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LA !V!V Y B E L L , I ' n i \ ~ ~ r . \ of i r C'liic,crgo ~~
Drtlicwrrtl ro /he ka
of Lahih Hahachi
BEc.AtlsE of its unique subject matter. Luxor Temple (fig. la-b) is perhaps the least known major monument in the Theban area. Excavations begun there in 1885 were carried out sporadically until 1960. when the north face of the Pylon. the northeast corner of the Court of Ramesses 11, and the south end of the Avenue of Sphinxes were revealed in their present state. In 1966, Eberhard Otto wrote:
The original cult of the [temple] is u n k n o w n . . . [and] little is known about the special cult form [of the Amon] of this temple or even about the meaning of the I.uxor festival itself. . . . The high point of the religious life of Thebes was the Luxor [Opet] festival. . . [where] the connection between king and god experienced a n impressive demonstration. Very often the king himself took part in the procession, and several kings were elected [by the god Amon-Re] during this occasion: among others Hatshepsut and Horemheb. . . . [The] representation[s] of the festival procession . . . give a general idea of the festival's progress, [but] they reveal very little about its meaning. . . . [Wlhat exactly took place in the temple of Luxor'? The Egyptians remain silent. The attempted explanations of modern scholars may all be right in parts. It remains doubtful, however, whether any one of them has got to the bottom of the matter.'
O t t o concludes in desperation that ". . . we must consider the possibility that the Egyptians themselves lost the true understanding of the festival in the course of time," and this is where the situation has remained down to the present day. Progress in understanding the full significance of this temple has been seriously hampered by the general lack of reliably published documentation on most of its reliefs and inscriptions. U p to now, knowledge of Luxor Temple a t first hand has been necessary to gain any appreciable insight into its inner workings. It is only after the nine years that the Epigraphic Survey team has been working in Luxor Temple that we are finally in a position t o be able t o present a completely new interpretation of Luxor and its great annual festival, the Feast of Opet. We can now describe Luxor as the temple dedicated t o the divine Egyptian ruler o r , more precisely, t o the cult of the
* Wherever possible I have uaed the standard abbreviations found in Wolfgang Helck. Eberhard Otto. a n d Wolfhart Westendorf, eds.. Lr.uiXo17 der. k ' , q ~ ~ ~ ) r o l o ,(1.A') ~ i t , (Wiesbaden. 1975- ). vol. 4 . pp. ix-xxx. Initial citations ofjournal articles include
[ J I t T 4 4 n o 4(1985)] 1985 The U n ~ \ e r s ~ of t>Ch~cago All r ~ g h t \r e a e r ~ e d 0022-2968 85 4404-0001$1 00
article titles; thereafter articles are cited by journal. volume. and year only. I would like t o express my sincere appreciation here for the tireless efforts of Martha R. Bell and Katherine Roaich in the preparation of the typescript of this article on the IBM 308 1 D mainframe at the University of Chicago Computing Center using T R E A T I S E S C R I P T text formatter. 1 Otto. O.\iri\ L I H ,4 ~ I I I L I I ~KLIII : LIII~ /71,;Ii,yo .T1urror7 (Munich. 1966). trans. Kate Boase-Ciriffiths. Eq111riur7 A r r ur7(/ r l ~ e('LI/I\ of O.\iri.\ ur7(/ i111io17 (hereafter O\iri.\ ur7tl A17ion) (London. 1968). pp. 97-98. 100.
FIG. I .---a) Sketch-plan of Luxor Temple, drawn by W . Raymond .lohnaon: the temple precinct. after Porter and Moas. Topoyraphic,al Bihliogrophj..
royal ka. Although much work remains t o be done in refining this statement, I believe that it represents a major breakthrough in our understanding of the cult of the divine king, even the very nature of kingship in the New Kingdom.
LLJXOR TEMPLE AND
FIG. I.-b) Sketch-plan of L.uxor Temple. drawn by W . Raymond Johnson: detail of rooms south of the Eighteenth-l)ynasty Portico, after Nelson, K ~ J IPkr17\ . Sllowin,g Loc,urior7r of Tllrho17 G n > , ~ k
In a n attempt to better understand the details of the reliefs which the Epigraphic Survey had recorded in the Tutankhamun Colonnade, and t o put them into their proper perspective, we began t o examine the possible meaning of the Opet Festival in the context of Luxor Temple as a whole. In 1980-81 we were contacted by Wolfgang Helck, who invited us to contribute to the Lexikon c/er ~ ~ l p r o l o on ~ i the e subject of the "Opetfest," the "Luxor" entry already having been written by Paul 8arguet.* William Murnane, who had been with the Luxor project from the beginning, and who was also preparing his Perigrrin Glricie t o Aric,ier~t Egj3,t)r a t the time. agreed to undertake this task. The result was encouraging and provided the first real focus for our researches.' Murnane then turned his attention t o the reliefs of the Birth Room a t the south of the temple. H e has now made hand-copies of the inscriptions in the Birth Suite. Barque Vestibule. and Barque Sanctuary ( R o o m s XIII: XIV, V111. and XI; XII), and has described their decoration in considerable detail.
During one of the many journeys which 1 made through the temple later that same season, my eye was attracted to a n inscription on a n architrave in the Court of Amenhotep I l l just to the south of the Colonnade. Its text had long been published, but no great significance had ever been attached to it.4 Here Amenhotep 111 states that he was "one who made monuments in Luxor ( ' l p t ) for the one who bore him," describing Luxor Temple as
his' place of justification (11,- r).' in which he becomes young again ((111,11./').the palace ( I,) from which he goes forth in joy a t the ( p r o p e r ) time of his appearance ( a s king) (!I . f ' ) , his r ~being in every face (i.e.. Lisible to e ~ e r y o n e ) , the Lord of the T w o t r a n s f o r m a t ~ o n s( ! i / ~ f') Lands Nebmaatre (i.e.. Amenhotep 111).
By the end of the Epigraphic Survey's 1981-82 season. 1 had begun trying to associate several distinctive features of the decoration of Luxor Temple. These include the location in the First Court of named colossi of the deified Ramesses 11' (otherwise known for this ruler in the Luxor area only at his mortuary temple): the fact that Alexander the Great, who was considered a son of ~ e u s - ~ m m o n , \ e b u i l tthe barque
King Haremhab." J E A 39 (1953): 23; Donald B. 4 C.'r!i. 1V. 1683 1-4. For the economy of writing &.ti.. pp. 3-27. Redford. Ei,ql~r(~(~rirli e ~ i d e n tin the spelling tits(/ \ \ I . ) . and in !ir ( t i h ) nh r ~ t . 1 ,s . ee Gardiner. EG. p. 52 (62): M . h ll. 138.18. X Labib Habachi. 'eurure.\ of /lie D r i f i ~ ~ u ~ iof oti 5 I take this suffix t o refer throughout t o the king. A ID ) .A l K 5 (GliickRNIIIP\\~ I1 \ (hereafter F ~ N I L I ~ P although b'illiam Murnane is equally convinced that stadt. 1969). pp. 24-25. it pertains t o Arnun. A n inscription of Seti I o n a n Fran~ois Daurnas. L A 11. 474; Helck. 1.A 1. 132. architrave of the Luxor Colonnade which calls F o r differing Liews o n this question in Hellenistic 1.uxor Temple Arnun's "august chapel of justificah~storys . ee D. G . Hogarth. "Alexander in Egypt and <I> (cf. Wh. tion." 17itt.f i l ) \ ( i , r ) n ( 1 . 1 ) it.17-1?1' S o m e Consequences." J E A 2 (1915): 57-59 (this Rrle,y\r. 1. 310.9). would seem t o support his vlew. reference kindly called t o my attention by Martha R. H o w e ~ e r . the justification involved is surely the Bell): Edwyn Bevan. Tlir Ho~r\ca of Ptole1,71.: .4 king's as much as the god's. For Amenhotep Ill H i t r o r l . of & I . / I / urit/rr r/ir P / o l e t ? i u i ~D ~~ , t i u \ r ~ , described a t I.uxor Temple as !ipr t,~riic,ic r \c,11-ti?5'. (reprint ed.. Chicago. 1968). pp. 12-14 (this refersee 1't.X. IV. 1700.3: cf. 1698.17. Gi\en the close ence kindly called t o my attention by Richard association of king and god a t I.uxor. a clear Jasnow); Robin I.ane Fox. Aleruntlei. tllr' G r ~ u r distinction between them may not be possible. the (London. 1973). pp. 200-18; A . B. Bosworth in god's renewal being a c h i e ~ e dthrough the rebirth of K. H. Kinrl. ed.. Grrrc.c, uticl /lie Eutrerti .\4et/i the kingship d u r ~ n g the coronation. jubilee. and Opet rrrrurieon iri Anc.irti/ H i . \ r o r ~ . ~ n Ptr/r l i i \ / o r ~S : t~rt/ir\ festivals: cf, below. n. 154. F o r the merging of king Prr\erirrt/ ro Fririr: . S ~ I 7 u ~ ~ l i e r n ion r 1 ~/lie r O~~~u.\iori and god. see Dieter Arnold. Der T e t i ~ l ) rtl/ r \ Kijni,y\ of hi\ Ei,yl~tierhBirrht/oi (Berlin and New York. .\4~~17r~r/iore/1 1977). pp. 51-75 (this reference kindly called to i,ori Deir el- Buliuri, vol. I . A r(,l~ireX tlir ~ r r i t // Ie~ir~rri,q, LOI. 2. / l i e M.uri(/relief.\(/e\ S u t i l i t ~ r u r e ~ , my attention by Martha R. Bell): J . Grafton Milne. AV 8 and I I ( M a i n / a m Rhein. 1974). vol. I . p. 73; .Mi\(.. Grf~goriuriu,pp. 145-49: G. T . Griffith. ed.. vol. 2. pp. 32-33; see further L. Bell. .MPlun,qrc A l e \ - ~ t i t / e /he r Gi.eo/: Tlir .\4uin Prohle1,7r (hereafter .MoXIirur (hereafter .Me/. .MoXlirur: BdE. forth A l e v u ~ i t / r rrlir Grrut (New York. 1966). pp. 151-58. coming). 166 ( W . W. Tarn): pp. 179-87 ( 3 . P. V . D. Balsdon); p . 35. quotes this Jaroslav Cern)'. Coli1ti7unir1., p. 240 (3. R. Hamilton); pp. 288-89 ( E . Badian): this passage in his discussion of the term St-117 I , citing anthology kindly called to rny attention by Martha R. as parallels a hymn t o the Aten In which Akhetaten is Bell. For the Alexander Romance. see Otto. O\iri.\ referred t o a s Akhenaten's St-117- I (in a context ontl ,41,7ori, p. 98: Helck. L-i' 1. 132; Assmann in J a n ) nd a n inscript~onon the involving the H \ ~ . r - B t i h t i a Assmann. Walter Burkert. and Fritr Stolr. F ~ i r i k west face of the eastern obelisk at I.uxor extolling .M1,/1105: Drei uI/(~rietitultiorien lint/ /.ei\r~iri,qeti Ramesses I 1 a \ "one who makes benefactions for his i.\(./ir Bricpiele. O B O 48 (Gottingen. 1962). pp. 3 1-33 father Arnun in the S t - I J I , 1" (see K. A. Kitchen. (this reference kindly called t o my attention by RUIJ~ I t.i c ~ . rll. . 599.6). For the Hic,r-hrihn, see further Helen Jacquet); Hogarth. J E A 2 (1915): 56-57; n. 100 below. p ~3: i~ Tarn , in Griffith. ed.. Bevan. Holr\r of P r o l r ~ ~ ' For the range of this word's associations with the ilIe.rurit/er t l l r Grrtrr, p. . For a n analysis of the king. see Alan H Gardiner. "The Coronation of description of the Siwa oracle itself. cee tern)' in
rloh (hereafter I. I ~ \G I . I " Recent11 p u h l ~ \ h c dby Mahmud Ahd el-Raliq. and F r a n ~ o i s e Traunecker of the Franco-Egyptian Center at Karnak. .rl Mlrtrurll (hereafter Suilt.1979). Murnane now relates the events depicted in the part of the temple studied by him to the myth surrounding the succession of Horus (i.il(.c~Xc.leanClaude (. 1962). 1984). During the course of our 1982-83 season. But it was only after the end of our season. the king) to the place of his father. Jadwiga Lipinska.\ . Janusz Karkowski. (2) his acknowledgment by Amun and nurturing by various goddesses. while I was preparing my annual report for the Egyptian Antiquities Organiration.I ( I.le P o t ~ ~ . He calls attention to the prominence here of the goddesses who suckle the young king. " 'leaving to his successors the renewal of the corresponding structure at Karnak. with colleagues who included Klaus Baer. Concentrating my efforts in the 1982-83 season on the northern part of the temple. that the hypothesis presented here was developed fully.o)on.tr~. Oroc. Edward F.lean-('laude Goyon In Rlchard f'arker. r u \fro111 T l ~ r h ~in . The theoretical framework derived f r o m my study proved to be a perfect complement to Murnane's work in the inner parts of the temple. He further points out the unity in the decoration of this part of the temple.ili/ii 1. had the opportunity to discuss our work in a series of informal seminars. and suggestions of our listeners. The preparation and presentation of our material before such professional audiences helped us to refocus our ideas and made us think very logically about all the possible implications of our discoveries. A Suite 0 r u c . Erik Hornung of the Basel Egyptological Institute. 1 I ~ I ~ I I L I I I I ~T I I I I X I I A ~ I I I ~ / ~(/1. l ~P u p ~ .clitic.c/tr 1 7 1 . The key to finding a pattern behind all our separate observations was finally provided by my attempt to answer the nagging question of Richard A .Lr:xo~ TEMPLE AND TIIE CULTOF THE ROYAL KA 255 chapel at ~ u x o r ." whereby the gods grant honors to the king in return for the offerings which he presents to them. \ 1l1e BrooA11. W. I I See ti Hiclr. encouragement. ~lfct Sa( i-c. searching questions. r u(Providence. held in Luxor Temple.Zf ((. TIlc. 84. and Charles Van Siclen of the University of Chicago. when my wife Martha and I remained in 1-uxor (gradually closing down Chicago House through most of the month of May). \) p. Parker. 104: cl. Raymond Johnson. Wente.I /~I I I V O I ~ AL' 16 (Main1 a m Rheln. and the reciprocal nature of the offering ritual. . 47. Etlillcc. (3) his coronation. U.c/tr) ( l'ro\ idence and i. .c>ndt>n.lean 1-eclant. and several other members of the Polish-Egyptian Archaeological Missions at Deir el-Bahari. W. we benefited tremendously from the critical comments. of hrri. I began my own investigation of the theological orientation of Luxor Temple by pursuing the question of the role played by the deified king throughout the temple.). and . He o r g a n i ~ e s the motifs and themes of the decoration as follows: ( I ) concep tion and birth of the divine king. (4) his public recognition by the Ennead: (5) the subsequent renewal of his powers by the celebration of his jubilee festival.~. Rhode Island. (11 Tirllo~.. I I \ \ ~ J 1 /I1 I 1 TC~I~I/ II . William Murnane and 1 and our chief artist. and the fact that the cult place of the divine Roman emperors was situated in the first vestibule ( R o o m V ) south of the Portico (the so-called hypostyle) of the original temple. p. Gerhard Haeny of the Swiss Institute.e. O / Tirl~tr~. Ricardo Caminos and Jiirgen Osing of the Egypt Exploration Society's Wadi Shatt el-Rigal Project. and of the Irrr~tnurc</-priest who acts as intermediary before the Ennead.
" . Smenkhkare. In the case of 'Supreme Being.r~ntWor/t/crncl thr Or!. . s ee Herbert Ricke.q~. a n d s o the Nineteenth Dynasty could simply ignore Akhenaten. Etienne tlrioton. Berlev has shed some light o n the means used t o justify cases of extraordinary accession: T h e n o r m is in the order o f things a n d therefore Loid of a n y interest a s a phenomenon. SA K ) 2 ( 1975): 23 1 ( D o k . c.\ cle KornaX (Paris. B e i t r t ~ e B/. p .err6 (Fribourg and Gottingen. H ~ t ~ f / t lh l r clpr ( u.eclant. O n the o t h e r hand. pls. T h e exceptions a r e of t w o kinds: either t h e divine marriage takes place in the King's family.Jaeger. Holscher. Pre\rr7rec/ to Hun. . b u t especially when the legitimacy of a particular ruler might be open t o doubt. 226.4SAE 38 (1938): 239: Ludwig Borchardt." Stlrcl~tv~ oltu. ' 8 For the use of rolal propaganda t o justify the "anomalous" reigns of Hatshepsut and Horemheb. D . pl. pl. . In each a n d every reign.ange and Max Hirmer. 11.lr. buddenly awake. 1982).. 34 (3): Ali Radwan. claiming the hu had really fallen t o H o r e m h e b u p o n the death of Amenhotep I l l a n d counting the 1' Dwight W. see U .Wt. 20 (Munich and Berlin.hen ~ i j r 7 i ~ . p. Kurt l.r\ Tt~n7plr. pi. 18 and pls. A.hen R U L I ~ I (If. 85. 1939. ed./.\ I. Schwaller d e 12ubic7. / i i t r X t ~ r r Pla. p. The. ~ r 7 c r t ~M 1e A rS l . Haven a n d London. p. I n Seurc. . IV. 1961)..tr. F o r the frieie writing the prenomen of Amenhotep Ill in Luxor Temple. [l]t i h doubtlessly the exceptions that counted with the Egyptians. "Deux crhptogrammes de Senenmout. T h e God's &ill. AV 18 Tete1. 2. 18-19. fig.\\i/icuiiot7 PI c / ~ r ~ t i oelf>. to be sorted o u t only after t h e d e a t h of o n e of t h e rival claimants. Massachu- setts.kft1-!7/11--X i . 16 ( o p p . 174-76. "Sur un contrepoids de Menat a u nom d e Taharqa: Allaitement et 'apparition'royale. Young. rMt~-!7/)r-X:-R-. it should not be forgotten that all reports of oracular nomination t o office o r divine conception a n d birth were recorded only after they had manifested themselves undeniably:'\uccession t o the throne was normally d e facto proof of legitimacy. 9-16. T h u t m o s e Ill could nullify the legitimacy of Hatshepsut by denying that the royal ka had. . color pl. A. BdE 32 (Cairo. For his defacement of the A-([-element in the rebus of her name Maatkare. 127). I). 47. 10-1 1. I b: cf. Jean 1. in fact.\ of H1hlic. see P now Hellmut Hrunner. t o be sure.ror (hereafter 1. 56.I c o m m o n e r o r e \ e n a foreigner. I3 ( f ~ g I. pls. Heirrugi.. . . 0 . JuXoh P o l o t \ X ~(East Gloucester. 129: Jiirgen von Beckerath. a s if d o r m a n t in the ordinary cases.1. the highest a u t h o r i t y which could b e invoked t o clarify the monarch's status is the device of the royal ha: all genuine kings possess it: n o pretenders d o . \ r o g(New . 1981). something bordering o n a miracle. Stuclie. Ot7r uncl the Mot71. )%furur. but the child conceived is female. ed. "Der KBnigsname: Epigraphisches 7um :ur gottlichen Konigtum im Alten AgYpten. 33-37. 364-65. pp. 3. p. 106.44-45: I l l . f i w i clc. pls.1977). 1982). J u / ~ r r a ~ r t e n c l t ~ n . For a similar frie7e ~ r i t i n g the early f o r m of t h e prenomen of Thutmose 111. 106. vol. . R .i I (Main7 a m R h e ~ n .ctiA 5th M u l r r e i it7 (Ire. 1938. a n d makes itself felt. T u t a n k h a m u n . see also J o h n Van Seters./u. .l. Bf.q\. pp. female'.q~~/)ticc.' S o the reigns of Hatshepsut a n d H o r e m h e b a r e r a t i o n a l i ~ e d a n d the ~ n i r a c u l o u s events attributed t o them explained. 14 (this refernce kindly called t o my attention by Charles Van Siclen).64. . p.l.\ i ( . (Munich. 119: cf. Quite a n o t h e r matter is a n exception. I v Hornung.01H ~ . I. 142 and n. 1983).". 2. : Hi\ror~ogr. fig. 22.L ~ J X OTEMPLE R AND THE CULT OF THE ROYALKA 257 although dynastic succession could sometimes be a real problem. aimed a t s o l ~ i n g the problems which a r e beyond the power of t h e ordinary ( m a l e ) S u p r e m e Beings. 1984). p. Die tiit/lri. 44). a n d Eye. for the name . Afet/inet Hohli I I . see Bertrand n . In a recent commentary o n Egyptian royal propaganda. 264.hen k ~ r l t ~ (hereafter rr. 1975).u/)h I in the At7c. the breach of the routine must h a \ e been calculated.h of H i t t o q . a s its end.qit7. p. 2-3. o r the S u n blesses with his choice the family of .. In t h e case of a S u p r e m e Being born outside t h e royal family expectations a r e still greater: such a deviation from the n o r m is only then conceivable when it has some o ~ e r w h e l m i n g achie~ement.ror).R .l~rpn: A r i .'" However. D r i r el-Bahuri I. u r o h k ~ \ M~nXhf.l)ri\c. 40. descended u p o n her2" ( h e was most vehement in smashing her figures in the Birth Portico a t Deir el-Bahari). .
