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INTRODUCTION The North Sinai region was the major land bridge which made possible communication and

trade with Asia throughout the different periods of ancient Egyptian history from prehistoric times onward. As a strategic highway, the North Sinai played an important role in Egypts history and particularly during the Second Intermediate Period and New Kingdom. Archaeological research in North Sinai has proved that it was always a vital border area that witnessed many political and military conflicts. Many archaeological and textual studies concentrating on the Ways of Horus have been carried out for the purpose of identification of the stations and fortresses along the ancient highway between Egypt and Palestine and in an attempt to reconstruct the military organization of Ancient Egypt in North Sinai. The first archaeological research in the eastern Delta and along the Mediterranean coast of North Sinai was conducted by Jean Cldat between 1904 and 1914. His excavations provided valuable archaeological data on the history of the area, but mainly from the Graeco-Roman and Byzantine periods; no archaeological remains earlier than the Roman period were revealed. 1 In 1920, Alan Gardiner studied the main sources on the Ways of Horus during the New Kingdom; his study has remained the main reference on that subject for decades. 2 The shortcoming of this study, however, is that the identification of the fortresses and their location - and consequently the alignment of the ancient route - were not based on any archaeological evidence. Rather, Gardiner based his identification solely on the interpretation of
1

J. Cldat, Notes sur listhme de Suez, RT 39 (1909), 113-20; J. Cldat, Notes sur listhme de Suez, ASAE 10 (1910), 209-37; J. Cldat, Fouilles Qasr Cheit, ASAE 12 (1912), 145-68; J. Cldat, Le temple de Zeus Cassios Pluse, ASAE 13 (1914), 79-85; J. Cldat, Fouilles Cheikh Zoude, ASAE 15 (1915), 15-48; J. Cldat, Ncropole de Kantarah, Fouilles de mai 1914, RT 38 (1916), 21-31; J. Cldat, Fouilles Khirbet el-Flousiyeh, ASAE 16 (1916), 6-32. 2 A.H. Gardiner, The ancient military road between Egypt and Palestine, JEA 6 (1920), 99-116. 1

sometimes ambiguous ancient sources. Fortunately, a considerable amount of archaeological research has since been undertaken in North Sinai, to rectify the one-sided view taken by Gardiner. For ten years (1972-1982), the mission of the Ben Gourion University surveyed the region and discovered many new sites dating to the New Kingdom, Saite and Byzantine periods. 3 The survey was conducted in northern Sinai between Wadi el-Arish and the Suez canal. One hundred and fifty New Kingdom sites were discovered between Tell el-Kantarah and Raphia, a few of which lay on the coast. Ten main clusters of sites along the North Sinai contained a central site (a fortress or station). In 1979, the archaeological missions of the Egyptian Antiquities Organization (now the Supreme Council of Antiquities or SCA) undertook many projects to investigate North Sinai. From 1980 to present, SCA excavations have been conducted at many sites, such as Tell el-Kantarah, Katya, Kasrawit, Tell el-Luli and Pelusium. In 1984, the excavation at Tell Haboua I (Haboua I) was commenced; this was followed shortly thereafter by the start of operations at Tell Abu Seifa and Tell Haboua II (Haboua II) under the authors direction as part of the Ways of Horus Project. Another project, the Salvage Project of North Sinai, was mounted concurrently under the direction of the Egyptian Supreme Council of Antiquities. The goal of the Ways of Horus Project was clarifying the identification of the different stations on the ancient military road and reconstructing the military organization in North Sinai. The first stage of the Ways of Horus Project concentrated on the identification of Tharu, the first station and starting point on the Ways of Horus, as well as the capital of the 14 th nome of Lower Egypt. The project first focused on the excavation of two sites: Haboua I and Tell Abu-Seifa. This work was followed, in the summer of 1998, by the excavation of Haboua II. A pre-excavation
3

E.D. Oren, Le Nord-sina, LMB 24 (1982) 12-13; E.D. Oren, The Ways of Horus in North Sinai in A.F. Rainey, Egypt, Israel, Sinai (Tel Aviv, 1987), 69-119. 2

survey was conducted and various samples were analyzed and recorded. The results of all such research in North Sinai have been documented in the archives of the SCA. As part of this project, all of the references from the ancient inscriptions on the Ways of Horus and each of the stations along the highway were collected and reviewed, in an attempt to correlate them with the fieldwork. This study seeks to present the results of this textual review to provide a comprehensive overview of our current knowledge of the Ways of Horus, in general, as well as each of the individual stations thereon. However, the author must stress that this study simply constitutes a progress report on the considerable work done to date, and that further full-scale excavations are recommended to continue to flesh out our conception of the Ways of Horus and the ancient Egyptian military organization in North Sinai throughout ancient history.

I.

THE WAYS OF HORUS

Since prehistoric times, ancient Egyptians made contact with the coast of Syria. The dynamic development which occurred in the Delta during the prehistoric period resulted in the creation of many important settlements, particularly along the branches of the Nile close to the Mediterranean Sea. The prosperity of these towns owed to the exchange of goods with the coastal towns in Syria and with the nomes of Upper Egypt. There is abundant evidence for such contact between Egypt and Syria during this period. Excavations in Byblos have revealed prehistoric artifacts similar to those found in the Nile Valley. 4 For example, some of the artifacts from the cemetery at Byblos are comparable to those found in Egypt dating from the predynastic to the post-Narmer early-dynastic period. Some objects bearing the name of the king Khasekhemwy were also found in this cemetery. 5 Evidence of contact continues in the Old Kingdom. For example, the Palermo Stone mentions the existence of relationships between Egypt and Asia in the reign of king Snefru, first king of the 4th Dynasty. Specifically, the Palermo Stone refers to the return of a fleet of 40 ships laden with wood destined for the shipbuilding yards and for the construction of the royal palace. Moreover, in the Dashur pyramids, cedar was found, most probably wood brought from Lebanon by king Snefru. Cedar was also used in the construction of the royal ship discovered in 1954 to the south of the pyramid of King Khufu.6 In addition, since the Old Kingdom, an Egyptian community -- foreseen of an Egyptian temple -- was located in the Goubel port to the north of modern Beirut. In the remains of the temple, some
4

