsofKomives'researchsupports LeavittandLipmanBlumen's(1980)assertionthattoday'sleadersneedtomovefromthe"competitiveedge"tothe"connectiveedge."

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TheBottomLine:AreMenMoreEffectiveLeadersThanWomen? Intheprecedingsections,weexamineddifferencesandsimilaritiesinthestereotypeswehaveaboutmaleandfemaleleaders,thetendencyformenorwomento emergeasleaders,andthewaysandstylesinwhichwomenandmenlead.Wehavesaidfairlylittle,however,aboutwhethertherearegenderdifferencesinthe effectivenessofleaders.Thereissomedebateaboutwhethermenarebetterleaders,whetherwomenarebetterleaders,orwhethermenandwomenareequally effectiveasleaders.AliceEaglyandherassociates(Eagly,Karau,&Makhijani,1992)providedthemostcompellingevidenceofgenderdifferencesandsimilaritiesin overallleadershipeffectiveness.Theycollectedallofthepublishedresearcharticles,unpublishedpapers,bookchapters,anddissertationsthatcomparedthe effectivenessofmaleandfemaleleaders.Effectivenessinthesestudiescouldbeassessedbyobjectiveperformancemeasures,suchasthespeedofsolvingpuzzles, testsofbusinessknowledge,andworkerproductivitymeasures.However,effectivenesswasmorelikelytobeassessedbysubjectivemeasuressuchassubordinates', peers',orsupervisors'ratingsofleaders'overalleffectivenessasleaders,theirabilitytolead,theireffortormotivationtoperformwell,ortheirfollowers'ratingsof satisfactionwiththeirleader.Averagingoverallofthesestudies,Eaglyetal.(1995)foundthatmenandwomenwereequallyeffective.Furthermore,menandwomen tendedtoberatedasequallyeffectiveonbothobjectiveandsubjectivemeasures.However,mentendedtoberatedasslightlymoreeffectivethanwomenon measuresoftheirabilitytolead.Femaleleaderstendedtoobtainhighersatisfactionratingscomparedtomaleleaders.Instudiesconductedinorganizationalsettings (about75%ofthestudies),interestingdifferenceswereobservedacrosstypeoforganization.Therewasafairlystrongbiasinfavorofmaleleadersinmilitarysettings andslightlylesssoinfirstlinemanagementpositions.Femaleleaders,however,werefavoredineducation,government,andsocialservicesettingsand,tosome extent,inbusinesssettings.Womenwerealsoratedasmoreeffectiveinsecondlineormiddlelevelmanagementpositions.Eaglyetal.(1995)concludedthat,on balance,womenandmenleadequallywell.Menareratedasmoreeffectiveleadersinsituationsthatarehighlymasculineandhighlymaledominated,suchasthe military.Althoughwomentendtoberatedasmoreeffectiveinfemaledominatedsettingssuchassocialservicesandeducation,theyaremakinggainsovertheirmale counterpartsinsometraditionallymasculinedomainssuchasbusinessandmiddlemanagement.

Page311 Sidelight11.1Debate:DoWomenandMenDifferinTheirLeadershipStyles? Yes JudyRosener,aprofessorintheGraduateSchoolofManagementattheUniversityofCalifornia,Irvine,arguesthatwomenhaveanadvantageover meninbeingabletouseaninteractiveleadershipstyle.Thisstyleemphasizescollaborativeversustopdowndecisionmaking,valuinggroupaswellas individualcontributionsandinterpersonalaswellastechnicalskills,empoweringworkersatalllevels,andprovidingmultidimensionalfeedbackand performanceevaluations.AccordingtoRosener,womenarecomfortablewithambiguitybecausetheyareusedtojugglingmanytasksandroles. Furthermore,womencaneasilychangeplansandrolesbecausetheyareusedtohandlingunpredictablefamilyresponsibilities.Finally,becausethey havelearnedtosimultaneouslysatisfydifferentandconflictingneedsofspouses,familymembers,andcoworkers,womenhavedevelopedacrucial leadershipskill:negotiation(Rosener,1990,1997).Otherwritersalsoarguethatwomenhaveagreatercapacitythanmentoemployleadershipstyles requiringinterpersonalsensitivityandempowerment(e.g.,Loden,1985). No GaryPowell,aprofessorofmanagementattheUniversityofConnecticut,concludesthatwhenyouweighthedifferencesinthestyles,preferences, andtraitsofmaleandfemaleleaders,notonlydoyoufindonlyafewdifferences,whichareoflittlemagnitude,thedifferencestendtobalanceeach otheroutsothat,overall,therearenopracticaldifferencesinthewayswomenandmenlead.Powellsummarizedthemajorstudiesthathave investigateddifferencesinmaleandfemaleleadershipstylesandabilityandfoundthatalthoughmentendtohavegreatercompanyloyalty,motivation toadvancewithinthecompany,andattentivenesstopowerstructurescomparedtowomen,womentendtohavegreateradministrativeability, interpersonalskillsandsensitivity,writtenskills,energy,andworkstandardscomparedtomen.Therearepracticallynogenderdifferencesintask versusinterpersonalstylesofleadership,althoughwomentendtouseparticipativeleadershipmorethandomen.Powellarguesthatanygender differencesinleadership

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stylecanbeexplainedbysituationalfactors.Whenwomenareinsituationsrequiringautocraticleadership(e.g.,themilitary),theyaremorelikelytobe autocraticthandemocratic.Similarly,mentendtouseparticipativeleadershipstylesinsituationsthatrequireit(Powell,1993,1997). (FromWalsh,1997)

TheGlassCeiling:ASpecialChallengeforWomen Manyauthorsagreethatinadditiontothestressorsofmanagementandleadershipfacedbymenandwomenalike,femalemanagers'stressiscompoundedby genderspecificconditionssuchasworkfamilyconflict,sexualharassment,andwagediscrimination,whicharereviewedinotherchaptersofthisbook.Theoddsof reachingtopleadershippositionsinorganizationsareextremelylow,evenforWhitemales.Considertheadditionalhurdlesfacedbywomenandespeciallywomenof color,andonequicklygainsrespectforfemaleleaders. Despitethetremendousincreaseofwomenintheworkforcegenerally,andinmanagementandentrepreneurialendeavorsspecifically(Davidson&Cooper,1992 Morrison,White,&VanVelsor,1992),womenremainconspicuouslyabsentamongthehighestranking,toppaying,andmostpowerfulcorporatepositions (Morrison&VonGlinow,1990).Motivatedbythewomen'smovementofthe1960s,manywomenaspiretoandareachievingstatusintraditionallymalework domains.Contemporarylaborstatisticsindicatethatwomenoccupyapproximately30to40%oflowerandmidlevelmanagementpositionsinorganizations, comparedtolessthan20%intheearly1970s(citedinPowell,1993).However,only2to5%oftopexecutivepositions(e.g.,corporateofficers)areheldby women.Thisfindinghasbeentermedtheglassceiling. Thisglassceilinghasbeendescribedas"abarriersosubtlethatitistransparent,yetsostrongthatitpreventswomenandminoritiesfrommovingupthemanagement hierarchy"(Morrison&VonGlinow,1990,p.200).Itappearstoexistatthegeneralmanagementlevelinmanybusinesses.Morrisonetal.(1992)indicatedthatonly 2.6%ofFortune500corporateofficerswerewomen,andthatthispercentagedecreasesascompanysizeincreases.ThenumberoffemaleCEOsintheFortune500 canbecountedononehand(Morrisonetal.1992Powell,1993).TheU.S.DepartmentofLabor'ssurveyofFortune500organizations

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foundthattheglassceilingexistsatlowerlevelsthanaddressedbypreviousdefinitions(U.S.DepartmentofLabor,1991). ExplanationsfortheGlassCeilingEffect:FewerSkillsorUnfairBarriers? Humancapitaltheory,oneexplanationfortheglassceiling,positsthatwomenhavenotadvancedtotoplevelpositionsbecausetheyhavenotattainedthesamelevels ofeducationandexperienceordevelopedthesameleadershipskillsandabilitiesasmen(asdescribedbyTerborg,1977).Thistheorysuggeststhataswomengain thesenecessaryexperiencesandcharacteristics,theywillberepresentedequallyattopmanagementlevels.However,theFeministMajorityFoundationreportedthat atthepresentrateofadvancement,itwilltakeuntilabouttheyear2465forwomen'spresenceinexecutivesuitestobeequalmen's(1991citedinMorrisonetal., 1992).Moreover,allevidenceindicatesthattherearefew,ifany,realdifferencesinwomen'sandmen'squalificationstolead(seeprecedingreview,aswellas Dobbins&Platz,1986Morrison&VonGlinow,1990Powell,1993Strohetal.,1992). Itismoreplausiblethatwomenfacemanymorebarriersthanmenintheirquesttoreachtopleadershippositionsinorganizations.MorrisonandVonGlinow(1990) discussedsex(andrace)stereotypingandsystemicbarriers.Stereotypingtheorysuggeststhatwomenarediscriminatedagainstbypowerholdersbecauseofa perceivedlackoffitwithtopleadershippositions(discussedindetailinchap.7).Wedocumentedearlierhowstereotypicalperceptionsleadtodevaluedopinionsof womenmanagers(discussedinchap.3).Decisionmakerswhoholdtheseviewsarelikelytoplacewomeninpositionsconsistentwiththeirassumedvaluetothe organization.Thus,womenmaybedeniedopportunitiestoadvanceatthesamerateasmenbecausesystematicbiasesinreviewprocessesmayleadtounfair promotiondecisions.Recentresearchusingcomputersimulationprovidescompellingevidencethatstereotypesandbiasesagainstwomenasleadersexplainthe extremepaucityofwomenintoplevelsofmanagement(Martell,1998Martell,Lane,&Emrich,1996). Systemicbarriersthatnurturetheglassceilinginvolveorganizationalconditionsthatmirrortheprejudicesofbroadersociety.Inotherwords,thesebarrierscan'tbe attributeddirectlytopeople'sstereotypesandprejudicesbutareattributedtothe''system"morebroadly.Discriminationoccursbecausetheorganizationisstructured suchthatwomenaresystematicallydisadvantagedincomparisontomenintheireffortstonavigatetheircareerstotopexecutivelevels.Structuraldiscriminationis typifiedbygenderconcentratedoccupationsthatpaylessandinvolvelittlepower.Womenareunlikelytoadvancetotoporganizationallevelsbecausethey

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arenotadequatelyrepresentedincareerpathsthatleadtothosepositions(Morrison,1996).DespitetheidealisticscenarioportrayedinthemovieWorkingGirl, peoplearenotoftenpromotedtoimportantmanagerialjobsfromclericalpositions. Womeninmanagerialcareerpathsstillmayhavedifficultyattainingtopexecutivepositions,inpartbecausetheyareoftennotgiventhesamedevelopmental opportunitiesastheirmalepeers.Itisimportantnotonlytobeemployedinacareerpathleadingtotheexecutivesuitebutalsotobegivenchallengingjobassignments thatincreaseone'svisibilitytoorganizationaldecisionmakers(McCall,Lombardo,&Morrison,1988McCauley,Ruderman,Ohlott,&Morrow,1994Morrison, 1996).ThreecategoriesofdevelopmentalopportunitiesthatareimportantforprovingoneselfsuitablefortopmanagementweredescribedbyOhlott,Ruderman,and Morrow(1994).Jobtransitioninvolveschangesinajob'scontent,status,orlocationandchallengesthemanagertoeffectivelystructureanewandunfamilar situation.Taskrelatedcharacteristicsinvolverisksandchallengesintheexistingjobthatgivemanagersopportunitiestotestandlearnfromnewcoursesofaction, suchasturningaroundatroubledoperation.Obstaclesaredifficultiesfacedinthejobsuchasadifficultbossorlackofpersonalsupport. Maleandfemalemanagersattendingmanagementdevelopmentseminarsweresurveyedtoassessgenderdifferencesinthesekeydevelopmentalexperiences(Ohlott, Ruderman,&Morrow,1994).Menreportedsignificantlymoretaskrelateddevelopmentalcomponentsintheirjobscomparedtowomen.Thesedifferences remainedafterage,tenure,education,andjobtypeweretakenintoaccount.Womenreportedsignificantlylesspersonalsupportintheirjobsthanmen.Inanother sampleofmanagers,Strohetal.(1992)foundthatwomenandmenhadthesamelevelofeducation,workedinthesameindustries,indicatedthesamewillingnessto relocate,andtookveryfew,ifany,careerbreaks(i.e.,toraiseafamily).However,eveninthissampleofverysimilarmaleandfemalemanagers,womenreceived significantlylesspaythanmen.Ifwomenarenotequitablyrewardedfortheireffortstobegoodleaders,thismustaffecttheirmotivationtoaspiretotopexecutive levelsofmanagement. Othersystemicbarriersincludetokenismandbiculturalstressors(discussedinchap.7and12).Theheightenedvisibilityandunrealisticexpectationscharacteristic oftokenismcreateconditionsforfailure(Kanter,1977b),affectingnotonlythepersoninthetokenpositionbutalsootherwomeninthepipeline.Whenthetoken womanfails,decisionmakersarelesslikelytoriskplacingotherwomeninthatposition.Finally,womeninmanagementfacethedualstressorsofbeingafemale (whichisassociatedwithdiscrimination,greaterworkfamilystress,andgreaterlikelihoodofbeingsexuallyharassed)andbeingamanager.Womenmay

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deliberatelychoosenottopursuetoppositionsbecauseofthecompoundedstressorsfromboththesedemandingdomainsoflife.Whetherwomenaredirectly discriminatedagainstintheirattemptstoadvancetotoporganizationallevels,orwhetherthe"system"makeswomen'sadvancementmoredifficultthanmen's(i.e., womanhavetoputupwithbeingtokensaswellasmanagingstressorsfrommultiplerolesmoresothandomen),theglassceilingremainsaformidablebarrierfor womenleaders. BreakingtheGlassCeiling Somewomenhavemadeittothetopinorganizationalmanagement(orveryclosetoit).Throughinterviewsandsurveys,researchershaveexaminedthe characteristicsofthesewomenthathelpedthembreaktheglassceiling(Morrisonetal.,1992Scandura,1991).Scandura(1991)surveyed176femaleexecutives (80ofwhomidentifiedamalepeer,whoalsocompletedthesurvey)inordertoobtainaprofileofwomenwhohadsurpassedglassceilingboundaries.Participantsin thestudycamefromserviceindustries,manufacturing,government,retailindustries,andsmallbusinesses.Over80%ofthesamplewerewithinthreedecisionlevelsto thetopoftheirorganizationsand,onaverage,theycontrolledbudgetsofover$2.5million.Thus,womeninthissampletrulyheldtoplevelpositionsintheircompanies andhadthemselvesbrokentheglassceiling.Interestingly,80%ofthewomeninthesamplecamefromrelativelysmallcompanies,andmostwomenwereinservice andretailindustries.Thus,theglassceilingbreakerswereunlikelytocomefromthelargest,mostpowerfulorganizations. Scandura(1991)foundthattheseexceptionalwomenweremoresimilartotheirmalepeersinthestudythantheyweredifferent.Althoughcomparisonsbetweenmen andwomeninthisstudyarepotentiallybiased,duetothewaymenwereselectedforthestudy(theywerenominatedbythefemaleparticipants),itisworthnotingthat thesewomen,liketheirmalepeers,possessedcollegedegrees,averaged13yearsofexperienceintheircurrenttypeofwork,hadatleastonementorduringtheir career,andworkedin"line"asopposedto"staff"positions.Ontheotherhand,womenheldmoreegalitariansexrolesocializationattitudesthandidthemenandwere lessoptimisticabouttheirfutureupwardmobilitythanmen.Withinthefemalesample,havinghadamentorwaspositivelyrelatedtosalaryandperceptionsofbeing promotedinthefuture.Also,femaleexecutiveswhohadchildrenunder18reportedlowercareerexpectations,higherlevelsofstress,andmorethoughtsofquitting, eventhoughmanyoftheircompaniesmadeaccommodationsforfamilyconcerns. Insummary,femaleexecutivessucceededwithmanyofthesamecharacteristicsasdidmaleexecutives(Scandura,1991).Goodeducation,

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hardwork,lineresponsibilities,andmentorswerekeystotheirsuccess.Additionally,women'spositiveattitudesaboutegalitariansexrolesfacilitatedtheirupward mobility.Althoughthepresenceofchildrentendedtobenegativelyassociatedwithcareeraspirations,almosthalfoftheseexecutivewomendidhavechildrenunder 18,suggestingthatitisnotimpossibletohaveafamilyandbeasuccessfulexecutive. ThesefindingsweremirroredintheCenterforCreativeLeadership's(CCL)studyoffemaleexecutives(Morrisonetal.,1992).Theseresearchersconductedin depthinterviewswith76womeninorneartogeneralmanagementpositionsacrosstheUnitedStates.Theresearchersalsofoundthat,contrarytoprevious assumptions,thesewomentendedtobeintheirearly40s(notolder),tobemarried,andtohavechildren.Furthermore,theytendedtobeinortohavehadline positionswheretheywereresponsibleforprofitandloss.Theyfacedpressuresnotonlyfromthejobitself(e.g.,difficultdecisions,angrycustomers,disgruntled employees,endlessphonecalls)butalsofromtheirpioneerroleasawomaninthepositionandfromthestrainoffamilyobligationsandworkfamilyconflict. Morrisonetal.(1992)reportedthatthesewomensucceededbytakingrisks,pursuinglineresponsibility,managingpeopleeffectively,andhavingmentorsmuchlike maleexecutiveswhohadbeenstudiedinanearlierCCLproject.Unlikethemen,however,thesewomenhadtomanagewithina"narrowbandofacceptable behavior"(p.47).Althoughaccumulatedevidenceindicatesthatmanagerialwomenaremorelikementhanunlikethem(i.e.,Eaglyetal.,1992),thesewomenhadto dealwithperceptionsbybosses,subordinates,peers,andcustomersthatonlycertainformsofleadershipareacceptableforwomen(e.g.,Jago&Vroom,1982). Thus,theyhadtobemoreconcernedabouttheirimagethanmen,walkingafinelinebetweenbehavingtoomasculinely(lesttheybepeggedastooaggressive)ortoo femininely(lesttheybepeggedastoosoft). TheglassceilinghasbeendocumentedinnonU.S.organizationsaswell.DavidsonandCooper(1992)reviewedEuropeanandAustralianliteratureandsurveysand foundthat,liketheirU.S.peers,topfemalemanagersinthesecountriesarewoefullyunderrepresented.Womenmanagersaremoreheavilyrepresentedinservice organizations(e.g.,government,educationandtraining,andprofessionalservices)thaninmanufacturingandinstaffandspecialistpositionsthaningeneral management.DavidsonandCooper(1992)alsodescribedthebarriersandstressorsfacingfemaleleaders.Inadditiontohandlingthestressofmanagementjobs themselves,EuropeanandAustralianfemalemanagersdealwithsocietalprejudicesaboutwomeninmanagement,tokenism,dualcareerstress(orthestigmaofbeing a"singlecareerwoman"),andworkfamily

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conflict,alistquitesimilartothatforU.S.femalemanagers.AtleastinWesternsocieties,theglassceilingandthefactorssupportingitareubiquitous,andthecurrent methodsofsurpassingitaresimilar.Perhapsthegreatestobstaclefacingleadershipinorganizationsconcernsequalaccesstoleadershippositionsforthosewithtalent, whetherfemaleormale,EuroAmericanornot. LeadershipandtheGlassCeilingforNonWhiteWomen TheleadershipresearchreviewedtothispointhasfocusedprimarilyifnotexclusivelyonWhitewomen.Womenofcolormayhavebeenincludedinstudiesexamining genderdifferencesandsimilaritiesinleadershipperceptions,styles,andbehaviors,butsincetheirnumberswerelow,analysisbyracewasseldomconducted.Since womenofcoloraremarginalizedinoursocietybecauseoftheirgenderandtheirrace,theymeritspecialattention(Morrison,1996Y.S.White,1990). Womenofcolorareveryscarceinexecutivelevelmanagementpositions.MorrisonandVonGlinow(1990)reportedthatintheearly1980s,thenumberofminorities (includingmen)holdingtopexecutivepositionsinU.S.corporationscouldbecountedonone'sfingers.NonWhitewomenfacethesamebarriersimpedingWhite women'saccesstotopleadershippositions.Additionalburdensduetoethnicandracialprejudicesandstereotypesmaketheirjourneytothetopespeciallydifficult. Forexample,totheextentthatWhitemenaretheinfluentialleaderswhoarelikelytobementorsforyoungmanagers,theyarelikelytochoose"like"protgs:White men.Whitewomenmayoffersomediscomfort,butnottothesameextentaswouldAfricanAmerican,Hispanic,orAsianwomen(Nkomo&Cox,1989). ResearchexaminingthebarriersfacedbynonWhitewomeninachievingleadershipsuccesshasyieldedmixedresults.Y.S.White(1990)interviewedseveralfemale AfricanAmericanbusinessleaders,mostofwhomwerevicepresidentsintheirorganizations.Theystatedthatalthoughtheircompaniespubliclysupportedaffirmative action/equalopportunityinitiatives,theysawverylittlechangehappeningontheinside.VeryfewAfricanAmericanwomenwerepromotedtolinepositions,the pipelinetouppermanagement.AfricanAmericanmenandWhitewomenweremorelikelytobenefitfromaffirmativeactionpoliciesthanwereAfricanAmerican women.YetthesewomenalsonotedthatthefactorsaccountingfortheirownsuccessweremuchthesameasthosementionedbyWhitewomenforbreakingthe glassceiling:takingrisky,highlyvisiblejob