M'e. 31: Ab1t7.Metlitlo n -500011976). 372. 1930). 24." in his Xu-aspect is found on stelae showing the Vi/ier Janet H. R . A'i. p. pp. 21 Cf. klng's portable throne. . when his human form is overtaken by this immortal element." M I > A I K 16 (1958): pl./1 T~r1ur7Xhut1~tit1.qhr. Serie seconda-Collerioni.c~rrr. " representation of this k a is intended as proof of his divine origins2?and sufficient evidence that he was predestined t o rule.q lincl G o l l . Grhtrrl t/r\ GottXijt~i. 308-9: idem. Herman te Velde auggests descrtbing king's possession of the royal Xu is found in LD 111. which flows through his whole being and dwells in it. I : .hrrt1lr. Dogtirar/.MNIII. 52.\ ~ J U ~ L I 12. Arthur Ilarby open fan held above Horemheb carried in procession. An kRtY)rrr i1r. Ale. S / I ~ ~ I J P pl. p 304 (50095): Deir r l MPilinrll Deir el-Buhuri 11.\ 01 One irtltl l h r .\ti/c.1984).\). 25. We. Harvard Studies in Kees. 1 . review of 2: Hermann Kees. Trea. ) & ' ( I ) appears beside a n X i I I ( I . 63: Jacobsohn.\ K u . The common definition of "usurper. 1952). ~ ~ and ~ ~ e The . 1972). AI/u. A. 7. Do.\ 11. Colloques interna(hereafter L'L:q~. p. rr7 1979). pl. (hereafter S l r l r ) . p. for example. T h r O n r trntl rhr Or/rnr." J E A 36 Gotr. 142: most recently Kltchen. Hans Goedicke. p. JE.\ ile rrl. 1. p. Kijnig ~ i t ~ i l 30 Gardiner. perfect from the very beginning. ~ ~ u t a n k h a r n u n ." then.. 1977) (hereafter Fc Hlighe. ) . r7. Hu. M/e\en t/e. 1984). 78). as we see in the tombs of Amenhotep 1 1 1 .\~.. fig 38. 9. Edward F. 123.fic. /n h 1~11. As an incarnation of the royal ka.\l he Strllur7. 162: Heinr~ch commun~cation. N ~ I Paser following Ramesses I 1 carrying the standard of the royal k u : Mario Tosi and Alessandro Roccati.\ A'a. 84. This happens a t the climax of the coronation ~ e r e m o n y . pp. 17. Slrle r allre r / ~ i g r i r f rli / D r i r r l .1. O / ~ / P ~ I N Ip.l)tolo. Hornung. 174-75. 78e.4 unusual iconographic d e v ~ c eused to indicate the 41 (1955): 141.yir ~ m t A'ijnr. 235. /. Der Ku in Throlo.p 142. 43.15. is troubled by the absence of a representation Jacobsohn. 1925). 2.c Allen Rrichrc (Gliickstadt. pl. 23 1-32. 46-55: 111. the royal k a represents the "dignity" or office of kingship. the Xa as "the personification of kingship" (personal 121a = Walter Wres7inski. Nock. p... each king was ex qf. 88. 1982).%-loXllrar (forthcoming). hIPI. p. 2.4/trn ' I See. ?".pls. ~ when ' he assumes his rightful place on the "Horus-throne of the living. "The Baptism of Pharaoh.MLI~IJO E g i ~ i o (11 Torino -. T r i t r n i l ~ l ~ a n tpp. tionaux du Centre Nationale d e la Recherche 2h Piankoff. U'e. pls.qir fig. points out that this Classical Philology 41 ( C a m b r ~ d g e .lue 9. 1976). Z Y N N A O Z OEOZ. 35. p. Schafer and Walter Andrae. 14: Tarn in G r l f f ~ t hed.Whereas ~~ the nature of Amun-Re is hidden within his veiled naos during processions of his barque. n.S c h w e i t x r . 183): Brunner.~X~~lt l iler 2X Cf Schweitzer.q\. B M Sti. e d s .30 while the individual king is viewed as a link in the chain of divine kingship which stretches back into the very dawn of Egyptian history. 62.\m c/e. (1950): 7 and n.q. . 58.io a god:3' but the dual nature of the king is clear: embodiment of divinity while on the throne. Die Ktrt~. A'ijni. 154 p.years of his reign accordingly:" to the victor the spoils and to the survivor the lia. A A 40 (Wiesbaden.ye R. 57-58. 98. Friedrich Abitl. ?' Schweitrer. . Exhibition Catalogue.1 (328).D Ill.es Peintures dans la tombe d u roi Sclentifique. Wente and Charles C . "A Chronology of the New Kingdom. Hornung. . fig. where the inscription M o t ~ t . F o r this fan as a symbol of the d i v ~ n e S t e l l ~ m gp . flesh of god.yti~ar/. p. The transmission of the k a was achieved through the agency of Kamutef. 595 (Paris. Wente.\ (Herlln.50262: Catalogo (/el .trn tlr. I0 (foll. even the body of Kamutef is visible to all shade. .c York. I (Turin. But he actually becomes divine only when he becomes one2R with the royal ka.\m t/rc Ku. Greven. 37 (foll.c . Schwe~trer. p.hr of the Xu here. F o r we see the infant k a depicted as his double2' throughout the episodes23of the divine birth: and it accompanies him t o the grave. 178: cf. 56: (193-5-1940) 11. and fully divine. \7. 126. no. Stut/ie\ in H o n o r of Gror. Mass. p. see Bell." According t o this formulation.. the divine progenitor par e ~ c e l l e n c e . his own mortality inexorably overtakes him. . T h r A k x a n d r e Piankoff. vol. does not apply in the Egyptian context. M M A (New tologir en 1979. . O/!fer/at7z. P/la~UO/l !In/( I .y.\ A'a. Van Another means of specifying that the king is actlng in Siclen Ill. p. p. 40. Faulkner. pp. Abitz. vol.\-utltler the Greirr. K i j n i g tint1 G o t t . label does not d e s c r ~ b e the fan bearer following the pp. 0 . L A 111. o r rather it is created when he is conceived. S A O C 39 (Chicago. pl. "l.'Eq1.\ I I . pls. p. T h e king's k a is born with him. Johnson and Edward F.\-rc /~rioriririre. 57-58.
g . "bull. pl. 1957). (forthcoming)."" consistent with the "reproductive" or "regenerative" connotations of their common root. U'I'JPIIde.\ (Chi. the p h j > s i c ~ creator ~l of the gods (at Medinet Habu) and of the king and his ka (at Luxor).q.. Br~trdqcj 'Vacobsohn. ( R o o m X I V ) . that for "bull. I ) o . as compare the f e m i n ~ n e k t . for it speaks of the king" as "living.Metline/ fitrh~rIV. situated just outside the Mut Precinct south of the Tenth ~ y l o n .11 111 11. 1981). p. 85: cf. who is thus really his own mother. ~ . 60. cf. l ~ k e a i s ed o not contaln the k -II!II element.tl t l o Ko. 15: [. 62 See further Bell." a r i t t e n w ~ t h the phallus. "He is a self-generating fertility god.11r17/)!. representing both father and son at the same time.r.\ k u . t1!1. p p 77-78: Goyon in Parker et al. Schwetifer. U'ewt? tie. Jacobis glorified as the "living royal Xu" at the head of his sohn. 2." Upon leaving Karnak at the beginning of the Opet Festival.q. ~lr OIP pp. 46c. I)o. 203..I<L'XORTEMPLE AND THE C I ~ L OF T THE ROYAL K4 259 during the procession of his portable cult statue during the Min Festival. is the Opet-shrine (the 11ari111 o r "Secluded ApartjY Note that some of the more unusual ritual ments") located behind the Barque Sanctuary: now Horus names attested for other New Kingdom rulers published in Brunner.or as Etllfilr of Tohurc/(~. ducted before a statue of him. shared by every ruler ever to sit upon the throne of ~ g y ~ t . We must here acknowledge Labib Habachi's pioneering workJ2 in understanding the significance of these statues. immediately cf. 4 ' W i t h X .P ) a r ~ s . LC' Trni/)le ilrj / ' H ~ ~ I I I I I ~ ~ : Klngs of Lower Egypt. 48. p. 57. would have been a natural one for the Egyptians who loved word-play. 72 and n.pp. 55. i \ l S t r l l ~ i t ~pp.A 111. 39. the procession first visited the shrine of Kamutef.u. L ) o g t ~ ~ u11r ~ / \S [ ~ c ~ l l ~ i n . K I I I . fort. q . S/rll~r~~ . pl.1. pp. Me/. mysteriously reborn of a union with his wife. I .ror.\ K(I. q . Kin. L)i<q117ur1c(l1rj 106 (Chicago. In " effect. pp. but the nature and extent of thi\ god's SIPIILIIIR. A/>c'/ t l ~ r S ~ r t l u 1. 72: Schweitxr. I. in him are united both Amun-Re of Karnak and the Amun of ~ u x o r . 58 Jacnbsohn. d e ~ f i e dSeti 1 addressed by his son and \ucce\..o~ry. p. n. 17-20. Cf. 36: 78. \ / ~ ut?cl I / > 111rj Got/\. as evidenced in the regeneration of the royal ka. H ~ ~ / ) o c t \Hull). p. For the Eye of Re " " . 276.M (Gartlr17c~r).thi/)(1t1t1 /he.cor (hereafter Te111/>lrtlr I5 Henri Frankfort.Y/r~ll~rt~. the relgnlng monarch Habachi. For the cago.ql~ia:r~c ./1 dur~ng purification rites conn. 1954. 25. 52. 3. o r immortality." also k. B r i t r d ~ e Bf." The etymological relationship between the words ka and "bull" becomes clear if ka is understood as "generative power. In the New Kingdom.4 111. " \ u l \ a " or "Lagina": preseried in . the creator god constitutes the king's ka. 72: Kaplony. p. il~~ p 58: FrankBf./IOJ Murnane. This powerful imagery in Egyptian thought represents the concept of eternity. Jacob(hereafter Nelson-Murnane. after the god has been extolled. sohn. see th~s a rea was accessible through the Birth Vestibule further below. \ / t I r Hull o / kar17aX.. pp. 3. The U'oll Rrlirfc j' S c h a e i t x r . 20 and n. the Kings of Upper Egypt and the J 3 Schwaller d e Lubicf. From the earliest times the king is depicted as a "mighty bull. 1948). pl. B. \o1. renewed Idem. (H Rlcke. cult statues of the king as embodiment of the royal A N .2. Tlzr G ~ ~ . 77." The king's ka assumes a position of extraordinary prominence throughout Luxor Temple. L. The colossal seated figures of the deified Ramesses I 1 before the Pylon and at the entrance to the Colonnade are clearly ka-statues.! KN. 3. It should be noted that the colossus to the left of the entrance into the Colonnade provides a link with the architrave inscription translated above. '4 In the text of the Min Festiial procession.55-56: Kaplon). 71 -72: Ricke.qt~ioti\l~hrj i n ~ o l v e m e n tin the Opet Festiial i\ not bet clear. Schweitfer. royal predecessors.uxor U'c. l. U'cj\rtl (I(. Frtrr~rrrc.2. 42.\c. q ~ ~ i o /11e. 89 T h e main sanctuary of the Amun of I. see Harold Hayden jh F o r the Kamutef s h r ~ n e and way station." a n epithet used in every New Kingd o m ruler's Horus name-which is equivalent to his ka-name3'-from the time of Thutmose I on3' (with the exception of ~ a t s h e ~ s u t ) . ~Mo/il~/ur. 58. He is the manifestation of Amun as the Theban Min. 3: 60. pt.The " bull is further associated with the ka in the very being of Kamutef himself. \ol. whose name means "Bull of his Mother. Got/.pp. /~Hlc. qee Nel\on and W ~ l l i a m I I. l)o. ' ' The association of the word k5 with another word.~ ' H O I I I I I I ((.
t and i ) .\ I'Hl\roirc. ~ . p.rl nil R r nh In the spell for presenting red cloth. see Gustave .M VII. where the ka of the deceased king was worshiped. p. Except at his mortuary temple(see Habachi. r ~ t u a lof opening the mouth etc. colossus which once stood o n t h ~ base. 166). F e u r u r t ~ \ .pp. 1) (Paris. figs. pp.'' In both cases it is a ." I ~ r ~ i ~ i ~ u r e f .k' 111. Jh F o r a fragment of the base of a colossal statue of Amenhotep 1 1 1 on which the king is addresjed as the royal X N by a I~rn~irrrrt~f.-)11& 'I!.E. rejuvenated (rnpy. Il!n XIX).S.c I (Paris. 15.rc /e~.iennr &q. 34: Charles F. see further Hell.7 1 (1942): 141-49. See Pierre Clere et al. The location of this statue would put it at the northern end of the Processional Way linking Luxor and Karnak. pl. ~ e m . pl.rl nr:rt. see B. 5') Nelson. JA'ES 1 (1942): 147.e Socle d u colosse oriental dress6 devant le Xr pyIBne de Karnak.\lrr . Bf.. "1. .rrrc ~ / LTet?r/)le I c/e Sc. 100 (24-27) 4 7 Schwe~trer. pp. Sean Capart and Marcelle Werbrouck.rrlrr t/il. Trt." On two occasions the barque of Ramesses 111 is shown in procession during the lifetime of the king. 209 (fig. elc' 1'. 87. L ilrc /lire( lure el lo tlecororion elon../~rr: I. .r.4. 3 (fig. 6-9 (foll.\ 1. Feor~rrc~c. 3 ( I A ) . 8-9: P. so it is now impossible to determine whether they were originally so decorated o r not.U'c. 69): Habachi. 1965). 19751. For Horemheb described a s the royal ko o n the base of the companion (western) colossus at the Tenth Pylon. Yelson. 180-81. Thrhrc of rllr Phur(rol~. 368. l'L:qli/~rt. this fragment was moved there from Amenhotep Ill's mortuar] temple at Kom el-Heitan: see Gerhard Haen!.I'E. Inscriptions on the base of the colossal statue of the deified Amenhotep I 1 1 south of the Tenth Pylon at Karnak refer t o the royal X N of this king b] the name "Montu-of-the-Rulers." h'orntrk 1: 1970-1972 (Cairo.. ~ ~ lc/i18in r e iorrrnol~rr en E ~ l . Brilrugc.Feurrrrr\.o f . f.( m 3 ~ ' ~ ' . \Berlin rr lec rr.r/)lrc ~netn/)liire. \ o l . q ~ n r \ /(I . 11. found reused northeast of the Mut Temple at Karnak.. 1973). the lunni~rrrf IS present officiating in affairs of the ko. 1926): Harguet. cf. 19. 0 . f a Grcor Pa.\/aria cli LOIN i\. 10. 48).r. Nims.r/)le c/'Anlorl-Rd. p. For a suppliant kneeling before a seated royal statue ador~ng the Xa of Ramesses I 1 as R -(n1. unfortunately the surfaces of several others have long since flaked off. 193-94.il/u f a ~ ~ ~ l (hereafter o\a Vlrhio) (Novara. V~rhlcr:. Feor~rrrc.igypten und Altes Testament 5 (Wiesbaden. 184: H a b a c h ~ .\e/rr-priestsdes~gnated as "Horus-lunmutef" are also represented on the front of the bases of the seated colossi of Ramesses I 1 at the Great Temple of Abu Simbel: see Silvio Curto. t l o \ (hereafter Rirrrel c/~r c.ilitorio~l tit.\ e/t. The lunmutef in this context was a form of sem-priest.rl rn/. cult of the ka Images of the Ining and dead king. n.t h e . ed. 212-13 Specifically. p. pp. Tcj~n/~lrc c/c. For the name Montu-of-the-Rulers preserved on a fragment of the s see Habachi.tio. 86-90. 34(H). KU-statues4' and Iunmutef-priests are characteristic of royal mortuary temples. . Tliehr\: Tlrr G l o r ~o .4 rr rr ele lo C'i\. those of Seti I and Ramesses 11 and I 1 1 being the best known.N. 4X Herman te Velde.~ u l e r s Today. 5 ' S o specifically identified a t Medinet Habu: the " " . 185-86: Auguste Mariette. A . I r Rir~rrl C/LI c .\/ (Brussels.ti). I . 1869).qoh~ f~ir Ift~ll~. see Alexandre Varille. "The Identity of Amon-Re of Unitedwith-Eternity. Forlrcjc ( r r y ~ ~ Ponre\: e Einr Fr. 48: Schwaller de L u b ~ c z . A n l i r n n r (Bulletin d'information publle par la IIel6gat1on Permanente de la R . 'Vote that ..p r iare ests represented before the personified Horus name of Amenhotep Ill on the front of the base. MPI.in io~rrnolirr). 52. 1959).tr. he is represented wearing a leopard skin and having the side-lock of youth.\ ( L o n d o n and Toronto. 61 (64641: temp.\ r lec / ) ~ / ) I .I . I . 150. Mokl~rcrr (forthcoming). h'ornoh.r. the I ~ r n ~ r ~ r rattends rrf t o "ceremonies of purification and coronation. pl.~ these and two other colossi at Luxor Temple still have the original representations of lunmutef-priests4h on the front of their bases.4R The king's barque itself is a familiar feature in the royal mortuary temples of Dynasties XIX-XX. Ah~.\rn elr\ Kci.Annales d u Musee Guimet 14 (Paris. Lo~rclcor (Paris." In short. "Nouvelles listes geographiques d3Amenophls 111 a Karnak. see Alexandre Moret." A S A E 36 (1936): 206-7 and pl.M Sreloc.ri I(" a A h ~ . figs. 44 K a 7 i m i e r ~Michatowski.\ Ibnl.~rrr Br~rnnrr. ~ L c/e I . aupres d e 1'U. Crnrrr c/e D o ~ ~ r n i r n r o r ~rr o nc / ' E / ~ ~ t l r . 135): Redford in Manfred Gorg. / ) r tlh/~rP. 1902).~ r i e s t who " attends the king's barque as described as nh. pl. n o o t h e r named colossi of Amenhotep Ill are known in the Luxor area. p . 142 (fig. 1983). 1965).C 0.. ~ el~-no\r~ (hereafter e L ' A r l l ~ i r r l r ~ r r rvol.lequier. fig. p. 1981. 1920). 42. I l b . usually thought of as a mortuary priest responsible for the cult of the royal ka. p.\ o r ~ .l. 6. p." The inscriptionu on the base of the statue to the right of the entrance to the Colonnade refers to "the living royal ka" under the name of " ~ e . 80. symbolizing the eldest son and successor of the king.r r/iPhoin. 2). p." J.