P. Montet, Byblos et lgypte, Quatre campagnes de fouilles Gebeil (Paris, 192829), 73, 272; S. Hassan, Misr al-Qadimah, 1 (Cairo, 1940), 246-50 (Arabic); D.B. Redford, Egypt, Canaan, and Israel in Ancient times (Cairo, 1992), 22. 5 Montet 1928-29, 271. 6 Montet 1928-29, Redford 1992, 22. 4

objects dating to the 2nd and 4th Dynasties and later were found. The Egyptian community played an important role in strengthening the trade relationships between the two countries, especially in the preparation of the goods for shipment to Egypt. The goods consisted primarily of different kinds of woods -- cedar and pine -which were so necessary in Egypt for shipbuilding and other construction.7 From the Lebanese mountains close to Goubel - in ancient times known as Naga8 - came also the aromatic woods and gum significant to funerary offerings and religious ceremonies. Olive oil and wine, produced in Palestine, were also common imports to Egypt. Notwithstanding that Egypt had diverse and high quality wines9, the vines of Palestine were extolled in the inscription of Weni.10 Reference is made to olive oil being loaded onto the ships of King Sahure. 11 Thus, there is varied evidence of trade contact between Egypt and Syria, carried on both by sea and across land. In addition to archaeological evidence, textual and artistic references support this relationship and hint at tensions with foreigners along the eastern frontier. From the beginning of the 5 th Dynasty to the first half of the 6 th Dynasty there are scenes depicting the punishment of Bedouin who had attacked the
7

W.A. Ward, Egypt and the Mediterranean World 2200-1900 B.C.: Studies in Egyptian Foreign Relation during the First Intermediate Period (Beirut, 1971), 49-50. 8 Montet, Byblos et lgypte, Quatre campagnes de fouilles Gebeil , Redford, Egypt, Canaan, and Israel in Ancient times, 268, 469; H. Kantor, The Early Relations of Egypt With Asia, JNES 1 (1942), 174-213; A. Ben-Tor, New Light on the Relation Between Egypt and Southern Palestine During the Early Bronze Age BASOR 281 (1991), 3-9. 9 T.G.H. James, The earliest history of wine and its importance in ancient Egypt in The Origins and Ancient History of Wine (Luxembourg, 1995), 205; P.T. Nicholson and I. Shaw, Ancient Egyptian Materials and Technology (Cambridge, 2000), 577-602. 10 K. Sethe, Urk I, 123, 5; M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian literature, I (Berkeley, 1976), 20. 11 L. Borchardt, Das Grabdenkmal des Knigs Sahure, t. 1-2 (O.Zeller 1981) t. 1, fig., 13; t. 2, 25-28, pl. XI, XII, fig, 13; W.M.F Petrie, The Royal Tombs of the First Dynasty, I, (London, 1900), 8; I. Beit-Arieh, New Evidence on the Relations Between Canaan and Egypt during the Proto-Dynastic Period, IEJ 34 (1984), 20-23; K. Prag, Byblos and Egypt in the Fourth Millennium B.C. Levant 18 (1986), 59-74. 5

caravan routes.12 Reference is also made to such events in the account of Wenis campaign dating to the 6th Dynasty.13 Thus, it is likely that considerations other than trade -- such as concern for the security of Egypts eastern borders -- prompted the Egyptian government to establish a high road guarded by fortresses and provided with supply stations and water reservoirs. Indeed, Egypts fertility did not escape the notice of neighbouring people. To the east, the desert was inhabited by nomadic tribes -referred to as Shasu in the ancient Egyptian records 14 -- who coveted the land of the Delta for its fertility and mellow pastures. Hence, the eastern border of Egypt was its most threatened. Moreover, the Sinai desert did not have the kind of natural barriers which could easily protect the eastern frontier of Egypt. Rather, it was open to attack by an enemy either by crossing the desert or striking along the Mediterranean coastal strip. Thus, possible foreign migration following the caravan routes exerted pressure on Egypts frontier and created a security risk. For these reasons, defensive measures had to be taken by the rulers of Egypt, in order to secure the trade caravans and the eastern frontier against the infiltration of foreigners. The eastern frontier was based on the Tanite and Pelusiac mouths of the Nile, both of which provided access higher up to the principal arm of the Nile. The association between this frontier and the mouths of the Nile was critical to the Egyptian defensive system. Amenhotep, son of Habu, chief recruiting officer and overseer of public works under Amenhotep III, specified that organization of the frontier control in the Delta was his principal
12 13

E.S. Hall, The Pharaoh Smites his Enemies: A Comparative Study (Munich, 1986), 5-13. Urk I, 123,5; Lichtheim 1976, 20. 14 For a discussion on these, see R. Giveon, Les Bdouins Shsou des documents gyptiens (Leiden, 1971); E.F. Wente, Shekelesh or Shasu ?, JNES 22 (1963), 167-72; G.A. Wainwright, Shekelesh or Shasu ?, JEA 50 (1964), 4046; W.A. Ward The Shasu Bedouin: Notes on a Recent Publication JESHO 15 (1972), 35-60; W.A. Ward, Shasu in The Anchor Bible Dictionary, Vol. 5, by D.N. Freeman (ed.) (New York, 1992), 1165-67. 6

task after recruiting. From a statue of Amenhotep, son of Habu, found at Karnak, we learn that: I stationed troops at the head of the road in order to keep foreigners within their places. Both sides (of the Delta) were guarded to watch over the movements of the Bedouin. I was at the same time the actual leader at sea, the mouths of the Nile were closed by my troops, as well as units of the kings navy.15 Clearly, the Mediterranean coastal strip extending between el-Kantarah and the Gaza strip was the most important link between Egypt and southern Palestine from the prehistoric period onward. This coastal road along the eastern frontier -- one of the most important and ancient roads -- was known in ancient Egyptian records as the Ways of Horus. The Ways of Horus was a high road secured by a network of fortresses and provided with water reservoirs, as well as supply and custom stations that were established along the route between the Eastern Delta and South Palestine. It was the vital artery through which, the military and commercial traffic between Egypt and Asia flowed. After the catastrophe of the Hyksos, the kings of the early 18th Dynasty realized that the defensive system built during the Old and Middle Kingdoms was incapable of securing the eastern frontier of Egypt. As a result, the kings implemented a new policy, strengthening the defensive elements of the Ways of Horus, while at the same time dispatching military campaigns to preempt and destroy Asiatic forces on their own territory. Once organized, the Ways of Horus became a vital artery for military transports through the northern Sinai.
15