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assignments,networkingandmentoring,andhavingstrongtechnical,managerial,andsocialskills. AfewfieldstudiesandexperimentshaveexaminedtheextenttowhichstereotypesassociatedwithbeingbothnonWhite(e.g.,Black)andfemalebiasraters' judgmentsofAfricanAmericanwomen'smanagerialcompetence.McRae(1994)examinedtheextenttowhichsexstereotypesinfluencejudgmentsofBlackmale andfemalemanagerialcandidatesinasampleofBlackmaleandfemalemanagers.TheresearcherscreatedresumesofequallyqualifiedBlackwomenandBlackmen andsentthesetoasampleofmanagerswhowereaskedtojudgetheirpotentialforsuccessineitherafinancialmanagementposition(astereotypicallymalejob)ora benefitsmanagerposition(astereotypicallyfemalejob).ThemanagersratedtheBlackwomenasmoresuitable(i.e.,hadgreaterpotentialtoworkeffectively, completetasks,anddotechnicalwork)forthebenefitsmanagerpositionthanforthefinancialmanagerposition.Blackmenwereratedasequallysuitableforeither typeofposition.ThisstudysuggeststhatsexstereotypesaffectBlackwomenbutnotBlackmen. NkomoandCox(1989)investigatedthe"doublewhammyversusdoubleadvantagehypothesis"fortheupwardmobilityofBlackmanagers."Doublewhammy" impliesthatthestereotypesofbeingbothAfricanAmericanandfemaleareaddictive.''Doubleadvantage"impliesthatBlackwomenareadvantagedincomparisonto Blackmenfortworeasons:Blackcultureismatriarchal,soBlackwomenhavehigherstatusthanBlackmen,andhiringorpromotingaBlackwomanisperceivedas countingastwoaffirmativeactionpoints(but,infact,doesnot).AsurveyofalargenumberofmaleandfemaleBlackmanagersintheUnitedStatesthatexamined theirupwardmobilitypatterns(e.g.,numberofpromotions,promotionrates,organizationalsize,andothercontrolfactors)foundfewgenderdifferences.Blackmen wereolder,hadmoreseniority,andhadhighersalariesthanBlackwomenhowever,Blackwomenhadhigherselfratedjobperformanceandweremoresatisfied withtheiradvancementrate.Blackwomen'sandmen'supwardmobilityrateswereequal,andtheyreportedequallevelsofsatisfactionwiththeircareers.When differencesineducationandpriorexperiencewereaccountedfor,therewerenogenderdifferencesinpromotionratesandmanageriallevel.Thus,itappearsthat BlackwomenareneitheradvantagednordisadvantagedincomparisontoBlackmen. ItishardtodrawconclusionsabouttheprocessesaffectingnonWhitewomen'sadvancementtotopexecutivepositions.First,theresearchistoosparsetomakefirm conclusions.Second,fullexperimentaldesignsthatvaryraceandsexofbothtargetsandratersneedtobeincorporatedintofutureresearch.Third,factorsaffecting womenfromculturesand

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ethnicbackgroundsotherthanAfricanAmericanneedtobestudied.However,thedataregardingnonWhitewomenintopexecutivepositionsareclear:Thereare extremelyfewnonWhitewomenintopleadershippositionsinU.S.organizations. Summary Leadershipistypicallyviewedastheabilitytoinfluenceandmotivatepeoplebeyondwhatisrequiredofthembytheirjobsorsituations.Tothisend,leadershelp groupsachievegoalsbyguiding,developing,andchallenginggroupmembersaswellasbymakingimportantdecisions,takingrisks,beingateamplayer,andvaluing others.Leadershipscholarshaveattemptedfordecadestounderstandthequalitiesofgoodleaders.Inbehavioralterms,leadersinitiatestructure,direction,and organizationofgrouptasksaswellasprovidesupportandconcernforgroupmembers.However,leadershipintoday'scomplexenvironmentrequiresagreatrangeof behaviors.Infact,somescholarshavesuggestedthattheenvironmentinwhichleadersoperateisverysignificantindeterminingwhatleadershipstylesorbehaviorswill beeffective.Characteristicsofsituationsthatinfluencetheeffectivenessofvariousleadershipstylesincludetheskillsandprofessionalismofthesubordinates,thetypes ofdecisionsthatneedtobemade,andthepredictabilityorambiguityofthetasksthatneedtobeaccomplished,amongotherfactors.Researchonsituationaland contingencytheoriesofleadershiphasprovidedmixedsupport. Recentadvancesinleadershiptheoryhavefocusedontherelationalqualitiesofgoodleaders.Transactionaltheories,suchasleadermemberexchangetheory,suggest thatleaderscanmaximizetheiroutcomesbydevelopinghighqualityrelationshipswithselectfollowerswhileprovidingmoreroutineguidancetoothermembers. Transformationalleadersgobeyonddaytodayexchangeswithgroupmemberstopromotefundamentalchangesinpeopleandorganizationsbyenactingidealized influence,inspirationalmotivation,intellectualstimulation,andindividualizedconsiderationforothers.Finally,connectiveleadersrelyonawidevarietyofachievement stylesincludingprincipledinstrumentality,authenticity,interdependence,longrangevision,positiveexpectations,andpersonalgrowthtohelpguidepeopleand organizationsthroughahighlyinterconnectedyetdiversesocial,political,andbusinessuniverse. Becausethereappearstobenoonebestwaytolead,leadersmustrelyonagreatwealthofresources,bothwithinthemselvesandwithinthepeopletheylead.Good leadership,therefore,mustbefosteredamonga

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widevarietyofpeople.Particularly,goodleadershipmustbefosteredinbothmenandwomen.Women,however,havetofacemanyhurdlesandobstaclesinbeing perceivedandtreatedaseffectiveleaders.Especiallyinthemaledominatedprofessionofmanagement,womenareperceivedasnotascompetentasmen.Women's successestendtobeattributedtoluckorhardworkasopposedtonaturalability,andtheirfailurestendtobeattributedtopoorabilities.Furthermore,womentendto beperceivedasleaderswhenthesituationhighlightstraditionalsexrolestereotypesofwomen,suchaswhengroupsareworkingontypicallymasculinetasksorwhen womenaretokenmembersoftheirgroups.Furthermore,womentendtonotemergeasleadersincontrived,shortlivedlaboratorystudiesofleadership.Inthereal world,however,thereareveryfewgenderdifferencesinwhoemergesasaleaderandinthetypesofbehaviorsandstylesthatareusedtolead.Theexceptionisthat femaleleaderstendtoleadmoredemocraticallythandomaleleaders.Thismaybedue,inpart,tosocialpenaltiesthatwomenfaceiftheyusetypicallymasculine formsofleadershipsuchasautocraticdecisionstyles.Mostimportantly,regardlessofhowwomenareperceivedasleaders,thecumulativeevidencestrongly suggeststhatwomenandmenareequallyeffectiveasleadersacrossmanydifferenttypesofsituations. Despitetheapparentsimilarityinthewaymenandwomenleadandthefactthatwomentendtobeequallyeffectiveasmenasleaders,womenstillfacesignificant barriersinrisingtotoplevelsofmanagementinbusinessorganizations.Explanationsfortheglassceilingeffectincludebothsystemicbarriersandbiculturalstressors. Forexample,womenmoreoftenthanmenareplacedinoccupationsthatdonothaveclearpathstotopmanagement,ortheyarenotgivendevelopmental opportunitiestoprovetheirleadershipcapabilities.Womenalsonotonlyhavetoperformexceptionallywellintheirpaidworkrolesbutalsohavetodealwith tokenism,discrimination,sexualharassment,andworkfamilyconflict.ThesestressorsarecompoundedfornonWhitewomen,whomustalsocombatracisminorder toconvinceaWhitemajorityoftheirleadershippotential. Tobreaktheglassceiling,effortsareneededatboththepersonallevelandtheorganizationalleveltodispelstereotypesaboutwomen'sleadershipabilitiesandto eliminatethestructuralbarriersthatkeepwomenfromadvancingtotoplevelsofmanagement. Glossary Agentic/instrumental:Concernforone'sownselfinterests.Includestraitssuchasforceful,aggressive,independent,andambitious.

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Attributions:Processthroughwhichindividualsattempttodeterminethecausesofothers'behavior. Boundarylessorganization:Organizationinwhichchainsofcommandareeliminated,spansofcontrolareunlimited,andrigiddepartmentsgivewaytoempowered teams. Communal/expressive:Concernforone'srelationshipwithotherpeople.Includestraitssuchasaffectionate,gentle,appreciative,andsensitive. Controls(controlgroup):Researchparticipantswhodonotreceivetheexperimentalmanipulationofinterestinthestudy.Usefulforcomparingthedifferencein outcomesforthosewhodonotreceivetheexperimentalmanipulation. Decentralization:Extenttowhichauthorityanddecisionmakingarespreadthroughoutalllevelsofanorganizationratherthanbeingreservedfortopmanagement. Fieldstudy:Researchconductedinnaturalisticsettingssuchasarealorganization. Humanrelationsmovement:Perspectiveonorganizationalbehaviorthatrecognizestheimportanceofsocialprocessesinworksettings. Laboratorystudy:Researchconductedinartificialsettingsinwhichtheresearchercancarefullycontrolallconditionsofthestudy. Roleambiguity:Uncertaintyabouttherequirementsofajob. Sexrolestereotypes:Astructuredsetofinferentialrelationsthatlinkpersonalattributestothesocialcategoriesoffemaleandmale. Systemicbarriers:Obstaclesthatareexplicitlycausedbysystemsand/orpoliciesinorganizations(asopposedtopersonalbiases)whichunfairlydisadvantage certaingroups.Forexample,apolicyinacommercialairlinethatpilotsmusthave5yearsofflyingexperienceinthemilitaryrepresentsasystemicbarrierforwomen beingselectedforcommercialpilotpositions,becauseuntilrecentlywomenwerenotallowedtoflyinthemilitary. Biculturalstressors:Stressorsthatarisefrompossessingtwoormoreculturalidentitiesthatcaninvolvediscriminationornegativestereotyping.Biculturalstressors cancompoundthesestressorsortheycanposeconflictingstressors.Forexample,anAfricanAmericanwomanmayexperiencethestressofbeingAfricanAmerican andfemale,bothofwhicharestressfulinU.S.society.Furthermore,undersomecircumstancesthesestressorscanconflictwithoneanother.Forexample,the AfricanAmericanvalueofprotectingandstandingupforothersoftheirownrace(includingAfricanAmericanmen)canconflictwiththestressofbeingawoman beingabusedbyaman. Tokenism:Statusofbeingperceivedasatoken(i.e.,memberofsmall,visibleminority).Typicallytokensareperceivedstereotypically,are

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expectedtoperformbetterthananyoneelse,andareexpectedtofulfillstereotypicalrolesfortheirtokenstatus. Virtualorganization:Highlyflexible,temporaryorganizationformedbyagroupofcompaniesthatjoinforcestoexploitaspecificopportunity.

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12 Stress,Health,andGender
I.StressandWork A.WhatIsStress? B.ModelsofWorkStress 1.JobCharacteristicsModelofStress 2.OrganizationalStressModel C.SourcesofStress 1.TaskDemands 2.RoleDemands 3.InterpersonalDemands 4.PhysicalWorkEnvironment 5.OrganizationalStructure/Climate 6.NonworkDemands 7.WorkFamilyConflict II.Gender,Stress,andHealthOutcomes A.ExplainingFemaleMaleDifferencesinStressOutcomes B.ModelsforLinkingWorkWithHealth III.ConsequencesofStress A.PhysicalOutcomes 1.WorkEnvironmentandCoronaryHeartDisease 2.GenderandHypertension 3.Smoking,Gender,andHealth 4.Jobs,Gender,andStress B.MentalandEmotionalHealthConsequences IV.StressReduction:CopingStrategiesandInterventions A.IndividualStrategiesforReducingStress B.OrganizationalInterventionsandPolicies V.HealthIssuesUniquetoWomen A.Reproduction,Women'sHealth,andWork B.Women,Work,andMenopause C.PremenstrualSyndrome,Work,andHealth VII.Stress,Work,andEthnicMinorities VIII.Summary

Page324 StressHittingMoreWorkers SusanBumsworkswithbabieswhooftenaresickorinjured.Somebabiesdie,makingherjobparticularlystressful.TheneonatalnursepractitioneratSt.Joseph'sHospitalin Tucson,Ariz.,worksinwhatmostpeoplewouldconsiderahighstressjob.Yet90percentofAmericanworkerssaytheyexperiencehighlevelsofstressintheworkplaceatleast onceortwiceaweek. Andwhilesomestressisnotnecessarilybad,thenumberofworkersadverselyaffectedbystressisrapidlygrowingandmaybecostingemployersmorethan$100billionayear, accordingtotheNationalInstitutesforOccupationalSafetyandHealth.ALouHarrisandAssociatespollindicatesU.S.industrylosesabout286millionworkdaysperyearin stressrelatedabsenteeism. ( FromMadrid,1994)

Theindividualcostsassociatedwithstressarestaggeringintermsofpersonalhealthcosts,losthealth,lostincome,damagedinterpersonalrelationsbothathomeand atwork,andlossofinterestinlife.Furthermore,workerstressisextremelycostlytoorganizations.AccidentscostU.S.companiesover$32billioneachyear,and approximately75to85%oftheseareduetostressatwork(J.W.Jones,1984Matteson&Ivancevich,1987).Heartdisease(whichwediscusslaterinthechapter) isassociatedwithwork/familystressandisresponsibleforapproximately135millionworkdayslostannually.Sixtypercentoflongtermemployeedisabilitycases resultfrompsychologicalorpsychosomaticproblems,and$26billionisspentannuallyondisabilitypaymentsandmedicalbills.Bothorganizationsandindividualslose opportunitiesduetostress(Matteson&Ivancevich,1987). Webeginthischapterbydefiningstressanddescribingtwogeneralmodelsofworkstress:thejobcharacteristicsmodelandtheorganizationalmodel.Eachmodelhas identifiedandemphasizeddifferentsourcesofstressatworkthesesourcesofworkstressaredescribed.Next,wediscussapproachesforlinkinggenderwithstress andhealthoutcomes.Someexplanationsoftheeffectsofstressonhealthmaydifferdependingonwhetherwearereferringtomenorwomen.Inthenextsection, physicalandmental/emotionalconsequencesofworkplacestressarepresented.Stressreductionstrategiesaredescribed,includingbothindividualandorganizational levelinterventions.Stressorsthatareparticularlyrelevantforwomen,aswellastheirhealthconsequences,aredescribed.Thechapterconcludeswithabrief discussionofhowworkplacestressaffectsmembersofminoritygroups.

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StressandWork Althoughitiswidelyacknowledgedthatworkisasignificantsourceofstressforindividuals,itissometimesdifficulttosayexactlywhyworkmightbestressfulorwhat mightbedonetoreduceworkstress.Therearemanydifferentdefinitionsofstressandmanydifferentmodelsortheoriesofhowandwhyworkmightbestressful. WhatIsStress? "Stress"isaLatintermandwasusedinthe17thcenturytoconveyhardship,adversity,oraffliction(Davidson&Cooper,1992).Inthe18thcentury,thetermwas usedtodenoteforce,pressure,strain,orstrongeffortandreferredtopeople'sorgansormentalpowers(Hinkle,1973).Todaystressisanambiguoustermand expertsdonotalwaysagreeonitsdefinition.Stressisacomplexsetofemotional,physiological,andmentalstatesinresponsetodemandsfromanactionorsituation (Greenberg&Baron,1997Hellriegeletal.,1986).Itinvolvesinterplaybetweenapersonandthatperson'senvironment.Stressors,variousfactorsinan environmentthatpromotestressamongindividuals,canincludedemandsfromajob,family,friends,orcoworkersorinternalpersonaldemands.Oftenstressand stressorsaredistinguishedfromstrainordistress,whichrefertotheeffectsofstress.Theseincludeadverseornegativepsychological,physical,behavioral,and organizationalconsequencesthatmayresultfromstressfulcircumstances(Nelson&Quick,1997). Conceptualizationsofstressvarydependingonyourperspectivesonwork.Inparticular,laborandmanagerialgroupsinorganizationsdefinestressdifferently(L. Murphy,1988).Literatureexaminingstressfromtheperspectiveoflabortendstodiscussstressintermsofobjectivephysicalandenvironmentalstressors.Stressors identifiedinthisliteratureincludelackofcontroloverworkcontentandprocess,unrealistictaskdemands,lackofsupervisoryandmanagementunderstanding,and lackofpredictabilityandsecurityaboutjobfuture.Themanagerialliteraturetendstoemphasizepersonalitytraits(e.g.,TypeAbehaviorpattern),lifestylebehaviors, interpersonalrelations,andfamilyproblemsaskeystressors.Thesedifferentconceptualizationsofstressareassociatedwithdifferentresearchapproachesandoften resultindifferentresolutionsorinterventionsforstressreduction.Laborgroupstendtoadvocatehealthandsafetycommitteesandincreasedworkerparticipationas stressreductionstrategies.Managerialgroupstendtoadvocateindividualstressmanagementprogramsandtraining(L.Murphy,1988).Laterinthischapter,we discussmethodsofreducingworkstress.

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ModelsofWorkStress Therearenumerousmodelsofworkstress,whichcanbecategorizedintooneoftwogeneralgroups:jobcharacteristicsmodelsandorganizationalmodels.Thefirst groupevolvedfromthelabortraditionofinvestigatingthe"objective"characteristicsoftheworkenvironmentandtheirrelationshiptopsychologicalandespeciallyto physicalhealth.MuchoftheresearchinthistraditionhasbeenconductedinSwedenandEnglandandisdescribedinsomedetailinthenextsectionofthischapter. Thisresearchreflectsaninterdisciplinaryapproachinvolvingpsychologists,sociologists,andmedicalhealthprofessionals. JobCharacteristicsModelofStress Karasek(1979)andcolleaguesdevelopedaframeworkthatdescribescharacteristicsofjobsassociatedwithstress.AsFigure12.1indicates,stressisassociated withtwoworkvariables:psychologicaldemandsanddecisionlatitudeorcontrol(R.Karasek&Theorell,1990Theorell,1991).Psychologicaljobdemands mostoftenrefertotimepressuresbutcanalsoinvolvefearoflosingone'sjoborskillobsolescence.Jobdemandsalsoincludethephysicaldemandsofwork.Decision latitudeisacombinationoftaskauthorityandskilldiscretion.Taskauthorityistheautonomyonehastomakedecisions,whereasskilldiscretionreferstothe breadthorvarietyofskillsusableonthejob.Occupationscanbecategorizedalongstressorstrainlevels.Forexample,activejobsarethosewithhighpsychological demandsandhighdegreesofcontrolordecisionlatitude,suchassurgeonsorrockclimbers.Thesejobsaregenerallycharacterizedbylearningandgrowthand generallyhighproductivity.Highenergy,whichisoftenconvertedintoaction,isassociatedwiththesejobs.However,thereisonlyaveragepsychologicalstrainin thesejobs. Lowstrainjobs(e.g.,naturalscientists,architects,orrepairpersonnel)arecharacterizedbylowpsychologicaldemandsandhighdecisionlatitude.Thereislowerthan averagestrainorriskofillnessinthesejobs.Inpassivejobs,bothdecisionlatitudeandpsychologicaldemandsarelow(R.A.Karasek,1979Theorell,1991). Althoughthesejobsareassociatedwithnonenergeticresponses,theyhavenoneoftherelaxationfeaturesoflowstrainjobs.Thereisagradualdeclineofskillsand abilitiesfromlackofuse.Incumbentsarenotaskedtomeetsignificantjobchallenges,noraretheyallowedtoinitiateprojectsoractivitiesonthejob.Inpassivejobs, thereareaveragelevelsofpsychologicalstrainandillnessrisk.Becausethereislowjobdemand,incumbentsencounterfewstressors.Whenastressoroccurs, however,ittendstoresultinindividualstrain.Finally,highstrainjobsareassociatedwiththegreatestpsychologicalstrainfortheindividualincludingfatigue,anxiety, depression,andphysical

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Fig.12.1. Karasekmodelofoccupationalstress,withaveragescoresforvarious occupationsHighandlowlevelsoftwocomponents,demandandcontrol, determineitsfourquadrantsFigurereprintedfromT.Theorell(1991)On cardiovascularhealthinwomen:Resultsfromepidemiologicalandpsychological studiesinSweden(pp187206)InM.Frankenhaeuser,ULundberg,&M. Chesneywomen,work,andhealth.PlenumPressNewYorkReprintedwith permissionfromPlenumPublishing.Copyright2000

illness.Highstrainjobs(e.g.,assemblylineworkers,waitresses,orgarmentworkers)arecharacterizedbyhighjobdemandsandlowcontrolordecisionallatitude. Relieffromstressresponsestosuchworkcanbeaccomplishedbyallowingfreedomofactioninperformingtheformaljobtasks,aswellasfreedomtoengagein informalritualsoractivitiesatworksuchascoffeebreaks,smokingbreaks,orevenfidgeting(R.Karasek&Thorell,1990).