18 (38). Amenhotep Ill)-in-the-Barque' at ~ m a r n a . 155 (boat standard)." A S A E 7 at Semna and Uronarti in Nubia. 18 and pls. the title . Kitchen. pl. A S A E 16 (1916): 162: for the C'hal)el of Se. J N E S 1 (1942): 137 (fig.017 Oper: Die (Cairo. 81. pl.[ .\\eu~t~.y. 125." The reliefs in the Colonnade preserve for us the earliest known representations of a royal barque contemporary with the reign of the king whose ka-image it contained. Pierre Lacau and 1n.\ (rot~lheau t i " 19). 22. and the sem-priest here acts as the Iunmutef'does at Luxor. M IFAO 57 5 2 Walther Wolf. 224 (a ~IJI-priest "Un Miracle d'Ahmes I"' a Abydos sous la regne de accompanying the standard of Nefertem during the Ramses 11. 171 3 ' ./ ~ J I[. commemorates an oracular pronouncement of the 1981).. 13-14 (foll.\ .t ~ / t p~ . The earliest textual reference to such a barque. which is associated elsewhere with the extended to the mortuary cults of these rulers. 55The prototype of the royal barque is that Weigall.\~ C. 22).R !?I ' 5 ' . 1-2.SIP? . ) Skr occurs 1hPhait7r. pl.C -]. The barques Henri Chevrier. is a mention of the "House of Nebmaatre (i.4). When the barque of Tutankhamun appears in Luxor ~ e m ~ l ae full . Sokar Festival procession).s111 ar Uronarri (San Antonio. i'erny's com Texas. Hat\he/~.le Papr. cf. 749. Siclen.ri/>tion. 30): this latter mentary in Parker.c Siclen has very kindly pointed out t o me two Tert1pel. 122. ? ( I . 23.\r. add Derr. pls. : M'h. 9 (171). on one of the associated fragments (pl. 48b-49a. p. 193 1 ). 13 (Thutmose I l l ) . p. unexpectedness of the form hnn. Faras V: The Pharaonic.\~ellung in? gro. can be reconstructed as nh r i w t . tctt~lheau r/'A!tlon~t~o. The form of this portable barque is derived sh Fairman in Coif Ill. when their use was \'/I-collar. keitsstufen des Pharao. . p.so. Soitr. 3. 148-49. pls. Ptahmose." A S A E I6 (1916): 161-70 and pl. 5 (Leiprig. p.I. 23.I I .\rzug. the time ofThutmose Ill: 1. 17. 50b.e.D Ill.7: Legrain.& r hr ~ hnt7 [ r ] ~ / l / [ n . who may well have constructed a barque for the cult 54 Sanusz Karkowski. Da. Sieglin Exp.orti Faras (hereafter Fara. Excluding here those associated with the wellgarb of the sen^-priest. depicted in Deir el-Bahari V. 85 (16). the references are as follows: Georges Legrain.sour.s V) (Warsaw. A. I . T o directly from that of the contemporary royal river the parallels cited by Dietrich Wildung. 1982). foll.sr r ~ ) n references to representations of the barque of O p r r ) .~.] ~ J3 I' 1 HI<. Charles Van F<. in precisely the position occupied by the Prophets of the gods' barques in whose company it is represented. p. ': ( t ) . 428. In this connection it should be noted that at least two Prophets were attached to the cult of the deified Tutankhamun at Faras in ~ u b i a and ~ ' that this king also had a barque there.fi. Georges Foucart. and James Edward Totl~h. Van n. 1 15-16 (58). pis. The Elkab 53 Nina d e Garis Davies and Alan H. VI.c 1-on L-uksor (hereafter Schijnp Fe. Oro<. 44 and reference kindly called to my attention by C.sc. pl. however. 174: 11'. Ramesside p e r ~ o d . Ranle.Lrlxo~ TEMPLE AND THE CULT OF THE ROYAL K. n.s. 272 (Ahmose): Davies.The text given by Arthur E.. "Gottlichbarge. cf. " Amenhotep I11 was worshiped in priest beside the royal barque at Karnak wears the proper during Dynasty XIX. It is not unreasonable to suppose that the royal barque contains a cult statue of the king's ka. figs.2-3. 11i 51a-b. see BosseGriffiths.. completely indistinguishable from the four who accompany each of the barques of the Theban Triad. This is not surprising since the cult of the reigning king's ka during the celebration of the Opet Festival was a n extremely elaborate affair. .hijne Fest r. l l . Huy. ] cf." O L Z 68 (1973): 555. ~ complement ~ of four Prophets walks beside it. Dows Dunham and So7ef M.49b. 200 (c) and pl. Gardiner. cf. Sanssen.\ pl. pp. of his predecessor there. T5r.\c.& ~ I I . officiating on behalf of the king's ka as his intermediary. 16 (Thutmose I). pl. The 495. Nelson.v: NP(~ropo1e rle Ilird' Ahir't7-Nuga: Lr.\tri.sc." Architectural considerations (to be presented below) make it probable that the lia of Amenhotep 111 likewise appeared in its own barque at the Opet Festival. Tonlhe>. S t . Srttlno-Kun~tt?a. "A Report on the Excavation of the Funeral associated with the cult of the deified Sesostris Ill Temple of Thoutmosis I l l a t Gurneh. temple of Amenhotep I 1 was enlarged by Ramesses I I.o Ror~le\\it/c~ Quibell and Wilhelm Spiegelberg. P. The Theban stele apparently ln. Be/e.\t/ar. Amenhotep ll: P M V.clsm S i j u l i ~ n g a n . 1932). p.I 26 1 spokesman or interpreter for the cult image inside it. 14-15. For this evidence.13-15.rlt\.r.~ / ) r b i ~ . 19. of Dynasty XVlll kings were represented in Egypt . 24: Van Siclen. "The Memphite Stela of Merptah and known cults of Amenhotep I and Ahmose-Nefertari. dating from (1906): 132 (15)." J E A 41 (1955): 59-63: to the Theban examples add Meciinet Hahu IV. RUIJJ.
ed-Derr.. assuming that he did indeed employ one for the transport of his ka-image during the Opet Festival). the space next t o the Amun chapel ( R o o m IV: occupied only by a staircase t o the roof) could easily have been designated for this purpose. however. 6 ' I a m unaware of any evidence for the former existence of a staircase in this room: ibid. Proceeding t o the back of the Portico a t the south of the Court of Amenhotep 111. 138): Nelson. Karkowski. 31. it was a t some time connected directly t o the 1. 1941).uqsortempels. K e . 1 15-16. 3-4 and pl. .Mokhlur (forthcoming).lr (It. pls. 57 58 h' See.D Ill. pp. a possibility strengthened by a n examination of the decorative program of the reliefs in the Roman Vestibule itself (see below). 11. 4. Plun! Showing f. that the royal barque had already dropped out of the procession before reaching this point. see Borchardt. Trnl/. h2 Schwaller de Lubic7.O1P 56 (Chicago. 43-44. 1-16. 7 (foll. pl. 85a.utiot?\of T l ~ r h u nT r t i l ~ ~ l e De(orutio11c.63Associated spatially with the Mut and Khonsu chapels. pls. . 72c. C'. I'Hott1tt7~."JM 23 (1937): 148-49. 89-90. and Abu ~ i m b e l ) ~ were ' deified in Nubia during their lifetimes. But this arrangement leaves us without a place for the sacred barque of Tutankhamun (or rather of Amenhotep 111. h ' Wolf.. I IOk. we find the three chapels where the divine barques rested within the temple proper prior t o the culmination of the rites in the Sanctuary. " where he probably had his own portable barques. But such a union with Amun would have been premature a t this time.u 1.on O p r t . p. both had barques there. In general. we can gain no further information from it.his temple a t solebs7and a t ~ e s e b i . 1-2. F r u i i i r r \ . Furu. AngloEgyptian Sudan. W. M ." Even assuming. pl. A quick examination of the ground plan of Luxor Temple reveals that there is no suitable candidate f o r this shrine anywhere t o the north of the Eighteenth Dynasty Portico. When Tutankhamun (at Kawa and ~ a r a s and )~~ later Ramesses I1 (at Gerf Hussein. however. "Preliminary Report on the E x c a v a t ~ o n sat Sesebi. es-Sebua. apart from what we are able to deduce from its location. O n the cults of Egyptian kings in Nubia and their deificat~on as aspects of the royal Xu. we would still require a room in which t o stow it until it rejoined the procession for the return journey through the temple back t o Karnak a t the conclusion of the Opet Festival. the original deployment of the barques was the following: Rooms 1 (Khonsu) and I1 ( M u t ) on the east side are separated from Room I11 (Amun) on the west. 87b-c.24r. The asymmetry is striking and surely deliberate. Murnane had previously noted the disappearance of the king's barque from the reliefs representing Luxor Temple a t the south end of the ~ o l o n n a d e " and its complete absence from the procession depicted in the Barque Vestibule ( R o o m VIII). While it is not yet possible t o explain fully the major structural and functional modifications undergone by two of these chapels (those intended for Amun and Khonsu) subsequent to the reign of Amenhotep 111. vol." ZAS 34 (1896): pl. It does not appear in the plans of either Borchardt o r Nelson. 130-3 1. 173 59 Ku\c. for the correct reading of the king's name a s god. 2. since the walls of this small chapel were rebuilt anciently and are undecorated. Blackman. This room would have served admirably to house the king's barque.o~. 23. A. . Northern Probince. 12-14. "Zur Gesch~chte des 1. pp. Unfortunately. 84c. Immediately behind the Mut and Khonsu chapels. Habachi. Sthiit7r Ft~ilci!. pl./. is a n unexplained chapel similar to them in size and design ( R o o m VI) opening off the Roman Vestibule ( R o o m V). Had it been intended to lodge the king's barque here. 1936-37. 28-29. see P M VII. see further Bell.
66 Ibid. ll. and apparently oriented toward it. p . The barques of Mut and Khonsu are depicted on the east wall of the vestibule ( R o o m VIII) before the Barque ~ a n c t u a r y . K U I U . / I / Lo~r. r opls. At Luxor." There would seem t o be little doubt that this is the actual ka-statue of the king on the way toward its meeting with Amun-Re in the Barque Sanctuary. It must have been the king's ha-statue rather :han his barque which was ushered from the Roman Vestibule into the presence of Amun-Re. T o return t o the decoration of the Roman Vestibule.1/1/e de / ' H o ~ .l . 65 Franqois Daumas. h X Gayet. escorted by the lunmutef-priest. 52. directly behind the Amun chapel.. the association of their cult places a t Luxor would hardly be surprising. partially visible behind the blocking stones. a s is indicated by a study of the pattern of the placement of his cartouches on the columns of the Portico and the discovery of one of his cartouches. being represented in the place where the young king is found in the Birth Room a t ~ u x o r With .LL'XOR TEMPLE AND THE CULTOF THE ROYAL KA 263 Khonsu chapel by the opening of a communicating doorway between them. I . I I I rlt. is a smaller chamber (Room V11). cf. Arnold.64 When we recall that both Khonsu and the king were the sons of Amun-Re. 2). o ~ ~ . but it remained in use a t least into the reign of Ramesses IV. followed by his k a with offerings presented before him (fig. 2. U'ut~rlrrlie/. a t the very top of the wall above the entrance t o the room here described as the chapel of the king's barque are h4 Presumably when the Khonsu barque had already been relocated in the old Amun chapel ( R o o m Ill) by Ramesses 11. The barques of Mut and Khonsu must have withdrawn to their southern chapels. \ lo e . on the west side of the R o m a n Vestibule. on each side of which only the barque of Amun is depicted. ~ ~ the absolute domination of the king's k a seems t o have remained unchallenged there down into the Roman period. Likewise of unknown function. "Places about Thebes. T h e original entrance into the old Khonsu chapel ( R o o m I) is now completely blocked up.1-7. 31. Exactly opposite the entrance t o Chapel V1. h7 Schwaller de Luhicl.11i\(r. The association of chapels I and V1 with the Birth Suite (Rooms XIII-XIV) would give us a n arrangement whereby most of the areas dedicated primarily t o the king were placed on the left of the main axis. 472-73. but just inside the entrance to the Barque Vestibule is the representation of a n enshrined statue of Amenhotep 111. ~ evidently ' accompanying the barque of Amun as far as the entrance to the Barque Sanctuary. it may be proposed with a fair degree of confidence that this was the chapel of the king's ka-statue. F o r two seated statues of Amenhotep 111 sharing offerings with Mut. . Room 11). with the god-child dominant. staying there near the king's barque during the concluding episodes of the liturgy. ~ ~ a slight shift in emphasis. 628. 70 (Birth Room. Charles F. in the thickness of the doorway to this chapel. we may be reasonably sure that the barque of Amun alone proceeded beyond the Barque Vestibule. and with none of the original decoration preserved. Te111l1lr ( It. pl. Luxor Temple could easily have served as the mammisi of Karnak Temple. Nims. In this way we may account for the evident disappearance of the royal barque before the end of the Opet ritual. the position of the king completely overshadows that of ~ h o n s u and . Because there is but a single shrine in the Sanctuary. ~ t ."JYES 14 (1955): 118: Kitchen. however. 465. The position of this chapel adjacent to the Birth Room ( R o o m XIII) lying just to the south is highly suggestive. 25-26 ( M u t Barque Chapel.ror. 34: cf. Te1. In the Greco-Roman mammisis the personae of the king and the offspring of the divine family resident in each temple are inextricably intertwined. The royal ka-figure follows the king in many scenes here. ~ pl. see Ciayet. r . L A 11. 466. Room XIII). T ~ .
30 = J. For Ramesses I1 in the Great Temple at Abu Simbel.1273.. AnriyuirP\. however. 13 (T Ill): Theban T o m b 85 (Amenemhab) = M M A photo 7. peinturr. The near identity of this solar uref-crown and the htnhtn-crown I S indicated in Metlit?er Huhu VIII.l~tiut?. Chribtophe. pl. H.t?u\t. see Bell. pls. in\c. Donadoni.!fit. pl. Rakmond Johnson. 36. 2. Nuhru. 6 ~ 1 p r i u t Surnrv. 56a (foll.s. 14. 1802).MA 21 (1926): pt. Newberry. 1847). Monurnentc < q ~ p r i a n \ : Bus-relief\. 2816 ( T IV). p. 1277.clo. photo 5283 (north face of the west wing of Pylon Vlll at Karnak.ienr Eg~. 1978). 2 for December 1926. Feature.y tie. 84 T o the examples cited by Wildung. this reference called to my attention by W. pl. 208: 4a-b.cutl. 291: VI.\hel~cour." There seems t o be n o doubt that the intent of this m o t ~ f was t o represent the full measure of the king's d i ~ i n i t y as a manifestation of the royal Xu. 2-1 I .\u tlii. 55a-b (Thutmose 111 offering before the deified Sesostris Ill). Bell.29). 52.ure.R'. see Dcj\( r i l ~ r i o t ~ . The Totnh of Thournib. when he received his officials in audience. A Guicle t o Rrli. e d . accompanied by the royal Xu: D a v ~ e s"The .~.. i:rX. bol.\. fig. pl. p. H A B 5 (Hildeshein~. C'o~. 1957).2575 ( T Ill) Kad wan. Ramesses Ill). P T T I (Oxford.ZIoXhrtrr (forthcoming) + . 191h. The presence of the royal Xtr when the king appears in a kiosk is also specified elsewhere: Save-Soderbergh. pl. p. 78: Prisse d'Avennes. 3 = M M A photo 7. and Amenemhet-Surero. J E A 23 (1937): 149. pl. Gardiner. n. 1957). 1965). 370) = L. Note. I. For theuref-crown associated with Re in the context of the coronation o r the celebration ofjubilees. the pointing of the h w . 59. rather than Osiris: ref.2-3. Gardner Wilkinson.c~t rr (Brussels. also displays this ram's horn: unnumbered Chicago House print of a n unpublished Calverley photograph: cf.D Ill 132n (detail). 9 ( I ) .u. Four Eighteenth f?~. 6: 3 = Wreszinski. pls. C .ceuh(. Samuel Birch (London. I . Wreslinski. 1823-28). T h u t ~ n o s e Ill is represented seated in a kiosk. f l ~ r \ t e l l ~ o i .f a n . L l a \ ~ d .\ s u r lev lieuu (Paris.ql~. 128. 14): this reference kindlk called t o m ) attention by Martha R. Kheruef.~~ This ram's horn takes us back t o t h e C o u r t of Ramesses 11. p. referring t o representations of the emhrined Amenhotep 111 in the tombs of Khaemhet. LII 111. 460. Egyptian E x p e d i t ~ o n 1925-1926.liu-force. IV. vol.\ (Warminster. pl. Barguet. pl. 249: Metliner Huhir V. temp. I (Hatshepsut): LlaLies. For Amenhotep Ill apparentlh wearing the ram's horn in h ~ destroked s temple on Elephantine.\rc~lllrti.qc. I (describing the deified Amenhotep Ill a t Sesebi a s depicted in the same way he is a t Soleb): Amice M . I: ref. add Howard Carter a n d Percy E.yrtIut7. pl. 1 1 . q . 60. Hiero.\i. AXhenuren untl h'efertirf (Lon don.lhou Sic11he1: Ler SulIe. that this detail is not shown in Vivant Llenon. I .~ul\.r~rr (Paris. in discussing the representation ofThutn1ose Ill seated in a kiosk in the tomb of Rekhmire. see Lacau and Chevrier.i~irr Ei.tlo. The hlat7ner. 121). Hur. see Habachi. Alluc 11. p. X 5 In Theban T o m b 131 (Amenuser). 1981). pl. T h e y have representations of Ramesses 11 o n their walls..l~ol~i. as represented by Ramesses 11 in the Hall of Barques ( R o o m Z) of the Seti Temple a t Abydos. 313 (fig. and Fouad Abdel Haniid (vol. and idem. Aldred.s lec tle. 612. I. etc. p. pl. 6 ( A Il) (this reference called to my attention by Peter Ller Manuelian): Llavies.pl. Torgny SabeSoderbergh." Likewise the ram's h o r n curving across his cheek is often found with representations of deified kings. wearlng both the solar urel-crown and the ram's horns of Amun. Chic. 180 = ILouis-A. Srutliet? :urn GOII Arur?i.\in. O L Z 68 (1973): 551-52.17.\or .\ tlu trh. F o r the significance of one of the gestures of the courtier5 In scenes of this tkpe. 7 pp. pl.4: nor in Thomas Young. 100 (no. 5. 2a = Curto. Ahj. JEA 55 (1969): 75 and n .qen Tiere (lev Arum. CS.13. At the rear of t h e A m u n chapel in the triple barque shrine. .\ I V (Westminster." HM. Leblanc (vol. o n e recessed into each side wall. 1. 31 I ) = S . 31: Blackman. lu Huc\r er la Hultre &y. Mariette. 1878). 3.qioii. where the htnhtii-crown shown worn by Ramesses Ill is referred t o in line 13 of the accompanying text with a hieroglyph in the form of the solar (ire/: F o r a writing of the denominatibe \ e r b i l l determined with the h t ~ i h t n crown (temp. 1969). Ah~. 52 (fig. R . tl bpr>. A S A E 5 I (1951):21I. The aegis of the barque of Seti I.c~ tie . cf. presents evidence that the ute/-crown is here associated with Re.\. I ) . M A S 21 (Berlin. K n ~ n e n .12: Lee also M MA photo T . Inst.oir~. 64 (foll. 1973). re.\.D Ill.c Rirlrul trr Ah~. pl. 2). 152 (East Wall). l l ( 178) and p. O r . 179. A. Die heili. Ramesses 11).\. I I ( T IV): Theban T o m b 63 (Sebkhotp) = M M A photo T.cIV. p. 1975). Aldred. Dur. 1904).yhrernrh f ? ~ n u \ r l . 15(k) and n. there a r e t w o niches. Gruncl Tenil~le c1. says that "there is little d o u b t that the e\ent in question was a 5tate appearance of the Pharaoh during ceremonies that marked his varlous jubilees. foll. Centre d'Etudes et de Documentation sur I'Ancienne Egypte (Pari. pl.l~i~ic~\ (1-ondon. Calverley a n d Alan H . vol.c anti C'u\tom. vol. pls.2lel. P T T I (Oxford. pl. Karol Myiliwiec. pl. p.l. see Abubakr. 232) = Christian Leblanc.c/o\ I. AhoirSitnhel er /i.2767 ( T IV): Kadwan.\ 11. 1286. J E A 55 (1969): 73. a s well a s / ~ r / l t ~ ~ r t t ~ f ' 8 1 Cf.T o r ~ ~ h \ . el-Achirie. Tornhv. kol. 7." B I F A O 82 (1982): pl.yieret7clet1 Kijni. Aldred." a n d may also be taken generally t o signify their ~n-as~ect. "Le Culte rendu a u x colosses 'osiriaques' durant le Noucel Empire.ril)rion. pl. ReXh-tn-Rc'. . Tot~rhc of Tit'o Offic. pl.s of the At?c. pl. p1. for the ure/ called the . Arlu..