This statue is No. 583 in the Cairo Museum; L. Borchardt, Statuen und Statuetten von Knigen und Privatleuten, (Berlin, 1930), 134; Helck, Urk IV, 1821: 10f; C. Robichon et A. Varille, Le Temple du scribe royal Amenhotep fils de Hapou (Cairo, 1936), 32f. 7

The strategic importance of the eastern delta and subsequently the Ways of Horus increased vastly in the New Kingdom. In particular, this is indicated by the situation of the Ramesside capital, Per-ramesse, in the Delta, one days distance up river from Tharu. In the New Kingdom, officials of the highest rank served as commanders of the fortress of Tharu and overseers of the mouth of the Nile. The appointment of the later king, Ramesses I, as chief of the coasts and the garrison commander in Tharu during the reign of Horemheb 16 clearly shows that Tharu was a very significant post. Thus, the Egyptian Ways of Horus facilitated the passage of countless military expeditions and trade caravans between the Nile Delta and Asia. The significance of the Ways of Horus cannot be underestimated; it was in all likelihood second only to the Nile in its function as a highway. Through this road the military campaigns were dispatched to Asia during the period of Ahmose, Thutmose III, Seti I, Ramesses II, Ramesses III and Sheshonq I. By means of this same road, the Assyrians, Persians, Greeks, Romans and Arabs were able to enter and conquer Egypt. The eastern frontier region constituted the 14 th nome of Lower Egypt, #nt-i3bt17 (the first East), whose capital is given in the list of nomes in the shrine of Senwosret I at Karnak, as Tharu. 18 Tharu was a strategically important point at which the lagoons south-east of Lake Menzaleh and south of the ancient Pelusiac branch of the Nile left a narrow tongue of land to the north of Lake Ballah. This tongue of land must have been crossed by a bridge and consequently it is known as Gisr el-Kanatir, or el-Kantarah,
16

J.M. Kruchten, Le Dcret dHoremheb (Brussels, 1981), 28, 47-48, 86; K.A. Kitchen, Pharaoh Triumphant . The Life and Time of Ramesses II king of Egypt (Warminster, 1982), 16. 17 P. Montet, Gographie de lgypte ancienne, 1er partie (Paris, 1957), 187-89. 18 P. Lacau and H. Chevrier, Une Chapelle de Ssostris Ier Karnak (Cairo, 1956), 235-36 . 8

meaning the bridge. From this strategic point, the Ways of Horus, started and led to Gaza.19 The road to Palestine began at Memphis, the ancient capital of Egypt, passed by Heliopolis, Wadi Tumilat and Facus and then veered eastward to Tharu. From Tharu, the road passed to Jeffar, south of Lake Serbonis, then to el-Arish and Raphia; this portion of the road from el-Arish to Raphia had great significance in Roman times. The Ways of Horus appears in various texts. Several references in the ancient Egyptian literature of the Old and Middle Kingdoms mention a defence system along the frontier in the east. The story of Sinuhe from the 12 th Dynasty provided important geographical details of the North Sinai, especially that of the Ways of Horus. The story recounts Sinuhes flight from Egypt and his years abroad prior to his return to his home country. Sinuhes flight began from Dahshur, 20 south of Memphis after which he crossed the Nile in a boat, arriving at the Red Mountain and then the eastern border, particularly the Walls of the Ruler, Inbw @Q3. His attempts to avoid guards on duty while within the borders of Egypt are clearly mentioned.21 The author believes that the Walls of the Ruler -- or Inbw @Q3 - is nothing other than the fortress of Tharu. Recent excavations revealed a fortress with thick massive walls and watchtowers at Haboua I (Tharu). Similarly, other stations on the Ways of Horus are mentioned in the texts. The next chapter will provide an overview of the existing references to the Ways of Horus in the ancient Egyptian textual sources.

19 20

Gardiner The ancient military road between Egypt and Palestine, JEA 6 (1920), 103-04. H. Goedicke, The Route of Sinuhes Flight, JEA 43 (1957), 77-85. 21 A.H. Gardiner, Notes On the Story of Sinuhe (Paris, 1916), 169. 9

III.

THE WAYS OF HORUS IN ANCIENT EGYPTIAN RECORDS

The Ways of Horus is mentioned in many ancient Egyptian sources. The references contain much important information regarding the strategic, economic, and political role the Ways of Horus played in ancient Egyptian history. The references come from various types of texts: papyri, sarcophagi, statues, royal war inscriptions, private titles, etc. Although some texts -- including primarily the royal war inscriptions -- might tend towards exaggeration, the author believes the portions relating to the Ways of Horus to be reliable and accurate. One of the main reasons for the authors belief is that the references to the Ways of Horus are incidental to the main purpose of the text and would not have been a likely target for exaggeration or self-aggrandizing editing. The remainder of this chapter will provide a discussion of the references to the Ways of Horus in the ancient Egyptian records. 1. (a) Old Kingdom Sarcophagus from the tomb of the overseer of the desert, @kni-$nmw at Giza (5th Dynasty)

A limestone sarcophagus (2.7 x 1.2 x 1m) was found near the western wall of the burial chamber of the tomb of @kni@nmw. On the eastern side of the sarcophagus is a horizontal row of hieroglyphic inscriptions reading: 22

22

S. Hassan, Excavation at Giza, vol. VII: The Mastabas of the Seventh Season and their Descriptions, (Cairo, 1953) 49-52, figs. 40, 42, pl. 28; PM III, I (1979), 238. 10

The district chief of the desert, overseer of the desert, overseer of the hunters, director of the Mitr, kings acquaintance, overseer of the Way of Horus, greatest of the ten of Upper Egypt, captain of the crew, overseer of the army, judge and nome administrator, chamberlain, staff of the people, Iwn-Knm.wt, priest, overseer of the Great Court, director of all the scribes, @kni-$nmw. One of the titles which the owner of the tomb had, and which concerns us here is that of the overseer of the Way of Horus, the earliest mention of the road in the ancient Egyptian sources. 2. (a) First Intermediate Period The instructions addressed to king Merikare (10th Dynasty)