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OrganizationalStressModel Thesecondapproachtostudyingstresscanbefoundinthemanagementresearchliterature.Thereareseveraltheoriesofmanagementstress,coping,andwellbeing (Edwards,1992seeEulberg,Weekley,&Bhagat,1988,forareviewofmanagerialstresstheories).Theorganizationalstressapproachfocusesmoreonthe characteristicsoftheindividualortheindividual'sperceptionsoftheworkenvironmentthanondocumentingthepresenceofobjectiveenvironmentalstressors.This approachsuggeststhatstressisaninteractiveprocessbetweencharacteristicsoftheindividuals(Nelson&Quick,1997)andcharacteristicsoftheenvironment (Lazarus,1966Lazarus&Folkman,1984).Althoughsomeenvironmentalstressorsmightbepresentinagivensituation,theiractualeffectsonapersonmaydepend uponavarietyofindividualcharacteristics(e.g.,fitwiththeenvironment,cognitiveappraisal,discrepancybetweenegodealandselfimage). SourcesofStress Thejobcharacteristicsandorganizationalstressmodelspreviouslydescribedrefertobroadorientationstowardresearchonworkandstress.Oneconcentrateson thecharacteristicsoftheworkitselfandtheotheroncharacteristicsoftheindividuals.Withinthesebroadresearchorientations,anumberofspecificmodelshavebeen proposedtoidentifysourcesofworkrelatedstress(Cooper,1986Matteson&Ivancevich,1987Offermann&Armitage,1993).Allofthesemodelsidentifytask, socialorsocietal,organizational,andindividualorpersonalcharacteristicsthataresourcesorantecedentsofstress(R.L.Kahn&Byosiere,1992).Manymodels alsodiscusspropertiesorcharacteristicsoftheindividualthatinfluencethedegreetowhichastressorhasanimpact(positiveornegative)ontheindividual.Ageneric diagramofthemajorfactorsthatappeartoplaysignificantrolesinworkrelatedstressispresentedinFig.12.2.Themodelsdiscussedsubsequentlyfocusonfive generalsourcesofstress:characteristicsofthejob(taskdemands),theindividual'sroleintheorganization(roledemands),relationshipsatwork,organizational structure/climate,andnonworkfactors(Cooper,1986Matteson&Ivancevich,1987Nelson&Quick,1997). TaskDemands Twoofthemoststressfulconditionsatworkarechangeandlackofcontrol.Changeisapervasiveandeverpresentcharacteristicoftoday'sworkplace.Withchange comesuncertaintyandalackofpredictabilityinjobtasksandresponsibilities.U.S.organizationsinthe1980swereconstantlyundergoingmergers,acquisitions,and downsizing,whichcertainlycreateduncertaintyforemployees(Nelson&Quick,1997).Definitionsofjobsandjobdutieshavealsobeenchangingrapidly

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Fig.122. GeneralModelofStress'Antecedents,InterveningVariables,andConsequences.

inmanyorganizations.Uncertaintyaboutone'sfuture,one'sduties,andrelationshipswithinorganizationsisasignificantsourceofstress. Lackofcontrolisalsoasignificantsourceofworkplacestress.Lackofcontrolmaybecausedbyanumberoftaskfactorsincludingtheinabilitytopredictthetiming oftasks,tomakedecisionsthatinfluenceimportantworkoutcomes,ortoselectthemethodsortoolsneededtosuccessfullycompleteatask(Nelson&Quick, 1997).Combinedwithlackofcontrol,workoverloadorworkunderloadinajobcancreatestress.Asdiscussedlaterinthechapter,individualsinjobswithlow controlandhighworkloadshavegreaterincidenceofheartattacks.Othertaskdemandscontributingtostressfulworkenvironmentsincludenewtechnologies,which workersmayperceiveasathreattotheirjobsecurity. RoleDemands Workrolesarebydefinitiondemandingbutcanbemademuchmoredemanding(andthereforestressful)astheresultofroleconflictandroleambiguity.Roleconflict isanincompatibilitybetweentheexpectationsofpartiesorbetweenaspectsofasinglerole(Greenberg&Baron,1997).Therearethreegeneraltypesofroleconflict: interrole,intrarole,andpersonroleconflict.Interroleconflictisperhapsthemostfamiliarandiscausedbyconflictingexpectationsfromtwoseparateroles,suchas employeeandparent.AnexampleofthisistheemployeewhohasadeadlinetomeetbutalsohasachildwhoisthestartingpitcherinherLittleLeaguebaseballgame. Intraroleconflictreferstoconflicting

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expectationsrelatedtoasinglerole,suchasemployee.Forexample,aphysicianmightbeexpectedtoprovidequalitytimewithpatientsbutalsomayhaveadaily quotaofpatientstosee.Finally,personroleconflictsexistwhenemployeesareexpectedtobehaveinwaysthatviolatepersonalvaluesorbeliefs(Nelson&Quick, 1997).Forexample,employeesinorganizationsthatareinvolvedinunethicalactivities(e.g.,pricerigging)mayexperiencestressbecausetheirworkrolesrequire themtoengageinactivitiesthattheybelievetobewrong.Similarly,individualsworkingfororganizationswhoseproductsorservicesarefraudulent(e.g.,employeesof a''psychichotline")orinherentlydangerous(e.g.,employeesofcigarettemanufacturers)mayexperienceconflictsbetweentheirbeliefsandthebehaviorstheyare requiredtocarryoutatwork. Roleambiguity,anothercauseofstress,referstoanindividual'suncertaintyaboutwhatactionstotaketofulfillajob.Interestingly,levelsofroleambiguitydifferfrom countrytocountry(M.F.Peterson,Smith,etal.,1995).Forexample,incountrieswherepeopleprefertoactasmembersofgroupsratherthanasindividuals,thereis relativelylowroleambiguity. InterpersonalDemands Relationshipswithotherpeopleatworkareamajorsourceofstress.Examplesofinterpersonaldemandsincludeabrasivepersonalities,sexualharassment, responsibilityforothers,orleadershipstyle,andlackofsocialsupport.Forexample,acoworkerwhoistalentedbutwhoisalsobluntoraggressivecanbea significantsourceofdaytodaystress.Somerolesexposeindividualstohighlevelsofinterpersonaldemands.Forexample,supervisorsmustlistentocomplaints, mediatedisputes,promotecooperation,andmotivate,reward,andpunishemployees.Individualsworkinginserviceoccupationsmustdealwithiratecustomersor withmultipledemandsontheirtimeandattention.Individualsworkinginemergencyservices(e.g.,police,firefighters,emergencyroomstaff)mustdealwithpeoplein painanddistress.Thesetasksarealllikelytobestressful.Finally,relationshipsbetweensupervisorsandsubordinatescanbeasourceofinterpersonalstress.For example,variousleadershipstyles,taskorientedanddirectiveversusparticipative,maycreatestressforemployeeswithparticularpersonalities(Nelson&Quick, 1997). PhysicalWorkEnvironment Althoughthereislegislationdesignedtoprotectthehealthandwellbeingofemployees,thephysicalconditionsunderwhichworkiscardedoutcontinuetobea significantsourceofstressandconcern.Somejobstakeplaceinextremeenvironments(e.g.,workingoutdoorsinveryhotorcoldtemperatures),requirestrenuous activitiessuchasliftingheavyobjects,orinvolvecontactwithhazardoussubstances.Manyindividualsworkinjobswheredangerous

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physicalconditionscausethemconsiderablestress.Theseincludeconstructionworkers,roadmaintenanceworkers,andautomechanics.However,theymayalso includelabtechnicians,medicalresearchers,chemists,andbiologistswhoworkwithtoxicsubstancesorlifethreateningviruses.Inadditiontotheinterpersonal demandsfacedbypoliceofficers,firefighters,andotherpublicsafetypersonnel,thethreatofviolence,accidents,andbodilyharmcanbeasignificantsourceof stress. OrganizationalStructure/Climate Organizationsmaybestructuredsuchthatindividualsareconcernedaboutopportunitiesforcareergrowthorprogression.Theremaynotbeclearpathsfor employeeswhowanttoplantheircareers.Organizationalstructuresmayalsoleadtoroleconflicts,roleambiguity,orotherroledifficultiesthatcausestress.For example,anorganizationmightbestructuredsuchthatresponsibilityforalargeprojectisdiffusedoverseveralorganizationalunits,withlittleincentiveorfew mechanismsfortheseunitstocooperate.Thisislikelytobeasourceofstressforeveryoneworkingonthisproject. Furthermore,workmaybestructuredsothatstressispromoted.Forexample,shiftworkiscommoninorganizationsthatrequirecontinuousoperations.Shiftwork requiresthattheworkperiodextendbeyondthenormalworkday,increasingthelikelihoodofconflictswithotherdemandsupontheemployee.Inadditionto heighteningworknonworkconflicts,shiftworkcanbeasignificantsourceofstressifitdisruptssleeporrestpatterns.Finally,organizationalclimatecanenhanceor inhibitstress.Someorganizationshavearuthlesslyaggressiveorcompetitiveclimate,whereasothersnurtureemployeesandtheirfamilies. NonworkDemands Notallworkstressiscausedbyfactorsintheimmediateworkenvironment.Eventsthatoccuroutsideofworkcangeneratestressthatmaybecarriedbacktowork (L.T.Thomas&Ganster,1995).Nonworkstressorsincludestressfullifeeventsandhasslesofdailylife(Nelson&Sutton,1990).Forexample,therearelifeevents thatinmanycasesareinevitableyetremainhighlystressful:deathofaspouse,divorce,injuryordeathtoone'schild,unwantedpregnancy,andsoforth.Individuals whoexperiencetheseeventsaremorelikelytobecomeillthanindividualswhodonot,andthemorestressfuleventsoneexperiences,thelargertherisktoone'shealth (Holmes&Masuda,1974).Dailyhasslesarethosecountlessminorirritationsthatseemtomakeupfortheirlowintensitybytheirhighfrequencyofoccurrence.These hasslesincludehouseholdhassles(e.g.,preparingmeals),timepressurehassles(e.g.,sittingintrafficyetrunninglate),andfinancialhassles.Workandnonwork stressorscombinewithindividualcharacteristics(e.g.,TypeAbehavior,levelofanxiety,toleranceforambiguity,neuroticism)toleadtoindividual

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andorganizationalsymptomsofstrain,mostnotablypoorhealthanddisease(suchascoronaryheartdisease,poormentalhealth,chronicallypoorperformance,and frequentandsevereaccidents). Inamultifactormodelofstressandfemalemanagers,similarfactorswereidentifiedthatcontributetowomen'sstressandnegativehealth(Offermann&Armitage, 1993).However,anumberoffactorsuniquetowomencontributetostress.Exampleshavebeendiscussedthroughoutthistextandincludenegativesocietalattitudes towardwomeninparticularoccupations(e.g.,maledominatedfields),malefemalepowerdifferencesatwork,anddifferentialaccesstoorganizationalnetworksasa functionofgender,sexualharassment,tokenism,andsexualdiscrimination. WorkFamilyConflict Bothearlyresearchonworkandfamilyandthepopularpresshaveperpetuatedthemythsthatworkandfamilyareseparatedomains,thateachhasitsownrulesor lawsofbehavior,andthateachcanbestudiedindependentlyofeachother(Kanter,1977c).Theperceptionthatworkandfamilyareseparatedomainsappearstobe linkedcloselytotraditionalsexrolestereotypesandbeliefsthatportraymenasbreadwinnersandwomenaswivesandmotherswhonurture(Voydanoff,1987). However,thereisclearevidencethatworkandfamilydomainsaffectoneanother. GreenhausandBeutell(1985)definedworkfamilyconflictas"aformofinterroleconflictinwhichtherolepressuresfromtheworkandfamilydomainaremutually incompatibleinsomerespect.Thatis,participationinthework(family)roleismademoredifficultbyparticipationinthefamily(work)role"(p.77).Although individualsinmultiplerolesmaynotexperiencecontinualworkfamilyconflict,evenintermittentconflictcanbequitestressful. Theliteratureisnotclearontheprecisenatureoftherelationshipbetweenwork,family,andstress.Someresearchersbelievethatworkandnonworkarepositively related(spillovereffect)thatis,thequalityofworkmightaffectthequalityofnonwork.If,forexample,one'sworklifeisbusyandactive,one'snonworklifemayalso becharacterizedbyhighactivity(Elizur,1992).Asecondsuggestedrelationshipbetweenworkandnonworkiscompensatoryinnature.Hereworkandnonworkare negativelyrelated.Forexample,ifworkisdull,thentheindividualwillcompensatebyengaginginexcitingorsatisfyingnonworkactivities.Thescarcityhypothesishas alsobeenusedtoexamineworkfamilyinterrelationships.Accordingtothisperspective,peoplehavelimitedtimeandenergytoinvestinworkandfamily,and investmentinonearea(e.g.,work)willgenerallyleadtoascarcityofresources(e.g.,timeandattention)inanother.

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Workfamilyconflicthasbeenexaminedbyassessingtheinterferenceofworkwiththefamilyandviceversa(Gutek,Searle,&Klepa,1991).Althoughindividual researchfindingsarenotalwaysconsistent,itisclearthatworkandfamilylifeaffecteachother.R.W.Burke(1989)reportedthatwhenthesedomainsconflict,such conflictappearstohaveequallyseriouseffectsonbothworkandindividualwellbeing.Frone,Russell,andCooper(1992),studyingtherelativepermeabilityofwork andfamilyboundaries,foundthatworkinterferedwithfamilylifemoreoftenthanfamilylifeinterferedwithwork.InaCanadiansampleofprivatesectoremployees, Higgins,Duxbury,andLee(1992)reportedsimilarfindings.BurdenandGoogins(1987Ferber,O'Farrell,&Allen,1991)foundthat86%ofemployeesratedtheir jobperformanceasgoodorunusuallygoodandonly59%ratedtheirfamilyperformancethatway. Theresearchliteraturesuggeststhatworkobligationstakepriorityoverfamilyobligations,particularlyformen.Employmentisacriticalpartofmen'spersonalidentity (Vodaynoff,1987),anditissociallyacceptableformentogivehigherprioritytoworkthantofamily.Thereappearstobegreaterinterdependencebetweenworkand familyamongwomen,andwomenaremorelikelythanmentoexperiencestressastheresultworkfamilyconflict.Forexample,womenwithhighroleconflict experiencegreaterjobdissatisfactionandabsenteeismthanmenwithhighconflict.Jobstressisalsomoredirectlyrelatedtowomen'sexperienceofroleconflictthan men's(Greenglass,Pantony,&Burke,1989). Theprecedingparagraphsmightleadyoutoconcludethatworkisasourceofunnecessarystressforwomen.Infact,workmayhaveanumberofbeneficialeffectson women,includingincreaseddecisionmakingwithinthemarriage,increasedsenseofcompetence,increasedfamilylivingstandards,andenhancedsocialclass(Blood, 1965Nieva,1985SafiliosRothschild&Dijkens,1978).Furthermore,thereislittleevidencethatwomen'semploymentharmstheirchildrenormarriage.Onthe otherhand,men'sworkstatussignificantlyeffectsthefamilyandmenthemselves.Unemploymenthasdevastatingeffectsonmen,includinglossofpowerandrespect withinthefamily(Braginsky&Braginsky,1975Nieva,1985).Theman'spoweroverhiswifeandchildrenseemstobederivedfromhisjob(Aldous,1969),andloss ofajobcanmeanconsiderablymoreforamanthanthesimplelossofincome. Althoughwomentendtoencountermorestressorsatworkthandomen,womenalsoappeartohavebettercopingstrategies(Korabik&McDonald,1991),which mayhelpthemhandlethatstress.Forexample,womenexperiencegreaterroleoverloadandconflictthanmen.YetRosenfield(1980)foundthatwhenbothpartners work,menshowedmorepsychosomaticsymptomsandgreatersadnessthantheirwives.R.Burke

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andWeir(1976)foundthathusbandsofworkingwivesperformedlesswellandwerelesssatisfiedwiththeirjobsandmarriages.Ontheotherhand,Karasek,Lindell, andGardell(1981)foundthatthepresenceofaworkingspouseincreasedstrainontheworkingwomanbutnotontheworkingman.T.D.JickandMitz(1985) suggestedthattheseconflictingfindingsmaybetheresultofnumerousfactors,includingwhethersubjectshadchildren,agesofchildren,typesofjobheldbymenand women,andamountsofcontrolordecisionlatitude. Gender,Stress,andHealthOutcomes In1900,lifeexpectanciesforwomenandmenwere48yearsand46years,respectively.In1990,thesenumberswere79yearsand72years,respectively.Malesdie athigherratesthanfemalesinallagegroupsfrom4to85years(Powell,1993U.S.Dept.ofCommerce,1991).MalemortalityintheUnitedStatesistwiceashigh asfemalemortalityforsuicide,homicide,motorvehicularandotheraccidents,lungcancerandrelatedcancers,emphysemaandotherchronicpulmonarydiseases, heartdisease,andchronicliverdiseases.Higherratesofdeathformenareduelargelytosexdifferencesinriskybehaviors,specificallycigarettesmokingandalcohol consumption(Waldron,1991,1986).Althoughwomenreportmoreacuteandnonfatalchronicillnesses,suchasdepression,headaches,dizziness,andstomach upsets(Verbrugge,1985),mensuffermoremajorailmentslikeheartdiseaseandcancer.Yetwomenmustcopewithauniquesetofstressorsthatmendonot encounter(oratleastencounterlessfrequently)atwork,suchassexdiscrimination,genderstereotyping,socialisolation,andconflictingworkfamilydemands (Powell,1993).Althoughwomen'slifeexpectanciesstillexceedmen's,theiradvantagehasdecreasedinrecentyears,especiallyforpersonsover45years(Rodin& Ickovics,1990).Thisshiftmaybeattributabletolifestylechanges,includingshiftsinwomen'sworkroles(Frankenhaeuser,Lundberg,&Chesney,1991).Wediscuss threeoftheexplanationsprovidedforobserveddifferencesinstressrelatedoutcomesamongwomenandmenandexplorehowexpertsviewtheroleofworkin women'slives. ExplainingFemaleMaleDifferencesinStressOutcomes Workstressexpertshaveidentifiedthreegeneralsourcesofsexorgenderdifferencesinstress:genetic,structuralist,andsocial/psychological(Jick

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&Mitz,1985Payne,1988).Geneticsourcesareinborntendenciestoexperiencestressandstrainthatarenotsubstantiallyaffectedbysituationorpsychological factors.Therearegeneticfactorsrelatedtomalefemaledifferencesinstress,butonthewhole,researchsupportforthisexplanationofwhymenandwomendifferso muchintermsofworkstressissomewhatlimited.Forexample,itisgenerallyagreedthatmalehormonescontributetomen'sgreaterreadinessforaggressionand competitiveness,whichmayinturnexposethemtomorestressors.However,behaviorofthissortisstronglyshapedbysocialexperiencesandlearning,anditis difficulttosortouttherolesofbiologyversussocietyindeterminingmaleaggressivenessorcombativeness. Second,differencesbetweenmen'sandwomen'sexperiencesofandreactionstoworkrelatedstressmightbeattributabletotheirdifferentroleswithinthe organization(Kanter,1977a).Thestructuralistpositionsuggeststhatdifferentworkstressorsareassociatedwithdifferentworksituations.Womenexperience greaterworkdistressbecausetheyoccupyjobsthathavefeweropportunitiesformobilityandinfluence,arethesubjectofstrongandlargelynegativestereotypes,are involvedwithlesspowerfulwork,havefewermentorsandfemalesupportgroups,earnlowersalaries,andencountergreatercareerblocks(Jick&Mitz,1985). Women'sjobstendtohavehighdemandsandlowcontrol,whichresearchershaveassociatedwithhighstrain(Karasek,1979Piechowski,1992). Evidencesupportsastructuralistexplanationforsexdifferencesinstressandhealth(LaCroix&Haynes,1987).Althoughtherehasbeenagreatinfluxofwomeninto thelaborforce,womencontinuetobesegregatedintorelativelysmallnumbersoflowerleveloccupations(seechap.8).Thejobsheldbymenandwomenoftendiffer intermsofphysicalandpsychosocialworkenvironments,andthesedifferentworkenvironmentsmaybeassociatedwithdifferentperceptionsofstressanddifferent stressrelatedhealthconsequences.Forexample,womenmakeupagreaterproportionofthe"workingclass"thanmen(LaCroix&HaynesE.O.Wright,Costello, Hachen,&Sprague,1982).Jobsheldbywomenareoftencharacterizedbytediousandrepetitivetasks,lowauthorityandautonomy,limitedupwardmobility,and underutilizationofskillsthereareinfrequentopportunitiesfordecisionmakingandusuallynosupervisoryresponsibilitiesinthesejobs.Evenwithinthesame occupations,powerisallocatedunequallyamongmenandwomen(Wolf&Fligstein,1979E.O.Wrightetal.,1982).Womenhavelesscontrolovertheworkof otherpeoplethandomen,evenmeninsimilarjobs.Tasksassignedtomenandwomeninthesamejobsdiffersystematically(Kraft,1984),withwomenperforming moresupportiveactivities(consistentwithgenderstereotypes)andfewerdelegatinganddecisionmakingtasks.

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Malemanagersdescribethedemandsofleadership/authorityroles(e.g.,discipliningsubordinates,beingtheboss,managing/supervisingpeople,etc.)astheirmost significantsourceofstress,butforfemalemanagersthemostsignificantsourceofstressistheorganization.Femalemanagersreportthatthemostimportantcausesof stressincludealackofsupportorencouragementfromsupervisors,lackofconsultationandcommunication,lackofpowerandinfluence,lackofclarityofjob roles/jobduties,inadequatepromotion,andinadequatefeedbackaboutone'swork(Davidson&Cooper,1983).Itappearsthatmenexperiencestressfromengaging invariousjobrelatedrequirements,whereaswomenexperiencestressfromwhattheyperceiveisnotavailabletothemorganizationalpowerandsupporttoperform jobrequirements. Thethirdexplanationforsexdifferencesinstressinvolvessocial/psychologicalfactorsandfocusesonwomen'sandmen'sdifferentinternalresponsestostressful situations.Cognitiveappraisalofstressandstrategiesforcopingwithstressaremechanismsforexplainingdifferencesinstresssymptomsbetweenmenandwomen. Forexample,menandwomensometimesexperiencesimilarsymptomsinresponsetostress,butmenarelesslikelytointerpretsuchsymptomsasstrain.Similarly, menandwomensometimescopewithstressorsindifferentways.Forexample,indealingwithadifficultcolleague,menmaybemorelikelytoactivelyresolvetheir differences(througheithernegotiationorconfrontation),whereaswomenmaybemorelikelytotakethecolleague'spointofviewortobuildcooperation. ModelsforLinkingWorkwithHealth Howdoesworkingoutsidethehomerelatetoone'sphysicalandmentalhealth?Thisquestionwasposedandpursuedfollowingwomen'sentranceintotheworkforce insignificantnumbers.BecausethevastmajorityofWhitemaleshavebeenemployedhistorically,theimplicitassumptionwasthatworkwasthenormformen.With greaternumbersofwomen(especiallyWhitefemales)enteringemployment,society,thescientificcommunity,andthepopularpressdebatedwhethersuch employmentwasbeneficialorharmfultowomen.Threemodelshaveemergedlinkingpaidworkwithhealth,specificallywomen'shealth(Sorensen&Verbrugge, 1987).Inthehealthbenefitsmodel,workisbelievedtohavedirectbeneficialeffectsonhealth,includingopportunitiestobuildselfesteemandconfidenceinone's decisionmaking,socialsupport,financialreward,greaterfeelingsofcontrol,andexperiencesthatenhanceone'slifesatisfaction.Allofthesefactors

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arebelievedtocontributetothehealthofpaidworkers,especiallywomen.Employedwomenappearhealthierthannonemployedwomenintermsofriskfactorsfor chronicdiseases(LaCroix&Haynes,1987).WaldronandLye(1989)foundthatemploymenttendstoincreaseaperson'ssocialsupport,andthismayhavea positiveeffectonwomen'shealth. Thejobstressmodelstipulatesthatstressandstrainofemploymentcanharmwomen'smentalandphysicalwellbeing.Itsuggeststhatwomenareparticularly vulnerabletoincreasedhealthrisksespeciallygiventheirdualresponsibilitiesofworkandfamily(Sorensen&Verbrugge,1987).Thismodelfocusesonobjective featuresofworkthatleadtodistressorstrain,includingtimepressures,workload,pacing,jobambiguity,lowdecisionlatitude,closesupervision,andhighlyroutinized work.Therelationshipbetweenobjectivejobstressorsandhealthdependsontwofactors:theindividual'sperceptionsandpsychologicalresources,andthedemands ofotherstressorsandobligationsoutsideofwork.Thefocusinthisapproachhaslargelybeenoncardiovasculardiseaseasahealthoutcome.Althoughthereisa widespreadbeliefthatworkisasourceofsignificantstressforwomenandisharmfultotheirhealth,thereislittleevidencetosupportthisview(Wegman&Fine, 1990). Theroleexpansionmodelsuggeststhatpaidworkoffersindirectadvantagestotheworker.One'sworkrolecontributestopositivehealththroughincreased opportunitiesforrewardsandsatisfaction.Furthermore,differentroles(worker,spouse,parent)cancompensateforeachother(Frankenhaeuseretal.,1991).That is,satisfactioninonerolecancompensateforstraininanother.Multipleroleinvolvementcanbepositivebecauseitexpandsone'sresourcesandrewardsincluding selfesteem,control,andsocialsupport(Sorensen&Verbrugge,1987). Numerousstudieshavefoundthatinvolvementinmultipleroles(includingworker,spouse,andparent)contributestobetterhealth(Jacobs&Waldron,1989).For example,singlewomenhavesignificantlyhigherlevelsofstresssymptomsthanmarriedparents(Fong&Amatea,1992).Althoughworkcanbeasignificantsourceof stressforbothmenandwomen,itispossiblethatthehealthbenefitsofworkingoutweighthehealthrisksthatresultfromstressonthejob. Thesethreemodelsfocusondifferentvariablesandsuggestdifferentpatternsofrelationshipsamongworkandhealth.Thereisevidencetosupporttwoofthethree models(i.e.,datasupportimportantpredictionsofthehealthbenefitsandroleexpansionmodels),butitislikelythatnoneofthesemodelsprovidesacomplete picture.Onthewhole,thereisevidencethatworkmayhavebothhealthpromotingandhealthdamagingeffects(Frankenhaeuseretal.,1991).