C. see Bodil Hornemann. pl.]:S i ~ n r f i (Ic'I ' C ? J .4 (for the epithet of Ptah. 64 (this reference kindl! K9 Wildung. ( P A P S ) 9 3 ( 1949): 388-90. .(Berlin." Pro(. Milne. 3: Kitchen. I (Copenhagen. 8. 73.c ? lc9 r. W . tferr~7opolir. 17-18): Hogarth. 46-47. 12). 12: Bengt Julius Peterson. p. T h e Xu-statues of Ramesses I 1 in the niches of the Triple Shrine a t L u x o r function as intermediaries in forwarding his subjects' pleas t o Amun:'" inscriptions in t h e Triple Shrine speak of it a s a place "of riot? (Oxford. . assumes that the Kushite rulers of A parallel is t o be found In CG3802I (temp. 45): this reference ( u l t o .211\(. The American Numismatic Society. run7. 48. 72. royal Xu. U'etm cir. xxii. 120. Skrifter utgivna a v S\enska lnstitutet i Athen. 165.e\f. 33 and fig. rlir understand~ng this god as the royal ha of Ramesses 11.. Mur Stelur~in rlir NunXe. uninscribed. his own head o n his coinagewassignifying that he d ~ d . l ) / i Saint\.R e d u r i n g the Opet Festival. 121 [PE M. 5) wearing t h e curved ram's horn. 1980). Xh Donadoni. p.b'otiut~~etili . Tarn in Griffith.T.Sr~rtlirt? :U~II called t o m ! attention b ! W.trigt?c. 1940). 1969). 41. (Boston. 30a). 11. ed.r. Rot11.~gy~tisch holrner Sammlungen. 4". t\ tu i . no. Alfred R.5 Srurue\ porre-ensrignec Alrrut?tler: An E.65: Irniseba). 144): 1. See M M A photo 7.6. see Rosellini. c. For the \ol.irt i . IV. reads nh ~ I ( I . Cha~t?ln. p. bol.1 1): . . 34-37.yKoniget? unti P r i \ ~ u t I e ~ r r pt.xh Undoubtedly the king's ku was adored here.c of Anc.~rlu Athrt?ier~t/ci.\cr. 1951).(50092): C'ernq. 32.270 J O I ~ K ~OF AL N E ~ EASTFRY R ST[ DIES priests.ut~ acting as intermediary between a n official and a god \o/>hi( ol Soc." with small Xu-statues of the ruler placed in the niches.Lfot?tin~twri ~Iel (fig. 47. Srelr. . Raymond ./i for Catherine Chadefaud. pi. 9. Srutlic~t?z1rti7 ri7c~roiri\c~hen Kijnr. matic Studies no. p i. 8: In the corresponding structure built by Seti 11 at vol." These h o r n s have long been correctly associated with the god Amun. "1-e Petit remple rarnesside de Stelen e und Stelenfragmente aus StockLouqsor. (1915): 58. 15 (I-und. l l (New York.l. e~~ 3. " ' T h e wearing of the curved ram's horn. The ram's rot?^. further Borchardt. 130 (fig. read nh kindly called t o my attention by Martha R Bell: r i ~ ' ( I ) : Kitchen. Holrtr of Pro1eti1.1085 ur7unrJ.on Hofmann.iti. pp. p.)l/ei. 107-8 (nos. 36 = \ Chuer?~wrte). 13.\oir ~le cle Seri I 1 west wall. 19x3). l e Hr~ll. Dynasty Dynasty X X V served a s Alexander'. pp.\ (. Washington. 114 = Rosellini. 147-48: O G r ~ f f i t hp Farouk Gomaa. 18: o I l e M 2596: B M Karnak.lEA 2 [hereafter Srururt porrr~-m.5 (this reference kindly called t o my through the intermediary of the royal Xu.iPrh c l ' h ~ ~ ~ p t o l o g i e" . un(l y 2 See Nelson-Murnane. interprets the fact that Alexander "never put Fran~ois C hampollion.eedit~g\ of rlie Ar?~et-i(.lirn k'iinigrun7 (Brussel. 27 (279): unpublished representation in l u n r ? ~ ~ r ta es / the libing royal ku of this ruler: see the Outer Hypostyle of the Seti Temple at Abydos. Numiscf. !n. 256. Whiting): Tlir Seurc.e(hereafter B S E G ) 7 ( 1982): 13-14. between the chapels of Amun-Ke and Kei. pl. pp. Che\ rier and Drioton. Bellinger.ic9nne II~ totion P I i r l ~ ~ r l i o tc1un. fig. Run. 9') ('G 693: cited in lnge Hofrnann. BSEG 7 (19x2): 14. l ) r ~ r t riwn r r M r n ~ l ) h i(hereafter Rlk' 11.1712 (Th.\Yr-rnl)r]also adores Ptah and pl. Jeanp. was a d o p t e d in the Hellenistic world a s a token of the divinity of Alexander the Great after his conquest of Egypt. pl.1 (for the texts framing not regard h~mself a. see attention by Robert M. 111. 10-1 1 (cljc~tl-pillar): ri7r1.Sruturti untl .4 1r. Lr. 7.~y)fi(it? " Surely a t times other than when the barque of Srut~ior~ . pp. u t ~ p. D. W D A l K 12 (1943): pls. p. perionified in Ramesses I I and Merneptah. In\i.(1 [Paris.\ ' 11. Ex. 1973).rundc~1. k'urnuk (Cairo. Bevan. 216 (for a variant of this genre of scene." Blrllerit? (11.1.L) Ill. 175.14.oiticc.ulre clu k'u ro. o n e of the statues is addressed by the Strlue 7. a god: cf. and likewise representing either Arnun-Re o r a king a s Amun-Re).. 1971). AIerontk~rrhr Greor. pl. ~utic..lpr~ut? nane has now called attention to the ram-headed " . depicted c o m n ~ o n l yo n coins. p.5. this scene see Kitchen. H o h e ~ . 302 A A 27 (Wiesbaden. Anthes.4.iet?r Eg. 86-87 in w h ~ c h the same Vitier [. p." Ol~ucc. ) . 15-16. "The Portraits of Alexander Philo the Great. ROC: Tosi a n d Roccati. . . 1963). G r r ~ o r i u n up . matter of wearing the ram's horn.qe of . C ~ ~ . Exhibition Catalogue: [ISXO. T1pc.u/ii/~iriot?. 19821. IN So(. .ul National Gallery of Art. models in the X X X o r early Ptolemaic). 1930).pp. Horakhty (personal observation.y3 Alexander's activities in L u x o r undoubtedly reflect a n awareness t h a t his legitimacy a s a n Egyptian ruler depended o n his formal acceptance there by A m u n . p.s Ku.pl. I n \ ( t-. 1 10. horn is also attested of Thoth and Osirii: Gijnther KX Donadoni. 195X).: Soht? Ra1?7\e. 37." but their symbolism a s a sign of possession of the royal kn has never been traced back t o its origin. H i y ~ o \ g . below. 397 at Gebel es-Silsila.31.\ on / / i f ('o/na. 2.lohnson). C. p. Arnun was res~dentthere during festi~als. 405-8 (figs. IV. M o n ." A t the back of the left niche Ramesses I 1 is depicted (fig. 9 ' Margarete Bieber. n. Roeder. pl.\ro~.Srururttc~ti i. Get7e1." T h e head of a statue of a Hellenistic king ( o r g o d ) wearing a c r o w n with this distinctive ram's horn is t o be found in the C a i r o ~ u s e u m . LP T e t ~ ~ lre/~o. Greut. reads t7h pr: Schweiti-er. 200a.
notes that the colossus of Amen hotep 111 south of the Tenth Pylon at Karnak (for the references.rriihr/l. /. 115 (i) (inscription of Akoris on one of the polygonal columns erected around the Barque Sanctuary of the Small Temple at M e d ~ n e t Habu). Or. 28. pp. K'e. 40. bol. In.ruc. 77 (Vienna. Sruruec /)orrc-erl. pp. pointing out their role a s intermediaries in forwarding petitions to Amun: Murnane.c> TuIINI. . die grol3e Sonne ~ g y ~ t e n s ZA. ibid. \/PI. F o r the nrtl~i-staffinterpreted as the Xu in parallel of texts from Dqnasty X X . and Oli\ ier Masson. 91. 55: L A V. cf. 2. Roni. 11: Interpretation.\ei. p.\.. 1970. and the standard itself is associated with the royal Xu. 128). I.. \ tiarriuL./FA 6 6 1 (1975): 134. cf. fig. .1.14. including that of the king.591.r i titrn\rliicrori\t./lp Srri. 607. photo 5180. this reference k ~ n d l ycalled t o my attention by Edward F. r. 44 with n. 45 a b o ~ e )is described as a n "image" o r "likeness" (I\I. 110 (fig. rrin/rl): U'b.4 (inscription in Staircase V in the Abydos Temple of Ramesses 11.hT.ri~. 1983).1954 (1-ondon. 9' Wildung. Die Gorrehi~tihil~llii. 11. 616. 1983 (marginal text beneath a representation of a barque procession: read '\I' \r~i?r/i . pp. 617. Wente (marginal inscription on the western exterior wall: read \1 \IIIN/I .MoXlirur (forthcoming). n.~ni. p.. see Hornung. Wente.. " 99 (1972-73): 39.(_/. 13. see Kitchen. It is interesting to note that the largest statues found in Egypt (at Abu Simbel.3)./IXrii tlec Mcn." J o l ~ r h ~ r t /cl6. 9h Nims in Prot. 98 C'erni. DIP Riru~Itl(rr\ r e l l ~ r t ~ t11~\ g~t~ Rorrre\\eutii.[ti( I I rt. Clearlq related to this is the rite of presenting the ram-headed standard before the enthroned Osorkon 11 during the coronation ceremonies a t his jubilee. of (nl. I ) ] riiir~t. 7: so also the named colossus of Ramesses I 1 before the 1-uxor Pqlon: Kitchen. " C f .r specifqing the king as the "(exact) likeness" of the sun god as his earthly representative.16.r.5 Kc!. 1ti. pls. 1967). p. 36.) Ramesses I11 a t Medinet Habu receiked a n extra portlon of offerings o n the d a y of the coronation feast: Nelson in MbrX iti U'etrrrn Theha\ 1931-33. O I C I8 (Chicago. 0I. this reference kindly called t o my attention by Edward F. see n. cq~. Suirc Orut. F o r r~1.Tlirrtl Iilrarno/ir)nol ('r)ii. 153. see Parker et al.rii ~Ie. A A 25 (Wiesbaden. and p.1. These texts complement one another and are both t o be reconstructed a s \ I \rinih sr_lni \pr\i. 11.qre\ o/ Orieritali~r. p. The Colossi of M r m n o n are each referred t o as a rrt. "Kamses. :\I&/.cc. 1981).\. 18 1 A: this reference kindly called t o my attention by Edward F . Ifetlinat H o h ~ r Ill. the aegis at both the prow and stern of t h ~ sbarque is clearly humanheaded and wears the solar ore/-crown: collated by me. 1983). Rotn.21et/lnar Hahtr l l I . kol. cf. In.\i. 564: idem. pls. 1224-32-apparently here specify~ng Amun-Re a s constituting the king's Lo. p."" indicating that the people were sometimes allowed t o a p p r o a c h the chapels with appeals t o the gods.Habachi. Memoires d u Centre Franco-Egqptien d'Etude des temples de Karnak 2 (Paris.5 .~)] 1111. o n the king in his Xu-aspect \isuali/ed as a sphinx. Helck."'The colossal hu statues of Ramesses l l served the same way:" a n d the portable barques.35 (A52 840). .lc.C/)\I." .r n ( w r ) ri!r.' [r/)ilr]): Claude Traunecker. 44. " Oswald Loret7. fig. B~~legsr.I) of Amun-Re. o r associated with d ~ v i n e barques. Schweitrer. Mahmud Abd el-Rarik. stressing their unity: Haeny.15 = 166. 1981. collated by me.15.t~lir~ii (Munich. 1934). 1956).530. MoXhrur (forthcoming). ?/)./nlr..sr_Inr \prw[/ ii( I . F o r this formula in other public areas of temples.(. 9. 7 and n..l I. wherebq the - populace gained access t o the court during festibals: see further below.crlHall.c.1 < ( I ) . Bel(y\r. Wildung. 104.qt~ B/. ed. 144-45. 152. Wente: see Chic.c2c2~liti&\ of 111e TMrnt.'h standards (int/rt. 629. along with a sphinx representing Atum as the royal Xu: Naville. collated by me. Chadefaud.\c/ni perfectly (personal collation. 1972).ri6 . 1983: for a reference t o the cult image of Ramesses I 1 in his barque in the continuation of this text. 14. IV.7. ~ . Lo C'/~ul)rllr ~lli.C'oiiihriclqe -7/.r.>t.making supplication a n d of hearing petitions. p. . Kitchen. p.I5 (inscription adjacent t o the "People's Gate" on the east of the Court of Kamesses ll at Luxor Temple. pp.)depicted flanking the falsed o o r a t the rear of the Amun chapel in the Triple Shr~no e f Ramesses I1 a t Luxor Temple.A V. pp. F r a n ~ o i s eLe Saout. 101. pl.4E 51 (1951): 213:cf. Wh.~ pl. 53.42-43.\I. could also b e approached during festival processions f o r submitting questions t o them for oracular responses. n."Iler cially its transmission heil~ge S t a b als Kraftquelle des Konigs: Versuch einer Funktionsbestimmung der agyptischen StabtragerStatuen. 48-50. Pu/)~. 9-43 (this reference called t o my attention by Christian Loeben). and the Colossi of Memnon) are of deified kings. "Der in Mensch als 'Rild Gottes' in ~ g y ~ t e n . 570.. I (hereafter Riruoltlorcrelluti~aii). 111. 152.\r?h'//i AIIRU\I./)riun So~tit. Inst. Roiir.3. 80. B~irr?j.)I \ / ) ~ I I .i-. rather than nonhuman dibinities. The i)zt/rt. l I . see Bell. E~li/ii. espeHelmut S a t ~ i n g e r . 210. Fe. AS. the Ramesseum. The traces following \nin/i in 616. 12.qrn in U'ien. The double false-door found here and in other Kamesside barque sanctuaries signals the presence of both king and god in these shrines. in Parker.11.3 fit . 1-2: Barguet. \ I . as though their function is t o con\ey to the viewer the impression that the union of king and godhead had created a superdeity on earth. "The Iledicatory and Building Texts o f Ramesses I 1 in I-uxor Temple. ReirrBxe Bf. 40.Z 68 (1973): 553. 150. however. 198 1).
P a i n t e d o n t h e walls of t h e a p s e were t h e figures of t h e t w o Augusti a n d t h e t w o C a e s a r s of t h e e n d of t h e third c e n t u r y A . Nebmaatre. Monneret de Villard. see Kitchen. 95 (Oxford. pp. s o u t h e r n d o o r w a y was blocked with a n a p s e .MIFA0 (forthcoming). Nims described the cult place of the divine Roman emperors a t Luxor ~ e m ~ l e as " ' follows: T h e c e n t r a l d o o r w a y [ f r o m t h e P o r t i c o of t h e temple proper] gave access t o a n eight c o l u m n e d hall. Gehurt c/r\ Gorrhiini. this last reference kindly called to my attention by Labib Habachi. my beloved. Ir7cc. 220. However. t o the First Vestibule itself. one together with me in the midst of the Palace ('11): I have given to you all life and dominion. William Murnane pointed out to me the existence of a Xhekrr-frie7e at the top of the walls of both rooms of the Coronation Suite (Rooms XIII-XIV).l~aeologia or W~. n. p a r t s of which a r e still visible. Karnak). you appearing as King of Upper and Lower Egypt upon the throne of Horus. L A 111." BlFAO 74 ( 1974): 63."' The real nature of this unique monument has been obscured by its common misidentification a s a Coptic Church. L~r.soc~rlhr~~~ f o r t h e s t a n d a r d s of t h e R o m a n legion w h o s e heroes were s h o w n o n t h e painted plaster surface c o v e r i n g t h e p h a r a o n i c reliefs. sug gesting that this decoration served to designate this part of the temple specifically as the "Palace": cf. for the ' h at Karnak as the place where the king is born to Mut or Werrhekau."' The socle upon which the whole of Luxor Temple rests south of the Court of Amenhotep 111 delineates the earliest phase of the construction of Amenhotep 111 and (1983): 130." Brunner. and I have also found it in Room XXII: see Brunner. 85-105. cf.6-7 (ref. w i t h a n o t h e r wide d o o r w a y in t h e o p p o s i t e wall. signifies that the source of the emperors' divinity was now different from that of the Egyptian king. "Le Palais de Karnak.\.I5 (containing references t o a n ' b at Luxor). 1953). for the hieroglyph used in writing the word 11. 115 P. Rot~l.\r~r~llanrou\ Truc. 19 and pl. "The Temple of the Imperial Cult at Luxor. T/lehe\ of rlle P/~araoh. D . Topogrul~hir. For further relevant examples. Before this w a s a c a n o p y resting o n f o u r pillars.uxor. May you be in joy with your Xu. Michel Gitton. p. n. For the architectural modifications t o I-uxor Temple during the Roman period. 30 (reconstruction)."' The Romans' selection of this part of the temple for the worship of the divine emperors was surely deliberate. 320. cf. 11.q\. An unpublished architrave inscription in the Colonnade of Luxor Temple describes Seti I as "one whom Werthekau nurtured (rrzn) in the Palace (:/I) of Karnak. pl. t f r ~ ot lhie. p. see U . . the construction of a secondary entrance giving access to the south end of the temple from the east indicates the continuance of some Amun rituals here. ' I 4 Nims. 5. p.uxor T e m p l e t h e c e n t r e of a ( ~ ~ ." In Brunner. 116 Cf.uor. "2 After my initial research into this question.r.lI6 That the Romans cut off direct access to the Amun sanctuary beyond. 14.lorir7g ro Anriyuir~. [ I 7 Barguet. . W h e n t h e R o m a n s m a d e t h e I.V 11'. pl. like Re. 474. 616. 128. he has since noted this frie7e in the Portico. however. considers the possible identity of this Palace with the Magistrates' Chamber. 101. In 1965 Charles F. 1104. 132. whom I have made of my (own) flesh. pp. For the original publication of this material.ine emperor. 25-26. It w a s in this very s a n c t u a r y thlit Diocletian a n d M a x i m i n I h i a c o m m a n d e d C h r i s t i a n s t o m a k e sacrifices t o t h e di\. a n error unfortunately perpetuated even in the standard Topographical Bibliography of Porter and MOSS. Daumas. I.applied at Luxor generally t o the Eighteenth Dynasty temple from the Portico t o the Barque ~ a n c t u a r y " ' or. motivated by awareness of the 1500-year-long tradition of its association with the cult of the divine king. t w o of which still remain: u n d e r this c a n o p y o n c e s t o o d a s t a t u e of t h e e m p e r o r . 543 (Aa 30). saying. 26. "My son of my body. see Jean-Claude Golvin and Michel Reddci. T h i s hall was t h e s a n c t u a r y of t h e imperial cult a n d t h e . see Otto. . I l 7 Nevertheless. EG. Gardiner. the childking is acknowledged by Amun-Re at 1. and nurtured by them." Arc. L A 11. where the king's barque and ka-statue probably resided. 494 (0 I I ) . more narrowly. pp.1 . 31.fs Rt.
