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Military Resistance 11I11

[Thanks to SSG N (ret’d) who sent this in. She writes:” We took an oath to uphold and defend. Come on home and fulfill that oath, please, we need your help.”]

Hell In Helmand:
“Afghan Forces Are In Trouble”
“A Growing Number Of Them Desert”
“It’s Difficult To Find Local People Who Are Against The Taliban”

“Afghan Soldiers Seldom Leave The Installation, And Mostly Refuse To Conduct Missions — Too Dangerous, They Say”
September 11, 2013 By AZAM AHMED, The New York Times Company [Excerpts] SANGIN, Afghanistan — Some days, the Afghan soldiers worry that the mud walls around their headquarters in this embattled district are barely enough to keep the Taliban out. Perhaps more problematic is that the crumbling facade appears to be keeping the soldiers in. Nolay Base takes direct fire almost every day from the Taliban. With more forces lost here than almost any other district in the country, the Afghan soldiers seldom leave the installation, and mostly refuse to conduct missions — too dangerous, they say. And when soldiers head out to go on brief home leaves, a growing number of them desert rather than return, their commanders say. “It’s difficult to find local people who are against the Taliban,” said the executive officer of the brigade here, Col. Abdulhai Neshat. “This place is like a prison.” In this corner of Helmand Province, widely agreed to be the most critical running battle in the country today, Afghan forces are in trouble. Since launching their major offensive in late May, the Taliban have easily weathered the halfhearted attempts by the Afghans to reclaim Sangin, despite aid from international forces. In the past week alone, the Taliban have cleared out several villages, displacing up to 1,000 people and overrunning several security checkpoints, locals and Afghan officials say. U.S. commanders are quietly growing alarmed, concerned that if the situation gets worse they may have to intervene for the second time this summer in an area officially turned over to Afghan security control. Since the war’s beginning, the district, in the heart of Afghanistan’s poppy-growing country, has been home to the fiercest fighting in the country. British and American forces struggled here for years, taking heavy casualties to create even just a modest security bubble to free the district center from insurgent pressure.

Those gains have started to evaporate under the Afghans this year, as casualties mount and as a reluctance to confront the Taliban allows the insurgents to broaden their territory. About 120 soldiers and police officers have been killed this summer, with more than double that number wounded, according to the district governor and others. Among the ranks of soldiers, attrition hovers near 50 percent, counting deaths, debilitating injuries and soldiers who never return from leave, according to the executive officer of the main unit in northern Helmand Province, the Second Brigade of the 215th Afghan Army Corps. American commanders complain that their counterparts in Sangin have developed an “addiction to bases” — building new fortified posts instead of leaving the ones they have to attack the insurgents. Even then, they are losing ground. Afghan forces have dismantled many security checkpoints they felt they could not defend, and at least six have been captured and held by the Taliban since May. In the past week, more have been taken down, and at least four new posts have been overrun, local officials say. Desperate to regain momentum, the Afghan Army has been chewing through senior officers here. The commander of the Second Brigade has been fired, as has the battalion commander in Sangin. Casualties have taken a toll on the leadership, too: last month, the Taliban killed the district intelligence chief. “Right now, Sangin is like an open space for the Taliban,” said the Sangin district governor, Habibullah Shamlanai. “Anyone can enter, and anyone can leave.” Sangin became the focal point of the fighting season in late May, when the Taliban kicked off their biggest assault of the year. Massing around 600 fighters in a 36-hour blitz, the insurgents attacked about 20 Afghan patrol bases in a strategic area of the district that borders the river. The Afghans were overrun in some locations, while other outposts were abandoned when the local police staffing them ran out of ammunition. An initial attempt to reclaim the lost ground in the aftermath of the embarrassing assault was somewhat successful, but several bases still remain in Taliban hands. In July, the Afghans mounted a major counteroffensive, drawing in an entire battalion from the Third Brigade of the 215th Army Corps in Marja and bringing both British soldiers and American Marines onto the battlefield to assist. But after a strong start, participants say, the Afghans refused to continue.

Losses mounted, momentum dissipated, and the mission was left less than half complete, leaving the green zone, a lush strip of foliage that hugs the waters of the Sangin River, largely in the control of the Taliban.