Page338 Sidelight12.1MethodologicalChallengesinResearchonGenderandStress Let'sexaminetwomethodologicalconsiderationsinevaluatingtheresultsofstressresearchonmenandwomen.First,acomparisongroupofadults whoarenotinthelaborforceisrequiredtoadequatelyassesstheeffectsoflaborforceparticipation.Foremployedwomen,areadilyavailable comparisongroupisfulltimehomemakers(Waldron,1991).However,itisdifficulttofindanadequatecomparisongroupforworkingagemen.Men whoarenotworkingeitherareorareperceivedtobedeviantinmanycharacteristics,includingtheirhealth.Muchoftheresearchoneffectsofworkon healthoutcomeshasfocusedonwomenintheirprimeworkingagesandthenshiftedtomenandwomenatretirementages.Thelattercomparisonsmay yielddifferentresultsbecauseworkeffectsatolderagesmaydifferfromthoseatprimeagesduetophysiologicaldifferencesandsocialnorms concerningtheacceptabilityofbeingoutofwork(especiallyformen).Thethreemodelsusedheretoinvestigatetheeffectsofworkonhealth(i.e., healthbenefits,jobstress,androleexpansionmodels)suggestthatthequestionofhowworkaffectshealthdidnotbecomeinterestingorviableuntil womenenteredtheworkforce.Menhavelittleflexibilityinchoosingwhethertheyshouldworkbecausethereissuchastrongsexrolenormthatthey oughttowork. Asecondmethodologicalprobleminstudyingtheeffectsofworkonhealthisthatitisdifficulttodistinguishcausefromeffectortoseparatethe effectsoflaborforceparticipationonhealthfromtheeffectsofhealthonthelaborforce.Althoughwomenwhoworkoutsidethehomegenerallyenjoy betterhealththanwomenwhodonot,thisfindingdoesnotnecessarilymeanthatworkhasbeneficialeffectsonwomen'shealth(Repetti,Matthews,& Waldron,1989).Womeningoodhealth,forexample,mayseekemploymentmorereadilythanwomenwhoarelesswell.Furthermore,womenwhoarein goodhealthtendtoretirelaterinlife.Olderworkersgenerallytendtobeinbetterhealththanretirees(Minkler,1981Palmore,Burchett,Fillenbaum, George,&Wallman,1985).Causeeffectinterpretationsareparticularlyilladvisedwithcorrelationaldata,butlongitudinaldatacanpresentsimilar challenges(Waldron&Jacobs,1989).Resultsfromlongitudinalresearch(Haynes,Eaker,&Feinleib,1984Kotler&Wingard,1989Waldron&Jacobs, 1988,1989)indicatethat,onaverage,workhasnosignificanteffectsonriskofcoronaryheartdiseaseormortalityamongwomen.Forexample,among middleagedorolderwomenwhoareWhiteandmarried,workhasnoeffectongeneralhealth,butformarriedBlackwomenandunmarriedWhite women,work

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hasapositiveeffectonhealth.Thismaybeduetosocialsupportreceivedfromcoworkers.Inadditiontodependingonraceandmaritalstatus,the effectsofworkmayalsodependontypeofoccupationandwhetherthewomanhaschildren(Haynesetal.,1984).Also,womenwhoworkappearnotto adverselyaffecttheirhusbands'health,especiallywithrespecttocoronaryheartdisease(Haynesetal.,1984).

ConsequencesofStress Therearenumerousdocumentedconsequencesofstressfulworkenvironments.Physicaloutcomesincludecoronaryheartdisease(CHD),hypertension,andsmoking, andstresscanalsoaffectthementalwellbeingofworkers.Eachoftheseisdiscussedinthissection. PhysicalOutcomes Thereareanumberofphysicaloutcomesofstressatwork.AsFigure12.1indicates,astressfulworkenvironmentwillnotnecessarilyleadtothesenegative outcomes.Rather,thestrengthofthelinksbetweenstressandnegativehealthoutcomesdependsonanumberofindividualfactorsincludingpersonalityvariables. However,thereisevidenceofsomeconsistentlinksamongcharacteristicsoftheworkenvironment,gender,andphysicaloutcomes. WorkEnvironmentandCoronaryHeartDisease Severalstudies(e.g.,J.V.Johnson,1986J.V.Johnson,Hall,&Theorell,1989Theorell,1991)haveshownthatthreeenvironmentalfactorsinteracttoincrease one'sriskofstressrelatedillness:jobdemands,decisionlatitude,andsocialsupport.AlthoughresearchersexpectedthattheincidenceofCHDwouldincreaseamong womenwhentheyenteredtheworkforce,thereisnosuchevidencetodate(Theorell,1991).However,theriskofmyocardialinfarction(aheartdisorder)ishigherfor bothmenandwomenwhentheyholdhecticormonotonousjobs(Alfredson,Spetz,&Theorell,1985).Thismightimplyhigherrisksforwomen,becausemany "women's"jobshavethesecharacteristics.Womenwithjobswherehighpercentagesofemployeesreportsubjectivesymptomssuchasfatigueandheadachesalso experienceincreasedrisksofCHD.Thisisnotsoformen,althoughmenmaybelessinclinedtoreportsuchsymptoms. Womeninjobsthatinvolveovertime(atleast10hoursperweek)areatgreaterriskofhospitalizationduetomyocardialinfarction(Alfredsonetal.,1985).The oppositeisfoundformen:Moderateamountsofovertime

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areassociatedwithlowerrisk.Overtimeatworkmaybemoreharmfultowomenthantomenbecauseitincreasesworkfamilyconflicts(Theorell,1991).Menin jobsdescribedasbothhecticandlowinlearningcomponentshavehigherincidenceofhospitalization.Althoughsuchjobsarethemostsignificantpredictorofmen's risk,theydonotpredicthospitalizationratesforwomen. Jobsthatarecharacterizedbyhighdemandsandlowcontrol,suchasairtrafficcontrol,areviewedasmorestressful.Furthermore,thesepositionstendtobe associatedwithincreasedriskofCHD.Amongwomen,riskofCHDishigherforclericalworkers,fortheselfemployed,andforemployeesinprivateinstitutions. WorkloadisassociatedwithbothCHDandhypertension(i.e.,highbloodpressureIronson,1992).However,theprecisecontributionsofworkloadtoparticular healthoutcomesarenotclear(Ironson,1992Magnus,Matroos,&Strackee,1983Maschewsky,1982OrthGomer,1979).Problemswithsocialrelationsat workcanalsoincreaseCHDriskforbothmenandwomen.However,aman'sriskscanbebufferedbyasupportivewife.Supportfromcoworkerscanalsobuffer stressforbothmenandwomen(Ironson,1992). Inonestudy,menandwomenintheUnitedStateswhowereinitiallyfreeofCHDwerefollowedfor9years.Inthislargescaleresearch,work,eveninlowprestige jobs,wasnotanadditionalriskfactorforCHD(Haynes&Feinlieb,1980).However,theriskofCHDwastwotothreetimeshigheramongfemaleclericalworkers withtwotothreechildrenorwhoweremarriedtobluecollarworkers.Also,clericalworkerswithnonsupportivebossesandwhosuppressedangerwereathigher risk.Furthermore,highTypeAwomenweretwiceaslikelytodevelopheartdiseaseasTypeAmales(Baruch,Biener,&Barnett,1987). GenderandHypertension Ingeneral,womenareatlowerriskofdevelopinghighbloodpressureandheartdiseasethanmen.Itisnotclearwhetherthisdifferenceishereditary,hormonal,or duetoenvironmentalfactors(Pickeringetal.1991).Hypertensionwasfoundtobemoreprevalentamongmen(16%)thanwomen(5%)andmorecommonamong olderandmoreoverweightindividualsinsevenworksites(i.e.,adailynewspaper,afederalhealthagency,abrokeragefirm,abeveragecompany,ahospital,a sanitationdepartment,anautorepaircenter,andaretailwarehouseSchlussel,Schnall,Zimbler,Warren,&Pickering,1990).Also,marriedindividualshaveless hypertensionthansinglepeople(Miall,1987),andhypertensionismorecommonamonglesswelleducatedpeople(HypertensionDetectionandFollowupProgram CooperativeGroup,1987).Theonlygroupofwomenwhoexperiencediseaseratesequaltothoseofmenaremothersworkinginclericaljobs(Haynes&Feinlieb, 1980).

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Emotionssuchasanger,anxiety,andhappinessalltendtoincreasebloodpressureamongwomen.Forbothmenandwomen,aconsistentdeterminantofblood pressureistheperceptionthatone'sjobisstressful.Potentialsourcesofdomesticstressarealsorelatedtobloodpressure.Pickeringetal.(1991)foundthatmarriage wasassociatedwithhigherbloodpressureasmeasuredintheworkplace.Ifanindividualalsohadchildren,thiswasassociatedwithhigherbloodpressureathome. Womenactuallyrespondtostressorsasiftheyhavetwofulltimejobs(i.e.,paidworkandhomework),andthesefindingsareconsistentwiththeFraminghamHeart Study(Pickeringetal.,1991).Forexample,arousallevelsforwomenphysiciansarenotmuchdifferentbetweenworkandleisurehours(Theorell,1991).Thisis consistentwiththepossibilitythatitisdifficultforthesewomentocombinehouseholdandpaidworkresponsibilities.Furtherevidenceofsexdifferencesinstress patternsintheeveningafterworksuggeststhatmalemanagers'norepinephrine(afactorassociatedwithstress)decreasesduringtheeveninghourswhereasfemale managers'increases.Womenmanagerstendto''windup"atnight,whereasmalemanagers"winddown"(Frankenhaeuser,1991a).Inadditiontophysiological differences,womenreportgreaterfeelingsoftirednessandtimepressure. Smoking,Gender,andHealth Smokingisrelatedtocoronaryheartdiseaseforbothwomenandmen(Barboriak,Anderson,&Hoffman,1984)andismorestronglyassociatedwithcoronary occlusionorblockageamongwomen.Womenaresomewhatprotectedfromheartdiseasepriortomenopause,butmenopausetendstooccur1to2yearsearlier amongwomenwhosmoke(Jick,Porter,&Morrison,1977).Smokingisassociatedwithincreasedriskforlungcancerandlungdiseaseforbothmenandwomen (Harris,1983U.S.DepartmentofHealthandHumanServices,1983,1984).Womenwhosmokealsoincreasehealthrisksforinfantsandaremorelikelyto experiencepretermbirths(U.S.DepartmentofHealthandHumanServices,1980). In1955and1977,womenwhoworkedweremorelikelytosmokethanfulltimehomemakers(Haenszel,Shimkin,&Miller,1956Waldron,1980).Morerecent surveysreveallittleornorelationshipbetweensmokingandworkstatus.However,theremaybeanindirectrelationshipbetweenworkingandsmoking.Workmay increasestress,andstressisrelatedtosmoking(Biener,1988Chesney,1991).Hourlyandsalariedworkersexperiencesimilartimepressures(66vs67%)butdiffer ontheabilitytounwindafterwork(35vs51%)andjobstrain(31vs.45%),withsalariedemployeesreportingmorestress.Oneexplanationlinkingstresstosmoking suggeststhatstressleadstonegativeaffectsuchasdepression,tension,andanger

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directedtowardoneself.Negativeaffect,inturn,leadstocopingresponse,oneofwhichinvolvessmoking.Bothsalariedworkersandhomemakerswhoreportedtime pressuresordifficultyunwinding(stress)scoredhigheronnegativemoodstates.Cigarettesmokingisusedbywomentocopewithstressandnegativemood (Chesney,1991). Jobs,Gender,andStress Karasek's(1979)demandcontrolmodelsuggeststhathavingasignificantpsychologicalworkloadinteractswithhavingfewadequateresourcesorlittlecontrolto resultin"highstrain"jobsituations.Workersinsuchhighstrainjobsincludemostclericalworkers,computeroperators,saleswomen,telephoneoperators,waitresses, assemblers,andnursingaides(Cranor,Karasek,&Carlin,1981).Stressandassociatedhealthoutcomesinthesejobsareofparticularconcerngiventheincreasing numbersofwomenenteringthesepositions.Greatincreaseswereexpectedbetween1982and1995amongclericalworkers,computeroperators(46.1%increase), switchboardoperators(28.7%increase),andorderclerks(19.2%increase)(Hartmann,Kraut,&Tilly,1986Haynes,1991),allofwhomusecomputers extensively.Computerizationappearstohaveincreasedratherthandecreasedproblemsforwomen,includingincreasedsexsegregationofjobs,whichrelegates womentolowerstatus,lowerpay,andhigherstressjobsandoccupations(Haynes,1991).Clericalworkisoftencharacterizedbyunderutilizationofskills,lackof autonomy,lowlevelsofresponsibility,sustainedattentionaldemand,andsocialisolation(Mackay&Cox,1984).Suchlackofcontrolandhighjobdemandsare relatedtoincreasesinsystolicanddiastolicbloodpressure,excretionofcatecholamines,hypertension,cardiovasculardisease,andmortality(Haynes,LaCroix,& Lupine,1987. MentalandEmotionalHealthConsequences KaroshiisaJapanesewordmeaning"deathbyoverwork."Thisiscertainlyanextremeresultofstress.Themostcommontypesofpsychologicaldistressare depression,burnout,andpsychogenicdisorders(Nelson&Quick,1997).Depressionandburnoutataminimumcontributetoloweremployeeperformance,lower interestinwork,andfatigue.Psychogenicdisordersarephysicalailmentsthatbeginaspsychologicalproblems. Inmuchoftheliteratureonstressandmentaloremotionalhealth,womentendtoreportmoresymptomsthanmen.However,thesedifferencesinreportingmayreflect aresponsebiasratherthantruedifferencesinsymptoms.Men,ingeneral,talklessabouttheirhealththanwomen.Womenwhoworkoutsidethehomeshowless depression(Schwartzberg&Dytell,1989Thoits,1983,1986)andgreaterpsychologicalhealthand

Page343 Sidelight12.2ABiopsychosocialModelofGenderandStress MarianneFrankenhaeuser's(1991a,1991b)biopsychosocialmodelofsexdifferencesinoccupationalstressincorporatesseveralfeaturesofthe epidemiological,cognitiveappraisal,anddemandcontrolmodels.Hersimplemodelindicatesthathealthandwellbeingresultfrombothone'scognitive assessmentandone'sbodilyreactionstomoreobjectiveenvironmentaldemands.Hermodeldrawsfrommultidisciplinaryresearchinmedicine, psychology,andsociology.Themodelemphasizestheinfluenceofaperson'sattitudesandvaluesonbodilystressresponses.Thus,sexdifferencesin valuesarereflectedinphysiologicalindicatorsofstress,andchangesinvaluesshouldbeassociatedwithchangesinphysiologicalindicatorsofstress (Frankenhaeuser,1991a).Duringmanydecadesofcareful,systematicresearch,Frankenhaeuser(1991a)accumulatedevidencetosupporthermodel.For example,laboratoryresearchduringthe1970sconsistentlyfoundsexdifferencesbetweenmen'sandwomen'sresponsestoachievementsituations. Womenwerelesspronetorespondtosuchsituationswithincreasedepinephrinesecretion.Atrest,menandwomenweresimilar,butinchallenging situations,menconsistentlysecretedmoreepinephrine(Frankenhaeuser,1988,1983).Moreintenseandfrequentneuroendocrinestressresponsesin menmaybeassociatedwithgreatervulnerabilitytocoronaryheartdisease.Frankenhaeuseralsofoundthatdifferencesinreactivity(response) patternsinmenandwomenmaybeinfluencedbysocialfactors.Shehypothesizedthatwomenintraditionallymaleoccupationswouldrespondthe sameasmenintermsofpsychoendocrinestressindicators.Shefoundthatsuchwomentendedtorespondtoachievementdemandswithincreasesin epinephrinesecretionsimilartomen's(1991a).Shealsoproposedthatwomenweremorevulnerablethanmenwhenfacedwithsituationsinwhich,by traditionorstereotype,theywereexpectedtoshowcompetence(e.g.,emphasisonsocialskillssuchasmaintaininggoodgrouprelationships Lundberg,deChateau,Wenberg,&Frankenhaeuser,1981).Frankenhaeuserfoundthatwomensecretedasmuchepinephrine,nonepinephrine,and cortisolasmeninthesesituations.

selfesteem(Barch&Barnett,1986)thanwomenwhodonot.Althoughsomearguethatcombiningworkandfamilyleadstoroleoverload(Barch&Barnett, 1986Pleck,1985),othersreportthatwomen'sperceptionsofroleoverloadcomefromthemotherrole,nottheworkerrole(Barch&Barnett,1986).Thismaybe duetothenatureofthemotherrolemothers

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areresponsibleforthewellbeingandsatisfactionofothersalthoughtheymayinfacthavelittlecontrolovertheseoutcomes.Therearefewdifferencesbetween employedandnonemployedmotherswithrespecttototalamountoffamilystressonspecificcomponentsoffamilystress,includingoverload(Schwartzberg&Dytell, 1989).However,employedwomenreportlesssupportfromtheirspouses(i.e.,theyexpectmoresupport)andnonemployedwomenreportlesssupportfromtheir childrenthandoemployedwomen.Althoughworkcanhavebeneficialeffectsonwomen'smentalhealth,balancingwork,marriage,andparentingcancreate psychologicaldistress(Crosby,1984).Womentendtoexperienceroleoverloadassociatedwiththemotherhoodrole,whichisasourceofpsychologicaldistress (Barnett&Barch,1986).Havingpreschoolchildrenisassociatedwithpoorermentalhealthamongemployedwomen(McLanahan&Adams,1987Wortman, Biernat&Lang(1991).Ingeneral,however,women'sworkrolesappeartohavepositiveeffectsonwomen'spsychologicalandphysicalwellbeing.Nonemployed wivesandmothersmayexperiencemoreanxietywhentheyfeelstressinfamilyrolesthandowivesandmotherswhoareemployed(Barnett&Barch,1985).Family stressisrelatedtonegativementalhealth,especiallydepression(Barchetal.,1987). Chronicrolestrains(whichoccuroveranextendedperiodoftime)ordailyhasslesmayhavemoredetrimentaleffectsonworkers'mentalandphysicalhealththan acutelifeevents(Kesler,Price,&Wortman,1985).Suchstressorsaremorecommon(e.g.,jobpressures,workfamilyconflicts,etc.),yetlessresearchhasbeen devotedtothemthantootherstressors(foranexception,seePearlin,Lieberman,Meneghan,&Mullen,1981).Althoughwomenreportgreaterdailyworkfamily conflictsthanmen(Wortman,Biernat,&Lang,1991),womentendtobemorecriticalofthemselvesasspousesandparentsthanaremen.Chronicrolestrainfor womenincludesannoyanceatnotbeingabletocompletehomeprojects(e.g.,cleaning,childcareresponsibilities).Allofthesestressorscandecreasementalhealth. StressReduction:CopingStrategiesandInterventions Numerousstrategieshavebeendesignedtoreducestress.Thesestrategiescanbecategorizedintotwogeneralgroups:individualandorganizationallevelstrategies. Althoughafewindividualstrategiesarediscussedhere,wefocusmoreonorganizationalapproachestoaddressingworkfamilyconflict,stress,andhealthissues.

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IndividualStrategiesforReducingStress Theresearchliteraturesuggestsanumberofmethodsforreducingstressanddealingwithconflict.Someeffectiveindividualstrategiesincludemanagingapositive lifestyle,physiologicaltechniques(e.g.,relaxation,exercise,andmeditation),andcognitivetechniques. Exerciseandindividualbiofeedbackhavebeenshowntodecreasestress(Matteson&Ivancevich,1988).Enhancingone'sphysicalfitnessisoneofthebestthingsa personcandotoreducestressanditsharmfuleffects.Exercisehasbeenassociatedwithlessheartdiseaseandlowercholesterol(J.D.Brown,1991).Another individualtechniqueforcopingwithstressismeditationwheretheindividualsitsquietly,witheyesclosed,relaxedandbreathingslowly.Duringmeditation(preferably onceortwiceadayfor1020minutes),individualscleartheirmindsofunsettlingthoughts.Relatedtomeditationisrelaxationtraining,wherepeoplelearnhowtofirst tenseandthenrelaxtheirmuscles(Benson,1975).Suchrelaxationtechniquescanbeusedtopreventtension.Thepresenceofpetsdecreasesaperson'sphysiological reactionsduringstressfultasks,moresothaneventhepresenceofafriend(Allen,Blascovich,Tamaka,&Kelsey,1991).Finally,cognitivetechniquescanbeusedto avoidexcessiveworryingorthoughtsinwhichwemagnifytheeffectsofanegativesituation(Greenberg&Baron,1997).Forexample,humorcanbeusedto addressnegativemarital(Krokoff,1991)andworkstressors. Copingresponsestostresshavebeenclassifiedinvariousways.Ingeneral,however,theseresponsescanbegroupedintothreecategories(Ashford,1988Lazarus &Launier,1978Moos,1976):appraisalfocusedcoping,wheretheindividualattemptstoredefinethemeaningofthesituationproblemfocusedcoping,where theindividualattemptstodealwiththeproblemdirectlyandemotionfocusedcoping,wheretheindividualattemptstochangetheemotionsarousedbythestressors (Ashford,1988Moos&Billings,1982).Inappraisalfocusedcoping,bothcognitiveredefinitionandcognitiveavoidanceareinvolved(Moos&Billings,1982).To somedegree,thesecopingstrategiesaresimilartothecognitivetechniquesdescribedpreviously.Throughcognitiveredefinitionapersoncanredefinestressorsin positiveterms(e.g.,challenge)ratherthaninnegativeterms(e.g.,threat).Ontheotherhand,cognitiveavoidancemayenabletheindividualtoreducestressbynot dwellingonacurrentproblemandfocusinghisorherenergieselsewhere. Amajorelementofproblemfocusedcopingisinformationseeking(Ashford,1988).Byobtainingmoreinformation,theindividualincreasesthepredictabilityofa situationandthusenhancesherorhissenseofcontrolwhendealingwithproblems(Ashford,1988S.E.Taylor,1983).Aparticularlyusefultypeofinformationis feedback,specificallyfeedback