and another dating pp." picturing himself in the midst of it a s "Re of the Nine ~ o w s " " ' (putting him clearly into a relationship with foreigner^). pp.5. that they might live. In fact. 1. pl. 407: LL) 111. T e n i l ~ l r \ tit.e tlec ruirlec Te111/)le cle Lu.5). 30a) for the deified Merneptah. 1208(. 13: Haeny. f r o m the time of Tutankhamun ( l ' r k . p. solar trre/. Te~n/)le tle Lou. 59 = The Epi1 1 ' Alexander Badawy. The One ant/ the . 27: Schwaller de I. 316. Georges Daressy. 111c(. Re o f t h e Nine Bows. IV.6: VIII. pl.. 1651.Morlu~ni. pl. IV.) . ete 130 . Battlr Reliefi of Kin.oric e r ~l. where Amenhotep 111 later constructed his Court.. 80: idem. pl. 9." '20 i ' r k . 120-21. " H f i .\.nti of the sense of the compound preposition h/t-br-n( 1. 39. and wine.l. 201 (c-e): for the significance of C h u e r ~ ~ ~ t ~p. L1u. the S L ~ . pl.3).k' Ill.ror (Cairo. See now Beatrix Gesslerpl. 11.Mrtliner Huhu V . Resort o r Temple'?. 29a).l I).9: VII. pl. O I P 107 (Chicago. M D A l K 14 (1956): figs. pl. Champol . he is s o G. MOII. Hornung.s Grab c1e.1117: 011' 35 (Chicago. t'a~rman in C o A 111.ubic7. 1893).\-rc r h r o i g h I).6.:q~. 1974). 2. Rosellini. 108: the present example ( l ' r k . 120A. VIII. p.r n . If this is the Maru.rolo:ir ell 1979. 1-2./. .Vr. "Maru-Aten: Pleasure graphic Survey.8). Mighty Bull. WPI.61.'Egi.7-1652. B e i r r i i ~ rBf." W D A l K 34 (1978): 179. Tjununi: Il5 Kitchen.I-laru's location have relied o n the implications lion. see Davies-Gardiner.Y L'lll (Baltimore and London. operating in his La-aspect. addressed by Thoth as Amun crowns him with the I ? ? Cf.I. 120B. 28a 1 2 7 Cf. " ' Inscriptions on the pilasters projecting slightly into the Court a t the east'" and west corners of the Portico boast that "all lands and all countries are a t the feet of this perfect god (the king) whom all the gods love and all the rekhjset (the king's subjects) adore.) n.l~c.erlr I. cattle. this reference kindly called t o my Ramesses Ill is addressed this way with reference t o foreign lands bowing in submission through fear of attention by Richard F a u i n i : Christiane WalletLebrun.p. . Thi. 1970. pl. 378-80./ier Terri~. See Gomaa. forthcoming). pl.Morn.\-or. Monu~nerlri croric.yer~Seer1 u. one 1 2 4 1-eclant. 2. IV." him. 606.L~JXO TEMPLE R AND THE CULTOF THE ROYAL K.21: I 6hr.c. pls. ll. pl. One is reminded of the representations of the Opet Festival procession in the Court of Ramesses 11"%nd the procession of the mineral regions bringing their riches t o the temple. "La 'Mascarade' des boeufs gras et le from the reign of Thutmose IV ( ( I r k .r.9.4. 271 -73. ./~ric(. Weclinet Hahu I. 140. I. 121 See Rainer Stadelmann." . 365. IV. 19. . At Amarna. 120A(. pl. (fig. pl.tr \. 19771. 365.l~rian Te./iijne Fe.? Srr I . Wolf. 105.13): R l K north: Lise Manniche in I. Amenhotep 111 describes a great public spectacle. ' 2 3 F o r the representation of foreigners associated with the use of this epithet.14. 7-8. pl. 21 (Hildesheim.""^ which Amenhotep 111 speaks of in his great building i n ~ c r i ~ t i o n then . 187-89. MoXhrar (forthcoming).4) all Nims in Prot r r t l i r l ~ c .21. pl.'^' The Maru seems t o be a place where the divine king's power is made manifest.ctoric. L A l l .i." see Bell.l.eI. ." hee D a ~ i d 1-orton. .9. Die heili. I I . 11. 302 = p. For this epithet Ir~rerr~alionu Cor1grec. Helck. AV 19 [Mainr a m Rhein.uri\." The occurrence of this rekhjset iormula here tends t o confirm the admission of the populace t o this place.3: V. 316. semi-precious stones. flowers. 557. HAB VI.II.4 275 marks the limits of the sacred precinct.'2s as well as the sacrifices depicted a t small kiosks a s the barques are carried in and out of the temple in the reliefs of the ~ o l o n n a d e . pl.4 42 (1956): 58-64: cf. In Wrcliner Hahu VI.'28 "referring t o international relations.y~. 1983).on O l ~ e rpls. gold. 302 = Rosellini. l n ~ i ~ r ~ i ~ r i o r ~ t ~ l Relariorlc rn L:. a sort of royal review a t which even foreign representatives vie with each other in the splendor of their offerings of silver. Mon. Rurrr. 59. 11. The J ~ r r i t l i t a lT r r r n i n o l o ~o/ ~. ( I . I ~ . 606(. IV. 61 7. 9. 1652." JE. . 4 1 . 2. Ter11l11etlr ~ ' H O I I I I Ivol. called "The the "Sunshade of Re. 120(. of the dues of all lands. "Viewing lace.1. Barguet. 83 and pls. I l(.13: R l K ll. p. 120. IV. "Tempel und TempelHul. T\t. ) ~ -is R 'associated with the . 1 103: Schwaller de Lubic7. M . " ~ he depicts this court12' as a "place of receiving the revenues of all countries and the delivery . Gayet. 5 1 . for placjng this structure outside Luxor toward the 105(. 118 ilir + . 74.7-621. namen In Theben-Ost und -West.1 1.l. . 1936). pp.4). Thehen . pl. vol. pls. Sc.r~rulitrc.Metliner Huh11 I. Annelies a n d Artur Brack. 1013. vol.1 I = triomphe de I'Egypte.of rhi."8 Thus the approach of the king's subjects would have been restricted t o the area north of the Portico./ ~ rd a n s les textes de construction. Additional references include Champollion. 2071. ( I n .c l of Orii.M 58 (1982): 75-94. pl. T h e most recent discussions of the Karnuk. p.-Tliirtl antedate the examples cited there.
85. 102*. Cf." J E A 66 (1980): 57 (fig. and the Court of is not clear from Gayet's presentation: they actually Ramesses 11. pls. "The Upper Court \out. 1983): Abd el-Hamid Zayed. JEA 39 (1953): 26-27.3 (foll. p. a r e identified a s v!i). 102 through fig. 6 (color photo) and pls. \ t e l l u ~ ~ . V. 44 Xhupre.uxor. Two Ladies. At Luxor it is repeated three places: ( I ) o n the base of the second column from the west (at the left of the entrance t o the A m u n chapel) o n the portico of the Triple Shrine: cf.: S o m e Variations of the rhi1." JEA 56 (1970): pl. F o r identified as I J ' I .) When the Court of Amenhotep 12' Gayet. 19 (fig. pl.5 Kiinig~ 1. being described as "in a joyful state together with his ka. Mar. Der Tr. This ri>kh). station.ul-Hall. 196).%!PI. . The oldest example of the formula is found associated with a figure of the enthroned Nebhepetre Mentuhotep from the Sanctuary of the Eleventh Dynasty Temple Haou-Nebout I (\~i/te).. The BarXal Tr. 17(2). Helck. 13 17. runs before Amun-Min-by this ritual exercise"' the strength of his ka is enhanced o r intensified. 49a-b.pp. pl. Deir el-Bahavi 1968-1972 (Warsaw.\ti~. ' 3 0 Dietrich Wiedemann. "Les z) + . "Uber ASE 34 (London. and the submisCaminos. ( I n the unpublished decoration of the me. Ti>~nplr. 7)."' while the I~tnmurqf-priestmediates1" before Colonnade of Hatshepsut's Temple a t Deir elBahri. W.~ ~ L I : I . accompanied by a kafigure. . ernmost) way station for the barque of Amun which 58a. 50b-51a: union of the two lands. pl. 36: cf. Davies. 108. T ? .ytloni Tet. BIFAO48 (1949): 138 (collated by 117 and n." Ac. incorporating the old Hatshepsut barque run in order from fig. Har\hep. 132 Gardiner.r [S] and p't [N]: personal observation. el-Bnhari 111. JEA 39 (1953): 27-28. 6. pl. 1) = Court of Ramesses 11: cf.th-crown associated with the coronation. "Au pyl6ne d'HarmTemple. I. his Horus. and (3) in the 1. 129. 58.il~le. AV I I (Main? 137: (2) o n several fragments from the sixth ( ~ o u t h . p .t-birds me. 1983). 53-54: the Ill was enclosed by the construction of the Colonsequence of the individual scenes from north t o south nade. 102). 1983.\. Hatshepsut also employs this formula at Karnak and 131 Gardiner. The . 98. linking Karnak and Luxor. 2). access t o it was restricted. Hat\hc. y~~~ I~ .If we leave the crowds outside and withdraw to the vestibule before the Barque Sanctuary.esrek llabrowski. pp. 1970). and identified by me in April of 1983 (frie7es of adoring rb~. V. cf. . Wi. 57: l'rk.I. Wysocki. For the Deir el-Bahari: Lacau-Chevrier. p. I I T/1ehe." JEA 68 (1982): Gunn. we find a very revealing sequence of reliefs. XlV iE (= pl." B IFAO 48 (1949): a t lleir el-Bahari: Arnold.\iw tie\ KO.28: Edouard exterior of this doorway. 23. sion of the Nine Bows): cf. catory and Building Texts of Ramesses I 1 in Luxor pp. 74. "The llediDunham. .Bahari I I. Next the king. 1979). his ka-power renewed.1. 43. are all the ka-name. von Bissing. pl. gS: George A. and Golden names. \ I ." alternate with kneeling male figures." 75-76. Schweitzer. J. pl. W. 939-40. 2. 1974). the kneeling male figures Naville. BIFAO48 (1949): 131.VES 14 (1955): 42 = Vercoutter.l~ Karkowski. probably to be A S A E 5 7 (1962): 115-18 (collated by me.ror. 66-67 (fig." JEA 60 (1974): 149 (5B): for habi a Karnak (X' pyl6ne):' A S A E 14 (1914): the name of this doorway.etformula is found elsewhere in association with portable barques and other appearances o r manifestations of the king o r a god. p. see (fig.eclant. "The Barkal decoration of the "People's Gate" o n the east of the Temples in 1916.nlpel rle.r Symbol.\ (Boston.acau-Chevrier. tle Lou. A S A E 26 (1926): 187 = A E O 1. 110 = Battiscombe "The Origin of the Blue Crown.1. the king goes on t o erect the shnt-pole before Amun-Min. 7 1. 24: D ~ i r I. "Inscriptions from the Step Pyramid Site. 8): I.. we can follow the king's transformations as he draws nearer and nearer the god.'29 First the king. 12. became the public area of the temple. 265-67 and pls.12: die Kapelle im Hof Ramesses I1 im Tempel von Vercoutter.\ o f the Pharaoh. vul. l l . L A 111. presents offerings before Amun-Re-the measure of his near unity with the royal ka now indicated by the fact that the first three names of his titulary. "The Main Hypostyle Hall of the Temple of Hatshepsut a t lleir el-Bahri. n. "Miscellaneous Notes I. IV. F. 50. Vercoutter. reused by Ramesses I 1 in R i r u a l r / a r . see LD Ill. pl. 8 (1930): 147. .-Kin.ot1 Lleir 6. 10). Abd el-Ra7ik. Z. 5): Legrain.. 1983): IMetlit~et Hnhu 1.h'e~~. Nims. 1358. Fi. 10. In the uppermost register (below the "frieze") o n the west wall of this chamber. p. 64 (fig. 1974). p. I: T h e Texts. IV. 266-67. 80 (collated by the construction of the Triple Shrine.\o f Buhetl 11.ta Oriet~talia foll. Reisner." Finally he kneels as Horus before Amun-Re t o receive the khepresh (blue) crown (the only crown mentioned specifically by Horemheb in his coronation text). in association with th: motifs of the other occurrences.Wr~ntuhoti~/) a m Rhein. Ramesses ll also uses the formula a t the Hatshepsut erected along the Processional Way Ramesseum and in his Abydos Temple: cf.\orit." JEA 5 (1918): 102 (fig.rnl~le.
add Calverley-Gardiner. ~ ~ 5ith r r ~ r 15 1. and later Ramesses 11. . which is not a funerary temple?'44 The answer t o both these questions may be that the scenes a t Luxor. "La Reine Touy. I I. 1669. 17711.14. Gaballa. names which are elsewhere unattested for this king. Luxor Temple thus seems t o have been the mythological and theological power base of the reigning monarch from the New Kingdom onwards. Mokhrur (forthcoming): t o the alive o r dead but is determined by the fact that he is references c ~ t e d there. The representations of the divine conception and birth of Hatshepsut. I. see Peter the royal mortuary temple..\: for the reliefs of king's names in the corresponding dedication inscripRamesses 11. royal Xu. Femme d e Sethi I. visiting the east bank only t o join the barques of Amun.14' This would serve only to particularize o r personalize the representation. WCJ\P~I (I?\ Ka. T h e \ignificance of these variant names w ~ l l be discussed below. there. however. In a n y case. 150. 141 F o r examples of throne names. pl. Nelson's difficulty with the identif~cationof the i e 5ic. IV./iet7.4 I K 29 (1973): 7 I .. 1940). ' 4 Adored as a n aspect of Amun-Re: see Bell. F o r a related arrangement of the Brunner. see York. reign and moved t o the king's mortuary temple only (1t~Ill7-11/r~'). 5 and pl. 60: Radwan. pp. the living monarch in his mortuary temple has been 276-77: Nock. et ses proches parents inconnus.cult image in the king's barque now seems illusory: u17rr~tIe1r~t7.tloc Ill. tlir ulren A . J!VES 1 (1942): 145-46.146 143 F o r the general treatment of this genre. tion o n the south of the exterior wall of the Montu dence o n the Birth of Pharaoh. dargestellt und angerufen als 0si:is have been kept in Luxor Temple during the king's MD. 53-56: see the barque is not materially affected by whether he is further Bell.MoXhrur (forthcoming). see further G A. Mr.6-1670. 1" The practical question here is where was the wrltten in cartouches and placed o n Xu-standards. 1977).14' But it is not the legitimization of a particular king's reign which is intended here.143Why are they not found in every royal mortuary temple? And why are they found a t all in Luxor 'Temple. The need t o change the cult image inside . Wir." Or. a n aspect of the eternal Aht. 30-34: cf. for the antithesis of the kufor festival processions.qrii\\rrt~U I I ~wir \it. Amenhotep Ill. n. 610. In contrast. a s the living royal ka. . L'1. 2. Jahrgang 1940. 1" Despite the recent suggestion of Donadoni. L A Ill. and Khonsu Kaplony. "New Evi. t o be acknowledged a s the legitimate royal heir of Amenhotep 111. names of deified kings not written in cartouches. 27b. which were a n integral part of Amenhotep 111's design for the temple of the living ka. It is most instructive to note that the ka-name following the titles King of Upper and Lower Egypt and S o n of Re is never written in a cartouche. pt. the status of the king apropos of h ~ manifestation s In phil.h . n.rising sun." upon his death. Harvard Studies 41. p./. and always shall be. the temple can function in this respect for any and all kings. 14 For the dealt with by Nelson.-hist. ~ 1 \e r~it7uncIer \11ruc. KI. 9. o r it could have resided normally in ' 4 2 For the original usage of the cartouche to write the king's profane b ~ r t hname (nomen). The enduring success of Luxor Temple a s a cult place of the living king's ka rests in the fact that individual identity is suppressed in its ritual: the monarch grows into the unique ka which is shared by all the kings of Egypt and has been handed on from ruler t o ruler since the creation of the universe. living king's barque normally lodged'? For it could see Schweitler. BSEG 7 (1982): 14-15. the ka of the deceased king1" is manifested in its own special temple. 13. see Hermann Grapow.s.A I l l .l. "Amenophis Ill. M u t . no. pls. could only have enhanced the position of a n y of their less illustrious successors. Gorrkiit7i. y ~ . p. and Ramesses 11 are most unusual documents in their rarity. were indeed felt t o depict the transmission of the royal ka in such generic terms as t o serve for nearly every king ever to come onto the throne of Egypt. see Karnak I . I2 (Berlin." nary full titulary of A m e n h o t e p l l l (west side) opposed t o a n unusual titulary (east side) containing RtlE 2 1 ( 1969): 28-39. 36 (1967): Temple a t Karnak North. A P A W . on the same side a s the Birth Suite). Grhurr tie. cf. Here we find the ordl299-304 and pls 63-65: Habachi.If.X.q. pp. The celebration of the cult of name and the monarch's individuality.
cloc I. Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis.rion\ . pls. 1 1 ..c 117 r17l))c. 151 Above the stern of the divine barque. Golden One: Fashioner of the Shrines of Amun. pl. I0 (fig. vol." as embodying the deif~ed 14' Cf. In Room V of the Seti I Qurna Temple. 28-32. 26. L'rX. Rirurl tlu c.r/?I. Mariette. 19.ou. Uppsala Studies in Ancient Mediterranean and Near Eastern Civililatlons 6 (hereafter Boreu.r (behind the naos): Schwaller de Lubic7. 19. . Calverley-Gardiner. pl. 53. . the king hailing Amun-Re with pure water (E). pls. associated with the water rite performed before the barque. o r in Nubia. But just what has happened t o h i m ? At the climax of the offering ritual. behind the naos. cf.'" hailing ( n d . Monumental (i. o n the opposite wall. Inst. 149 In the Q u r n a Temple. 148 Schwaller d e Lubicr. Indeed some of the kings as Amenhotep Ill at Soleb o r Ramses 11 at Thebes worship their own images.ror. r ) . 23.) a n d enjoying m a n y more "years" (r17/>rt~t). Te171/1lc. i u n u tCollt~c. .) figures the barque after the mortal ruler's death should not have arisen.r-h1r 1111 R': see Chic.-)cn. cf.in iour17u!irr. 'By 4 9 paronomasia. $1 H r I ! 11 177 (171.t/oc 11. F o r the presentation of fresh flowers linked to the achievement of millions of years. T h e opposite wall shows the king in the prior episode of the cult.i. . 1753. Ramesses I 1 is shown offering both incense and fresh flowers before the barque of A m u n . the god has diverted the benefit of the offerings o n t o the king. 184. photo 9418.ulre cli1. Brirra.'~' T h u s the epithet "divine" (nl~.X I) /7h. iVlr_~>). 12. At s o m e point the H o r u s n a m e seems t o have been carefully erased. pl.~. 48. t/e I.ilrc~l7irec~rur. we read ( / I . ~ ( .e. we read rl1. T w o Ladies: Great of Monuments and Divine of Appearances. I.40 49 (1950): 121-30. cf. 3055 ( A m u n ) XXIX. 150 See ~ ~ H i e r BM(Gurc1mer).R e carried in procession: L D Ill.i. Lu-ror. pls. "La Salle V d u temple d e Sethi le' i Gournah. T h e choice of the particular offerings which a r e the immediate instruments of the king's apotheosis has hardly been left t o chance. These statues were therefore sacred entities with divine attributes superior t o those of the king.2-5 = Moret. H e has become the Horus: Mighty Bull. 1974). 19-24. l ~ ' he s t a n d s before the open d o o r s of t h e shrine of t h e b a r q u e of A m u n .~ in U/)/I\U/U. 101.vor. 82. p.np. 69. "Aberrations about Akhenaten. At the south end of the west wall of the Barque ~ a n c t u a r y . Habachi. Fro117 rl7r G u \ t u ~ .A k e Nordstrbm. But the culmination of the ritual o n the west wall is celebrated with "incense" ( s ~ L Ia .1974. Karnak. See further Alexander M. Ter77l1le c/e I. cf.1. pl. alternates with the lu17177uref'offering tnlr before Seti I ( W ) : see Christophe. Gayet.rlin 1. Te11711let/e I'Ho1?71?ic~.h r ) the god by pouring out pure water in front of him: t h u s he himself has presumably become purified before the g o d .snlrr). 27. Badawy.. Brunner. 1981. The most elaborate example of a New Kingdom paronomastic offering ritual is perhaps that of the presentation of green cloth f ~ u n dmost fully in pBr. 100-101. see also Bengt Birkstam in Sture Brunnsaker and ~ a n s .uxor. b u t it is obvious that the king has taken o n a whole new a n d distinct persona here in his intimate relationship t o A m u n . "abounding in monuments") a n d Divine (Mnrc. n.l5" this is what the king receives in his turn: "being made a god" (. 150a.4hl.ou. p. 59 (XVII 25c. T h u s the king c o m e s directly into the presence of the god. 2.2-4).) n d "(fresh) flowers" ( r n l ~ ~ . extending his hand inside f o r the presentation of incense a n d elaborate floral bouquets (fig. a s well a s "becoming young (again)" (1.15. rrlr /7/711 111 rn1111. . 59). The phonetic and semantic combinations and permutations developed here are truly phenomenal. whose glory is instantly reflected back o n t o him. p. 14.. pls. Jequier.L ~ J X OTEMPLE R AND THE C ~ J LOF T THE ROYALKA 28 1 But the king still has o n e more astonishing transformation yet t o undergo. pp. W h o Provides f o r their Offering Tables. IV. 3-6 (figs. One can perhaps think of the statue concept of kingship. Ahl. cf. 2. 9). Or.. 92. 6 ) (Uppsala. Te177plt~ cle I'Ho177nlc. the many pious a n d beneficial acts which the king has performed f o r the sake of the god a r e reflected in each of the new names. any more than it would have seemed necessary t o take down his colossal Xu-statues at I.39). Gayet. Boreas. which we a r e privileged t o witness. For the presentation of millions of years linked t o becoming young again. 68-69." BIF." ZAS 99 (1973): 66: "The worship of royal statues during the lifetime of the king they represented does not imply a worship of the king himself.ye Bf 1 1 . This time he is endowed with a full titulary containing three unique names.18-20.e I . vol.