The text is preserved in a fragmentary papyrus consisting of 3 fragments: Papyrus Leningrad 1116 A (second half of the 18 th Dynasty), Papyrus Moscow 4658 and Papyrus Carlsberg 6 (late 18th Dynasty).23 The inscriptions contain the instructions of the father, King Khety III, to his son and successor Merikare. The part of the inscriptions that concerns us deals with the eastern Delta and the Asiatics, the hereditary enemy of Egypt:

23

Lichtheim 1976, 103; F.J. Quack, Studien zr lehre fr Merikare (Wiesbaden, 1992), 52, 182-83; Ward 1971, 22-40 especially 29. 11

Behold, I drove in my (......) mooring post in the region (?) that I made (?) on the east. From the boundaries of Hebenu to the Way of Horus, equipped with cities, filled with people of the best of the entire land, so as to repel their attacks.24 3. (a) Middle Kingdom

The story of Sinuhe (12th Dynasty) In the story of Sinuhe, the royal courtier fled from Egypt in a moment of panic after he overheard that the old King Amenemhat had died unexpectedly. The horror of this moment and his experience away from the court are described in great detail, as Sinuhe spent many years in Palestine until he was permitted to return to Egypt by Senwosret I in old age. 25 In my opinion, the geography of the flight of Sinuhe is correct as far as traceable. 26 The Ways of Horus is mentioned in his journey back to Egypt:

I halted at the Ways of Horus; the commander there, who was in charge of the frontier patrol, sent a message to the palace to let it be known.27
24

Qarck 1992, E 88-89; J.B. Pritchard, Ancient Near Texts Relating to the Old Testament (Princeton, 1955), 416. 25 Gardiner 1916, 10; H. Goedicke, The Route of Sinuhes Flight, JEA 43 (1957), 77-85; Lichtheim 1976, I, 103. 26 During the flight of Sinuhe, Sinuhe hid in the bushes in fear that the guards on duty would apprehend him. This description is an indication of the topography of the marshy area (P3-Twfy) in the vicinity of Tharu. 27 Gardiner 1916, 90 and 174; Prichard 1955, 21. 12

His majesty caused an efficient overseer of field workers of the palace to come, ships were loaded behind him with presents of the royal bounty for the Asiatics, who accompanied me to the Ways of Horus.28 (b) Stela of Memphis (12th Dynasty)29

A pink granite block (2 x 2.5m) was found in the Ramesside temple of Ptah at Memphis; it probably formed a part of an inscribed temple wall rather than a stela. The inscription gives the chronological sequence of events at the court of Amenemhat II, including the expeditions sent abroad either for military or mining purposes. The inscription is very important to the determination of the history of the 12 th Dynasty and to the study of Egyptian economy, geography, lexicography, and cults.

Temple of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Kheperkare, which is in the town of Senwosret on the Way of Horus.
28 29

Gardiner 1916, 91 and 174; Prichard 1955, 21. S. Farag, Une inscription Memphite de la XII e Dynastie, R.dE. 32 (1980), 7582, pl. 2, 3; G. Posener, A new Royal inscription of the XII Dynasty, JSSEA 12 (1982), 7-8; H. Altenmller and A. M. Moussa, Die Inschrift Amenemhets II. aus dem Ptah-tempel von Memphis, SAK 18 (1991), 1-48, especially 12. 13

The orthography used here is not familiar: the sign is omitted, and a phonetic complement ( ) is used, as well as the determinative of a city. From the text, the existence of a temple of Senwosret I on the Way of Horus can be inferred, confirming that it was not just a road, but also that it comprised a well-organized social structure. 4. (a) New Kingdom Inscription on the wall of Hathor chapel at Deir el-Bahari (18 th Dynasty)

A religious text is found on the wall of the chapel of Hathor at Deir el-Bahari,30 where a bovine goddess Hathor addresses Hatshepsut, saying:

I have come from Pe, I have marched through Dep, I have travelled through the marshes, and the lands of the Ways of Horus. (b) Inscription from the tomb of Rekhmire (18th Dynasty)

Many references to the Ways of Horus occur in the inscriptions in the tomb at of Rekhmire at Thebes (Theban tomb 100), the vizier in the latter part of the reign of Thutmose III and the beginning of the reign of Amenhotep II. Scenes occupy the western part of the hall showing sporting activities, servants at work, wine-making and the presentation of various products to the
30

E. Naville, The temple of Deir el-Bahari, IV (London, 1895-1908), 87-94; Urk. IV, 237: 7- 9. 14

large seated figure of Rekhmire on the northern wall. The text over him reading:31

Bringing forward the contribution of desert game - oryx, gazelle, and ibex - and all manner of good things, meals (hnkt), vegetables, and, (as) offerings of the Ways of Horus, lotus flowers, herbs, lotus buds, fish and birds without end, longhorns and shorthorns, wine and fruit, fulfilling all dreams, for the ka of Rekh-mi-Re. In addition, another fragmentary inscription exists in the tomb, for which de Garis Davies provides the following translation:32 Rekh-mi-Re begotten of the wab priest of [Amun], Neferweben, and born of the house mistress Bet, delighting in the sight of a successful yield and receiving the contribution [of the Roads of Horus] ... long-horned and short-horned oxen, fish, [birds], fruits, lotus flowers, herbs, ... [of] the Delta together with the contribution [of the Roads of Horus].

31 32

N. de G. Davis, The Tomb of Rekh-mi-Re at Thebes (New York, 1944), pl. XLIV, XLV. Davis 1944, 42. 15

(c)

Inscription from the tomb of Senufer, Mayor of Thebes (18 th Dynasty)

On the tomb of Senufer at Thebes (Theban Tomb 96), there is a scene of his gardens produce with a text mentioning the Way of Horus:33

Beholding the meadows and traversing the marshes and making arrangements at the Ways of Horus by the Mayor of the Southern city, Senufer, the justified. (d) Inscription on a statue of Senufer, Overseer of the Seal (18 th Dynasty)34

Senufers father, Djehuty-hay, had the title: Overseer of the storehouse at the Ways of Horus. It is mentioned on Senufers statue, found in Thebes (Theban Tomb 99) and now in the British Museum.