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regardingtheantecedentsandconsequences(rewardsornegativeoutcomes)ofvariousstressors. Regulation,resignedacceptance,andemotionaldischargearestrategiesusedduringemotionfocusedcoping(Moos&Billings,1982).Bothregulationandresigned acceptancearestrategiesthatcontainemotions,whereasdischargereflectsactiveexpressionofemotion.Althoughemotionaldischargeisdissimilartotheothercoping strategies,itisstillconsideredacopingstrategy(Moos&Billings,1982). OrganizationalInterventionsandPolicies I/Opsychologyhasalonghistoryofinvestigatinganddevelopingactivitiesthatcanbeusedtoaddresshealthissuesatwork,especiallyhealthprotectionstrategies. Duringrecruitment,realisticjobpreviewscannarrowthegapbetweentheindividual'sexpectationsandtherequirementsofthejob(Lambert,1992).Further preventioncanoccurattheselectionstage.Throughcarefulandvalidtestingprocedures,individualswhopossessspecificrequisiteskillscanbematchedappropriately tojobsorsituationswithparticularskilldemands.Forexample,anorganizationmightmatchaTypeAindividualwithalessstressfulorganizationalunit(Matteson& Ivancevich,1987).Socializationofindividuals,especiallyatthepreentrystage,regardingthenormsandpracticesoftheorganizationmayalsobeaneffectivestress reductionintervention(Matteson&Ivancevich,1987). OneoftheprimaryareaswhereI/Opsychologistscanhelporganizationsdecreasethestressofworkenvironmentsisjobdesign.Jobdesignresearchtypically addressesthematchbetweenthetaskdemandsofthejobandindividual'scapabilities.Concernforemployeehealthwouldexpandtheroleofjobdesignintwoways (Ilgen,1990).First,organizationswoulddesignhealthierjobs.Aswehavepointedout,controlovertheactivitiesinone'slifenotonlyisacriticalelementin psychologicalwellbeing(Karasek,1979Murphy,1988),butitalsohasapositiveeffectontheimmunesystemasreflectedinbetterphysicalhealth(Ilgen,1990). Jobscanberedesignedtoincreaseworkers'participationindecisionmakingconcerningtasksthataffectthemandtoincreasejobautonomy,especiallywork scheduleautonomy(Murphy,1988).Jobscanbealsodesignedtoreduceexcessivelyhighdemands,whichhavebeenfoundrepeatedly,inconjunctionwithlow control(Karasek,1979),tosignificantlypredicthighstressjobs(Westman&Eden,1992).Throughjobredesign,specificformsofconflictbetweenworkandfamily canbeaccommodatedwithoutperpetuatingsexsegregationofoccupations(Glass&Camarigg,1992Hughes,Galinsky,&Morris,1992).I/Opsychologistsknowa greatdealaboutmotivationalissuesrelatedtojobperformance

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andlearningintrainingprograms.Motivationalissuesareakeyconcerninhealthpromotionactivities(Ilgen,1990),especiallyinencouragingemployeestochoose behaviorsthatpromotesoundmentalandphysicalhealth. HealthIssuesUniquetoWomen Ourdiscussionoftherelationshipbetweenstressandhealthoutcomesformenandwomenwouldnotbecompletewithoutaddressinghealthconcernsandissues specifictowomen'sreproductivecycleandcapacity.Inthefollowingsections,webrieflyexaminerelationshipsbetweenworkstressandwomen'sreproductivephase, menopause,andpremenstrualsyndrome. Reproduction,Women'sHealth,andWork FertilityhasdecreasedoverthelastcenturyinbothEuropeandNorthAmerica(Hagenfeldt,1991).OneexplanationforthefertilitydeclineintheUnitedStatesis referredtoasthe"Europeanpattern"latermarriagesandhighcelibacyrates.Contributingtothispatternarewomen'shigherstatusandextendededucationand employment(becausechildbearingandchildcaringcanimpedewomen'sworkoutsidethehome,theyreducethefamilysizeHagenfeldt,1991VandeWalle& Kuodel,1980). Fertilityisrelatedtowomen'seducationalstatus.IntheUnitedStates,80to87%ofthewomenbornbetween1940and1944whodidnotcompletehighschoolwere mothersbyage25,comparedwith52to60%ofthosebornatthesametimewhocompletedcollege.In1973,theaveragenumberofchildrenborntowomenwith0 to11yearsofeducationwas3.0,whereastheaverageforwomenwithmorethan13yearsofeducationwas1.7(Pratt,Mosher,Bachrach,&Horn,1984).Early pregnancy,especiallyduringtheteens,inhibitsgirls'educationalandfutureeconomicpossibilitiesinallcultures(Hagenfeldt,1991).Asdiscussedinchapter10,the decisiontohavechildrenandthetimingofchildbearingandchildrearingcansignificantlyimpactwomen'scareerchoicesandcareeradvancement. Women,Work,andMenopause IntheUnitedStates,menopauseoccursonaverageatapproximatelyage51.Thisisatimewhenmostwomenareworkingoutsidethehomeeitherparttimeorfull time(McKinlay,1988).Workingwomenexperiencefewermenopausesymptomsandarebetterabletocopewithfamilyand

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relationshipstressesthanwomenwhoarenotemployedoutsidethehome(Sarrel,1991).However,therehasbeenlittleresearchontheeffectsofmenopauseon workperformance. Withtheonsetofmenopause,theproductionofcertainhormonesdecreases.Withdecreasesinthesehormones,womencanexperienceanumberofphysicaland emotionalsymptoms.Onephysiologicalsymptomisknownashotflashesorwarmflushes.Atleast80%ofwomendevelopthesebeforeandaftermenopause,often alongwithsomesleepdisturbance(Sarrel,1991).Longtermhormonalchangescanbeassociatedwithosteoporosis.Therefore,menopausalwomenmaybeat greaterriskforwrist,vertebral,orhipfractures.However,thesefracturesoftendonotoccuruntilafterwomenhavelefttheworkforce(afterage65years).Hormonal changescanaffectotherorgansaswellandresultinnumbness,smalljointpain,urinaryurgencyandincontinence,vaginaldryness,anddyspareunia,palpitations, headaches,anxietyattacks,depression,andalteredmemoryfunctions(Sarrel,1991).Thesesymptomsarenotspecifictomenopausalwomentheyoccurinresponse tohormonaldeficienciesregardlessofthecause.Inonestudy,hotflashes,depression,andsexualdysfunctionoccurredinmorethan30%ofpostmenopausalwomen for5yearsandinover25%ofthewomenformorethan10years(Bengtsson,1973).Sleepdisturbances,hotflashes,anxietyattacks,anddepression,allsymptoms thatnegativelyaffectworkandsexualrelationships,mayalsobeconsideredstressors(Sarrel,1991). Forpostmenopausalwomen,cardiovasculardiseaseistheleadingcauseofmortalityintheUnitedStatesandresultsinthreetofourtimestheannualnumberofdeaths aslung,breast,endometrial,andovariancancerscombined(NationalCenterforHealthStatistics,1988).Althoughestrogenreplacementtherapy(ERT)reducesthe riskofheartattacksandstrokes(Bush,BarrettConnor,&Cowan,1987),aftermenopause,theincidenceofcardiovasculardiseaseamongwomenissimilartomen's (Colditz,Willett,&Stampfer,1987).IntheUnitedStates,numerousstudiesindicatethatemployedwomenshowlesspsychologicalanxietyanddepressionandbetter healththanhomemakers.Yet,selfreportdatasuggestthatwomenaremoderatelyaffectedatworkbysuchmenopausalsymptomsassleepdisturbances,hotflashes, and,toalesserdegree,anxietyattacks(Sarrel,1991). PremenstrualSyndrome,Work,andHealth Therecontinuestobesomecontroversyamongclinicalandcounselingpsychologistsregardingpremenstrualsyndrome(PMS).PMSischaracterizedbynumerous somatic,affective,cognitive,andbehavioralsymptomsordisturbances.Infact,oneofthepointsofcontroversyisthelargelist

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ofsymptomsassociatedwithPMS(symptomsthateithermenorwomencouldhave).However,diagnosisofthesyndromedependsonthetimingofthesymptoms:a suddenonsetinthesecondhalfofthemenstrualcycle,andadisappearanceofsymptomswiththeappearanceoffullmenstrualflow.Asubsetofsymptomsincludes irritability,depression,lossofenergy,foodcravings,lossofsexualinterest,bloatedness,andbreasttenderness. EmotionalPMSsymptomsarereportedtobemoredistressingforwomenthanphysicalsymptoms(A.Collins,1991).Thereisafeelingoflossofcontrol.Women describethemselvesasimpatient,intolerant,spiteful,vindictive,faultfinding,quarrelsome,andquicktempered(Dalton,1984).PMSsleepdisturbancescanleave womenfeelingtiredorexhaustedatwork.Yet,thereislittleevidenceofloweredintellectualperformanceamongemployeeswithPMS(Clare,1985Sommer,1982). LongtermconsequencesofPMSmayleadtodeteriorationofinterpersonalrelationships,perceivedinefficiencyatwork,andfeelingsofinadequacy,hopelessness, andguilt.Atwork,approximately10%ofwomenwithPMSareestimatedtoneedsomekindofmedicaltreatmentforPMSrelatedconditions(Andersch,1980). PMSsufferersscorehigheronsomaticanxiety,musculartension,andindirectaggressionandloweronsocialization(A.Collinsetal.,1986Hallman,1987).PMS maybemorecommonamongwomenwhohavedifficultydealingwithlife'sstressfuleventsandaredissatisfiedwiththeirwork(Clare,1983Siegal,Johnson,& Sarason,1979Wood,Larsen,&Williams,1979).However,theeffectsofworkonPMSarenotknown.Womenatworktendtohidethefactthattheysufferfrom PMSbecausetheyareafraiditmayaffectpromotionopportunities. ConcentratingandinteractingwithotherpeoplearetheaspectsofworkperformancemostaffectedbyPMS(A.Collins,1991).Womeninmanagementreceiveless socialsupportfortheirsymptomsthandowomeninservicejobs.WomenwithPMStendtoexperiencemoreroleconflictandalsoreportlesssatisfactionwith themselvesasparentsandwives,aswellaswiththeirprofessionalrole,duringthePMSphase.Theyengageinmoreselfblameandfeelingsofinadequacy(A.Collins, 1991). Stress,Work,andEthnicMinorities Althoughworkers'healthproblemsarereceivingincreasedattention(K.James,1994Kizer,1987Matteson&Ivancevich,1988),lessresearchhasaddressedthe natureandeffectsofstressonminorityemployees

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(Ford,1985).Becausetheproportionofminoritygroupmembersintheworkforceisincreasing(Johnson&C.Packer,1987),itseemsmoreimportantthaneverto determinewhetherindividualandorganizationalantecedentsofstressvaryforminorityandnonminorityemployees. Thereisempiricalevidencethatperceiveddiscriminationandprejudiceatworkcontributetominoritygroupmembers'stress.Forexample,amongAfricanAmerican workers,perceiveddiscriminationatworkisassociatedwithincreasedbloodpressure(S.A.James,LaCroix,Kleinbaum,&Strogatz,1984).Perceptionsof discriminationalsocontributetoworkdistress,depression,andseveralphysiologicalsymptomsamongAfricanAmericanworkers(Erlich&Larcom,1992Frone, Russell,&Cooper,1990).Bothminorityandnonminorityworkerswhoperceivediscriminationagainstminoritiesintheirworkgroupshowhigherlevelsofstressthan thosewhodonot(Gutierres,Saenz,&Green,1992).Thissuggeststhatperceptionsofunfairdiscriminationmayhavepervasivenegativeimpactsonemployees. Althoughminoritychildrenaremorelikelytorespondtoschoolrequirementsandtostudymorewhentheirmother'sworkisdemandingandregulated(Piotrokowski &Katz,1982),ingeneral,minorityemployees'workstatushaslesspositiveeffectsontheirfamilies.MinorityworkershaveworsejobsandlowerincomesthanWhite workers,whichnegativelyaffectstheirfamilies(Ferberetal.,1991Harrison,1989).Whenemployed,especiallyathigherlevelsinanorganization,African Americansmayexperienceheightenedcareerstressresultingfromattemptstodemonstratetheircompetencebyexcessivelyworking.Mutualfeelingsofdistrust betweenBlackmanagers,peers,andsuperiors,andparticipationinorganizationalpoliciesthatarenotinthebestinterestsofBlacks,alsocontributetostress(Latack, 1989).Although,inonestudymostemployeesreportbeingsatisfiedwiththeirwork,AfricanAmericans,comparedtoWhitesandMexicanAmericans,experienced thehighestlevelsofstress,bothworkandnonworkrelated,andhadthemostchronichealthproblems(J.Jackson&Antonuicci,1989).Otherresearchershave foundfewdifferencesinstresslevelsamongmenfromvariousracialandethicgroups,althoughAfricanAmericanwomenexperiencedlessworkfamilystressthan Whitewomenorotherwomenofcolor(Fernandez,1981). CareerexperiencesofminoritiesinpredominantlyWhiteorganizationshavebeenstudiedextensively(D.A.Thomas&Alderfer,1989).TheliteratureonAfrican Americanssuggeststhatminorityexperiencesatworkmaybelargelybicultural,inthesensethatthedominantcultureintheworkplaceislikelytoreflectthe experiences,preferences,andbiasesofWhiteemployees.Stressisexperiencedwhenonemovesbackandforthbetweenone'sowncultureandthedominantculture (E.T.Bell,1986).

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Researchonminoritywomenmayprovideaframeworkforunderstandinghowminoritieschoosethelevelanddegreetowhichtheywillmovebetweenthetwo culturesandthetensionsassociatedwiththoseshifts.Threepatternsofbiculturallifestructureshavebeenfoundamongwomen(E.T.Bell,1986).Thefirstiscareer orientedwomen.BlackwomenhavesocialnetworksinboththeBlackandWhitecommunities,andstressresultsfromattemptstobalancethetwocultures.Black communityorientedwomenaredeeplyinvolvedintheBlackcommunityandexperiencesocialandemotionaldistancefromthedominantculture.Stressresultsfrom inadequateresourcesintheirowncultureandinsufficientsocialsupport(D.A.Thomas&Alderfer,1989).Familyorientedwomenarecenteredonfamilyworkis secondary.Stresshereisexperiencedasunfulfilledcareeraspirations. Giventheincreasingproportionofethnicminoritiesenteringtheworkforce,itbecomescriticalfororganizationstounderstandwhetherfactorsthatcontributetostress amongmajoritygroupmembershavesimilarnegativeeffectsforminoritygroupmembers,andtoidentifyandunderstandtheuniquefactorsthatcontributetostress amongminoritymembers.Withsuchinformation,organizationscandesigninterventionprogramsorindividualscanlearnmethodstocopewithsuchstress(K.James, 1994). Summary Stressisacomplexsetofreactionstodemandsfromanactionorsituation,ofteninvolvinganinteractionbetweenapersonandthatperson'senvironment.Although therearenumerouswaysofthinkingaboutworkstress,twogeneralmodelsofworkstress,thejobcharacteristicsmodelandtheorganizationalmodel,have dominatedtheworkliterature.Historicallyeachmodelhasfocusedondifferentoccupationsandemphasizesdifferentsourcesofstressatwork.Thejobcharacteristics modelevolvedfromthelabortradition(e.g.,factoryoccupations)andemphasizestheobjectivecharacteristicsofjobsthatcontributetostress.Theseincludejobsthat havehighorlowpsychologicaldemandsandlowdecisionlatitudeorcontrol.Theorganizationalstressmodelfocusesmoreontheindividual'scharacteristicsand perceptionsoftheworkenvironmentasimportantinunderstandingworkplacestress.Sourcesofworkstressthathavebeenidentifiedusingthesemodelsincludetask demandsofthejob,theindividual'sroleintheorganizationorroledemands,relationshipsatwork,organizationalstructure/climate,andnonworkfactorsincluding workfamilyconflicts.Oneimportantfactorthatmayinfluencetheeffectsofthese

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sourcesofstressonaperson'sperceptionsofstressandsubsequenthealthisaperson'sgender.Approachesforlinkinggenderwithstressandhealthoutcomes includegenetic,structuralist,andsocial/psychological.Theseapproachessuggestthatmenandwomenmaydifferintheirreactionstostressandprovideanumberof reasonsforsuchdifferences.Furthermore,theeffectsofastressoronhealthmaydifferdependingonwhetherwearereferringtomenorwomen. Stresscanadverselyaffectanindividual'shealthandislinkedtocoronaryheartdisease,hypertension,andsmoking.Theeffectsofworkplacestressorsmayplace womenatgreaterhealthriskthanmen,inpartduetothetypesofjobswomenarelikelytooccupy.Womentypicallyoccupyandcontinuetoenteroccupationsthat areconsidered''highstrain"jobs.Thesejobsinvolvesignificantpsychologicalworkloadsyethavelittledecisionlatitudetheyincludeclericalwork,sales,andfood servicesjobs. Strategiestoreduceworkplacestressorsincludeindividualandorganizationalstrategies.Individualstrategiesincludeexercise,individualbiofeedback,andanumber ofcognitivetechniquesdesignedtohelpindividualseitheravoiddwellingonstressfuleventsorredefinethoseevents.Onethemethathasemergedthroughoutthistext isthatforeachcontentareaofworkdescribed(e.g.,leadership,careers,etc.),thereareuniqueissuesthatwomeneitherfaceinorbringtotheworkplace.Regarding stressandhealth,womenfaceadditionalpotentialstressorsandhealthconcernsincludingfertilityissues,menopause,osteoporosis,andpremenstrualsyndrome.These issuesmayinfluencehowwomenreacttoworkplacestressorsormayinteractwithworkplacestressorstoinfluenceworksatisfactionandperformance.Increasingly, stressresearchersareinvestigatingnotonlyhowworkplacestressorsinfluencethemajorityofmaleworkersbutalsohowethnicminoritiesareaffectedbysuch stressorsandwhatadditionalstressorsmayaffectminoritymembers'health. Glossary A Appraisalfocusedcoping:Methodofcopingwheretheindividualattemptstoredefinethemeaningofthesituation. C Cognitiveavoidance:Psychologicalmechanismwhereanindividualreducesstressbynotdwellingonaproblemandbyfocusinghisorherenergieselsewhere. Cognitiveredefinition:Psychologicalprocesswherebyapersoncanredefinestressorsinmorepositiveterms. D Decisionlatitude/control:Acombinationoftaskauthorityandskilldiscretiononepossessesinagivenjob.

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E Emotionfocusedcoping:Methodofcopingwheretheindividualattemptstochangetheemotionsarousedbythestressor. G Geneticsources:Sourceofstressinvolvinginborntendencieswithlittleornovariationduetosituationalorpsychologicalfactors. H Healthbenefitsmodel:Modelwhereinworkisassumedtohavedirectandbeneficialeffectsonone'shealth. I Interroleconflict:Conflictexpectationsfromtwoseparateroles,suchasemployeeandparent. Intraroleconflict:Conflictingexpectationsrelatedtoasinglerole,suchasemployee. J Jobdesign:Groupingcertaintasksintoaparticularjob. Jobstressmodel:Modelwhichindicatesthatstressandstrainofemploymentcanharmwomen's(notnecessarilymen's)mentalandphysicalwellbeing,especially becauseofdualresponsibilitiesofworkandfamily. M Menopause:Whenawomanhashadnomenstrualperiodsfor1year. O Osteoporosis:Bonethinningfromlossofcalcium,whichmakesbonessusceptibletobreaking. P Passivejobs:Jobscharacterizedbylowdecisionlatitudeandlowpsychologicaldemands(e.g.,asomewhatboringjob). Personroleconflict:Conflictarisingwhenemployeesareexpectedtobehaveinwaysthatviolatepersonalvaluesorbeliefs. Problemfocusedcoping:Methodofcopingwheretheindividualattemptstodealwiththeproblemdirectly. Psychologicaldemands:Timepressuresonthejobalsofearoflosingone'sjoborskillsbecomingoutofdate(obsolete). R Roleambiguity:Anindividual'suncertaintyaboutwhatactionstotaketofulfillajob. Roleexpansionmodel:Modelwhichsuggeststhatpaidworkoffersadvantagestoworkersindirectlythroughincreasedopportunityforrewardsandsatisfaction. Roles:Arecurringsetofactionsofanindividualthatareappropriatelyinterrelatedwiththerepetitiveactivitiesofanotherself,soastoyieldapredictableoutcome. S Shiftwork:Workperiodthatextendsbeyondthenormalworkday. Skilldiscretion:Breadthorvarietyofskillsusableonthejob. Social/psychologicalfactors:Sourcesofstressthatfocusonwomen'sandmen'sdifferentialinternalresponsestostressfulsituations. Strain(distress):Effectsofstressonanindividual. Stress:Acomplexsetofemotional,physiological,andmentalstatesinresponsetodemandsfromanactionorsituation. Stressors:Factorsinanenvironmentthatpromotestressamongindividuals.

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Structuralistposition:Amajorsourceofstresssuggeststhatdifferentworkstressorsareassociatedwithdifferentworksituations. T Taskauthority:Theautonomyorindependenceonehastomakedecisionsaboutpertinentmatters. W Workoverload:Situationwheredemandsandstimulationofajobreachbeyondaworker'scapabilities. Workunderload:Situationwheredemandsandstimulationofajobaresolowthatthejobisboring.

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IV WHATDOWEDOWITHWHATWEKNOWANDDONOTKNOW?

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13 ManagingDiversity:ResearchandInterventions
I.WhatDoesItMeantoManageDiversity? A.ManagingDiversity:TheoryandPhilosophy B.DoesManagingDiversityWork? C.IntergroupConflict:Diversity'sDownside 1.RealisticConflictTheory 2.SocialIdentityTheory 3.ACommonThemeforDevelopingInterventions II.ApproachestoDevelopingGenderInclusiveOrganizations A.StructuralIntegration 1.AffirmativeAction 2.IncentivesforManagers 3.HRMPolicyandBenefitChanges 4.DiversityattheTop B.InformalIntegration 1.MentoringPrograms 2.CreatingPluralism C.AdditionalStepsTowardInclusiveness 1.ChangingStereotypes 2.SexualityandProductivity 3.ChangingDiscourse 4.StressReduction 5.ChangingtheClimateandCultureofOrganizations III.Summary

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Themanagersandexecutivesofanorganizationhave,inthepast,alwaysbeenmale.Fearingalawsuit,theorganizationaggressivelyrecruitsfemaleMBAs. RobertoishiredasasalesmanagertohelpincreasemarketinginlocalandregionalHispaniccommunities. Anorganizationthathaslosttopjobapplicantsbecauseoflimiteddualcareeropportunitiescreatesaprogramtoidentifyopportunitiesforspouses(primarilyfemale) earlyintherecruitmentprocess. Concernedabouttherelativelysmallnumbersofgirlspursuingadvancedscienceandmathcourses,theprincipalofahighschoolcreatesamentoringprogramto helpgirlsidentifyandlinkupwithsuccessfulwomeninscience,math,medicine,andothersimilarfields.


Alloftheseexamplesrepresenteffortsoforganizationsorschoolstoincreaseopportunitiesforwomenormembersofminoritygroups.Theyaredrivenbyanumberofmotives (e.g.,desiretoincreasemarketshareortoavoidlawsuit,orconcernoverlimitedopportunitiesavailabletoortakenbymembersofsomegroups),andtheytakeanumberofforms. Allcanbethoughtofasspecificfacetsofamoregeneralstrategyof"managingdiversity." Thetermmanagingdiversityisinsomewaysunfortunate,becauseitsuggeststhattheincreasingdiversityoftheworkforceisaproblemtobemanaged.Asshowninthis chapter,thisistosomeextenttrue.Diversitycanbringproblems,butitcanalsobringuniqueopportunities.Managingdiversityfocusesonminimizingthechallengesand maximizingtheopportunitiespresentedbyworkforcediversity.