“Insurgents Had Laid An Improvised Explosive Device On The Driveway Of The Brigade Headquarters, In Plain Sight Of The Guard Towers”
In August, after the end of Ramadan, the Afghan commanders were nervous, expecting another major Taliban assault. To safeguard some of the more remote bases, the brigade sergeant major, Zabiullah Syeddi, assembled a quick reaction force to move farther into the hostile green zone. As his men prepared to leave Nolay Base, taking up positions beside a row of idling Humvees and tow trucks, a large explosion suddenly shook the ground. Several soldiers ran to see whether they were under attack. Sergeant Major Syeddi, a veteran soldier, swung the door of his Humvee open to investigate. When he returned, he ran his hand over his face and shrugged. The insurgents, he said, had laid an improvised explosive device on the driveway of the brigade headquarters, in plain sight of the guard towers. At 2 a.m. that night, the sergeant major began making a series of scheduled check-in calls to three neighboring base commanders. Two responded immediately — all clear. But there was no answer at the third, the Mahmud Agha outpost, several hundred yards away. His voice grew more desperate with each call, until finally he disappeared out of sight. He reappeared a few minutes later, walking slowly. “They were sleeping,” he said. The next morning, on the way home, the convoy drove through the Sangin bazaar, the largest in Northern Helmand. Fabrics, food and electronics lined the shelves of dozens of storefronts as merchants and shoppers stood along the bustling road. A line of soldiers was on a rare foot patrol in the bazaar, bunched together, guns slung loosely over their shoulders. Near a central roundabout, the convoy stopped to allow reporters from The New York Times to speak with a handful of residents, who offered bleak assessments. “I just stay in the shop and don’t go outside,” said one merchant, Hayatullah, standing at the edge of his electronics store. “This is my job, how can I leave?” A crowd gathered, describing the district as a land divided — the center, which was somewhat secure, and everywhere else, a wasteland.

“There is fighting every day — every day, bullets are flying,” said Hayatullah, 20, who like many Afghans goes by a single name. Eager to leave, the soldiers returned to their vehicles. They roared past the foot patrol as they pulled out of the market. Suddenly a loud explosion ripped through the air, sending up a cloud of smoke and dust near the road. A rocket-propelled grenade aimed at the convoy had missed. The turret gunners aimed their weapons in the direction of the boom while the drivers sped off. Seconds later, the real ambush began — against the patrol left behind at the bazaar. A 10-minute firefight raged in the heart of the market district, claiming at least two soldiers, one shot through the eye. The Taliban, for all anyone knew, suffered zero casualties. The soldiers visiting the wounded in the brigade hospital, a clean facility manned by a single medic, offered words of comfort to their comrades. But a sense of fatalism had already gripped the base. Still, Colonel Neshat seemed temporarily jolted from the complacence that has plagued his men. He swore to search and clear the area where the ambush was staged. “We have to, we have to,” he said, shaking his head in disbelief. “If we don’t find them my plan is to put a good post in place to disrupt them.”



“The Taliban Are Growing More Aggressive”

“Afghan Forces Have Been Losing Well Over 100 Men A Week To Insurgent Attacks, With Close To 300 Injured”
“Casualty Levels ‘Approach Rates That We Took In Vietnam’”
This summer, while roadside bombs continued to kill a large number of Afghan army troops, the Taliban have been bolder about engaging in open battle, sometimes involving hundreds of militants. Now, coalition officials said, about half of the Afghan forces’ casualties are inflicted by direct fire in gunfights with insurgents. September 20, 2013 By NATHAN HODGE in Gardez, Afghanistan, and MARGHERITA STANCATI in Kandahar, Wall Street Journal [Excerpts] Afghan troops are in the midst of their deadliest fighting season since the war here began 12 years ago. The Taliban are growing more aggressive. The Afghan forces—including the army, national police and village self-defense police— have been losing well over 100 men a week to insurgent attacks, with close to 300 injured, through much of the summer, according to numbers provided by coalition officials. To put it in perspective: The Afghan forces’ death toll is as much as three times the combined coalition and Afghan fatalities in 2010 and 2011, when the U.S. took its heaviest casualties in the war. U.S. Army Lt. Gen. Mark Milley, the commander of the International Security Assistance Force Joint Command, said Afghan casualty levels “approach rates that we took in Vietnam.” Kabul no longer releases total Afghan casualty statistics in order, officials say, to safeguard morale. But Afghan officials said casualty levels for the police and army have climbed since last year, making 2013 the bloodiest for Afghan forces since the U.S.-led coalition arrived in 2001. Afghan President Hamid Karzai addressed the level of bloodshed in public comments on Tuesday. “I read the daily security reports each afternoon that say four or five civilians,