Overseer of the storehouse at the Ways of Horus.35


33

Urk. IV, 1421:9-11; S. Sharpe, Egyptian inscriptions from the British Museum and other sources (London, 1837), 55. 34 Urk. IV, 547:4; Sharpe 1837, 56; I.E.S. Edwards, Hieroglyphic Texts from Egyptian Stelae and other Sources in the British Museum, Part VIII (London, 1939), 4-5, pl. V; Redford 1992, 153 35 W. Ward, Index of Egyptian Administrative And Religious Titles of The Middle Kingdom (Beirut, 1982), 41. 16

(e)

Tomb of Puyemre at Thebes (18th Dynasty)36

On the west wall of the tomb of Puyemre at Thebes (Theban Tomb 39), there is a representation of the reception of tribute from Retenu and the registration of tribute for the Ways of Horus.

Receiving the tribute37 of the products of the northern lands and of the Ways of Horus, together with the gifts of the Southern and Northern Oasis, by the prince and mayor, royal chancellor, sole companion rich in love, chief lector priest, [second] priest [of Amun], Puyemre, true of voice, which (my) lord had assigned to the temple of Amun. In the same tomb, another scene represents the loading of wine jars; above the jars is written:38

36

N. de Garis, The Tomb of Puyemre at Thebes (New York, 1918), 80-82, pls. XXXI, XXXII, XL; Urk. IV, 523. 37 For Ssp inw, see E. Bleiberg, The Offical Gift in Ancient Egypt (Oklahoma, 106), 108-9. 38 de Garis Davies 1918, pl. XIII. 17

Wine of the vineyards of the Ways of Horus. (f) Papyrus fragments in Pushkin Museum in Moscow (18 th Dynasty)

In a fragmentary papyrus in Pushkin Museum in Moscow 39 "Ways of Horus" is mentioned among other locations in the Delta region. The text is named Pleasures of fishing and fowling by A. H. Gardiner40 due to its main subject matter.

[%xt] +at, Avaris (Tell Dabca), Rxty, the Upper Mansion, the Lower Mansion, the Ways of Horus... (g) The Asiatic campaign of Seti I, Karnak (19th Dynasty)41

The main textual sources relating to the Ways of Horus are a series of reliefs executed on the exterior north wall of the great Hypostyle Hall in the temple of Amun at Karnak from the time of Seti I. The scenes and their hieroglyphic captions record the campaigns to Asia of Seti I waged in his early regnal years. Amongst other things, the scenes show military action in the field, 42 the submission of foreign chieftains, a triumphal return to Egypt and the presentation of prisoners to Amun. (Fig. 2) The lower left hand register represents the conquest of the Shasu and the overtaking of the Canaan. The opening statement in the Karnak reliefs is:43
39 40

R.A. Caminos, Literary Fragments in the Hieratic Script (Oxford, 1956), 19-20, pl. 6. Ibid, 5. 41 Gardiner 1920, 99-116; K.A. Kitchen, Ramesside Inscriptions, Historical and Biographical, I (Oxford, 1979), 6-24. 42 G.A. Gaballa, Narrative in Egyptian Art (Mainz am Rhein, 1976), 100-02. 43 Kitchen 1979, I, 8:8-9; A.J. Spalings, The Northern Wars of Seti I: An Integrative Study, JARCE 16 (1979), 29-47; W.J. Murnane, The Road to 18

Year 1 of the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, Men-maat-Re. The destruction made by the mighty arm of pharaoh, l.p.h., amongst the fallen enemies of the Shasu, from the fortress of Tharu to Pa-Canaan. His majesty seized upon them like a terrifying lion, turning them into corpses throughout their valleys, wallowing in their blood as if (they) had never existed. Any who slip through his fingers tell of his power to (far)-distant foreign countries - it is the might of father Amun who had decreed for you valour and victory over every foreign country. The reliefs show the details of Seti Is campaign from east to west in three related scenes. One of the most interesting aspects of these Karnak reliefs is that they represent the road between Egypt and Palestine, the Ways of Horus, with a detailed registration of all the stations of the road. The triumphal return of Seti I to Egypt is shown near the first station, the fortress of Tharu. In the centre of the reliefs stands the enlarged figure of Seti I in his chariot dragging two lines of captives and marching along a road marked at intervals by fortresses and fortified water wells,
Kadesh (Chicago, 1985), 55; K.A. Kitchen, Ramesside Inscriptions: Translation, I (Oxford, 1993), 7; Pritchrd 1955, 253-55 especially 254. 19

identified by name. The campaign is shown about to enter Egypt across a waterway or a canal, whose water is infested with crocodiles and its banks lined by reeds and swamps, characterizing a fresh-water environment. The accompanying text refers to it as &A dnit, the dividing canal or the canal. The reeds continue to the border of the reliefs, into another body of water which has a barren shore and contains marine species. This body of water represents the salt water of the Mediterranean. One of the depicted Egyptian-style fortresses straddles a bridge over the water-way, while a smaller one guards the road to the east. The bridge fortress is named: p3 xtm n *Arw, the fortress of Tharu. The other one, guarding the road, is named: t3 ct p3 m3i, the dwelling of the lion, 44 which was reachable by boat from the fortress Tharu. 45 (h) Papyrus Anastasi I (19th Dynasty)46

Papyrus Anastasi I, from the reign of Ramesses II, is a sort of topographic record written in satiric language. It mentions the Ways of Horus, and lists the stations in North Sinai and the major fortified cities in Southern Palestine.