Thepurposeofthischapteristointegrateanumberoftheissues,perspectives,andfindingsdiscussedinchapters1through12underthegeneralheadingof"managing diversity."Thatis,wewilluseorganizations'effortstodealwiththeincreasingdiversityoftheU.S.workforceasaspringboardfordiscussinginterventionsand strategiesfordealingwithmanyoftheissuesandproblemsdescribedintheprecedingchapters. Webeginwithabriefdiscussionofwhatmanagingdiversitymightmeanandthevariousreasonsorganizationsmighthavefordealingwithdiversityrelatedquestions. Wethendiscusssomespecificprocessesthatinterferewithorganizationalandsocietaleffortstoopenopportunitiestoamorediversepopulation.Wefollowthiswith adiscussionofsomeofthestepsthatmightbetakentobuildgenderinclusiveorganizations.Finally,wediscussspecificinterventionsdesignedtodealwithseveralof theissuesraisedinchapters1through12. WhatDoesItMeantoManageDiversity? ThedemographicmakeupoftheU.S.workplaceischangingrapidly.Formostofourhistory,thesubstantialmajorityofthepaidworkforce

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(particularlyinfulltime,semiskilled,skilled,managerial,andprofessionaljobs)hasbeendrawnfromarelativelynarrowsliceofsocietyWhitemales.Thisisno longerthecase.Thelargemajorityofnewentrantsintotheworkforcearenowfemalesand/ormembersofminoritygroupsandimmigrants.Populationchanges(e.g., BabyBust),increasedglobalizationofthemarketplace,increasedaccessibilityoftheworkplacefordisabledpeopleandotherstraditionallydeniedequalemployment opportunities,andotherfactorsnotedpreviouslyhaveledtoprojectionsthattheU.S.workplacewillbemoredemographicallydiverseintheyear2000thanever before(Johnston&Packer,1987Offermann&Gowing,1990).Asaresult,organizationsmustdevelopmethodsofdealingwithboththeproblemsandthe opportunitiesposedbyadiverseworkforce.Organizationsthattakeplanned,proactivestepstoeasethetransitionfromarelativelyhomogeneousworkforcetoan increasinglydiverseonearesaidtobemanagingdiversity. Twobasicapproachesmightbetakenindealingwithdiversity.Thefirstistochangepeopletofittheorganization.Thatis,youcankeepeverythingintheorganization exactlyasithasbeeninthepast(whentheworkforcewasmorehomogeneous)anduseselection,training,socialization,andrewardstomakenewworkersmore similartotheworkforceyouareaccustomedtodealingwith.Thesecondstrategyistochangetheorganizationtofitthepeople.Thatis,ifnewworkershavedifferent interests,values,andnorms,itmightbenecessarytochangethewaytheorganizationworkstoaccommodatethesedifferences.Mostinterventionsdesignedto managediversityseemtodoalittleofboth(i.e.,changethepeopleandchangetheorganization),butinmanycases,thestrategyofchoicewillbetochangethe organizationtofittheworkforce.Themainreasonforchoosingthisapproachisthatitisverydifficulttochangepeople,whereasorganizationsandthesystemsusedto operateorganizationsaremoreamenabletochange. Onewayofthinkingaboutwhatmanagingdiversitymeansistothinkoftheproblemsorganizationsmightfaceiftheydonothinginresponsetothechanging demographicmakeupoftheU.S.workforce.Organizationsthatignoretheincreasingdiversityoftheworkforce,essentiallymaintainingtheircurrentcultures,personnel policies,andvalues,mayexperiencedifficultiesinstaffingandmayexperienceincreasinglevelsofintergroupconflict.Forexample,organizationsthathavetraditionally reliedonhighlevelsoftimecommitmentfromtheiremployees(e.g.,requiringthemtoworksubstantialamountsofovertime,toreporttoworkwithminimalnotice,to workeveningsandweekends)maybelessattractivetopeoplewhoareunableorunwillingtomakethesecommitments(e.g.,mothersandfatherswithyoung children).Organizationalculturesthatare"macho"maybelessattractivetowomenormembersofdifferentethnicgroups.

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Organizationsareundernolegalobligationtochangeinresponsetochangesintheworkforce,butmanyorganizationswillfindthattheyhavenochoice.Thesupplyof workerswho"fit"theexistingpoliciesandculturesimplymaynotbesufficienttomeetthedemand. Asecondreasonforattemptingtomanagediversityisthatitmaybemoreprofitabletochangetheorganizationtofitthecurrentworkforcethantoignoreorresist changesintheworkforce.Researcherssuggestthatcompaniescancreateormaintainacompetitiveadvantagebyattractingandharnessingamulticulturalworkforce. Suchcompanieswillcertainlyfaceanumberofchallenges(e.g.,increasedintergroupconflictCox&Blake,1991),buttheadvantagesofovercomingthesechallenges areoftenseenasoutweighingthecosts.Thus,awiderangeofideasandprogramsformanagingdiversityhavebeenofferedbypractitionersandtheorists(seeS.E. Jackson,1992,forasummary). Someresearchersdefinemanagingdiversityas"avarietyofmanagementissuesandactivitiesrelatedtohiringandeffectiveutilizationofpersonnelfromdifferent culturalbackgrounds"(Cox&Blake,1991,p.45).Thephilosophyunderlyingmostdiversityinitiativesisthatgoingbeyondsimplecompliancewithequalemployment opportunityandaffirmativeactionlegislationandcourtordersisasoundbusinessstrategy.Organizationsinwhichallindividualsenjoyfullandequalopportunitiesfor employmentarethoughttobemorecompetitivethanthoseinwhichanarrowlydrawngroupdominates.Theassumptionbehindmanyinterventionsdesignedtohelp organizationsmanagediversityisthatworkersfromawiderangeofbackgroundsandgroupshavemuchtoofferandthatorganizationsaremorelikelytomaximizethe benefitsofsuchaworkforceiftheyadjusttothechangingrealitiesofthelabormarket. ManagingDiversity:TheoryandPhilosophy Onthewhole,theliteratureonmanaging/valuingdiversityismoreanecdotalthantheoreticallyorempiricallydriven.Nonetheless,therehavebeensomeattemptsto structureandguidetheseefforts.Drawingonmodelsofsocietalacculturationprocesses,Cox(1991)developedamodelthatcategorizesorganizationsontheextent towhichtheyexhibitgender,racial,andethnicintegration.Thesecriteriaillustratetherangeofissuesinvolvedinmanagingdiversityandprovidebenchmarksfor evaluatingorganizationalresponsestotheincreasingdiversityoftheworkforce.Cox(1994)proposedsixcriteriaforevaluatingtheextenttowhichorganizationsvalue andaccommodatediversity:

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1.Structuralintegrationrepresentationofminorities(Whitewomenandraciallyandethnicallydiversewomenandmen)atalllevelsoftheorganization. 2.Informalintegrationinclusioninsocialnetworksintheorganization. 3.Removalofculturalbiaslackofprejudiceanddiscrimination. 4.Organizationalidentificationextenttowhichtherearegenderandracialandethnicdifferencesincommitmentandattachmenttotheorganization. 5.Reductionofinterpersonalconflictlackofgroupbasedtensionandinterpersonalfriction. 6.Degreeofacculturationextenttowhichculturaldifferencesareresolvedanddealtwith. Giventhesesixcriteria,therearemanydifferentwaysyoumightcharacterizeorganizationalresponsestoworkforcediversity(e.g.,anorganizationmightprovidehigh levelsofstructuralandinformalintegrationbutstillhavelingeringculturalbias,highlevelsofconflict,orlowlevelsofidentificationwiththeorganizationamongseveral demographicgroups).However,Coxsuggestedthatafewspecificmodelsforacculturationcanbedefinedandthatthesedescribemanyorganizations. Inassimilatedorganizations,minoritiesareexpectedtoadoptthenormsandvaluesofthedominantgroup,thatis,theyareexpectedtolosetheirdistinctcultural identity(theseorganizationsfollowthe"changethepeople"strategy).Assimilatedorganizationsarefrequentlycharacterizedbylowstructuralandinformalintegration, highlevelsofdiscriminationandprejudice,andlargeintergroupdifferencesinorganizationalattachmentfavoringthedominantgroup.Becausetheperceivedoddsof survivingovenconflictarelowforminoritygroups,intergroupconflictislikelytobelow. Pluralorganizationsarecharacterizedbydiversityinnumbersbutnotalwaysinspirit.Stepsmaytakentoincludevariousgroupsbyadherencetoequalopportunity andaffirmativeactionpolicies,butthesemayleadtobacklash(i.e.,dominantgroupmembers'feelingsofreversediscrimination)andhigherlevelsofintergroup conflict,whichinturncanstrengthenthebarriersbetweengroups.Inpluralbutculturallyseparatedorganizations,neitherthedominantnortheminoritygroupsdo muchtoadapttooneanother.Intheseorganizations,peoplemayworksidebyside,butforallintentsandpurposes,theyaremembersofdifferentorganizations. Trulymulticulturalorganizationsarecharacterizedbyfullstructuralandinformalintegration,minimalprejudiceordiscrimination,minimal

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subgroupdifferencesinorganizationalattachment,andlowlevelsofconflict.Coxadmittedthatveryfeworganizationsaretrulymulticultrualbutprovidedsuggestions forachievingthisstatus.Weusehissuggestionsasaframeworkfordescribingvariouscomponentsofchangeeffortsdesignedtoenhancegenderequityinthe workplaceandforevaluatingthemeritoftheseprograms. ThestudiesreviewedinchaptersIthrough12suggestthatfewwomenworkintrulymulticulturalorganizations.Forexample,wenotedinseveralchaptersthatdespite progressinrecentyears,barriersstillexisttowomen'sfullstructuralintegrationintheworkplace.Womenaremorelikelytobejudgedbytheirappearancethanmen, aremorelikelytomakecareersacrificesduringtheirchildbearingyearsthanmen,andaremorelikelytobethetargetsofsexualharassment.Althoughexplicitand intentionaldiscriminationagainstwomenmaybedeclining,therearenumeroussubtleformsofdiscriminationagainstwomen,suchasthetendencyofmentoexclude womenfrominfluentialsocialnetworks,thatsubstantiallyhamperwomen'schancesofsuccessintheworkplace.Prejudiceanddiscriminationagainstwomenare probablynotaswidespreadas30yearsago,buttheyarestillimportantfactsoflife,particularlyinnontraditionalfields(e.g.,science,management,topleadership positions).Allofthesefactorssuggestthattheworkplaceisstill,onthewhole,lessfavorablyinclinedtowardwomenthantowardmen(althoughtherearecertainly jobs,occupations,andorganizationswherethereversemightbetrue).Itappears,then,thatagreatdealofworkremainstobedoneinmanagingthegenderdiversity oftheworkforce.However,beforewedescribeeffortstoincreasewomen'sopportunitiestoparticipatefullyintheworkplace,itisusefultoaskwhethereffortsto managediversityactuallywork.Thatis,itisusefultoassesstheimpactofsomeoftheinterventionsdesignedtofostertruemulticulturalismontheworkerswhomthese programsaredesignedtohelpandontheorganizationsthatimplementtheseprograms. DoesManagingDiversityWork? Agrowingbodyofbothanecdotal(casestudy)andempiricalresearchsupportstheideathatinitiativesdesignedtohelpmanagediversity(orothersimilarlylabeled initiatives,suchasworkplaceflexibility(Hall&Parker,1993)cansubstantiallybenefitbothworkersandorganizations(S.E.Jackson,1992).Internalevaluationsof theseprogramsdemonstratethatcarefullyconstructed,integrated,comprehensiveeffortstomanageandvaluediversitythataresupportedbytopmanagementreap dividendstotheseorganizationsintheformofgreaterattractionandretentionofWhitewomenandraciallyandethnicallydiverseworkers,greaterrepresentationof diversegroupsofpeopleinalllevelsandsectorsofthe

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organization,morepositivepublicimage,andincreasedcapabilityofachievingstrategiccompanyobjectives(seeS.E.Jackson,1992,forareviewseealsoHall& Parker,1993).CoxandBlake(1991),reviewingawidebodyofcorporatespecificevaluationsofmanagingdiversityinitiatives,suggestedthatsucheffortshavethe potentialtohelporganizationsattractandretainthemosttalentedworkforce,reduceturnover/withdrawalcosts(e.g.,womenandmembersofminoritygroupswho feeltheirskillsarebeingusedeffectivelymaybelessthanlikelytoleaveandmorelikelytobeproductive),improvemarketingsuccess(e.g.,adiverseworkforcemay bemorelikelytounderstandproductandserviceneedsofdiverseconsumers),andinspiregreatercreativityandimprovedproblemsolving(e.g.,heterogeneous groupscanbemoresuccessfulingeneratingmoreandbetterpotentialsolutionstoproblemsthanhomogeneousgroups). Severalrecentstudieshaveexaminedtheeffectsofdiversityinitiativesacrossorganizationsonanumberofkeycriteriawewillcitetwoexamplesfromalargeand complexliterature.Wright,Ferris,Hiller,andKroll(1995)reviewedstockvaluationdataonfirmsthateitherhadwontheU.S.DepartmentofLabor'sExemplary VoluntaryEffortsAward(whichisgivenforhighqualityaffirmativeactionprograms)orhadannouncedmajorsettlementsindiscriminationsuits.Analysesofdata collectedoverseveralyearssuggestthatfirmswithproactivestrategiesformanagingdiversityperformedbetterthanfirmsthatexperiencedmajorproblemswith discrimination.1TheAffirmativeActionReview:AreporttothePresident(1995)identifiedsubstantialgainsinemploymentopportunitiesforwomenandmembers ofracialandethnicminoritygroupsandsuggestedthatorganizationalpoliciestoincreasemulticulturalismarelikelytoberesponsibleforatleastsomeofthisgain. Despitetherhetoricfrombothopponentsandproponentsofeffortstoincreasediversity,itisverydifficulttodeterminepreciselytheimpactoftheseprograms, becausetheyhavebeenimplementedatthesametimeasnumerousothersocietalchangeshaveoccurred(e.g.,bettereducationalopportunitiesforwomenand membersofminoritygroups).Nevertheless,theauthorsoftheWhiteHousereviewsuggestedthatorganizationaleffortstoprovidegreateraccessandamore hospitableclimateforadiverseworkforcehavesubstantiallyincreasedemploymentopportunities. Theliteratureoninitiativesaimedatmanagingdiversitysuggeststhattheycansucceedbutthatthecriteriaforevaluatingtheirsuccessarenotalwaysobvious.For example,organizationsmightconcentrateon''gettingtheirnumbersright"byhiringmorewomenandminoritygroupmembers.Theseeffortscansolveashortterm problembutareunlikelytobring
1

Itisimportanttonote,however,thattheDepartmentofLaborawardorthediscriminationsettlementitselfcouldberesponsibleforchangesinstockprices.

Page364 Sidelight13.1DiversityWithoutDiscrimination? Doesvaluingdiversityimplythatyouwilldiscriminateonthebasisofraceandgendertoredressimbalancesintheworkforce?Thisistheassumption usuallymadeindiscussionsofprogramstoincreasediversityinorganizations.Consider,forexample,California'sProposition209(seechap.7)this proposition 1.Prohibitsthestate,localgovernments,districts,publicuniversities,colleges,andschools,andothergovernmentinstrumentalitiesfrom discriminatingagainstorgivingpreferentialtreatmenttoanyindividualorgroupinpublicemployment,publiceducation,orpubliccontractingonthe basisofrace,sex,color,ethnicity,ornationalorigin. 2.Doesnotprohibitreasonablynecessary,bonafidequalificationsbasedonsexandactionsnecessaryforreceiptoffederalfunds. 3.Mandatesenforcementtoextentpermittedbyfederallaw. 4.Requiresuniformremediesforviolations.Providesforseverabilityofprovisionsifinvalid. Manyoftheopponentsofthispropositionhaveattackeditontheassumptionthatthislawwillmakeitdifficulttoincreaseorevenmaintainthe diversityofprivateandpublicsectororganizationsinCalifornia.ProponentsofProposition209sometimessharethisassumptionandarguethatany attempttobroadenopportunitiesforwomenorminoritygroupmembersmustinvolvereversediscrimination.Theimplicitnotioninthisdebateisthat "preferentialtreatment"isnecessaryifwewishtoseeanychangesinemploymentopportunitiesformembersofprotectedgroups. Inonesense,boththeopponentsandproponentsofProposition209areright.Ifnothingelsechangesinsocietyandorganizations,itisprobably unrealistictoassumethatsubstantialchangeswilloccurwithoutsomesortofraceorgenderconsciouspersonnelpolicies.However,aswestress throughoutthischapter,theassumptionthatnothingelsewillorshouldchangeinorganizationsastheworkforcechangesisfundamentallywrong. Thereis,forexample,clearevidenceofchangesinthewaythatchildrenaresocializedintosexroles(e.g.,"BringYourDaughtertoWorkDay"),andit isreasonabletobelievethatthesechangeswillhaveamajorimpactonmalefemaleinteractionsintheworkplace.Theassumptionthatreverse discriminationisanecessarycomponentofincreasingdiversityispartofalargerassumptionthatnothingelseishappening,orlikelytohappen,to breakdownthebarrierstofullparticipationintheworkplacethatcurrentlyexist.Wearenotaspessimisticabouttheprospectsforbroad(albeitslow) societalchangesassomeoftheopponentsorproponentsofProposition209seemtobe.

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theorganizationlongtermsuccessandmayinfactplanttheseedsforlongtermdisasterunlesstheyareaccompaniedbysystematiceffortstoadapttothechanging workforce.Forexample,anorganizationwithatraditional"macho"culturemayprovideanuneasyworkingenvironmentforwomen.Eventhoughtheyarehiredinto thisorganization,itisunlikelythatwomenwillthrive,andtheorganizationmayencountermoreproblemswithsexdiscriminationinpromotionandrewardsasaresult ofitseffortstoobtainmorefavorableemploymentstatistics. Twothingsarenecessaryforasuccessfuldiversityinitiative.First,indesigningadiversityinitiative,itpaystocriticallyexaminethecriteriausedtodefinesuccess, particularlyifthosecriteriafocusnarrowlyonshorttermresults.Forexample,thereislittletobegainedbyhiringorpromotingwomenintoenvironmentsthatvirtually guaranteetheirfailure.Adiversityinitiativethataimstobringwomenintoanorganization,withoutprovidingthesupportorclimatenecessaryforthemtoperform effectivelyandcompetefairlywiththeirmalecolleagues,makesthemistakeoffocusingonproximalsuccesscriteria(i.e.,numberofwomenhired)whileignoringlong termprospectsforsuccess.Second,itisimportanttorealizethatdiversityisacomplexconstructandthatthemostobviousaspectsofdiversity(e.g.,gender,skin color)canbetheleastimportantones.Demographicdiversityoftenimpliesdiversityinexperiences,values,interests,patternsofinteraction,andmethodsof communication,andalloftheseaspectsofworkforcediversitycancreatebothopportunitiesandproblemsfororganizations.Wehavealreadynotedpotential opportunitiesandcontributionsthatariseasaresultofincreasingdiversityitisalsousefultounderstandsomeoftheproblemsorganizationsarelikelytoencounteras theirworkforcebecomesincreasinglydiverse. IntergroupConflict:Diversity'sDownside Althoughtheliteratureinthisareaarguesforcefullyfortheadvantagesofmulticulturalism,thereareidentifiabledownsidestodiversity.Inparticular,diversegroupsare morepronetoconflict,stereotyping,andbiasthanhomogeneousgroups.Thus,onecriticalcomponentofmanagingdiversityisunderstandinghowandwhydiversity mayleadtoconflictandtakingconcretestepstoheadoffsuchconflict. Psychologistshavestudiedrelationshipsandconflictsamonggroupsformorethanacentury,andanumberofmodelsandtheoriescanusedtounderstandhow diversitymightcontributetoconflict.Wereviewtwomajortheoreticalfoundationsofintergrouprelationsrealisticconflicttheoryandsocialidentitytheoryand discusstheirrelevanceforeffortstomanagediversity.

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RealisticConflictTheory Realisticconflicttheory(RCT)suggeststhatwhentherearemultiple,distinctgroupsinanorganization,conflictislikelytooccur.Thisconclusionisbasedonthe assumptionsthatpeoplewilltrytomaximizetheirownoutcomesandtheoutcomesofpeoplesimilartothem,andthattheinterestsofdifferentgroupsarenotalways compatible(D.M.Taylor&Moghaddam,1994).Ifgroupswithinanorganizationhaveorareseentohavedifferentinterests,RCTsuggeststhatconflict,prejudice andstereotypingarecompletelynormalandpredictable. RCThasanumberofimplicationsformanagingdiversityprogramsandhasbeenappliedinanumberofdifferentways.Oneapplicationisinthecreationand managementofteamsoforganizations.Thistheorysuggeststhatconflictcanbereducedifmembersofadiversegroupseethemselvesasaunifiedteamratherthana collectionofdifferentinterestgroups.Onestrategyfordevelopingthisunifiedapproachistodevelopanddefinegoalsthatarewidelyacceptedbyteammembers. ConsistentwithpredictionsofRCTtheory,membersofdiversedemographicgroupsworkingtowardacommongoalaremorelikelytodiscardtheirbackground differencesinfavorofsolvingaproblem.AsecondapplicationofRCTtomanagingdiversityisthemanagementofintergroupconfrontationsinorganizations.This mightoccurwhen,forexample,acoalitioncomposedofamembersofaparticulardemographicgroup,suchasawomen'sgrouporanAfricanAmericangroup, challengestheexistingpowerholders,suchasEuroAmericanmen.BlakeandMouton(1986)summarizedtheirprogramofresearchandconsultationinorganizations dealingwithmanydifferentkindsofintergroupconflict,whichhasdemonstratedthatdiversegroupsworkingtogetheronsuperordinategoalscanresolveconflictand achievesolutionsthataremorecreativeandeffectivethanwouldbeexpectedfrommorehomogeneousgroups. SocialIdentityTheory Socialidentitytheoryassertsthatindividualsseektobelongtogroupsthatdeveloporenhanceapositiveselfidentityandthatselfidentityisnaturallyenhancedwhen one'singroupispositivelydistinguishedfromtheoutgroup.Tajfelandhiscolleagues(asdescribedbyD.M.Taylor&Moghaddam,1994)havedemonstratedthrough decadesofresearchthatgroupsformedonthebasisofeventhemosttrivialofcircumstances(e.g.,tendenciestounderestimateoroverestimatethenumberofdotsin agrouping)developcognitivelydistortedperceptionsofingroupandoutgroupmembersthatresultinbiasedevaluations(i.e.,negativeoutgroupattitudes)and discriminatorytreatment(e.g.,inequitablerewarddistribution).Furthermore,theseprocessesarejustaspowerfulingroupscreatedbyarbitrary,trivialcriteriaas groupscreatedbymeaningful,valueladencriteria(Moghaddam&Stringer,1986).