around 14 or 15 Afghan security forces and more than 35 or 45 Taliban have been killed,” he said. “All are sad and all of them are Afghans.” Added Mr. Karzai: “How long does this situation have to go on?” The Afghan army, for instance, is losing 34.8% of its manpower a year as soldiers desert, are killed in battle, and are discharged because of injury or released because they completed their service, according to figures provided to The Wall Street Journal by the U.S.-led coalition. Coalition officials said the Afghans have been recruiting enough soldiers and police to make up for the high level of attrition. But for reasons beyond troop numbers, the trends may be unsustainable. “In the general attrition rates, you are losing skilled fighters,” said Anthony Cordesman of the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington. In the past, insurgents largely shied away from large-scale battles and inflicted the most casualties with roadside bombs. This summer, while roadside bombs continued to kill a large number of Afghan army troops, the Taliban have been bolder about engaging in open battle, sometimes involving hundreds of militants. Now, coalition officials said, about half of the Afghan forces’ casualties are inflicted by direct fire in gunfights with insurgents. While Afghan soldiers have been coming under increasing attack, it is the Afghan police and village self-defense units, manning checkpoints, that have been taking the brunt of such direct fire, said U.S. Marine Corps Maj. Gen. Joseph Osterman, the head of operations for the coalition’s joint command. “The enemy basically sneaks up to a point where they can take some initial shots, cause some initial casualties,” he said. Pvt. Wahidullah, a 23-year-old Afghan soldier who, like Pvt. Abedeen, goes by one name, was the survivor of a Taliban-initiated attack in late August. “I was just sitting in a Ford Ranger with my leg hanging over the tailgate,” when gunfire ripped through his convoy in eastern Ghazni province. A bullet shattered the soldier’s foot. His comrades acted swiftly, driving him to a battalion aid station. One soldier was killed and three injured in the ambush. “Patients arrive late, they lose a lot of blood, they have a hemorrhagic shock and die,” said Gen. Syed Azimi, who heads the Kandahar Regional Military Hospital, the main Afghan military hospital in the south. Treatment also poses a challenge.

While Gen. Azimi’s hospital is touted as the best Afghan medical facility in the country’s south, it has no CT scan, no neurology surgeon and no eye doctor for some of the more catastrophic injuries caused by blasts and bullets. The hospital often relies on the International Committee for the Red Cross to help treat amputees—with traumatic amputation one of the most common injuries of the war. Struggles extend to follow-up care as well. Afghan Army Capt. Hamidullah was caught in an ambush in Helmand province in early August. He was picked up within 10 minutes by a coalition chopper and taken to a coalition-run hospital in Kandahar. But he lost an eye and suffered a head injury—and he is now on his own. At home in eastern Nangarhar province weeks after the injury, he said he’s had to borrow money from cousins and relatives to pay for follow-up treatment in India. “Life is precious, and I have to get treatment wherever I can,” he said. The Afghan state has limited means to care for injured veterans—and to look after those who didn’t survive. The government sends home the bodies of fallen troops to secure areas, but families living in Taliban-held territory must retrieve their dead with private cars or taxis, sometimes across the country and at considerable expense. The U.S. and its allies have been training the Afghan army for years, and have begun to deliver some equipment—with more promised—to help the Afghan army defend themselves. Yet the augmented efforts by Afghans have yet to even solve the problem of roadside bombs, which have plagued the coalition since the start of the war. Maj. Hamidullah, a military doctor who heads the trauma ward at Paktia regional military hospital in eastern Afghanistan, said the number of roadside bomb and blast victims was 50% higher than last year.