44
45

Gardiner 1920,103, 106, 107. Gardiner 1911, 29, note 3; Anastasi V 24, 8 in R. Caminos, Late Egyptian Miscellanies (London, 1954), 266 46 Gardiner, Egyptian Hieratic Texts (Leipzig, 1911), 4-34; E.F. Wente, Letters from Ancient Egypt (Atlanta, 1990), 98-110, but cf. especially 109. 20

21

O Good Sir, you elite scribe and Maher-warrior, who knows how to use your hands, a leader of Naarin-troops at the head of the soldiery, I have described to you the hill countries of the northern reaches of the land of Canaan, but you have not answered me in any way nor have you rendered a report to me. Come, and [I] will describe many things to you. Head toward the fortress of the Ways of Horus. I begin for you with the Dwelling of Sese, l.p.h. You have not set foot in it at all. You have not eaten fish from [its pool?] nor bathed in it. O that I might recall to you Husayin. Whereabouts is its fortress? Come now to the region of Edjo of Sese, l.p.h. into its stronghold of Usermare, l.p.h., and [to] Seba-El and Ibesqeb. Let me describe to you the manner of Aynn, you don not know its position. Nekhes and Hebret, you have never seen them since your birth. O Maher, where is Raphia ? What is its wall like ? How many leagues march is to Gaza. 5. Orthography

From the texts, we see that the orthography of the Ways of Horus was as follows: 5th Dynasty47 and 6th Dynasty48 10th Dynasty49 12th Dynasty50 12th Dynasty51

47 48

Hassan 1953, 49-52, fig. 42. Maspero 1883, 24. 49 Quack 1992, 52, 182-83. 50 Gardiner 1916,10. 51 Farag 1980, 75-82. 22

18th Dynasty52 18th Dynasty53 18th Dynasty54 19th Dynasty55 6. Commentary

The historical sources concerning the Ways of Horus in North Sinai indicate that an extremely well-organized system of fortresses was established by the kings of Egypt to secure the major artery of communication with the Asiatic provinces while also guarding the eastern frontier. It appears that defensive measures along the Ways of Horus were taken as early as the first half of the 5 th Dynasty, as is indicated by the title overseer of the Ways of Horus found on the limestone sarcphagus from the tomb of the overseer of the desert @kni-#nmw at Giza. Similarly, the instructions addressed to king Merikare of the 10th Dynasty mentioned the defence of the eastern frontier along the Ways of Horus. From the description of the flight of Sinuhe56 we realize how effective the defensive system must have been. Moreover, from the annals of Thutmose III we know that in his first campaign to Asia he marched from the border fortress of Tharu to Gaza -- about

52 53

56

Urk. IV, 237: 7-9. Urk. IV, 1421: 9-11; de Garis Davies 1918, 80-82. 54 Davies 1918, Pl. XIII. 55 Gardiner 1911, 4-34; Wente 1990, 109. Gardiner 1916, 91-92. 23

250 km away -- in a record time of ten days. 57 This feat testifies to the efficiency of the organization of the Ways of Horus. With the expulsion of the Hyksos and the accession of ambitious, strong kings to the throne of Egypt a new chapter in the history of Egypt began. The kings of the early 18 th Dynasty conducted military campaigns into Palestine to recapture the reverence of Egypt and to regain its presence in the Asian provinces. Thutmose III undertook seventeen campaigns into Asia, extending the Egyptian sphere of influence as far as the Euphrates.58 The expeditions of Thutmose III paved the way for the establishment of Imperial Egypt, and the subsequent campaigns of Seti I and Ramesses II strengthened the Egyptian empire.59 Consequently, during the New Kingdom, North Sinai became very important as the major land bridge between Egypt and Asia, over which military expeditions were dispatched and commerce flowed. The Karnak reliefs of Seti I provide a geographical record of the first campaign of Seti I into Asia and depicted the route along the Mediterranean coast of north Sinai from el-Kantarah to Raphia. This route was secured by the network of fortresses and provided with water-ways and supply-stations. Eleven fortresses and nine wells or water reservoirs lining the Ways of Horus are depicted between the horses feet and the wheels of Seti Is chariot. The reliefs show these fortresses and wells to be of varying sizes and diverse locations. Some of the stations took the names or epithets of Seti I and Ramesses II. Consequently the identification of these stations
57

M. Mariette, Notice de quelques fragments de linscription de Karnak, contenant les annales du Rgne de Toutmes III, Rev Arch II (1860), 21; Urk. IV, 645-67; R.O. Faulkner, The Battle of Megiddo, JEA 28 (1942), 2-15. 58 J.M. Weinstein, The Egyptian Empire in Palestine, BASOR 241 (1981), 18-21. 59 B.J. Kemp, Imperialism and Empire in New Kingdom Egypt (c. 1575-1087 B.C.), in P.D.A. Garnsey, The Imperialism in the Ancient World (Cambridge, 1978), 7-57, 284-97. 24

with any specific site is very difficult, except for Gaza and Raphia at the Palestinian end of the Ways of Horus. In Seti Is reliefs, the fortress of the second station is again named: tA at pA mAi, the dwelling of the lion. The lion in the Karnak reliefs naturally refers to the pharaoh Seti I. In Papyrus Anastasi I this fortress or town is represented by: tA at n Ssi, the dwelling of Sese, Sese being an epithet of Ramesses II. In Payrus Anastasi V,60 the name takes the form of: tA at n Rac-mssw-mry Imn, the dwelling of Ramesses (II), beloved of Amun. The third station is named: p3 mktr at c n Mn-m3 R , the Migdol of Men-maat-Re (Seti I), while the seventh station is a fortress called: w3Dyt n Sti Mry-n-PtH, Buto of Seti Merenptah, and recurs in papyrus Anastasi I61 as the tract of Buto of Sese, the latter being the nickname of Ramesses II, which replaces the official name of Seti I. The eighth station is a fortress called : p3 bxn c c n Mn-m3 t-R , the castle of Men-maat-Re. The Ways of Horus was overseen by the Egyptian military organization. High officials were placed in charge of the Ways of Horus and the fortresses along the road, as we know from the following titles: imy-r W3t-@r , The Overseer of the Way of Horus H3ty-c n *3rw, The Mayor of Tharu; and
60 61

Ibid. Caminos 1954, 38-39. 25

Hry pDt n *3rw, Troop captain of Tharu.62 Every traveller was checked at the frontier posts, and each entrant had to identify himself and to clarify the purpose of his entry. Then he was compelled to wait until his entry had been approved. In this manner, the home-coming Sinuhe was detained at Tharu until he was sent for and conducted to the residence of Senwosret I.63 A fragment of a diary kept by a frontier official in Tharu, dating from the 3rd year of the reign of Merenptah, contains the names and the business of all passersby on their way to Syria, especially messengers, travelling officials and officers leaving the country:64 Year 3, first month of summer, day 17, arrival of the captain of the troops of the well of Merenptah, l.p.h., which is on the highland, to investigate in the fortress which is in Tharu. Thus, from the earliest times, the ancient sources provide evidence of the network of fortresses and stations referred to as the Ways of Horus. The following chapters will focus on a review of each of the stations on the Ways of Horus, as seen in the ancient sources and the archaeological evidence.