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Socialidentitytheorymakestheimportantpointthatingroup/outgroupprocessesarenatural,perhapsinevitablesocialrealities.Peopleexistasmembersofsocial groups,andtheystriveforpositiveselfevaluationbymaintainingorcreatingpositiveingroupevaluations.Unfortunately,peoplealsotendtoevaluategroupsotherthan theirownmorenegatively.Severaldiversityinterventionstrategieshaveattemptedtoreducenegativebiasesinperceptionsofoutgroupmembers.Inchapters3,4, and7,wenotedthatstereotypedimpressionsofwomenandmenoccurinavarietyofcircumstances,especiallythoseinwhichthegenderofthejobtypedoesnot matchthegenderofthetarget,welackjobrelevantinformationabouttargetsofevaluationandknowlittlemorethantheirgender(Heilman,1983),targetsarein tokenpositionsingroups,orattractivewomenareplacedinmaletypedjobs(Heilman&Stopeck,1985).Inallofthesesituations,genderismademoresalientthan otherinformationaboutthetarget,leadingpeopletouse"male"versus"female"todefinesocialgroups.Thissuggestsonestrategyfordevelopinginterventions: redefininggroupidentityaroundjobrelevantcriteria(e.g.,developingstrongidentitieswithworkteams)ratherthanaroundgender. ACommonThemeforDevelopingInterventions Bothrealisticconflicttheoryandsocialidentitytheorysuggestthatidentificationwith(andpositivebiasestoward)yourowngroup,combinedwithrelativelynegative perceptionsofothergroups,areimportantsourcesofintergroupconflict.Realisticconflicttheoryassumesthatdifferentgroupsoftenhavedifferentinterests,andthus thereisoftenarealisticbasisfordisagreements.Socialidentitytheorysuggeststhatevenwheretherearenomeaningfuldifferencestoargueabout,ourtendencyto viewpeoplelikeourselvespositivelyandpeopleunlikeourselvesnegativelywillleadtoconflictsbetweengroups.Boththeoriessuggestthatconflictcanbereducedby shiftingitsfocus.Thatis,ifgroupscanbedefinedintermsoftheirfunctionsratherthantheirdemographiccharacteristics,itmaybepossibletoheadofftheconflicts thatnaturallyemergewhenadiversepopulationsharesthesamespace(ororganization). Conflictislesslikelyifworkersthinkofthemselvesasmembersofateam,department,ororganizationfirst,andmembersofgroupsdefinedintermsofgender,race, orethnicitysecond.Althoughprogramsdesignedtodevelophighlycohesiveteamsinorganizationsarenotoftenthoughtofasdiversityprograms,theymaybecentral toreducingthepotentialdownsideofdiversity.Twoapproachesseemespeciallypromising.First,consistentwithrealisticconflicttheory,itispossibletobuild cohesiveteamsbyeitheridentifyingorstimulatinginterestinagoalthattranscendsdifferencesamongteammembers.Forexample,Sherif's"robberscave"studies demonstratedthatconflictwithindiversegroupscouldbereduced

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byengagingthegroupinvaluedactivitiesthatcouldnotbeaccomplishedbymembersworkingalone,orbycreatingcompetitionbetweengroups(Sherif,Harvey, White,Hood,&Sherif,1961).Similarexperimentsinthecontextsoflabormanagementconflict(Blake,Shepard,&Mouton,1964)andschooldesegregation (Aronson,Stephan,Sikes,Blaney,&Snapp,1978)haveshownthatteambuildinginterventionsofthissortcanreduceconflictwithinteams. Asecondapproachinvolvesreducingthesalienceofgender,race,orotherdemographiccharacteristics(thusreducingthelikelihoodthatgroupswillbeformed aroundthesecharacteristics).Aswenotedinseveralearlierchapters,genderismostsalientwhenmenorwomenareinasubstantialminorityinaparticularjobor organizationorwhenthestereotypesofthejobdonotfitthestereotypesofmenandwomen.Toalargeextent,thisproblemmaybeselfcorrecting(albeitslowly).As morewomenenterjobsthathavetraditionallybeendominatedbymen,thestereotypesofjobsarelikelytochangeandthestatisticalrarityofwomenmust,by definition,change.Bringingmorewomenintoparticularjobsoroccupationsisnottheonlywaytoreducethesalienceofgenderindefiningsocialgroups,butitislikely thatatleastsomeoftheconflictsthatemergeasworkforcesbegintodiversifywillbelessintenseasdiversitybecomesthenorm. ApproachestoDevelopingGenderInclusiveOrganizations Ourfocusinthisbookisexaminingtheroleofgenderinunderstandingbehaviorandexperiencesinorganizations.Aswenotedinseveraloftheprecedingchapters, workandworkorganizationsareoftenseenasthemaledomain,andwomenareoftenrejectedinthisrealmoratleastlesswelcomethanmen.Supposeyouwanted todevelopanorganizationinwhichgenderwasnotespeciallyrelevanttodecisionssuchaswhoishired,fired,orpromoted,andinwhichbothmenandwomenwere welcomedequallyasparticipantsintheworkforce.Thereareseveralthingsyoumightdotocreateapluralisticclimateandculture,totrainemployeesandmanagers, toorientnewmembers,andtoincreasetheinvolvementofwomenindecisionmaking.Afewexamplesarediscussednext. First,youcouldincreasethestructuralintegrationofwomen,thatis,increasetheirchancestocompeteforjobs.Second,youmighteasetheirentryintoandmovement withinanorganization.Third,itwouldbeimportanttochangetheclimate,culture,andproceduresoftheorganizationitself.Apointwehavealreadymadeseveral timesbearsrepeating:Simply

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hiringorpromotingmembersofprotectedgroupsinanorganizationthathastraditionallyexcludedthem,withoutmakinganyotherchangesintheorganization,isself defeating.Thus,anumberofstepsbeyondstructuralintegrationarenecessaryandusefulforbuildingagenderinclusiveworkplace. StructuralIntegration Structuralintegrationimpliesthatthereisnocorrelationbetweendemographicgroupmembershipandjobstatus(Cox,1994).Thefocusofthisbookisongenderin organizations,andforourpurposes,assessmentsofstructuralintegrationinvolveassessmentsofhowwellwomenarerepresentedindifferentareasandlevelsofan organization.Interventionsdesignedtoincreasestructuralintegrationarelikelytoinvolveremovingbarrierstohiringandretainingwomenandcreatingincentivesto increasetheirstructuralrepresentation.Itisimportanttoemphasizethatagenderinclusiveorganizationisnotdefinedsolelyintermsofitsheadcount.Muchofthe debateoverdiversityhasbeenobscuredbyanunduefocus(onthepartsofcomponentsandproponentsofdiversityprograms)onnumericalrepresentation. Numericalequalityinalljobcategoriesisnotthegoalofmostdiversityprograms,norisittheultimatecriterionforevaluatingtheseprograms.Rather,anassumptionof mostdiversityprogramsisthatchangesinorganizationsandinsocietyingeneralwill,inthelongrun,substantiallyreducethenumericalimbalancecurrentlyseenin manyoccupationsandorganizations.Inthissense,numericalequalityisnotsomuchagoalasabyproductoforganizationalinclusiveness.Nevertheless,itmakes sensetoarguethatagenderinclusiveorganizationwillprobablyhavewomenandmenrepresentedthroughouttheorganization,andthatanorganizationthathasfew womeninjobsoutsideofthe"pinkcollarghetto"isunlikelytobethoughtofasgenderinclusive.Rather,itseemsreasonabletoassumethatanorganizationthat cannotordoesnotattractandretainwomenprobablypresentsstructuralbarriers(whichmayormaynotbeintentional)towomen'sentryintoandsuccessinthe organization.Sometoolsandapproachesforincreasingstructuralintegrationarediscussednext. AffirmativeAction Inchapter8,wenotedthataffirmativeactionrequirementsarepoorlyunderstoodbythepublic,andthatmuchofthecontroversyoveraffirmativeactionmayinvolve activitiesthatarenotrequiredandsometimesnotevenpermittedbylaw(e.g.,settingfirmquotas).Thereare,however,severalstepsundertheheadingofaffirmative actionthatanorganizationcantaketointegratewomenintotheorganization.Thefirststepinanaffirmativeactinprogramisusuallytodevelop

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vigilantandconsistentenforcementofequalopportunitylawsandrequirements.Manyorganizationsemployhumanresourcespecialistswhosemainresponsibilityisto seethathiring,firing,promotion,andtransferdecisionsconformtotherequirementsofstateandfederalequalemploymentopportunitylawsandpolicies.Thisstrict scrutinyhasprobablymadepersonneldecisionsslowerandmorecostly,butbymonitoringpersonneldecisionscarefully,organizationsprobablyreduceboththe likelihoodofdiscriminationonthebasisofsex,race,orreligionandtheirvulnerabilitytoEEOlitigation. Affirmativeactionstartswithcarefulenforcementofantidiscriminationlaws,butitusuallygoesfurther,incorporatingactiveeffortstoattract,hire,train,anddevelop membersofunderrepresentedgroups.Nextwediscussthreeactivitiesthatmightbeconsideredpartofanoverallaffirmativeactionstrategy.Noneoftheseinvolve settingquotasorpreferentialhiringrathertheyinvolvemakingresourcesavailableandmakingchangesinorganizationalpoliciestoincreasethelikelihoodthatwomen willjoinandprogressthroughanorganization. IncentivesforManagers Mostofthetime,ifagoalistrulyimportanttoanorganization,theorganizationwillmonitorprogresstowardachievingthatgoalandprovideincentivesandrewards foraccomplishingit.Thus,onewaytodeterminewhetheranorganizationistrulyinterestedinthestructuralintegrationofwomenintotheworkforceistoexaminethe incentivesavailabletomanagersandexecutivestomovethisprocessalong.AsK.MurphyandCleveland(1995)noted,organizationsoftengivelipservicetohuman resourceactivities(e.g.,performanceappraisals)butprovidenomeaningfulrewardsfordoingthemwellandnomeaningfulsanctionsfordoingthempoorly. Organizationscanshowtheircommitmenttostructuralintegrationbyprovidingandadvertisingmeaningfulincentivestomanagersforidentifyinganddeveloping successfulfemaleemployeesandforincreasingtheskillsheldbyandtheopportunitiesopentowomenintheorganization. Forexample,organizationsoftenprovideawardsforsuccessinincreasingdiversity.Moreimportantly,manyorganizationsarebeginningtoincludediversityrelated activitiesaspartoftheperformanceappraisalofmanagersandexecutives.Weseethisstrategyasparticularlyusefulbecauseithelpsmovetheorganizationawayfrom anemphasisontheshortterm"numbersgame"(e.g.,diversityawardsaresometimesgiventoorganizationsthathiremanywomenormembersofminoritygroups, eventhoughtheseorganizationshavedonelittletocreateconditionsforsuccessforthesenewhires)towardanemphasisondevelopingadiverseworkforce. Inevaluatinganincentiveprogram,itisusefultoaskbothwhatbehaviorsarerewardedandhowsubstantialtherewardsreallyare.Diversity

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programsaremostlikelytosucceediftherewardsandincentivesarelargeenoughtobemeaningful(andifthesanctionsforfailingtotakestepstoincreasediversity arealsomeaningful)andtheemphasisisondevelopinglongtermsuccessstoriesratherthanprovidingpositivenumbersintheshortterm. HRMPolicyandBenefitChanges Organizationsthatwanttoattractandretainahighqualityworkforceneedtodevelophumanresourcepoliciesthatsatisfydiverseneeds.Forexample,withmore mothersofyoungchildrenintheworkforce,familyfriendlybenefitsarelikelytobecomeincreasinglyimportantinattractingandretainingwomen.Friedmanand Galinsky(1992)notedthatanumberofforcesarepushingtheideaoffamilyfriendlybenefits.Businessesmayfeeltheneedtoadoptfamilyfriendlypoliciesand benefitsbecauseofunionpressure(whosemembershipsarealsochangingtoreflectthediversityoftheworkforce),increasedmediaattentiononworkandfamily issues,governmentmandates,orexpectationsonthepartofemployees(bothmaleandfemale).Therearealsofinancialincentivestodevelopingfamilyfriendly policiessurveysofrepresentativesamplesofworkersareshowingthatfamilycaredistractionsresultinsignificantproductivitylossformenandwomen(Galinsky& Hughes,1987).Forexample,parentsofchildrenwhoarenotinsupervisedcare(e.g.,latchkeykids)areabsentanaverageof13daysayearcomparedtoanaverage of7to9days(Friedman&Galinsky,1992).Parentsofpreschoolersreportedhavingadifficulttoaverydifficulttimefindingadequate,letalonehighquality,child care.Finally,asthepopulationages,babyboomersintheprimeoftheircareersarelikelytofindthemselvessidetrackedbyeldercareproblems. Theneedsofadiverseworkforcegobeyondmakingadequatechildandeldercarearrangements.Employeesaredemandingmoreflexibilityintheirjobstomanage bothworkandnonworkdomains.Flexibleworkinghours,flexiblebenefits,andalternativeworkarrangements,suchastelecommuting,jobsharing,andparttime employment,areamongtheoptionsbelievedtoincreaseworkers'controlandbalanceoftheirworkandnonworkdemands(C.S.Rogers,1992).Also,needsof dualcareercouples(regardlessofthepresenceofchildren)canbeaddressedwithspousejobreferralnetworks. FriedmanandGalinsky(1992)notedthatorganizationalperspectivestowardworkfamilyissuesoftenevolvethroughaseriesofdiscretestages.AtStage1, organizationsdonotviewworkfamilyissuesasbusinessissuesandareconcernedthatadoptionofsuchpolicieswilljeopardizeperceptionsofequity(i.e.,theywould beusedonlybywomen).Onlyafewisolated,notwellcoordinatedsolutionstoworkfamilyproblemsareimplemented,andmostconsideronlychildcare arrangements.During

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Stage2,thefocusonchildcareisexpandedtoincludeotherissuessuchaseldercareandrelocation.Morecoordinatedeffortinmanagingcompanies'workfamily initiativesbecomesevidentasfulltimeorparttimeresponsibilityforthesemattersisallocatedtoanindividualorgroup,andtopmanagementcommitmentbeginsto emerge.AtStage3,workfamilyissuesareintegratedintoorganizationwidediversityandgenderequitymanagement.Thereisamovementtowardalifecycle approachthatbroadenstheconceptofworkfamilytoworklifeneeds.Theorganization'sculturereflectsthevalueofthe"whole"individual,andstandardsfor promotionandcareerdevelopmentareconcordantwithworklifeissues. Thereisnoclearexplanationforhoworganizationsprogressthroughthesestagesorbecomehaltedatsuboptimalstages.MeyerandBerry(1995),reportingonthe developmentofameasureofworkplaceflexibility,showedthatworkplaceflexibilitywasstronglyrelatedtothenumberoffamilyfriendlypoliciesprovidedby respondents'organizationsandtosupervisorysupportforrespondents'childcareneeds. DiversityattheTop Cox(1994)suggestedthatstructuralintegrationatalllevelsoftheorganizationisimportantindevelopinginclusiveorganizations.Onespecificstephesuggestedisto increasewomen'sorminoritygroupmembers'representationonkeydecisionmakingbodies.Specialadvisorycommitteesarewidelyusedbyorganizations,bothto educateorganizationmembersaboutdiverseperspectivesorissuesfacedbytheorganizationandtoprovidevisibleevidenceoftheorganization'swillingnessto incorporatethesediverseperspectives. Thereareseveralexamplesinorganizationswheredecisionmakingteamshavebeendeliberatelycomposedtoreflectmultipledimensionsofdiversity.Aldefer(1992), forexample,describedaspecialtaskforcesetupinXYZCorporation(apseudonym)toevaluatecandidatesformanagerialadvancement.Thetaskforcewasracially andgenderbalanced.Furthermore,halfofthetaskforcememberswerecloselyalignedwiththecompany'sracerelationsimprovementprocessandhalfwerenot. Analysisofdatacomparingthetaskforce'sevaluationsofmanagerialcandidatesversusrecommendationsofthecandidates'departmentsrevealednotonlythatthe taskforcerecommendedmorewomenandminoritiesforadvancementthandidthedepartmentsbutalsothatthetaskforce'srecommendedcandidateswerebetter qualifiedthanthedepartments'preferredcandidates(Alderfer,1992).Thesedatachallengethenotionthatgroupsconcernedwithdiversityarelessinterestedinmerit thanareothergroups. Aspartoftheiroveralldiversitymanagementprograms,severalorganizationshaveinstitutedspecialadvisorygroupstoinformtopmanagementofkeyconcernsofthe constituenciestheyrepresent.Forexample,Xerox

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CorporationhassupportedBlackcaucusgroups,Hispaniccaucusgroups,andwomen'scaucusgroupsforover2decades(Sessa,1992).Coopers&Lybrand,a professionalservicesorganization,hasbuiltitsdiversityinitiativesontheconceptofastrategicgrassrootsapproach,inwhichgroupsconcernedwithdiversityvisvis organizationaleffectivenesscan,withorganizationalsupport,experimentwithtrialprogramsandinitiatives.Evaluationsoftheirprojectsarereviewedbytop management,whodecidewhethertheprograms/initiativeswillbeinstitutionalizedmorebroadlyintheorganization(DeLuca&McDowell,1992). Constructingadvisorycommitteesthatrepresentdiversegroupscanbecomeadoubleedgedsword,however.Oneparticularlydifficultissueisburnout.Itisnot unusualtofindthatthosefewwomenormembersofminoritygroupswhohaverisentocriticalmanageriallevelsoftheorganizationareoverburdenedwithcommittee assignments.Theirpresenceonsuchcommitteeswillbedesiredanddeemedimportantbytheorganization,buttheextraserviceloadtheseworkersoftenexperience caninterferewiththeirprimaryjobresponsibilities.Organizationsthatroutinelyassignafewwomenandminoritygroupmemberstotaskforces,committees,and diversityprojects,maycreateconditionsguaranteeingthatthesesameindividualswillfail.Nevertheless,ifcarefullymanaged,taskforcesandadvisorycommitteescan promoteinclusiveness,boththroughthesubstantivesuggestionsdevelopedbythesecommitteesandthroughthemessagesenttoorganizationmembersaboutthe organization'scommitmenttoincreasingdiversity. InformalIntegration Structuralintegrationeffortshelptoattract,hire,andpromotewomen,buttheydonotnecessarilyestablishthesupportsystemsthatmostsuccessfulemployeesrelyon togettheirworkdoneandtoadvancetheircareers.Inparticular,establishingstrongandhelpfulsocialnetworksisoftenacriticalpartofsuccessinmodem organizations,andifwomenormembersofminoritygroupsareexcludedfromtheseinformalsocialnetworks,theywillfinditmuchhardertoperformorprogressin theorganization.Thus,oneimportantgoalofadiversityeffortshouldbetoreducebarrierstojoiningandaccessinginfluentialsocialnetworksinorganizations(Cox, 1994). Thereisevidencethatindividualswhoarewellconnectedtothesocialnetworksoforganizationshavegreaterpoliticalawareness,aremorelikelytobeconsidered ingroupmembers,aremorelikelytobefriendswithinfluentialpeopleintheorganization,aremorecognizantandalignedwiththeorganization'shistory,goals,and values,andarelikelytoachieveperformanceproficiencymorequicklythanthoselesswellsocialized

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(Chao,O'LearyKelly,Wolf,Klein,&Gardner,1994).AmongtheoptionsforenhancinginformalintegrationidentifiedbyCox(1991),thecreationandsupportof mentoringprogramshavereceivedthemostattention(Ostroff&Kozlowski,1993). MentoringPrograms Higherlevelorganizationalmemberswhoarecommittedtoassistingthecareerdevelopmentoflowerlevelprotgsareoftenreferredtoasmentors.Asdiscussedin chapter10,mentorsprovidebothpsychosocialbenefits(e.g.,friendship,support,counseling,androlemodeling)andcareerrelatedbenefits(e.g.,coaching,increased visibility,sponsoring,andprotectionK.E.Kram,1985).Anumberoffieldstudieshaveshownthatpeoplewhohavementorsexperiencegreaterjobsatisfaction, greatercareermobility,fasterpromotionrates,andhighersalariesthanthosewithoutmentors(Chao,Walz,&Gardner,1992Cotton,1995Fagenson,1989 Whitely,Dougherty,&Dreher1991). Recognizingtheimportanceofmentoringrelationships,manyorganizationshaveinstitutedformalmentoringprograms.Thedistinctionbetweenformalandinformal mentoringprogramsisthataseniororganizationalmemberisassignedtoanewmemberintheformercase,whereassuchrelationshipsdevelopnaturallyinthelatter case.Formalmentoringprogramsmayalsotrainmentorsonhowtoprovidementoringfunctions,mightmonitorthequalityandquantityofinteractionsbetween mentorsandprotgs,andmightusespecialeventstobuildandhighlightmentoringrelationships(Henry,Stockdale,Hall,&Deniston,1994Newby&Heide,1992). However,someconcernhasbeenraisedaboutwhetherformalmentoringprogramscanbeaseffectiveasinformalmentoringrelationships(e.g.,becauseinformal relationshipsariseastheresultoffriendshiporinterestonthepartofthementor,whereasformalrelationshipsrepresentadditionaljobdutiesseeChaoetal.,1992 Keele,Buckner,&Bushnell,1987Noe,1988b).Chaoetal.(1992)examinedthesuccessofmentoringamongalumniataMidwesternuniversitywhowere employedinavarietyofoccupationsandorganizations.Thesampleincludedindividualswhowereinformallymentored,wereformallymentored(i.e.,participatedina formalmentoringprogram),orwerenotmentored.Bothformallyandinformallymentoredrespondentsreportedgreatersocializationandjobsatisfactionthan nonmentoredrespondents,butinformallymentoredrespondentshadsignificantlyhigher(i.e.,morepositive)responsesontheseitemsthandidformallymentored respondents.Furthermore,informallymentoredrespondentsreceivedhighersalariesthandidformallymentoredornonmentoredrespondents.Cotton(1995), replicatingChaoetal.'sstudyonanationalsampleofsocialworkers,engineers,andjournalists,foundthatbothformallyandinformallymentoredrespondentswere moresatisfiedwiththeirjobs,weremoreorganizationallycommitted,hadhigher