20 Afghan Police Dead In Taliban Ambush:
Report Had Claimed ‘Peace’ Had Been Restored In The Area
September 19, 2013 By RFE/RL’s Radio Free Afghanistan

AIZABAD, Afghanistan -- Taliban fighters have ambushed a police convoy in Afghanistan’s northern Badakhshan Province, killing 20 officers and wounding 12 others. The Taliban claimed to have killed 25 government soldiers and captured 12 others, including an officer. Afghan media reports this week said an operation was under way in Badakhshan Province to clear Taliban militants and their “multinational terrorist associates” from Wardoj. That report claimed the operation was nearly completed and that “peace” had been restored in the area. 16 September 2013 IHS Jane’s Terrorism Watch Report 15 security personnel were wounded in a vehicle-borne improvised explosive device (SVBIED) attack by Taliban militants in Saroza district in Afghanistan’s Paktika province on 13 September, Khaama Press and Pajhwok reported. The Taliban claimed responsibility for the attack.

Taliban Kill Provincial Afghan Election Chief:
“Kunduz, Which Borders Tajikistan, Is In The More Peaceful North Of Afghanistan”
September 18, 2013 AFP Kunduz, Afghanistan: Taliban assassins riding motorbikes killed a senior election official in northern Afghanistan on Wednesday, raising fears the presidential vote due in April will trigger a surge in violence. Amanullah Aman, the head of the Independent Election Commission (IEC) in Kunduz province, was killed by two gunmen outside his home in Kunduz city as he left for work. He was the first election official to be killed since candidate nominations opened on Monday. “Aman was shot dead in the morning in front of his house as he was leaving for his office,” Kunduz provincial spokesman Enayatullah Khaliq said.

“Two men on motorcycles opened fire on his car and severely wounded him, he later died in the hospital.” Deputy police chief Ebadullah Talwar said that Aman was killed after going grocery shopping and was not accompanied by any bodyguards. Talwar added that five arrests had already been made, but gave no further details. The Taliban, who often target government officials, released a brief statement on their website claiming responsibility for the attack. Last month Taliban leader Mullah Omar called the election a “waste of time”, but has so far stopped short of threatening an increase in attacks targeting preparations for the vote on April 5. “We’ll boycott elections in April. We did not say we’ll attack it, but the commanders on the ground will,” one member of the Taliban, which dismiss Karzai as a US puppet, he said recently. Kunduz, which borders Tajikistan, is in the more peaceful north of Afghanistan, but it is still a hotbed of Islamist insurgent activity. The province is also a major route for drug trafficking and has a volatile mix of rival ethnic groups and armed militia.

Former Afghan Senator Defects To Taliban “Along With A Number Of His Supporters”
Sep 19 By Ghanizada, Khaama Press According to reports, a former Afghan senator has joined Taliban group in northern Sare-Pul province of Afghanistan and has announced his support to Taliban group. Qazi Abdulhai reportedly joined Taliban group along with a number of his supporters. He was also a former commander of Afghan local police (ALP) forces in Kohistanat area. Taliban group following a statement confirmed that senator Qazi Abdulhai had recently joined Taliban group along with his supporters. An interview of the former senator was also published by Taliban group in it’s website, which confirms his defection to Taliban group. The interview is mainly focused on motives behind Qazi Abdulhai’s defect to Taliban group and the current situation in northern Sar-e-Pul province of Afghanistan.

Local government officials confirmed that the former senator was in contact with the Taliban group, however, they said that they are unaware if Qazi Abdulhai had joined Taliban group. The officials further added that Qazi Abdulhai also visited the Taliban council in Quetta city.


An Army carry team moves a transfer case containing the remains of Sgt. Stefan M. Smith July 25 at Dover Air Force Base, Del.. Smith was killed when his unit was attacked with an improvised explosive device in Afghanistan. Steve Ruark / AP

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“At a time like this, scorching irony, not convincing argument, is needed. Oh had I the ability, and could reach the nation’s ear, I would, pour out a fiery stream of biting ridicule, blasting reproach, withering sarcasm, and stern rebuke. “For it is not light that is needed, but fire; it is not the gentle shower, but thunder. “We need the storm, the whirlwind, and the earthquake.” “The limits of tyrants are prescribed by the endurance of those whom they oppose.” Frederick Douglass, 1852

The past year – every single day of it – has had its consequences. In the obscure depths of society, an imperceptible molecular process has been occurring irreversibly, like the flow of time, a process of accumulating discontent, bitterness, and revolutionary energy. -- Leon Trotsky, “Up To The Ninth Of January”