T . I . I! I I I . 1974).LTOF THE ROYAL KA 283 prominently in the king's special names. see Faulkner.5): Ernesta Bacchi.r. p.3 ( T h . Reli. /~Bc. 49.1) 111. I" cher les ouvrlerh de la necropole thebaine.5 !\I //I. is like a rebirth o r kingl) power and. pls.6. .\ Bernadctte Letellier. 77-78. ti1 r1i.~~/I(I//IC I. 153. pl. 131-34. l*r ['ie cl~ro~itltr~rlt~c~ crrri\citi\ tlc' Pl1(1rtiot1. 5 I B. T . . 116a) reads: 117c_l-/l~A 1ti11 . 51.2loAh/crr (forthcoming). 343-45.see L)c2ir 1. 1938). 3 (1. 41iiet7. I s h Temp. 29.iBtil~ortIV. "Certain Reliefs at Karnak a n d Medinet Habu and the Ritual of Amenophis I. Museo di Torino 6 (Turln. pl. pl 7: T h e Epigraphic S u r ~ e y Tllr. 156./.r.y\lit/1 ut7(1 rllr tiotl\. pp. i . 1979). pl. The eldest daughter of King Herihor. 115: Brunner. 15' The f o l l o w ~ n g text has been reconstructed b) compari\on of the extant ~ e r s i o n sof this rite: 1r1r \t1!r: 11 \ti!r ti 11 \r. fig. T h e earliest kersion of t h e text of the incense rite known t o m e occurs o n a n offering table inscribed f o r A m e n h o t e p ill. the Opet-shrtne.yioir\ Ri/ircrlcrr . 56: Geoffre) Thorndike \ o l I. pl. 13. . see Haenq. "LC Culte d'ArnCnophi. 1933).l tiir ~irlrt. 17. [In). .Me..) (Warminster. pp. I : Aldred.3-8: Moret. 146-50. Grutiirt~.11~: Ir. P1. ciil. p.l ti( 1 ."? Inasmuch a s the intent of the Ritual is t o identify the reigning monarch with his divine ances1% I ii) tors. Da\id. 1942). 1976).l. .At?~cir~icr. This spell occurs in the contest of the Opening + . Totiih of A'llrrlrr~f: TIicho~i 7i11?1/1IY? (hereafter Kllc'rlrrf). tiir) /tic/-ITPA t ? ~ t i ."" but its origins lie in Spell 200 of the Pyramid ~ e x t s . r \:. 221.t-Hr ~ I . 1 2 5 7?1ttlhe\ (le A'hri~ri/crtr~r~ou. p l. 1 2 2 ~ ) c .BAe 8 (Brus. n. 108.1 1. pl.Ati(. Rarnese. is also ~ ~ I / I I\ .-. 6. pp.2lar11.1. r ) . wife of Amenhotep 1.tl. 9. tee Elmar Edel. X11. Exhibition Catalogue.14: for thi\ king described as t 1 i t .I Hr.\r.t~: I . . M l F A O X (Cairo. 36 a n d n.1 I lr1-H~ /1c/n(. ti( I ) /I e l ti( I ) \tlLr ~llLr1~ll(~i) 5t1~r ~ii(tt )1. Musee\ de Met? (1978)./Ile.2. at the same time.tlit~el~ fig. 84 (fig.Motiirtilenr\ polrr \er\. R I K I. (1927). IX..1 = Champollion. 2: idem. I. The word play of this text."h the incense rite. For de\ignated ~I!I.. a s well a s the intent of the dikine suckling ritual. (1)t. 27. .L) Ill.l l ~ k \ t ~ l r(\ai. The beginning of this .ZSE 35 (London. pl.-I\frotii rllr 7itt1e of . C'. see Brunner..Ii' now familiar in t h e texts of the architrake a n d ku-statue considered earlier.i..ondon."' which is equivalent t o Section 21 of the Berlin service-book.t7.l't'/erriti (London.I~~ / I / I / . 7). Ic'crt-el~t~rr). pl.4hll(~t1tiri. Bouriant. Tlir.A \!I ~t.~r.L /Ilt.IX).VESX (1949): 201-6. \ t r k \ t i 1r1-Hr I P L \ & P \ i \ t If/. 28. 4.230-33.\ 0 l . .crc~rrrc o f 7irrcrr1Ahcr11irtl(New York. 1981.\-/\ I 1 (Warminster.A Ill. 153. p. 4-5. with the white crown affixed (east side) then the red crown (west side)..clo\.Ii4 This scene clearly refers t o Episode 18 of the Ritual of A m e n h o t e p I. see Hornung. 12 = i'ernj. 13: 1!. I i 4 Frankfort. and G . Go/(/ of 7irrur1Al1utii~rt1. \01.Motl. l)i.\-(ir.4111crrr1cr VI. p. I h 0 Mrs.4itd. Uartin. I I. 23). Murra) Thriepland in (. 7. 92 ( n o ." H l F A O 21 (1927): pl. f. pl.~-n!r 11 $11 . a rebirth of the goddess ( ' a h e n thou art n e a and qoung')"--(r)tti ( ~ t .it~[rtt7~1-/1rAit1-t1lr lt~c_l-/irk tiit~-~t . p. 16) = Maj Sandman. Jequier. The significant varlant tI!r in place of $111~ occurs in C3. A'it7.\torici. Tr~. I.ouer Eg)pt personified as the godde. 199 e ( T h .. C i .5: 3014 3053 ( M u t ) V1. LFor .rr t~ (for the ~ e r b a lforms. 1903). 140: Howard Carter.p.ir u i~lll(l1 <Ill ~ i lllrl~(1. 1973).11 117~1-/7rA \t1!r t t ~ c l .. 7 ( n o .. 2. 7irt. .r/. is carried forward. . s h o u n following her mother Nodjrnet in the performance of a rite before the goddess Mut. pl. 77. 3. Iree I. 155 Nelson. .9-V111. 9): El Mallakh and Brackman.~I lh K/lo/~\lr the deified Ahmose-Nefertari called II!I.k tt. Da\..LIIXOR TEMPLE AND THE CI. r11/11. 203): 1. p.V!l/l I 1. 279 ).o.. . I+'h 11.t~t~ : ~ I ~ / I C'off111 / I o I ~ Tc. 107. Excerpt\ from this rite occur el\euhere in the Ritual of Amenhotep I: / ~ H ~ c j B. 3055 ( A m u n ) V11.\ \ t i V!l/ll 1 r L /1rtr 111 .6-8. ('7' VI. 1. Tlirz Ro~. 107.stir\ 1r. A.yir~lr.s Werthekau in connection with the coronation d e x r i b e d in P I .Won. p. 126 = Louvre N 470). 33.els.\ \/.Ahl. see Kosellini. /)Hir>r. .ii. i.l/.y. pl.ottAiit7iy\. .l" while the theme of rejuvenation. p. 88.r-Hr 11 . 711: 11abies. ' T ~h 'e F o r Amenhotep I 1 1 given the epithets triri. 1985): Habachi.cit7A/7. O I P 102 (Chicago. his assumption of roqalty.. a n allusion t o it a t L u x o r Temple is hardly surprising. J V E S 8 (1949): 221. 7'1ic' O ~ i r crt1(1 tlir .yc~ Bf. 1977)..r I I . tirhlrrt c/e\ (. Rir1rr. Riruul or . 79A (collated b) me in the Cairo Museum. For t?~ti-\t. 102 (no. l. "god's brother.195c: ".H M Itiurcl~~irr). p.pel1 (PI.\I r. p . pl 53 ( R t . 1973). This scene is followed irnmediately by the coronation. ~ r ~ I bt. 147: 86 and n. where irllr is balanced b) it7-111r. 233-35 and pl.. T/7e . . Relt'21 (1969): 36 (fig." is extremely helpful In elucidating the meaning of its New Kingdom descendant.L 111 1. Rc'li. o n e phrase spoken by the king 15' I ~ I ~ I I ( I .egrain.cilTot?ih (11 El.id. t'ubblica7ioni egittologiche del R. Smith a n d Redford. the pod's aroma as a n indication of the di\ine presence.1 (foll. pl.~ tI . n. 15' For queens from Hatshepsut through Mut r u y a described as relubenated. I h ' Nelson.tlo\ kc 1300 H." J.t1/1\t. Akhe11e1tet7 (lnd . 1 % See Bell. \ o l . for the d e i f ~ e d Queen Ahhotep 11.11~ru1r tli AI?I(. 79. 1s' Cf.~r el . ' Ilotloll ell ~yi. Ruti~o.. ) /III.1 1.~n ~oirrt~ttl~ r r .\f(. A T P I. I1 1.riitl 1. in indicates that the coronation. Bt~trrd. calls attention t o the hymn to the red crown of 1. pl. 5 (ref. G.
~ 0 r a k h t y .% IV. 352. In the seventh section ( C 4 . 141.Me/.0. . However. vol.3. . and . Wente. p. In Scene 6c-d we find word play between strfr(\~. 16' Nelson. i pl. 242A. 40. Again.v/ V.cIll." see further Bell. H27.r. Throughout the recitation5 belonging t o the banquet the recipient addressed is not 1)jeserkare . but o u r first real insight into this rite is gained f r o m the only instance in which the incense is absent.A trfrrt. as in the Medinet Habu example). pls.(439): cf. ijffr~ur~gtrir~ 167 For tit^\^. 4ho~i-Sinrhrl:Sollr.A . 3. but Arniin. Hil~oc!i. 11.Zll/.: ibid. B Zf IGarclir7rr). 2) the god Arnun is not mentioned.. the corresponding text in the New Kingdom versions of form with gemination. CS. 11. Ahi tloc 111. Fratlirrc. M. 13 the Opening of the Mouth Ritual. . t h e effect of t h e rite here must be t o s u m m o n t h e relevant deities t o t a k e u p temporary residence in particular cult statues o r fetishes. I. pls. 170 Calverley-Gardiner. symbolized by but not necessarily restricted t o the particular agency of the incense offering. 42. 260. knows orfrr. 35. Except in o n e single passage ( C I .. associated with a n offering of ir7fr. figs. 4-6. 173 See Bell.rte.(/o. ' ~Horus ' pours o u t water over t h e king..llrtlirlrr H o h ~ IV. M5: 370." declares that it is "typical of Horakhty. Siegfried Moren7. Horus) has deified (st~~.lr Hall I. pl. 172 Habachi. Seti I ) with his own eye. it is precisely between t h e performance of the . in a gesture linked by t h e accompanying recitations t o t h e Opening of t h e M o u t h ceremony. commenting that pl. 10-1 1.r. A r ~ r ~ l r M3 = f.Te...e. 16-17.).In ' ~the ' progress of the Ritual of A m e n h o t e p I .o7\t.. 180. this reference kindly called t o . for he (i.R c a n d ~ e . N o incense is involved. 3-5 (this refer16s U'h IV.clo. Rot?i. .t~:f)"' him (i.e. '6' See now Nelson-Murnane. Arnenophis I ..5 (rirrr. i . which perplexed Gardiner:I7" T h e first seven sections into which I have divided the text a r e preserved in C alone. but the inscription a b o v e Horus declares "Pure is King Menmaatre." 174 PHirr. pp. 108-10 ( S c r ~ 4 p7 ~ 6 1 ) . see Otto. ' 6 2 . 1-12) there is a pu77ling change. pl."lh7 T h u s it is t h e Eye of H o r u s itself which deifies the king. "to deify." For the IhhTaking *tlrr/ as a n error for r7lr1. 101 -2.c IV. for this text. this scene "shows Ramesses I 1 1 pouring a libation.orr ~ ~ rfor r . Centre de l>ocumentatime of Ramesses 11: see now Kitchen. ' " h he rite is repeated three times a t Abydos before various deities.Ahi.5.c lrierogIj~~~hiq~ir(. see Ir. this later period were sometimes composed. 47 ( R e not burning incense. 168 Calverley-Gardiner. . T h e performance of the rite before the king would therefore designate him a divine manifestation. IV. tion Egyptologique (Paris. Moklrtar (forthcoming). 340. hence its use in the G r e a t T e m p l e a t A b u Simbel. with the Horus eye here my attention by Edward F.IloX/r/ar (forthcoming).r oI l1 1-17. pure is his body a n d divineIhhis his image. cites its use in regard t o sacred animals in the tr. p. see Gardiner. ll. Z 2 S 8 4 ( 1959): 134 (8).abib Habachi) the king only at Edfu Temple. where it is repeated four times'72 before t h e barques of Ramesses 11 deified a s A m u n .~ o r a k h t y .cc. H31.17(' a s well a s in connection with the sacred emblem of 0siris. 180.. 1959). "Zur VergRttlichung in Agypten.''' where Ramesses 111 is shown pouring o u t water before ~ e .\) = 141.~ic~ogro/)/7iq~ir. J Y E S X (1949): 221. l ~ ' In t h e chapel of t h e deified Seti I in t h e Osiris Complex a t ~ b y d o s . 49-50. I. .f). "cult image. "incense. 4/11.-r-rite a n d the following offering list that a n a b r u p t transition occurs. 1n.6-7: this reference obtained from Meeks. EG. 1. IhValverley-Gardiner. 48 the carelessness in detail with which temple reliefs in (twice: Osiris and Amun-Re).text normally occurs in conjunction with the depiction of a n incense offering. also L'rI.4 (rl/rr." 171 Ibid. and six of them read for all t h e world like a ritual composed o n behalf of king 1)jeserkarE .ll~itrtl. the sudden change of the Mouth Ritual." used of ence kindly called t o my attention by 1. = € e rn$ and Edel. . n.wl. T h e deification of Seti I t h r o u g h t h e incense rite of t h e Ritual of Amenhotep I is also depicted in his chapel in t h e Osiris Complex a t ~ b y d o s ' " a n d in the Hypostyle Hall a t ~ a r n a k . given life.17' Since the divinity of these gods a n d the holiness of this standard were not in question in these representations.\ ir7rlrirurec. r .
pl.42 (six Horus names in Corridor X . I X 1 A'herurf. F o r this problem. 33 (the king's barque chapel). Rat~i. Gardiner is forced t o consider the possibility "that Amen-Re' and Qjeserkare' could have been blended into a single personage in the Egyptian imagination.clo. "Preliminary Report on the Excavations Carried O u t in the Temple of 1-uxor./E4 25 (1939): pl. Ir7cc. C. . the Corridor of the 175 "6 Bull). .16-55. In the end. h r u ) Jubilees. pl. 2: see also \ o n Beckerath. See further Calberley-Gardiner.1.17' A m e n h o t e p 111 took the special names Horus: Mighty Bull. written in the thicknesses of the doorway of the Amun Ramesses I barque chapel: Chic. O n t h e occasion of his first jubilee. pl.f r o m 11jeserkar. "9 K l l r r ~ r r f : p l. 546.Ahi.\ 11.Ah~. 18 ( f i \ e different Horus names in the thicknesses of the doorway between the Osiris Chapel and the Inner Osiris Hall: Marirtte. 229-30. Edgar. 8223(N: mostly destroyed). pls. pls.9-548. pl.1.4hl. see Calberley-Gardiner. 53 (foll.1. 40-41 ( f i \ e separate Horus names on each side of the thicknesses of the doorways of the reLen barque chapels). IV. 551. O n a white faience box lid from ~ a r n a k . A m e n h o t e p Ill's a d o p t i o n of new names after his union with A m u n . Seasons 1958-1959 and 1959-1960. Likewise a t L u x o r Temple. Itl\(.4S.3-11: l'hilippus Miller.k' V.1. In3 Cf.Art and Family History in the Reign of Amun-Hotpe Ill. . I X 2 (. For three different Horus names of Rarnesses 11 in the thicknesses of the doorways of chapels in his Abydos Temple. 1748.tloc 11. seven H o r u r names of Seti I are found in his Qurna Temple.MA 6 (1948): 276. IV. Hayes. "A Building of Merenptah at Mit Rahineh.4E 60 (1968): pl.'rX. ' ~ but an ~ for Amenhotep 111"' a s well. 35: cf. 3 (foll. LA' 111. Rattl. 279). JEA 55 (1969): 73. Inst. a n d T w o Ladies: W h o Appears in the White C r o w n and Assumes ( r ~ % y . ' ~ ' associated with t h e celebration of o n e of his jubilees. 501. I?' Marianne Eaton-Krauss. p. .r. T w o Ladies. Reference should be made here t o the accumulation of Horus names attested for Seti I at h ~ Abydos s Temple. a n d Golden names of Seti I. IV. Here we find the three Horus names of Amenhotep Ill in the kiosk. The word "jubilees" is pl~rrcil in both its occurrences on this piece. Ah. . At I.ikewise. pl. 49b-c (fi\e Horus names in Stairway Y. see Kitchen." ." A S 4 E 15 (1915): 102 = Kitchen. pp. and the sign taken as 1/11.''' this king becomes Horus: Ibid.6.15. I I I.4mCin in o n e o r more of his forms. W h o ~ r o c l a i m s l " '( \ i . see NelsonMurnane.(lo\. ""he most recent collection of the names of Amenhotep I 1 1 is that published by \ o n Beckerath. . 32 = Mariette. photos 82241s).11.R e during the O p e t Festival has parallels elsewhere. n. see Mariette. o n the axes of the se\en barque chapels located at the back of this hall): I." BZf. n. see Aldred. the transformation of the king into a god is effected through t h e agency of the incense rite: Amenhotep I Ramesses I 1 goes into the ceremony a n d A m u n .17-1749.tlo\ I. 102. for Ramesses I 1 with three Horus names at Karnak. Ratn Iti. 49. IV.\c. 53-55 (six Horus names in the thicknesses of the entrances into the Second Hypostyle Hall. . Yote that his usual Horus name also appears twice in the texts of the jubilee kiosk I") More likely than "Who Repeats Jubilees" (unless in anticipation of the repet~tion). 26. 1. pl. Ah~. the dorsal pillar of the head of the colossus of Ramesses I1 now set up before the east wing of the t'ylon contains two parallel Horus names: Muhammad Abdul-Qader Muhammad.y1/1ticc~hrr7 A'ijtli. 7. \ t) he Red Crown: o n his third jubileelxl we also find Horus: Mighty Bull.r. see C. 598.." . pl. 4).E to Amiin in the offering-list'of C4. S o m e unusual variants of royal names have significance in connection with the celebration of jubilee festivals: this is the case not only f o r T h u t m o s e 1 1 1 ' ~ ~d Ramesses 1 1 . pls. 54. Or. For this k ~ n g appearing with eight separate Horus names written simultaneously.tlocI. Ill. 85-86. 20a-d = Kitchen. since this is a name assoc~ated with the first jubilee. Most of the% names conslst of nothing other than elements of the full ~ e r s i o n s o l t h e usual Horus. 7 (this reference kindly called to my attention by William Murnane): for nine and fibe Horus names of this king on two statues from Heracleopolis. W h o Assumes Jubilees. t'hiladel phia.R e c o m e s o u t a t the end of i t .qct1~1~r. Hot~clhu~ tlrr ~ ha. 1-12 is well-nigh inexplicable without the hypothesis t h a t in the first six sections the n a m e D-jeserkare has been substituted for the n a m e of . Amenhotep 111 emerges deified from the Barque Sanctuary after a n incense ritual. pl.9-600."Ii' In fact. the Gallery of the Lists). "A Statue of Ramesses I 1 in the Ilni\ersity Museum. "Minor .. PrX. p. 11. 36: 11. 1. H i p o c l ~ l r H a l l I . F o r Merneptah with two Horus names o n a lintel from his palace at Mitrahina.uxor Temple itself.