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organizationalselfesteem,weremoresatisfiedwithopportunitiesforpromotion,andweremorecommittedtotheircareersthanwerenonmentoredrespondents. Moreover,therewasnosignificantdifferencebetweenformallyandinformallymentoredprotgsontheseoutcomes.Therewerealsonogenderdifferenceson reportsofbeingeitherformallyorinformallymentoredorontheoutcomesmeasured. AlthoughChaoetal.(1992)andCotton(1995)reacheddifferentconclusionsabouttherelativeeffectivenessofformalandinformalmentoring,theirresultstaken togetherareencouragingtoorganizationsendeavoringtopromotementoringrelationships.First,bothstudiesfoundthatmentoring,whetherformalorinformal,is relatedtopositivecareeroutcomesforboththeindividualandtheorganization(i.e.,greaterjobsatisfaction,promotionrates,salaries,etc.).Second,itispossiblethat incaseswhereformalmentoringwaslesseffectivethaninformalmentoring,theformalmentoringprogramsmaynothavebeenwellconstructedormanaged(Cotton, 1995).Thefindingsalsosuggeststhathighqualitymentoringprogramscanbeconstructed.Researchisneededtodeterminehowformalmentoringprogramscanbe constructedandmanagedtomaximizeeffectiveness. CreatingPluralism Mentoringprogramshelptobreakbarrierstointegratingadiverseworkforceintothesocialnetworksoftheorganizationbyenlistingtheaidandsponsorshipof powerfulmembersofthosenetworks.Asecondstrategyforincreasinginformalintegrationistochangetheclimateandcultureoftheorganizationtomake inclusivenessanormratherthananexception.Effortsinthisdirectionaresometimeslabeled''creatingpluralism." Cox(1994)andotherscontrastmonolithicorganizations,inwhichthevaluesandnormsofthedominantgroupareviewedassuperiortothoseofothergroups,andin whichallmembersoftheorganizationareexpectedtoconformtoandidentifywiththosevaluesandnorms,topluralisticorganizations.Apluralisticorganizationisone inwhichdifferencesbetweenindividualsandgroupsareacknowledgedandacceptedandthereisnoassumptionthatthereisonebestwayforall.Forexample,many organizationshavethepolicyofpubliclyacknowledgingindividualachievements,whichstrikesmostAmericansasagoodidea.However,thissortofpolicymaycause anxietyanddiscomforttomembersofcultureswhobelieveindividualsshouldremainmodestabouttheiraccomplishments.Althoughthepolicymaybewellintentioned andmayseemcompletelyacceptable(andevenlaudable)tomostmembersoftheorganization,itsadoptioncouldbearealbarriertosuccessforsomeemployees. Inmonolithicorganizations,theassumptionisthatpeoplewillchangetofittheplace(i.e.,peopleareexpectedtoadapttothecultureofthe

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organization).Inpluralisticorganizations,theassumptionisthatastheworkforcechanges,organizationsshouldalsochange.Furthermore,itisassumedthatincreasing contactbetweenmembersofdifferentcultureswillchangeeveryoneandwilldecreaseartificialbarrierstotheintegrationofadiverseworkforceintothesocial networksofanorganization.Itiswellestablishedinsocialpsychologythatsimplecontactbetweengroupscanreduceantagonismandmisunderstanding(Baron& Byrne,1994),butitisalsowellknownthatchangesinrelationshipsbetweenculturallydistinctgroupscanoccurveryslowly.Manyorganizationshaveimplemented structuredprogramstoacceleratethepaceofdevelopingpluralisticcultures. Programsandpoliciesaimedatcreatingorincreasingasenseofpluralismaredesignedfirstandforemosttoincreasetheawarenessofdiversityandsensitivityto culturaldifferences(Cox,1994).Atleastsomeoftheresistancetopromotingdiversityisattributabletoasimplelackofunderstandingofthedifferentperspectives membersofvariousgroupssometimestakewheninterpretingeventsintheorganization.Criticsofdiversityprogramssometimescomplainthatanundueemphasison differencescanincreasehostilityandmisunderstandingamonggroups,andtheyhaveapoint.Diversitytrainingprogramsmaymeetwithlessresistanceandmayhavea betterchanceofsuccessiftheyrecognizebothcommonalitiesanddifferencesamonggroupsinanorganization.Forexample,wehavenotedseveralexamplesof malefemaledifferencesinuseoflanguage,leadershipstyle,andwaysofhandlingworkfamilyconflicts.Thesedifferencesarerealandimportant,buttheideathat menandwomencomefromcompletelydifferentculturesisanoversimplificationandpotentiallyabarriertotheireffectivecooperation. Oncepeoplebecomeawareofsimilaritiesanddifferencesamonggroupsintheorganization,thesecondgoalofdiversitytrainingprogramsisoftentoinfluencetheir interpretationofdiversity(ConferenceBoard,1994).Diversitycanbeseenasaproblem(e.g.,asourceofconflict,reversediscrimination)orasanopportunity(e.g., diversitymayhelpyoureachabroaderrangeofmarkets)animportantgoalofmanydiversitytrainingprogramsistoencouragepeopletoacceptandvaluediversity. Finally,diversitytrainingprogramsareusedtodevelopskillsindealingwithpeoplewhohavedifferentvalues,norms,andexperiences. Oneoftheadvantagesofahomogeneous,monolithicorganizationisthatemployeesdonothavetolearnhowtodealwithdifferences.Formembersofthedominant culture,amonolithicorganizationislikelytobemorecomfortableandeasiertoworkwith,andifeveryoneelsesimplyadaptedtothatculture,lifewouldbeeasier(at leastformembersofthedominantgroup).Astheworkforcebecomesmorediverse,membersofthedominantculturewillneedtodevelopskillsinrecognizingareas of

Page377 Table13.1 StagesinDiversityTraining Stage Unconsciouslyincompetent Consciouslyincompetent Consciouslycompetent Unconsciouslycompetent Knowledge Low High High High Skill Low Low High High Applicationofskill Low Low Low High

communalityanddifference,workingwithdiverseteamsandorganizations,andhandlingconflictsthatariseasaresultofdifferencesinvalues,perceptions,and experiences. Table13.1illustratesafourstagemodelthatisoftenusedtodescribethegoalsandoutcomesofdiversitytraining(ConferenceBoard,1994).Beforereceiving training,manyworkerslackknowledgeoforskillsindealingwithdiversity("unconsciouslyincompetent"). Trainingcanincreaseknowledgeaboutdiversity,butunlessitalsohelpsindividualsdevelopskillsindealingwithpeoplefromdifferentbackgroundsorcultures, trainingmaynothelpmovetowardapluralisticorganization(workerswhoknowaboutdiversityissuesbutlackskillsfordealingwiththeseissuesaredescribedas "consciouslyincompetent").Asskillsindealingwithadiverseworkforcearedeveloped,workersdevelopcompetencebutmustworktoapplytheseskills ("consciouslycompetent").Finally,withpractice,workersnolongerhavetothinkaboutdiversityissuesbutrathercanapplytheseskillswithoutagreatdealofeffort (''unconsciouslycompetent"). Liketrainingprograms,orientationprogramsprovideaformalmechanismtoconveytheorganization'scommitmenttodiversityandgenderequity.Ratherthan specificallytargetingattitudes,however,orientationprogramscanoutlinetheorganization'soveralldiversitystrategyandphilosophyandintroducenewemployeesto variousbenefitoptionssuchasflexibleworkschedules,corporatesponsoreddaycare,flexiblecareertracks,andsoforth.Mostimportantly,orientationprograms provideoneofthefirstorganizationalsocializationactivities,whichcanhaveapowerfuleffectoncommunicatingthecompany'snorms,values,andexpectations towarddiversity(see,e.g.,VanMaanen&Schein,1979).Inadditiontotrainingandorientationactivities,anumberofstepsmightbetakentomakeboththeformal andtheinformalorganizationmoregenderinclusive.Severaloftheseareoutlinednext. AdditionalStepsTowardInclusiveness Chapters1through12outlinedanumberofsimilaritiesanddifferencesinmen'sandwomen'sexperiencesinorganizations.Onethemeinmany

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ofthesechaptersisthatdifferencesinthewaymenandwomenaretreatedbysociety,organizations,superiors,peers,andsubordinatescancreatebarriersto women'sfullparticipationintheworkplace.Creatingatrulygenderinclusiveorganizationmightinvolveinterventionstargetedatmanyoftheseissues.Twoareasfor interventioninvolvechangingattitudesandbeliefsaboutwomenandmeninorganizationsandchangingorganizationalstructuresandpracticestoreflecttheneedsand preferencesofagenderdiverseworkforce. ChangingStereotypes Thestereotypesweholdaboutmenandwomenintheworkplacearecentraltomanyoftheissueswehavediscussedinthisbook,andanobviousareafor interventionindevelopinggenderinclusiveorganizationsisinchangingstereotypes.Stereotypesarelearnedearlyandaredeeplyingrainedinourculture,butthereare reasonstobeoptimisticaboutreducingstereotypingintheworkplace.Inparticular,thereisevidencethatprejudice,stereotyping,anddiscriminationcanbereduced bysomethingassimpleasopendiscussionanddebate(Baron&Byrne,1994Elliot,1986Gaertner&Dovido,1986). Therationaleforthisapproach(i.e.,reducingrelianceonstereotypesbydiscussingthem)isthatstereotypesareunconsciousstructuresthatweusetoclassifyand simplifyourperceptionsofothers.Aspeoplebecomeawareoftheirrelianceonstereotypesandofthecontentofthosestereotypes,theywillbecomelesslikelyto fallbackonthisunconsciouscategorizationstrategyandmorelikelytoplayattentiontootheraspectsofmenandwomenwheninteractingwiththeminworksettings. Interventionsshouldfocusnotonlyonreducingrelianceonstereotypesbutalsoonchangingthecontentofthosestereotypes.Oneillustrationofthisapproachisin women'sathletics,wheretermslike"girlpower"areusedtoturnaroundthestereotypethatgirlsandwomenarenotinterestedortalentedinathleticsandtohighlight theirprowessinanumberoffields.Inwomen'svolleyball,thephrase"serveslikeagirl"hasbeentransformedintophraseslike"serveslikeagirlrightinyourface.'' Intheworkplace,stereotypicalbeliefsaboutwomen'slackofinterestinortalentforparticularoccupationsortasks(e.g.,mathandsciencerelatedactivities)canbe changedbyshowingexamplesofexemplarywomenand,moreimportant,examplesofmalefemalesimilarityinsettingsinwhichartificialbarrierstowomen's successhavebeenremoved(e.g.,noncombatmilitaryspecialties). SexualityandProductivity Manydiscussionsofworkplaceattractionandromancebeginwiththeassumptionthatsexualityintheworkplaceisaproblem.Sometimesitisaproblemhowever, theassumptionthatnormalinterpersonalrelationships(whicharelikelytoinclude

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attractionandromance)arenecessarilyorevenoftenaproblemintheworkplaceshouldnotgounchallenged.Onereasonforchallengingthisassumptionthataction takenonthebasisofthisassumptionseemstofallmoreheavilyonwomenthanonmen.Thatis,whenaworkplaceromanceisseenasaproblem,oneresponseis oftentoremovethewoman.Forexample,thearmedservicesarecurrentlydiscussingresegregationofmilitarytrainingafterreportsofsexualharassmentoffemale trainees. Empiricalresearchontheinfluenceofsexualityinorganizationsisgrowingrapidly,andwemaysoonhavedatatoaddresswhether(andunderwhatconditions) sexualityisaproblemintheworkplace.Itisalsoimportanttoexaminewhether(andunderwhatconditions)suppressionofsexualityintheworkplaceisaproblem. Oneobviousareaforinterventionistodevelopandadvertiseclearguidelinesregardingromanticandsexualinteractionsintheworkplaceandtocloselyexaminethe rationale(orlackthereof)forsuchguidelines.RecentSupremeCourtcases(e.g.,BurlingtonIndustries,Inc.v.Ellereth)suggesttheneedforsuchguidelinesinthe areaofsexualharassment,butagoodcasecanbemadeforclarifyingnormsregardingsexualityintheworkplace.Byspellingoutwhatisorisnotpermissibleand why,organizationscanresolvemanymurkyareasforbothmanagementandemployees.Forexample,datingamongcoworkersisusuallyallowed(organizations usuallyhavenogoodbasisforablanketrefusal),butdatingbetweensupervisorsandsubordinatessometimesisnotormayrequirespecialaccommodations(e.g.,it isusuallynotgoodpolicyforasupervisortoevaluatetheperformanceofasubordinateifaromanticrelationshipexists). Theprocessofdevelopingguidelinesforworkplacesexualitymaybemoreimportantthantheguidelinesthemselves.Youcanthinkoftheprocessofdevelopingthese guidelinesasasortoforganizationaldevelopmentactivity,inwhichyouareforcedtoexamineassumptions(e.g.,whatsortsofrelationshipsshouldberegulatedand why)andtoconsidertheoutcomesthataremostlikelytoresultfromdifferentpolicies(e.g.,willapolicythatforcestransferswhensupervisorsandsubordinates becomeinvolvedfallmoreheavilyonmenoronwomen?).Wenotedearlierthatorganizationsoftenusetaskforcestoobtaininputfrommultipleconstituenciesthisis anareawheresuchtaskforcesmightbeespeciallyuseful.Byencouraginginputfrommenandwomen,anorganizationislesslikelytodevelopaonesidedpolicyfor dealingwithattractionandromanceintheworkplace. ChangingDiscourse Thewaywetalkaboutmen,women,andworkinfluencesthewaywethinkaboutthesetopics,andoneofthemostimportantinterventionsindevelopinggender inclusiveorganizationsmaybetochangethewaywetalk.Feministscholarshavelongnotedthat

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termsweusetodesignateleadersoftenimplyamalemodel(e.g.,chairmanandtermsusedtoreferspecificallytowomen(e.g.,titlesendinginessorette)oftenimply ajuniororsecondclassstatus.Heisoftenusedasagenerictermforworkers,especiallysupervisors,managers,andexecutives(e.g.,"whenasupervisorprovides feedback,hehelpssubordinatesidentifydevelopmentalneeds").Criticsofdiversityprogramssometimesridiculeattemptstomonitorandchangethewaywedescribe men'sandwomen'sexperiencesatwork,buttheissueisfarfromtrivial.Thefirststepinchangingthewaypeoplethinkaboutmenandwomenatworkisprobablyto changethewaytheytalkaboutthisissue,andeffortstoreducetheuseofsexistlanguage(e.g.,publicationmanualsforjournalsandbookpublishersnowroutinely includesectionsdescribingwaystoreplacesexistterms)arelikelytohaveasubstantialpayoff. Inadditiontochangingwhatpeoplesay,thereissomebenefittoeducatingworkersaboutdifferencesinthewaysmenandwomenuselanguage.Boththepopularand scientificliteraturesdescribemalefemaledifferencesinlanguageuse,andsomeoftheseareparticularlyrelevanttotheworkplace.First,thereisconsiderable evidencethatmenandwomenusedifferentlanguagestylesinmixedgendergroups.Thereareanumberofspecificdifferences,butingeneral,malestendtobemore dominantandaggressiveinmixedgendergroups(e.g.,theyinterruptmoreandmakemoresuggestionsanddemands).Thesedifferencescanbeinterpretedas differencesinabilitytoleadorinterestinleadingothers,evenwhentherearenotruedifferencesonthesedimensions.Second,meninworksettingstend(contraryto thepopularstereotype)totalkmorethanwomen.Thiscanbemistakenformalefemaledifferencesinverbalfluencyor(aspreviouslynoted)inleadership. Languagedifferencesareanimportanttopicingenderorienteddiversitytraining.Thereisevidencethatbothmenandwomenmisinterpretcommunicationthatdoes notconformtotheirpreferredstyleoflanguage.AsTable13.1suggests,trainingismostlikelytosucceedifitbothalertsmenandwomentodifferencesinlanguage useandprovidesthemwithexposuretoandpracticeinusingspecificcommunicationskills(e.g.,listeningskills,orskillsininterpretingothers'communicationstyles). StressReduction Oneofthemostsignificantsourcesofstressforworkingwomenistheconflictbetweentheirworkandfamilyroles.Thisconflictissignificantlymoresevereif organizationalpoliciesandpracticesinterferewithnonworkroles.Forexample,Cox(1994)notedthatinsomeorganizations,longhoursarethenorm,extensivetravel isexpected,andmeetingsorcriticalactivitiesareoftenscheduledattheverybeginningortheveryendoftheday.Allofthesefeaturescanexaggerateexistingwork familyconflicts.Becausehomeandfamilyrolesarestillpredomi

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nantlytheresponsibilityofwomen,thestressofworkinginsuchanorganizationcanbeespeciallysevereforfemaleemployees. Onekeytobuildingagenderinclusiveorganizationistorecognizeandremoveunnecessarystressors,particularlythosethatdifferentiallyaffectmenandwomen. Someofthesechangesarerelativelyeasytoimplement(e.g.,don'tschedulemeetingsattimeswhenworkingmothersarelikelytohavepeakchildcareneedsreduce travelrequirementsandreplacetravelwithtelecommutingorvideoconferencing).Others(e.g.,onsitechildcare)mightbecostly,butthebenefitsofreducingwork familyconflicts,stress,andtimelostandincreasingproductivitycanfarexceedthecosts.Themostdifficultstressreductioninterventions,however,involvesubstantial changestotheclimateandcultureofworkorganizations.Aswenotesubsequently,workrelatedstressisoftentheresultofdifficultiesinestablishingandmaintaining prioritiesamongthevariousroleswecarryout.Someofthemostsuccessfulstressreductioninterventionsmaybethosethatencourageworkerstotakeamore balancedapproachtointegratingtheirworkandnonworkroles. ChangingtheClimateandCultureofOrganizations Americanorganizationstendtoexpectandrewardhighlevelsofdedicationandcommitment,longhours,andplacingthedemandsofworkaheadofthedemandsof nonworkresponsibilities.Thisissometimesreferredtoasa"highwork,lowfamily"orientation,thenotionbeingthatworkshouldbeatoppriorityinemployees'lives, whichinturnisbasedontheassumptionthatsomeoneotherthantheemployee(forallintentsandpurposes,hiswife)willtakecareofresponsibilitiesoutsideofthe worldofpaidwork.Toalargeextent,theclimateandcultureofmanyAmericanorganizations(particularlyinthemanagerialandprofessionalranks)reflectasetof beliefsabouttheimportanceofworkversusnonworkrolesthatisbothoutdatedandexclusionary.Thechangingdemographicsoftheworkforce,(e.g.,singleincome familieswithonespouseprovidingfulltimehomeandchildcarearenowararity)makeitincreasinglyunlikelythatallworkerscanorshouldfittheprofilethatmany organizationsstilldemand.Moreimportant,changingsocietalvaluesmakethissortoforganizationincreasinglyunattractivetobothmenandwomen. Theassumptionthatworkisatoppriorityisoneexampleofabroaderissue.Workorganizationshavebeenbuiltlargelyonamalemodel.Thatis,theattributesthat arevalued,theprioritiesthatareestablished,thestructuresthatareputinplace,andtheclimate,culture,anddominantlanguage,allreflecttheideas,assumptions,and biasesofthemenwhobuilttheseorganizations.MostU.S.organizationswerebuiltbyandformen(usuallyWhitemen),anditshouldcomeasnosurprisethatmenfit betterthanwomeninmanyinstances.Perhapsthebiggestchallengein

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buildingorganizationsthatfitwomenaswellasmenistoexaminecriticallythevaluesandassumptionsthatdefineworkandworkorganizations.Inthemonolithic organizationsthattypifiedthepostWorldWarIIboom,womenwereexpectedtoadapttotheorganization(iftheysoughtemploymentatall),andthechancesof successweretypicallysmallunlessindividualwomenchangedtofitthevalues,biases,andassumptionsoftheirmalecoworkers.Inbuildingpluralisticorganizations, men,women,andtheorganizationwillhavetoadapt,andthevaluesthatdefinedyesterday'sorganizationmaynotbethesameasthosethatdefinetomorrow's. Summary Diversityintheworkforcebringsbothopportunitiesandchallengesmanagingdiversityisatermusedtodescribepoliciesandactionsdesignedtomaximizethe benefitsandminimizethecostsofworkforcediversification.Programstomanagediversityoftencombineeffortstoincreasetherepresentationofwomenand membersofminoritygroupsatalllevelsintheorganizationwitheffortstochangethepolicies,structure,climate,andcultureoforganizationstobetterfitthecurrent workforce.Muchofthepublicdebateregardingdiversityhasfocusedonheadcounts,butthemostcriticalissuesinmanagingdiversityarenotmerelyhiringand promotingmembersofunderrepresentedgroupsbutratherchangingorganizationstogiveeveryindividualafairchancetocompeteandsucceed.Oneofmany diversityprogramsistomovetowardpluralisticorganizations,inwhichdiversityisbothrecognizedandvalued.Inthecontextofgenderdiversity,pluralismimpliesthat organizationswilltosomeextentchangetoadapttothechanginggendercompositionoftheworkforce.Ratherthanforcingwomentoadoptmalevalues,attitudes, norms,andbehaviors,pluralisticorganizationsadapttochangingworkforcedemographics. Thereisevidencethatprogramstoincreaseacceptanceofdiversitycanalsocontributetothebottomline,byenhancinganorganization'sabilitybothtoattractand retainadiverseworkforceandtorelatetoadiverseclientele.However,diversitycanbeasourceofconflict,andakeygoalofprogramsdesignedtoenhance diversityshouldbetoreduceandresolvetheseconflicts. Thestartingpointfordevelopinggenderinclusiveorganizationsistoincreasewomen'srepresentationatalllevelsandinallsectorsoftheorganization.However, integrationintotheinformalsocialnetworksoftheorganizationmightbejustasimportantasnumericalequality.Training,mentoring,andorganizationalchangeefforts mightallbeusedtoadvance

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thisgoal.Additionalwaystoenhancegenderinclusivenessincludeprogramstoreducestereotypes,acarefulexaminationofpoliciesandpracticesthatseemtohave differenteffectsformenandwomen(e.g.,policiesregardingworkplaceromance),changesinthewaywerefertomenandwomenintheworkplace,andprogramsto reducetheextrasourcesofstressencounteredbywomeninmanyworksettings.Themostimportantchangesmightbetotheclimateandculturesoforganizations.As notedinseveraloftheearlierchapters,workorganizationsareforthemostpartbuiltbyandformen,andtheygenerallyreflectmaleassumptions,values,normsand biases.Thebiggestchallengewillbetoreconstructorganizationstoreflectamorebalancedsetofviews. Glossary Acculturation:Extenttowhichculturaldifferencesareresolvedanddealtwithinanorganization. Informalintegration:Inclusionofwomenandmembersofminoritygroupsinsocialnetworksintheorganization. Managingdiversity:Takingplanned,proactivestepstoeasethetransitionfromarelativelyhomogeneousworkforcetoanincreasinglydiverseone. Mentors:Higherlevelorganizationalmemberwhoassiststhecareerdevelopmentofalowerlevelprotg. MonolithicOrganization:Organizationinwhichthevaluesandnormsofthedominantgroupareviewedassuperiortothoseofothergroups,andinwhichmembers areexpectedtoconformtoandidentifywiththosevaluesandnorms. Pluralisticorganization:Organizationinwhichdifferencesbetweenindividualsandgroupsareacknowledgedandaccepted,andinwhichthereisnoassumptionthat thereisonebestwayforall. Realisticconflicttheory:Theorysuggestingthatconflictoccursbecausepeopletrytomaximizetheirownoutcomesandtheoutcomesofpeoplesimilartothem underconditionswheretheinterestsofdifferentgroupsarenotcompatible. Socialidentitytheory:Theorythatindividualsseektobelongtogroupsthatdeveloporenhanceapositiveselfidentity. Structuralintegration:Representationofwomenandmembersofminoritygroupsatalllevelsofanorganization.

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