Tomahawk Missile Warriors

Vietnam Veterans Memorial Washington, D.C. Sept. 1986. Photograph by Mike Hastie From: Mike Hastie To: Military Resistance Newsletter Sent: September 18, 2013 Subject: Tomahawk Missile Warriors Tomahawk Missile Warriors Washington, D.C. (the place where I was born in 1945), has become a parasitic, malignant disease of nationalism. It’s logo should be the Tomahawk Missile, which is such a disgrace to American Indians. Just like the name Washington Redskins. Or, a high school in Richland, Washington, where Hanford was responsible for the development of the Atomic Bomb. They aren’t called the Richland Bobcats, they are called the Richland Bombers. I’m sure the high schools in Hiroshima or Nagasaki don’t have a student exchange program with the Richland Bombers.

Everyday, the rhetoric coming out of our government in Washington, D.C. is filled with the possibility of yet another war with a country that has been deemed an enemy of the civilized world. America is the cop of the world, protecting the salvation of the innocent against the barbarity of a rouge state. That has become the lie that is on thin ice around the world. America has run its course of deception. The U.S. Empire playbook has run every play so many times, that the world’s moral defense knows it by heart. It’s over America, the emperor has finally been caught molesting little countries. Your own troops are now figuring out the betrayal. And, as Malcolm X once wrote: “The only thing worse than death is betrayal.” I am often reminded of the profound statement that Dalton Trumbo wrote in his classic World War I novel, Johnny Got His Gun: “If the thing they were fighting for was important enough to die for then it was also important enough for them to be thinking about it in the last minutes of their lives. That stood to reason. Life is awfully important so if you’ve given it away you’d ought to think with all your mind in the last moments of your life about the thing you traded it for. So, did all those kids die thinking of democracy and freedom and liberty and honor and the safety of the home and the stars and stripes forever? Your goddamn right they didn’t.” 58,000 American soldiers died in Vietnam for an Apocalyptic Lie, just like the Richland High School cheerleaders are yelling: “ Go...Fight...Win...Bombers!!” Mike Hastie Army Medic Vietnam September 17, 2013 Everyone should know one simple statistic: The Washington, D.C. memorial to the American war dead is 150 yards long. If a memorial was built with the same density of names of the Vietnamese who died, it would be nine miles long. Philip Jones Griffiths Combat Photographer Vietnam War

Photo and caption from the portfolio of Mike Hastie, US Army Medic, Vietnam 1970-71. (For more of his outstanding work, contact at: ( T) One day while I was in a bunker in Vietnam, a sniper round went over my head. The person who fired that weapon was not a terrorist, a rebel, an extremist, or a so-called insurgent. The Vietnamese individual who tried to kill me was a citizen of Vietnam, who did not want me in his country. This truth escapes millions. Mike Hastie U.S. Army Medic Vietnam 1970-71 December 13, 2004


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“Support For Intervention In Syria Proved Lower Than Supporters In Either Party Expected”
“Support For Intervention Abroad Has Declined Across The Board”
“A Record Low 49% Of Americans Say They Trust The Government To Handle International Problems”
“The Bigger Gap May Be Between Elites In Both Parties, Who Tend To Favor An Assertive American Role Abroad, And Average Americans”

A new Reason-Rupe survey asked Americans whether they thought Mr. Obama’s handling of foreign policy was better, worse or about the same as President George W. Bush’s. The results: 32% said better, 32% worse, 32% about the same. September 16, 2013 By GERALD F. SEIB, Wall Street Journal [Excerpts] Regardless of how it might change the Middle East, the crisis over Syria’s chemical weapons already has revealed something profound about the U.S.: It has shown just how deeply American attitudes toward foreign engagements have changed. Support for intervention abroad has declined across the board, and differences between the two parties toward both the narrow question of striking Syria and broader efforts to engage overseas are shrinking. Americans who were most likely to support a muscular stance abroad in the past— Republicans, conservatives and older men—have grown noticeably less enthusiastic; their attitudes now aren’t much different from the rest of the population. Moreover, the oft-repeated analysis of recent days that liberal Democrats and libertarian Republicans have come together to form an odd-bedfellows coalition opposed to action in Syria is correct, but incomplete. Even among independents in the political middle, the appetite for international involvement has fallen noticeably. Those attitudes emerge from public polling in recent days, particularly a Wall Street Journal/NBC News poll completed last week. They are accurately reflected in Congress, where support for intervention in Syria proved lower than supporters in either party expected. What’s striking about this new reality is that it isn’t fundamentally partisan in nature. A new Reason-Rupe survey asked Americans whether they thought Mr. Obama’s handling of foreign policy was better, worse or about the same as President George W. Bush’s. The results: 32% said better, 32% worse, 32% about the same. The bigger gap may be between elites in both parties, who tend to favor an assertive American role abroad, and average Americans, who aren’t as convinced. A new Gallup survey finds a record low 49% of Americans say they trust the government to handle international problems. But the best reading of current feelings and how they have changed may come in a question from the new Journal/NBC News poll on the choice between engagement abroad and engagement at home. Those surveyed were asked whether they thought America should continue to push to promote democracy and freedom abroad because that would make the U.S. more secure, or whether America is doing too much abroad and should focus more on problems at home.