I y 1 E. W h o S u b d u e s the Nine Bows. Golden One: Great of M o n u m e n t s and Great of Miracles in the House of A m u n o n the West of Thebes: in the M o n t u ~ e m ~ l e he" appears ~ a s Horus: [Mighty Bull. 44-45: cf. 4 203. ' ~ T " h e names of A m e n h o t e p I 1 1 otherwise exhibit a n unusual range of variation: in his t o m b l x 5 his lirr is named Horus: Replete ( / ) . Golden One: Radiant of Transformations ( t ~ / ~ r \ t . IV.aclre~. 1x5 1-L) 111. I y 7 Habachi. the king is called Horus: Mighty Bull. ' " originally f r o m his mortuary temple. 1669. T w o Ladies: W h o Unites the T w o Lands a n d Sustains i-learts: Golden O n e : S o n of A m u n . 20. Tcherelob. one. for Amenhotep 111 with this epithet on document sealings from Malqata. see Wh 1. reads W. 1758. I y 5 Spiegelberg's copy indicates that the damaged text given at the beginning of ( ' r X . ~ t .a~.yr Bf. 550.72). figs. "Inscriptions from the Palace of Amen hotep Ill.L) Ill. 31 (S.4) is certainly / I \ / : see the photograph published by Hayes. 48. S t ~ i ! i . IV. for the pattern of this construction. In t h e surviving inscriptions o n the back of a fragmentary statue representing A m e n h o t e p 111 with his d a u g h t e r Isis. 1751. Ruler-of-theRulers. Hornung. Lord of Jubilees. 1949). ' X 7 S o also von Beckerath.S yo i u : ~ ~ (Moicow.!" he is extolled as T w o Ladies: G r e a t of T e r r o r in Every Foreign Land: Golden One: W h o Tramples the Tribesmen a n d Seizes their Land. V. Tlir Otie cir~tltlir ma ti^'. see Hornung. Pa\ lob.Image of Re. see Hayes. 1981. t?i~r:ricrXh S o ! ~ r ~ ~ t X o . ! i riclorii i 1949. I94 he is f o u n d a s T w o Ladies: W h o Establishes ~ a w s l " a n d Effects Plans.rX. fig.lVflS 10 (1951 ): 174. Beirru~e Bf. T h e Two Ladies name of Arnenhotep 11 begins Wtr-f 21t. "0 Reisner. L A 111. J V E S 10 (1951): 175.7iat!iiX i itk~rt. 49. 1981. IX" B. 322. T h u s the label accompanying this particular titulary announces "the appearance of the king with jubilees.:f-:~ c . Golden One: (Celebrating) Hundreds-of-Thousands of ~ e s t i v a l s . are incomplete. Both statuesly7 a r e called "Nebmaatre ( A m e n h o t e p 111)-is-the-Ruler-of-Rulers". 1x6 1. IV. "La f'rincesse Isis. pp. IV. I I . Like ' ~ ~ unto Re: o n a r a m found a t Gebel ~ a r k a l ' ~ (originally ' f r o m the temple of ~ o l e b ) . 19' ('r. 1747. . 1.M 11'. the likeness of Re when he arises. Mat'e and V.f?~~) Horus: . p.13. Z . ) .25-26).k.Great ). 32 (S. Lk' 111. a n d the complete back pillar of the southern colossus'yXpreserves f o r us the names Horus: Mighty Bull. 1958). 4-7). Horus: Enduring of Years. Beloved of Heliopolis. T w o Ladies: ~ a d i a n t l ' h fAppearances a n d G r e a t of Majesty: Golden One: Flourishing of Kas. ' ~ ~ W h o Assumes the White Crown." CcIE43 (1968): 43.yoF:gil~rcr I . The hand-copie5 published in L'rX. fig.\. 78e. IV.tt1. p. . I y 4 Spiegelberg. 453-54. p.5. Pcrt. o n his Leningrad sphinxes'" (originally from his mortuary temple).8-1 I. ( S O von Beckerath. Golden One: W h o Smites the (eastern) Bedouin and S u b d u e s t h e Libyans. 1 X " e e Hayes. W h o is Satisfied (only) with T r u t h . 7. 47: idem. originally contained nothing other than the usual ~~: T w o Ladies name of Amenhotep Ill. 1  (Moscow. fig. Pre-eminent O n e of t h e T w o Lands. L R 11. o n a statue discovered a t ~ r m a n t .8-10.shrn.tie. 1758. Goodly of Years. "2 P. fille et epouse d3Amenophis 111. c . of Miracles.] Beloved of [ A m u n (?)I. 83a ( I . Imposing of Eminence (. This catalogue of n a m e forms would not be complete without reference t o the Colossi of M e m n o n . ' " h e is also called Golden One: Protector of the Gods. fig. ~ S 6 6 (1931 ): 81 (6-10).5-6. BeitrB. Golden One: Bull of the Kings. W h o Appears with ~ u b i l e e s . I I . 1x9 ( Z X .". l~'rtrr7iX d r r ~ . great of fabors" o n document sealings from Malqata. 1749. 550. I ) of Appearances. 1 % Prk.. 2. I X V o r radiance as a sign of the presence of a deity. W h o Fashions their Majesties. 575. W h o Brings the by both Hayes and Helck ( PrX. F r u ~ ~ r r r p. 44. A b o u n d i n g in Festivals: T w o Ladies: W h o Establishes Laws a n d Unites the T w o Lands. \ a n d e Walle. 134. T w o Ladies: Great of M o n u m e n t s Owing t o his Strength. IV. 94-98: M. I y X Idem." the f a ~ o r e d F o r Amenhotep I11 a s "lord of the jubilee.4-17. 1898. p. IV is misleading in this regard. a t ~ o l e b he ' ~is~worshiped a s Horus: Mighty Bull. Rrc 7i. ~ .l i l the hand copy in L.
W h o Effects M o n u m e n t s t o (his) Justification (\\'17-. 1"" Care has been taken t o present only the names which are unquestionably included in part of the formal titulary. OrX.LLJXOR T EMPLE AND THE CLJLT OF THE ROYAL KA 287 Lower Egyptian Heliopolis t o the Upper Egyptian Heliopolis (i. ZAS 100: 99-100). "I? Cf. t w o different Horus names a p p e a r : o n t h e left we find Mighty Bull." 205 Ibid. 1.12. King Radiant of Transformations like the O n e W h o Created Him: Horus: Mighty Bull. see Drir el . 9. R . a n d he wears the leopard skin of the I~rn/~lrrtc~/: or . his head is shorn..3-7 (altar of Seti I: cited bq Habachi. who achieves justification through (his) monuments.e. 7 ( I 182). W h o Appears in T r u t h .1. 194. is the singular Mighty Bull. E \ e n if it were here intended primarily t o show Pairi in two different guises. Thebes).: Radiant of Transformations in All Lands: W h o Performs Great Miracles in Luxor): Golden O n e : Great of Strength. 6. pl.. Pairi. S h a r p of Horns. Majestic O n e of the T w o Lands. the coordination with the two names of Amenhotep I 1 1 is nekertheless surelq deliberate. 2). 98 (barque stand of Seti I): Kitchen.M Srelue 7. LL) 111.sr~~l-~riest. "Sethos 1's Devotion t o Seth and ~ k a r ~ s . Golden One: G r e a t of Strength. In the facing text.'"~ T h e distribution of these distinctive names in b o t h funerary a n d nonfunerary contexts.2 (lintel of Ramesses 11: for the restoration of the damaged name.^"' t h o u g h not explained by him. W h o Smites the Asiatics. A remarkable private m o n u m e n t contains a n o t h e r eccentric H o r u s name of A m e n h o t e p 111. where He W h o Curbs the Foreign Lands occurs a s Ramesses 11's Xu-name in a triumphal scene of smiting prisoners before Ptah-Tatenen a t Abu Simbel: Habachi. . ?"I 1. but some a r e genuinely unique. while I made a complete photographic record of the architrave texts themselves. p.R e .7: Helck's restoration of [ ! l / ) r l < . Flanking the cartouches o n either side. A b o u n d i n g in Monuments. Most a r e derived from the normal titulary2"" by the addition of various epithets. o n the right. The gaps which now exist a t this point in the architrake inscriptions containing this name are largely the result of the s h ~ f t i n g of the columns supporting these architra~es ( personal observation. the king is described as "great of majesty in all lands. IV. 1984): the gaps are now filled with modern concrete. Golden One: W h o Magnifies his Mansion of Eternity. 1699. all. before the unique name. a d o r i n g a centrally located pair of cartouches of A m e n h o t e p 111.. G r e a t of M o n u m e n t s a n d Miracles in the House of his Father Amun-Re.MPt/inr/l X X I . ~ a d i a n t : " ' and Beloved like A m u n (var. ]in each of these cases is t o be rejected. W h o Appears in T r u t h . pl. were collated by Richard Jasnow for the Epigraphic Survey in 1981-82.e. As noted by the editor. cf. Pairi wears a wig a n d is dressed in secular g a r b before Amenhotep's c o m m o n Horus name. once m o r e clearly opposed t o the usual form of his Horus name.11:r)201(var. " z I00 k'~ (1974): 97 (fig. H .I n s t r . excluding the many other epithets which are also applied t o the king here.'"' A sandstone lintel f r o m T h e b a n T o m b 139'"' shows symmetrically arranged figures of the owner of the t o m b .: Archer Mighty of A r m s like the Lord of Thebes).: W h o Effects M o n u m e n t s in Karnak).11705. RUI?I. taken together with the L u x o r evidence. 203 F o r other monurne~ria containing similarly disposed double titularies. Whose A r m is N o t Opposed in Any Land: Horus: Mighty Bull. T w o Ladies: Beloved Like A m u n . 1700. indicate that we a r e t o understand these names as all applied The copies published in ( ' r l . But t h e architraves of t h e Eighteenth Dynasty Portico a t L u x o r ~ e m p l e " ' present t o us by f a r the greatest variety of names of Amenhotep 111. W h o Appears in Thebes. T w o Ladies: W h o Establishes Laws like the Lord of Thebes: T w o Ladies: W h o Establishes Laws a n d Pacifies the T w o Lands. IV. Here we encounter Horus: Mighty Bull. 2oQB. 1696. a n d the fact that the funerary examples include the king's k a in his t o m b a n d a t least o n e of t h e colossal ku-statues in his mortuary temple. Radiant of Transformations When he Appears (ti'":/') a s the Horizon Dweller (var. 235. however.
1748. n7 r r l l ~ w a .~. In a Xu-chapel called "United-with2") Von Beckerath. 74-75.. Arlc.y~. cf. is desigsee idem. .11 111. IV. uric/ H i t r o r ~ .l l . L ' E ~ ~ p r o l o f ie ie n 1979. 19.p. 47.12. F. Indeed.Veur Eu\t (Lund. ut7tl Glrroh. ~ I ~ I . see cal Expedition. I1ir. my image (I_lnr~. . IV.). 276: J o h n A . 630.\t/o117:Srut/ie. l'rk. In5c. p.5. The 111. Gorrr~hr~r~hiltllic .M 11'. Vercoutter. ed.A folding plate 5b (19). AX. 1750. pp. at his cult place a t ~ a w a " ' he is called Golden One: Ruler of T r u t h ." K u \ h 10 (1962). It is fortunate that s o many major elements of the theological system of L u x o r Temple a r e preserved t o us intact. (1972-73): 39.5 ( t h ~ latter s reference pl. he is the Golden One: W h o Assumes the Crowns a n d Unites the T w o Lands [in Heliopolis] and a ceremonial cubit rod f r o m ~ h u r o b ' " calls him T w o Ladies: Great One of the Palace ( ' h ) (in) the House of A m u n . must have been associated with individual La-statues. 29-30. 1t.13. For this XUS of Hatshepsut in the texts of her Birth Portico. 12. IV. Fr~urure\. 1 (1958-59) (The Hague. Habachi. hheir (It>\ Habachi. also L'rX. and its rites seem t o be largely mono- ?"' Frankfort. Kirlg. + + . RUIII. statue of Ramesses I 1 in his court at Luxor Temple 1959). For a mention of the Kitchen.\ in the that in the speech of Amun-Re t o Amenhotep 111 o n of' Dr\. attention bq William Murnane.t o manifestations of t h e royal k a . 1960. F o r references t o the fig. 1966). (496) = (Irk. IV.'"' Each unique name of the king must express a special relationship between him a n d the god.sc.12.\~lim. 57 attention bq Marianne Eaton-Krauss.h c1t.'urlc~rrorl\ the great stele behind the Colossi of Memnon. 1 1 1-16. 24. 550. a named statue of Amenhotep 111. U'orc/antl U'i.ier. S c h w e ~ t r e r . p. Several of the names of A m e n h o t e p 111 a t Soleb a r e linked directly with o n e o r a n o t h e r statue (hnt\. p. W h o Satisfies the Gods: in the inscriptions of some fragmentary reliefs found reused a t Heliopolis.rirvne (Paris. 128 ( x 4). kindly called t o my attention by Charles Van Siclen): 208 1.rne Quulirre\ arlcl b-u. pp. 2044.u11.8-9. Hurlt1huc. nated a s a I_lrlr( 1. we know that the king. a s a scion of the creator god. We\en (/e\ KO.3-4: for the attribution of this 2 ' V / l u h ~ r rKahun ~. Geh~irr tie. vol.sruri:urion god tells the k ~ n g "You are my son . Ku~r. 774. 3. IV. S presumably representing the king a s Ptah.5-1 1.eStutlict irl inscription on the dorsal pillar of the named colossal Soc. pp. 134-35. GorrXijr~i. [. T h e temple dates basically t o a single period (from the end of Dynasty X V l l l through early Dynasty XIX). Furas C'.A 111. C a r a l o ~ u e of' rlir Col!r~ctior~ of E ~ ~ . each must represent a different aspect of t h e royal kri. statuette from this king's mortuarq temple: Samuel ?l?"aressy. 33 (fig. 418-20): Kaplonq.13-1801. word used in reference t o the cult statue of the deif~ed see Drirrl-Buliuri l l . " 1 Karkowski. corrected: : though it were RIIIII-!I I I ~ .yc. This referencecalled t o my At7tiyuirie\ U I Alnw'~(. 1880). "La Tombe d'un Mnevis de Ramses Birch. who came in rhr.hrr.I I I now ~ H . cf.14.\hil~ ut7tl /lie Go(/\. Room at Luxor.r. see Haeny. 1981. 16 Hornung in Loretz. Note Hel~ner Ringgren. see cf. IV. reads this name a s P t a h V a t Memphis. 13 = Kitchen. RUIII.Men.1-2.5: for the p. object t o the mortuarq temple.r) whom I Ramesses 111 offering before six of the Xus of Re. ol. 452. . if not all. Before leaving this subject it remains only t o a d d that T u t a n k h a m u n is given a t least a unique Golden n a m e in a damaged inscription o n the back of a g r o u p statue found a t his cult place at ~ a r a s : ~ ' W ) ' ho Assumes the Crowns of his Father R e ( a s opposed t o the usual W h o Assumes the Crowns and Satisfies the ~ o d s ) : ' " ' the damaged T w o Ladies name preceding this could be restored"' a s something like [Splendid Egg of] the Universal Lord. Rames4es I 1 at es-Sebua and Aksha (Serra West).r.~ s a Xu-chapel. 85a. pl. L D Ill. 53 (= OrX. the H~~~o. 738. "Preliminary Report o n the ExcavaFor I_lnr~. l ) r i u n I I . 396: this last reference kindly called t o my describes it as a I_lnr~. 112). p.X Cucrlr. 5: X -(~r.f'nhw.r ij. a n d most. see P. pp. also a 1 ' 2 M.l~risc her7 K ( i n i ~ t n u r i ~ e n . IV.)208 of his there. c.8-1 I.15). 255. pls. Wilson in Co171l)urari\. 5). 32a (foll.. 88. Wildung. (London. 1 . 87a.icrlr . now :Ileclinrt H u h u VI. allowing us a rare insight into the functioning of a n ancient Egyptian temple. (Irk. see Brunner. 11. v . 1793. 411 1 n( I . ) / h171r. [. 1676. could possess a plurality of kas. 111.specifying the king as a physical manifestations a t Aksha by the Franco-Argentine Archaeologitlon o r image of (his father) the sun god.): UrX. Laming Macadam. 152: cf. plurality of the XUS of Amenhotep 111 in the Birth 191 m Henri de Contenson. " A S A E 1 8 (1919): 205. Br>irrijse Bf: 1 I . 38-44. see placed upon earth": Haeny. 73-78 (for forth from mq limbs.\lia I: Lo hotiliy~rc. pl. ZAS 99 ?OY UrX. Cf.r. 1947). 230. n.pp. pl. pls.
( R o m e . ." Honltion with the celebration of a jubilee: Zivie in iiia. H O I ~ I I ~ I Serge U ~ C \Sounrron.Exhibition Catalogue: The Luxor MuA S A E 51 (1951): 212.rl-pillars and Edgar Pusch. 22. 57: Wente. Zivie. a n d his right t o rule is reconfirmed. Both celebrations center around the monarch's possession of the royal a n d both signal his achievement of a new ritual status. 476.16 "obelisk" of Sesostris I ( L D 11. Zibie points ~ o l I. names of individual kings found on single obelisks She has determined that the earliest reference to. Habachi. 542: Christiane M. C l ~ o e r i i ~ r ~ r p. 31.r. ~ u r . t e . Both Barguet. o r 30-year jubilee (usually performed a t Memphis but held by A m e n h o t e p 111 a t Thebes) m a r k s the inauguration of a new era2" o r cycle in the king's reign. this object kindlq called t o mq attention by tuting the royal Xu of Ramesses 11. 592.1-120. F o r "the with the royal Xu. Fe. Rotii. 1980). O B O 29 (Fribourg and Gottingen. "Les Rites symboliring regeneration. 392. For the jubilee a s the renewal of the fest~bal. Karl t\r.\ Serge S u ~ m r r o n ) . divine ruler. "6 F o r Ramesses 11 inboked as a royal ha. Wc.12-585. Oheli.\c.1-587.1-484. VI. 1898). 586. see ('rX. a n d the explicit statements of the accompanying texts explain many details which a r e only alluded t o o r found in isolation elsewhere. C o r a l o . T h e progression of the representations is consistent throughout the temple.10 (Seti I): ll. Horus names of Merneptah a r e also found o n the see S c h w e ~ t l e r .14-643. Fc . In. his acknowledgment by A m u n . pls. which prohablq occurs on obelisks. when the king approaches the god reverentially performing the rituals of the Opet Festival. Gli oheli. 158 Ku. 19791. 494-95. h o w e ~ e r . 28): 287.. 3-4 = Kitchen. 9-1 I (with special inscriptions call it specifically a "pillar" (rwn). the erection of the 1\r." probably on the occasion of his fourth polis).9-32. but she saqs that there on this obelisk. p. coronation. a n d the proclamation of his kri-name.2. 24.\en tlec seum of Ancient Egyptian Art [Cairo. In\c. pp. 1979). L u x o r Temple was the site of the great a n n u a l royal renewal. and and pairs of obelisks. Ora7io Marucchi.15 (Ramesses lV stressing Ramesses 11's own dibinity in his union surcharges o n the obelisk of Thutmose I).n-pillar is associated with Atum. 72. 11. the 1r1. eds. 488-97. understand these gods a s consti.BdE out that whereas the obelisk is associated with Re o r 81 (Paris. JEA 55 (1969): 75. Four different plished through the celebration of the jubilee festival. 589. The shape of this symbols of the union of the king with the sun object tells us that it is not a n obelisk. another ~w. Birkstam. his coronation. Serge Sounc~rorl1927-1976. a solar emblem.n-pillar is a variant of the obelisk.vc. T o summarize o u r findings: L u x o r Temple was the premier national shrine dedicated t o the cult of the living. p. IV.! Ko.1 (Ramesses ll a t Luxor): V.17. see now also Schlogl. 221. whereas t h e heh-. normally erected in associa came originally from Heliopolis: CG 17025 = tion with the celebration of jubilee festivals as Kitchen. pp.ltrlugr. Martin. pp. R o m a n o in Kitchen.4-594.qe\ u lu triPlrloire clc.1 (Thutmose 111). Rutrl.13-16 (Ramesses 111: cf.LUXOR TEMPLE A N D THE CULT OF THE ROYALKA 289 thematic. often erected in connecd'krection de I'obelisque et d u pilier loun.cr\thri/r Elriior Eclc~l.5-16.3. U'c>. evidence that he possesses the royal ku a n d t h a t it resides in him-that he is the living royal ka-is displayed in the symbolic re-enactment of his divine conception and birth. jubilee. Der Go11 apotheosis of the king identifying him with the sunTo~enerl. T h e occurrence of special names in conjunction with both the royal jubilee"' a n d the renewal of the king's kcr d u r i n g the O p e t Festival brings us t o the close interrelationship of the t w o celebrations. preserbed. and Schweitzer. cf. 598. p. 62-63. F o r the multiplicity of Re-Horakhty. Agqpten und Altes Testament I [Bamberg.8 representation of.13-94. god"as the "culminating point in the traditional Sedpp. T h e k a symbolizes t h e legitimacy of his inheritance.lames F. IV.2IV. 31. Ptah-Tatenen. In addition t o the Merneptah pillar.sed. 641. and its god: cf. a n d during the festival. and Ptah "the a t Pi-Ramesse). 408. Rrr~i.4 (Ramesses I I at HelioGreat Nun.R e a n d recognition by the Ennead.\X\.5-428. 92. 119) is not really 592. 1.\en tie.128 (fig.. his k u is renewed o r restored.n-pillar. The reference t o the Luxor obelisks of Ramesses 11). Boreos 6.hi egiziani cli Roniu ? I 5 Aldred. rather than William Murnane).16.r. along 118."see Wente and Van Siclen in Fc Hugllrs.1-13. see Rolf Gundlach in Manfred Gorg are n o known examples of actual /w. 19791. Irlcc. I]): 583.5 (Ramesses ll with the gods Sobek. one might question whether the Abgig p. expressed in part by his 214 A great proliferation of royal names frequently preser~ed half of a rose granite pillar.r.t7-pillardates (Thutmose I: for a tabular presentation of the texts t o the reign of Ramesses 11.1-605. I. see Gomaa. with the divine king's rebirth accom p. 221 [pl. p. (hereafter Hot. n.