Eight years ago, in response to that question, 54% said the U.S. should be focused more on problems at home. This month, agreement with that idea soared 20 percentage points, to 74%. The biggest shift over the past eight years has come among Republicans and conservatives. In 2005, 32% of Republicans said the country’s emphasis should be on the home front. Now, 77% want the emphasis at home, and just 19% want to focus on promoting democracy and freedom abroad. The shift toward focusing on the home front was similarly large among self-identified conservatives and independents, and also significant among upper-income Americans and older men. Overall, Democrats wanted to focus at home five years ago, and still do today, even as their own president has argued for Syria’s importance to U.S. national security. And on the question of a strike on Syria specifically, majorities of Republicans, independents and men all say military action isn’t in the national interest.

Sergeant On C-17 To Afghanistan Puking Like He’s About To Storm Normandy Or Some Shit

September 17, 2013 by Paul, The Duffel Blog KABUL — A platoon sergeant on his first deployment to a combat zone is sitting in his seat on a C-17 aircraft puking and praying to God like he’s about to storm the goddamn beaches of Normandy or some shit, sources confirmed today.

“I looked over and saw him kiss the cross around his neck and start praying,” said Lance Corporal Michael Nellis. “Then I was like, shit. We haven’t gotten any ammo yet. I don’t want to die.” Sgt. John Vagitis, 29, has been seen exhibiting nervous behavior throughout the short flight from Manas air base in Kyrgyzstan to Bagram Air Field. Sources confirmed that Vagitis was seen looking at photos of his wife and kids, as if he was about to run a full frontal assault up Hamburger Hill in Vietnam, never to see them again. Later in the flight, he was also seen puking into a bag, mumbling something about “Johnny Taliban being everywhere.” “I’m not exactly sure what his problem is,” said Private First Class Evan Rodriguez. “Going to Bagram is better than our shitty barracks in Hawaii.” Moments after Rodriguez’s comments, Vagitis was seen rubbing an already faded picture of his wife, taken from a small locket he keeps in his shoe, like he’s not going to see her on Skype every night of the fucking week. “What was that?! What the fuck was that noise?,” asked Vagitis, after a bump was heard — likely from turbulence —and not in any way close to the sound of a Talibanfired DShK machine gun. “Are we under attack?” At press time, the C-17 had landed safely at the massive air base and Vagitis was later seen at Green Bean cursing after spilling coffee all over the Bronze Star citation he was writing for himself.

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September 20, 1830: Honorable Anniversary:
“A Group Of 38 Free Black Americans From Eight States, Met In Philadelphia,

Pennsylvania, With The Express Purpose Of Abolishing Slavery”

Richard Allen Carl Bunin Peace History September 17-23 The National Negro Convention, a group of 38 free black Americans from eight states, met in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, with the express purpose of abolishing slavery and improving the social status of African Americans. They elected Richard Allen president and agreed to boycott slave-produced goods and encourage free-produce organizations. The most active would be the Colored Female Free Produce Society, which urged the boycott of all slave-produced goods. *************************************** The Encyclopedia of African-American Heritage, by Susan Altman, Copyright 1997, Facts on File, Inc. New York [Excerpt] September 20, 1830 On this date in 1830, the National Negro Convention met in Philadelphia, PA. This group gathered for the express purpose of abolishing slavery and improving the status of African Americans. This first meeting of the National Negro Convention would initiate a trend that would continue for the next three decades. The formation of another organization had been recommended one which would be called the “American Society of Free Persons of Labor.” This group would branch out to several states and hold their own conventions.