Borruc 6. pl. where a n Osiride statue is one of the determinatlves used In writing the plural of the word I_ltlr~. / 'r7(1. 161-62.4. But the renewal of the divine kingship is only one aspect of the Opet Festival. R I K 11. hlon7s1er (Stockholm.Xhhn. 607. :lloXhrar (forthcoming). wearing the lunar disk and crescent. after all. ' ~She ' undoubtedly promoted the celebration of the festival during her reign. 19-24. cf.-ctl ~r.l. L. "and ~ hers is the earliest representation of the Opet Festival procession. Powerful of Kris. See also Kitchen.orions or Heliopoli~: Atlc. Incc. ll. pl. Although the design of the temple and its decoration were largely realized by Amenhotep I l l . For the lunar disk and crescent linked t o the motif of the jubilee. For Luxor Temple was first and foremost a creation site and as such had a primary role t o play in the grand d r a m a of the cyclical regeneration of Amun-Re himself. 28 [ref. "mighty bull. 115: Leblanc.uxor Temple dexribed as vtuated "on the proper ground. 1951). the first to depict the miracle of her divine conception and birth as ruler designate.I.13 ( L u x o r socle inscription. 53. / ) $11//I( I ). p. 224 Schweitzer. "l. 276. 14 (ceremonial shield from the tomb of Tutankhamun). 1709. RUIII. William Murnane has also called my attention t o a n inscription of Ramesses I1 o n the faqade of the Colonnade a t 1-uxor Temple. p. temp. JE. (I1)1 ) '/I 1/11. ??? A ruler de\cribed a \ b e l o ~ e d of a god becomes a form of that god: see Bell. temp. Kelson number G 126: copy by Richard . 55." see Abdel-A7iz Saleh.pp. 79 (fig.4 60 (1974): t71r1. ? I 7 See Birkstam. Sety I. The two miracles are inextricablb intertwined in the celebration of the Opet Festival.r. I . pp." AS. \ I . 10-11.] (Court of Amenhotep 111. Three unpublished architrake inscriptions at Luxor also refer t o this temple a s .1) $ 1 1 ~[rl~." S o t e . kol.yic~ L'17 1979. " ' and ~ the triumph over chaos represented by the annual rebirth of the kingship ensured Amun's own re-creation.~ m u n ) ' " which are shown standing outside the way stationsn3 are rojral ka-statues. the "first occasion. see L'rX. p. Vi\i Laurent-Tackholm. Daressy. p." see Hornung. 246-48.MDAIK 37 (1981): 375. of creation at ~ u x o r .l). pp. 2040. Furuo. referred t o in connection with Amun-Re's \i\it t o L. lV. 1984): rt7/)1 is written with only the sign A 17. having embellished the Processional Way between Karnak and Luxor with n o fewer than six way stations for the barque of ~ m u n .14 ( L u x o r Colonnade. Tutankharnun). I47 (3B): / ~ . in which AmunRe says t o the king: ~rn.4E 19 (1920): 131-34. Her Horus name.uxorduring the Opet Festival.\hc. 301-2 and pls. pl.o\.. "9 Lacau-Chevrier. 2 (Cairo." see Abd el-Ra7ik. Amenhotep 111).c i l rn1x. 21. ( i n ) the precinct of the primordial event. is extraordinary. Perhaps this means wa\ dexised t o a\oid the logical a h u r d i t y of calling the queen a X : t1!71. Borru\ 6.111 I ' h (collated by me. 31 I)..2'9 She seems t o have emphasized Luxor Temple generally. Khot7. :llr. publi\hed bq him: \ee "The Sed Festikal: A Problem in Historical Method. temp.\'t'S 14 ( 1955): 1 14..6-71).and hence a new identity.LIW r 2 ' 8 Te Velde.90. ibid. 7: 1-eblanc. ' . 53A. that K -n!lr W:cr-X H is one of the s p e c ~ a lHoru\ names of Seti I in the doorway of the Horus barque chapel at Abydos: 7 17 .18-19. it may actually be to Hatshepsut that we owe the development of much of the theological system of Luxor. One may venture that the colossal Osiride figures of the deified2'' queen (all bearing the name Hatshepsut-is-the-Beloved o f . p. She was.4 Ill. Bib-A0 82 2 1982): 303-4..~etlrt21/11ion Ounii. pl.I. O n e o f the actual Osiride \tatues of the queen from the Luxor way station ha\ recently been identified by Leblanc. 1983). Wil\on./ ~ ~ I ( I n .l:h h r ~ .'Obelisque de Qaha. 28-29. even the exact moment. Hor. L'Cq~prolo. 50-53 (loll. vol. The god's rejuvenation was achieved through his return t o the very place./lnl.1. pp. ? 1 7 W o r the sun's rebirth by returning to the $11 r p l . 90-91: Birkstam. 55: Kaplony.12 (marginal text in the Court of Rame\\e\ I 1 at Luxor Temple). 64A. p. (twice in the Colonnade. 27) and pl. F o r Ramesses VI rejuvenated. ? ? I Haeny. p.Ja\now). 22"Lacau-Chevrier. B I h A O 82 (1982): pls. For Rame\ses 11's con\tructions a t L. as yet another aspect of the royal k ~ . in that she was the only New Kingdom ruler t o include a direct reference to the ka2" in this part of her titulary. Ho~tllr. U'r. For Luxor Temple a s "the precise location of the primordial event" (Wente's translation in Khon5u I .\o~rr. nl.Iot7. Ert. J." . hIl: : ( I ) !I( I . while recei~ing "the jubilees of Re. to be published bq The Epigraphic S u r ~ e y )and .s KO. Thr Onc.taking a new name./~\o~~r.\en t1c. ant/ rhe .\. 1. 20: cf.X .c~ 1. however.A IV. she was the first to stress the role of the goddess Mut in the Theban ~ r i a d . 7 2 : " Sims.
c of rl~c. 2 above).\i. qc. 12: ". 1968). 1972). p. p. We have also begun to pursue the implications of o u r discoveries a t Luxor for the development of the Amarna heresy. the two merge into one another to a n astonishing degree. however. 1978). Not only did Akhenaten elevate the Aten to the position of chief deity. noteworthy is the fact that the figures of the roqal Xu represented aa a n infant in the dibine b ~ r t hreliefs a r e not mutilated. For the role of the other members o f the royal family ap intermed~ariesin the cult of the Aten. p . the Xu-figure. make it imposs~blet o know sometimes whether he and the god in question were treated as separate entities. 2" Noticing Tome \ariation In the extent to which the defacement of the rolal Xu was c a r r ~ e dout by Akhenaten's agents at Luxor Temple.Pllac. ?'' A few examples seem t o habe e ~ c a p e d the chisel altogether. Akhenaten seems to have pushed the idea of the unity of king and god too far. Cl'. r o l ( M a l ~ b u California. p." See further Bell. t / o1. p. ' " It is difficult to tell when the Aten is acting and when the king is acting. .A \t.2" The god has no Prophet (!lm-tz_rr) except the king. we have said. ed.. 73: Redford. pp. . 2. "The Sun-Disc In Akhenaten'p Program: Its W o r s h ~ p and 4ntecedents. l ~ . fig.uxor Temple in general. Charles F.Jullrh~rc 11 fiir C'~~rl~t~r. S1trc11.. ~ / ~ ~ o c &I. I ~ : of E ~ . whom he saw as manifestations of the Aten). p."?' Although all this can be understood against the background of the trends we have already seen in the reign of Amenhotep 111. . afforded by the celebration of the Opet Festival. Redford. In some other cases.yi. T171. 11. 11~11~rorroI &q~.h/e 23 (Freiburg and Munich. Se\erthele\\. 97: Wenig.A' 1.A T P I. / ~ r o l o . the clo\e assoc~ation of the king in official belief with the god\. 1. T/rrhc. this statement is \till kalid in regard t o the usual Ia6\ecular") Horus names of the rulers of the New Kingdom ( t h o \ e assumed at the time of their coronation.Mo!il7rar (forthcoming). leaving only the symbolic arms supporting the Callerleh-Gardiner. 216. '2' Ramadan Saad in i lT P I . the cult of Akhenaten and the Aten may have been too specific and particular.11 c.Manj. its erasure appears perfectly n o r r n a ~ . in general. W . .k' I.A RCE 17 (1980): 25-26: el'. . I Y 7 Y . 188a-b. Nock. see Rrunner. Harkard Studie4 41.ooi7 I I ~ ." in Denise SchmandtHesserat.Mil. Aldrcd. Given the unusual circumstances of her accession t o the throne. w e Myqliwiec. a s opposed to subsequent "ceremon~al" names). Raymond John5on encouraged me t o undertake a survey of the problem. it is understandable that the proof of her legitimacy.\ol.j)r.(London. 22h Hornung. since Akhenaten certainly would not have wiphed t o deprive hip father of the royal Xu . ' ~In ' nearly every instance when the ka-figure is represented. see also Steffen Wenig.\( hi<.. p. ~ i m s ~ has ' " already observed that the figures of the royal ka a t 1-uxor Temple were hacked out by Akhenaten's agents. 16. and the frequent identifications of him and his ancestors with particular deities. may have been due t o its generalization in regard t o the identity of the reigning monarch (he is the temporal manifestation of the divine ka). ed. 185: idem In Schmandt-Bes\erat. The success of the king's cult a t Luxor.uoh\. he restricted the avenues of access to the god practically t o his own person./. . 123 ( t h k reference kindl) called t o my attention by William hlurnane). presumably bq error. p. \ pl. 20-22. p . he elevated the role of the living king t o that of sole intermediary with the god./]! .by this particular choice she seems to be making a statement about her possession of the royal k a in more than one manifestation. 1."' whereas the living king now has his own ~ r o ~ h e t .. 2:' For Atum. 58. 2 2 X S a l e d Tawfik in . and Xa-name are all erased (cf. I X / ~ ~ J I ~ ~PIlc11. O t 7 ~u11t1 I ~ P ."' At the same time. "Trad~tion and Rebolution In the Art of the XVIIlth Dqnast). 248: Badawq. but he actively suppressed the worship of all other gods (except Re and Atum. kol. pp. 2'" Nims. . would have been one of the priorities of her reign. A h ~ . Pa-arms. Surc~irlur. I. For Akhenaten's defacements at L.trror. I / J I .233it has been hacked out. Zk'S99 ( 1973): 67-68: Assmann. 217. see Aldred.ror. Ltr. pl. 285-89: see also Brunner. 57. Boriw\ 6 ." JA RCE 17 (1980): 28.'" Given the divine nature of the ka. In his iconoclasm. ?'?' H ~ r k s t a m . 128.. 27.~: . L ' t k ~ . He insisted on exclusivity not only for the god but also for himself a s the god's representative on earth. p.
we ha\. n.ri7i 20 (1970): 117. 9. 2" Kedford. O n the surface. " T e x t e ~ et reliefs mis a u jour dans la grande cour d u temple de lTP I. 248-49. Bell in the formulation of t h ~ s definition. .Y-Ra\.. the k a is not represented a t A m a r n a . pp. 9 . . a s the Aten incarnate. 171-72: Redford In i pl. we a r e left with only the king himself. F\ Hu. For cr~ticism of this date. i l n X . 221: cf. Trti7/1lr\ tlr KrrrnoX. Jean Lauffra). a basic reinterpretation of the mechanism of transmission of the royal k a was necessary. 23. a n d we c a n well appreciate that it would have been re-iected later as one of Akhenaten's many e x c e ~ s e s . Assmann.yhr\. Having excluded every other possibility. see further Redford. '" . pl. J A R C E 17 (1980): 25: "The first \t/ festibal . 119 and n. when the abstract ka-arms alone a r e represented o n a s t a n d a r d . vol. ' ~ ' O n e final controversial topic o n which o u r findings seem t o impinge is the question of Akhenaten's T h e b a n jubilee. in the fully developed theology of Akhenaten. Instead of only daughters. ?"Cf. however. 2" Wente and Van Siclen. Wente in James E. p. " Ki. 207 (fig 132)..3: cf. for the Year 1973-4. is reber~ed(checked bq me at the ~ite. F\ Hu.yhr\. the d o o r i~ closed t o speculation. 79. Since we now have t w o plausible explanations f o r Hatshepsut's celebration o f a jubilee in year 16 of her joint reign with T h u t m o s e 111. "La Colonnade-propylee occidentale d e Karnak dite 'Kiosque d e Taharqa'et ses a b o r d ~ .Ri. T h e Ilnivers~tyof Pennsqlvania. n." J A R C E 12 (1975): 13. r~ghtlypoints out that the mortal monarch'\ assumption of his own personal godhood would habe been self-defeating: "To aver that one i. p.. t o be t h e agent for the transmission of ~ e g i t i m a c y . Kamadaan S a ad and Claude Traunecker. these a r e untouched."' O n e should not be completely surprised a t the radical proposal which comes t o mind: if ( 1 ) the royal jubilee is defined as the thirtieth anniversary of the appearance of the god-king o n earth. 220. l. see Barguet. A Atatus normallq ach~eved through the efficacy of the coronation rites. J A R C E 17 (1980): 26. it seems that the king himself is the royal ka. 2 i h Had Akhenaten had a male child as h e ~ to r the throne."' w h a t is still striking. Wente. Karnak (1969). Consistent with this. 225-27: cf. the short-term chances for the success of his new theologq might have been somewhat greater. See further Bell. 3 1 . ." ?jX Cf. In fact.ka-name o n its head.rrl .'~" the most glaring exception remaining t o the 30-year principle is Akhenaten's o w n celebration a r o u n d his fourth regnal year.234T h u s Akhenaten's real intention may simply have been t o deny a n y separation between the royal k a a n d the person of the king. " ~ If this hypothesis is correct. Since the very existence of Amun-Re: Kamutef had been denied.'42 ( 2 ) "it is probable that A m e n h o t e p IV's Karnak Sed-festival was a joint festival of the king a n d the god":247 ? j 4 F o r this motif in the reign of Amenhotep IV.\.235rather than being merely temporarily united with it. where its imperfections are plain t o Pee.Arlo\ of'rl7r Ro. 11: A Report o n the Work of the Akhenaten Temple Project of the lfniver~ity Museum. the preparations f o r this jubilee seem fairly standard: its ceremonies probably included the erection of a n obelisk a t ~ a r n a k : "a ~n d even fundamental changes in the ruler's names o n the occasion of a jubilee seem t o be normal. Pee ti'hrrurf: pl. a n d his physical role was not appropriate t o the immaterial. 1980). . "Studies on Akhenaten at the be^. Trtii/~lr lI.ylli. 23' This statement is not intended t o deny the tenet that the creator Aten now c o n ~ t i t u t e dthe king's Xu. p. I . 34. Kedford. I habe been greatly assisted by the suggestions of Martha R. Wente and Van Siclen.2foX/lrar (forthcoming). but of the Disc a5 well": A ~ ~ m a n Sorc~rl~rrll n.i 1. pp.e in this doctrine one of the fundamental innovations of the reign. is Akhenaten's timing of the event. H a r r ~ s and Edward t. p.lri7on. The photograph published in Schwaller de Lubic7. see Kedford. J A R C E 17 i 1980).."ibid.Munrn7irs (hereafter . 21. celestial Aten. 118 (fig 6). ilrlrrc) (Chicago and 1-ondon. 35H.R r r ~.2fPI.\ deitq 1s a n ultimate and ~ m p o s ~ i b step: l e there is n o t h ~ n g left to imagine. 206. 41.l. was not only the jubilee of the king. 527: on Akhenaten's Karnak jubilee. pp. p. 1984). It places the embodlment of the Ideal before men'^ eqes.. 220Wente and Van S ~ c l e n in F\ H~r.
24. pp.M 86 (1985): 86-87. celebration marked his own thirtieth birthday?"" A reign of 17 years. Nevertheless. a t that time it occurred to me that the system of Egyptian kingship which I was describing seemed t o bear a striking resemblance to many elements of an old European doctrine regarding the special status of the reigning monarch. and 1 1 1 . Thus the k a was no perpetual and continuous Presence. 1957). u n Journrrl of' E x ~ .. 395 . A Study in Mediae\)al Political Theologj. which was the same being for Ramses I. Ray: review of Ilonald H Kedford. by familiarity with the analytical techniques evolved in the long-established discipline of European political ZJ4 Redford. G. p. I came upon The King? Two Bodies. there are certain common issues associated with the various theories of monarchical government and some basic questions which naturally recur concerning the person of the monarch and his abilities t o perform the superhuman tasks which so often confront him. including a two-year coregency with Amenhotep 1 1 1 . F. (Princeton.irrl. . (1977-78): 71 24h H a r r l ~ and Wente. ever to have commented on this book a t all. my own first professor in Egyptology a t the University of Chicago. 123. rrrtcl Hi5ror1. see K ~ t c h e n ' r ~ eview of F\ H in Serapi\: Tllr A t ~ r r i ( . 230.R U I . J A R C E 17 (1980): 25: cf. I "discovered" the work of Kantorowicz while I was preparing a lecture on the royal ka for presentation a t the Oriental Institute in July 1983. 1984). with many obscure facets. For criticism of this proposed maximum length for the ~ r c . in So(. Assmann. 2" Wente and Van Siclen. it is to his great credit. ' ~ ' gives a result completely compatible with Wente's estimates of Akhenaten's age at death as 46-x years maximum. 1 (1958-59). Cot17/1urrrri1~r Srlrtlir. coregency.y at the time of his j ~ b i l e e . p. p . or 26 x -I. 1s it not logical. Wilson. Searching through the University of Chicago library and the several bookstores on o r near the campus.+ . p. and the doctrine of the royal ka. 255-56. bid. Thus we can readily understand how such a n eminent scholar as J o h n A.I>~:XOR TEMPLE AND THE CULTOF THE ROYAL K. The King's Two Bodies. in contrast rather than congruity. as a warning rather than a n i l l ~ m i n a n t . Wilson. AXllet~rrtrn: Tllr Hrrrr11 kin^ (Princeton..4 293 and (3) "the similarity of the monarch's birth t o the daily birth of the Disc is insisted rr24J . t o the best of my knowledge. that he is the only Egyptologist. 11. and a n indication of the scope of his scholarship. that the upon.5 Hughrc. This fact should not be particularly surprising. could have written of the Egyptian king that + the k a was not his political or immortal or mystical body. 396 248 I b ~ d . within the framework of Akhenaton's thought. " ~ We have been reminded repeatedly throughout this study that the role of the ka in the Egyptian kingship is a n extremely complex one.vol. which he penned in his review of Ernst H. The k a of each individual king was born with him. 1 believe Wilson clearly has been shown wrong. 244. Ever mindful of Wilson's precaution that "the analogy from the ancient Orient is still valuable.Atlo. a s over against his natural body. X . and when he died he went t o join his ka in the realm of the dead.. If we in the relatively young field of Egyptology can be assisted in our attempt t o understand the Egyptian tradition of kingship. / ~ t o l o g 4 \ .i This same idea ha5 now also been e x p r e ~ s e d by J I>. "1 ~ immediately ~~ found case after case in which the Europeans had grappled with the same problems which the Egyptians had also faced more than three millennia earlier. Kantorowicz. ~ ~ - In this statement.
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