These, in turn, would lead to the formation of other organizations. The number of conventions, held at local, state, and national levels, blossomed to such a level that, in 1859, one paper would report that “colored conventions are almost as frequent as church meetings.”

September 23, 1939:
Disgusting Imperial Anniversary; Hitler Sells Lithuania, Stalin Buys

Carl Bunin Peace News 9.23 – 9.30 Nazi-led Germany [capitalists pretending to be “National Socialists”] and the Communist Soviet Union [capitalists pretending to be Communists] considered enemies at the time, negotiated an addendum to the Hitler-Stalin Pact ceding Lithuania, the small independent country on the Baltic Sea, to the Soviets’ sphere of influence [translation: to the Russian Empire] in exchange for 7.5 million gold dollars. Josef Stalin, the Georgian who was General Secretary of the Soviet Communist Party, and Adolf Hitler, Chancellor of Germany, had agreed the previous month to allow Germany free reign [translation: to expand the German Empire] in eastern Europe, leading to Germany’s invasion of Poland.


Zionist Occupiers Destroy Palestinian Olive Trees, As Usual

Several of the olive trees damaged early Sunday morning in the South Hebron Hills/Photo: Operation Dove

More damaged olive trees/Photo: Operation Dove

The damaged olive trees belong to Ibrahim Rabai/Photo: Operation Dove 09 September 2013 Written by Operation Dove, AIC Ten olive trees were seriously damaged early Sunday morning by Israeli settlers in the South Hebron Hills. The olive trees, located in the Humra valley located adjacent to the Israeli outpost of Havat Ma’on (Hill 833), belong to Ibrahim Rabai from the nearby village of At-Tuwani. Israeli police visited the area Sunday afternoon to document the incident, and this morning Rabai will officially file a complaint with the police. In the last 30 days a total of 18 olive trees have been seriously damaged in the Humra valley. [To check out what life is like under a murderous military occupation commanded by foreign terrorists, go to: The occupied nation is Palestine. The foreign terrorists call themselves “Israeli.”]


“Militants Have Increased Attacks Since Morsi’s Downfall, Targeting Security Forces”
Insurgents Attack In The Sinai On An Almost Daily Basis And Are “Carrying Out Operations Elsewhere”
“Clashes Were Also Reported In Bahaira In Northern Egypt”
“Police General Shot Dead”

Security forces stand guard during clashes with insurgents in Kerdasa, September 19, 2013. Photo: Reuters 09/20/2013 By REUTERS & by Naharnet Newsdesk State television and newspapers said government forces had taken control of the town of Kerdasa but security sources said the area had not yet been stabilized. On Thursday, army and police forces stormed Kerdasa where Islamist sympathies run deep and hostility to the authorities has grown since the army overthrew and imprisoned President Morsi on July 3. So far 85 people have been arrested and security forces are scanning the area. State television said dozens of weapons including rocket-propelled grenades were seized in the operation. Islamist militants have increased attacks since Morsi’s downfall, targeting security forces in the Sinai near Israel on an almost daily basis and carrying out operations elsewhere, A police general was shot dead during the Kerdasa operation and at least nine policemen and soldiers were wounded by a hand grenade in clashes with militants on Thursday. Security forces had been absent from the area since August 14 when an attack on its main police station left 11 police officers killed. A police officer at the scene said they have around 150 arrest warrants for people suspected of involvement in attacks on the police station and a church in Kerdasa. The Kerdasa police station was set on fire after it was hit with rocket-propelled grenades on August 14, the day that police stormed pro-Morsi protest camps in Cairo, killing hundreds of his supporters. An explosive device targeting three buses carrying soldiers, was detonated on a road to Rafah, near the border with Gaza, said security officials. There were no injuries, army sources said.

Sporadic clashes erupted after Friday prayers as supporters of Egypt’s ousted Islamist president Mohammed Morsi demonstrated in several cities, leaving some people wounded, state media and a witness said. State news agency MENA reported that six people were also wounded in the city of Suez, while 30 people were arrested in Alexandria. Clashes were also reported in Bahaira in northern Egypt.


A Vietnam Veteran Describes The Strategy And Tactics Used By Troops To Stop An Imperial War


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