62

63 64

A.R. Schulman, Military Rank, Title and Organization in the New Kingdom (Berlin, 1964), 53-56 Gardiner 1916, 91-92. J.H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, III (New York, 1906), 270-71; Prichard 1955, 258. 26

IV.

THE STATIONS OF THE WAYS OF HORUS IN ANCIENT EGYPTIAN RECORDS A. THE FIRST STATION: THARU

Tharu -- mostly commonly written as or -- is mentioned in a number of sources dating to the Middle Kingdom and later. 1. (a) Middle Kingdom The Satire of the Trades (12th Dynasty)

The Satire of the Trades consisted of the instructions given by a father to his son, while conducting him to the residence in order to place him in school. The father instructed his son in the duties and rewards of the scribal career. The text is preserved entirely in Papyrus Sallier II and partially in Papyrus Anastasi VII, both in the British Museum.65

65

Lichtheim 1976, I, 184-85; B. Hellmut, Die Lehre des Cheti, Sohnes des Duauf (Glckstadt, 1944), 93-96; J. L. Foster, Some Comments on Khetys Instruction For Little Pepi on his Way to School (Satire on The Trades), in Gold of Praise: Studies on Ancient Egypt in Honor of Edward F. Wente , E. Teeter and J.A. Larson, eds. (Chicago, 1999), 121-29. 27

(3,9) Beginning of the instruction made by the man of Tharu,66 whose name is Dua Khety, for his son, called Pepi, as he journeyed south (4,1) to the residence, to place him in the school for scribes. 2. (a) New Kingdom The Rhind Mathematical Papyrus (Year 33 of king Auserre Apophis, 15th Dynasty)

The Rhind Mathematical Papyrus consists of a series of mathematical problems written on the recto of the papyrus. The date of writing is included as the fourth month of year 33 of king Auserre (Apophis), and it is stated that the author included materials copied from the reign of king Ny-maat-Re (Amenemhat III).67 Subsequently, a series of entries were written on the verso of the same papyrus by another scribe in the early 18 th Dynasty.

66

For the debate on *Art see: G. Posener, Littrature et Politique dans lEgypt de la XIIe Dynastie (Paris, 1956), 6-7. 67 T.E. Peet, The Rhind Mathematical Papyrus (Liverpool, 1923), 129, pl. XXI; G. Robins and C. Shute, The Rhind Mathematical Papyrus: an Egyptian Text (New York, 1987), 10-11; Redford 1992, 122, 128, 420. 28

Regnal year 11, second month of Shomu, Aon (Heliopolis) was entered. First month of Akhet, day 23, this southern prince broke into Tharu. Day 2[5], it was heard that Tharu had been entered. Regnal year 11, first month of Akhet, the birthday of Seth, a roar was emitted by the majesty of this god. The birthday of Isis, the sky rained. (b) Scarab of Amenhotep III, no. vetr. A1395-1475 in the Vatican Museum (18th Dynasty) 68

A commemorative scarab records the construction by Amenhotep III of a lake in Tharu for Queen Tiy. The width of the lake on this scarab is given as 600 cubits. The scarab bears 11 lines of hieroglyphs on the sides between the legs, but no cartouche of the pharaoh. The text is as follows:

68

H. Marucchi, Guide du Muse gyptien du Vatican (Rome, 1927). 29

Year 11, third month of the Akhet, day 1, under the majesty of Horus, the mighty bull, appearing in truth, Nebty ruler, who establishes laws, who pacifies the two lands, Golden Horus, great of strength, smiter of the Asiatics, king of Upper and Lower Egypt, Neb-maat-R c, son of Re, Amenhotep-heqa-waset, given life; and the great kings wife Tiy, may she live. His majesty commanded to make a lake for the great kings wife, Tiy, in her city of Tharu.69 Its length is 3600 cubits 70; its width, 600 cubits. His majesty celebrated the feast of opening of the [lake], in the third month of the Akhet, day 16, when his majesty sailed thereon in the royal barge: AtonGleams. (c) The Annals of Thutmose III (18th Dynasty)

The Annals of Thutmose III occupy the interior walls of the enclosing corridor that surrounds the Holy of Holies of the great temple of Amun at Karnak. The Annals contain more than 223 lines of entries, and form the longest and the most important historical inscriptions of ancient Egypt. 71

69

Breasted 1906, and others believed that the name T3rw was long misread and the correct reading should have been +ar-wH3. The text given here, including the reference to Tharu and the measurements of the lake, is based on the copy provided by the Vatican Museum. 70 While the Vatican Museum copy refers to measurements of 3600 cubits for the length and 600 cubits for the width, others have given different measurements (see note above). 71 LD III, 31, 6,6; Urk. IV, 645-67; Lichtheim 1976, vol. II, 29-35; Breasted 1906, 391-443; Pritchard 1955, 234-38; R.O. Faulkner, The Battle of Megiddo, JEA 38 (1942), 2-15, especially 2. 30

As a complete document of military achievements, they record the military campaigns of Thutmose III to Asia, beginning with the first and the most important of them:

Year 22, fourth month of the Peret, day 25, his majesty was in (passed) the fortress of Tharu on the first campaign of victory,72 [(made) to drive out those who had attacked] the borders of Egypt.73 (d) Rockcut stela of Neby, the Mayor of Tharu at Serabit el-Khadem (Thutmose IV, late 18th Dynasty)

A rockcut stela with a corniced top, found in the mining area at Serabit el-Khadem, South Sinai, represents King Thutmose IV offering milk to Hathor, while the official Neby is following the king carrying a loaf of bread and a small bird.74 The inscription above the official reads:

The Royal Messenger in all foreign lands, steward of the Harem of the royal wife, Mayor of Tharu, child of the Nursery, Neby
For the word nxt, see J.M. Galn, Victory and Border, Terminology related to Egyptian Imperialism in the XVIII Dynasty (Hildesheim, 1995), 79-86. 73 Urk IV, 647:10-15. 74 Urk. IV, 1634: 6-7; A.H. Gardiner and T.E. Peet, The Inscriptions of Sinai (London, 1952), Stela #58, vol. I, pl. 20, vol. II, 81; G. Bjrkman, Neby, the Mayor of Tjaru in the reign of Tuthmosis IV, JARCE 11 (1974), 34-51. 31
72

The inscription below the king reads:

Year 4 under the Majesty of the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, Men-kheperu-Re, given life. (e) Stela of Neby, the Mayor of Tharu (Thumose IV, late 18th Dynasty)

A limestone stela of the same Neby mentioned in the previous reference,75 now kept in Leiden Museum (Leiden V43), shows an image of Neby with his wife adoring Osiris, Lord of Abydos, in the top register with the following inscription:

Giving praise [to Osiris] and kissing the ground before Wennefer by the chief of police and troop captain of Tharu, Neby. His sister, the lady of the house, his dearly beloved, Tauswert. The troop captain and mayor of Tharu, Neby. The middle and lower registers are offering scenes representing Neby, the troop captain of Tharu and the lady of the house, Tauswert receiving offerings from his son Haremhab. It
75

P.A.A. Boeser, Beschreibung der Aegyptischen Sammlung des Niederlandischen Reichsmuseums der Altertmer in Leiden, vol. 6, no. 22 (Den Haag, 1916); B. Cumming, Egyptian Historical Records of the Later 18 th Dynasty, Fasc. II (Warminster, 1984), 319-20, no. 548; Urk. IV, 1634: 13-15; B. M. Bryan, The Reign of Thutmose IV (Baltimore, 1991), 264. 32

is noteworthy that this text reveals Neby to have been the overseer of both the northern and southern frontier. The main inscription of the stela reads:76

An offering that the king gives to Osiris, foremost of westerners, the great god and ruler of eternity that he may grant invocation offerings of bread and beer, clothing, alabaster, incense, oil, cool water, wine and milk; (also) to inhale the sweet breath of the north wind, to drink of water at the river eddy, and all good and pure things to the ka of the prince and mayor, an important man in his office and magnate in the palace, chief of police, overseer of the fortress of the land of Wawat, troop captain of Tharu, overseer of the fortress, overseer of the canal and mayor of Tharu, Neby. (f) Canopic jar of Neby, the Mayor of Tharu, (Thutmose IV, late 18th Dynasty)

An alabaster canopic jar,77 34cm high, with a cover in the shape of a human face with unmarked features in Ronneby College, Sweden (belonging to the same Neby of the previous two references) bears an inscription reading:

76 77

Urk. IV, 1635: 2-11. Bjrkman 1974, 43-51, pl. IV. 33

To be recited: Isis, put your arms around what is inside you, protect Imsety who is inside you, the Mayor of Tharu, Neby, justified. (g) Stela of Amenmose, the Mayor of Tharu (Thutmose IV, late 18 th Dynasty)

A round-topped stela of quartzite, 39 cm high and 24cm wide, now kept in the British Museum (Stela 1843). 78 The stela is for an official who has the title Mayor of Tharu, and named Amenmose.79 The top register shows king Thutmose IV offering to Amun-Re, the lower register shows the deceased kneeling and before him a text of 5 columns that read:

Giving adoration to Amun, kissing the ground before the lord of the gods by the great one of the She of the palace in Memphis, the Mayor of Tharu, Amenmose. (h) Blockstatue fragment of Hatre, the Overseer of Goldsmiths (Amenhotep II, 18th Dynasty)

In the Louvre Museum (E.25550) there is a blockstatue of quartzite; the head and parts of the base and foot are missing. It measures 47cm in height and has a cartouche with the name of Amenhotep II engraved on the right arm. The four sides of the statue are inscribed. The inscription on its dorsal pillar yields a reference to Tharu and includes various titles for Hatre: 80

78 79

Thanks are due to Dr. Jeffery Spencer of the British Museum for his assistance. The stela is also discussed in: Bryan 1991, 264-66. 80 J.L. de Cnival , Les textes de la statue E.25550 du muse du Louvre, RdE 17 (1965), 15-20. 34

The offerings that [the king] gives to Atum, for the chief of goldsmiths Hatre, justified. He says to those who are on earth, to the servants of this temple: I am a competent(?) artisan for Upper and Lower Egypt, the work of my arms reached Elephantine and Tharu to the north, in the monuments which his majesty made for Amun in this place, for Horus lord of heaven, lord of Mesen, for the goddess Wadjet of Imet. (i) Wine jar sealings related to Tharu from Malkata (Amenhotep III, 18th Dynasty)

Two hundred and forty-five inscribed jar sealings were discovered at Malkata, 13 of which consist of cylindrical types. 81 These 13 sealings came from amphorae and indicate an association with Tharu and environs. The details of these sealings are as follows: (i) A jar sealing from an amphora with a seal impression, The wine of Tharu 82. This sealing was found at site D.5.B. at Malkata, the palace and associated complex of Amenhotep III on the West Bank at Thebes.
81

W.C. Hayes, Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III, JNES 10 (1951), 158, fig. 25; M.A. Leahy, Excavations at Malkata and Birket Habu (Warminster, 1978), 29-31, no.XII; C. Hope, Malkata and the Birket Habu: Jar Sealings and Amphorae (Warminster, 1978), 45, table 4. 82 Leahy 1978, fig. 15, no. XII. 35

(ii)

A jar sealing from an amphora with a seal impression, The wine of Tharu83. This sealing was found at site D.5.B at Malkata.

(iii)

A jar sealing from an amphora with a seal impression, Horus Lord of Mesen, residing in Lower Egypt. Mesen is believed to have been near or at Tharu. 84 This sealing was found at site K at Malkata.

(iv)

A jar sealing from an amphora with a seal impression, Horus, Lord of Mesen, residing in Lower Egypt85. This sealing was found at site K at Malkata.

(v)

A jar sealing from an amphora with a seal impression, , Horus, [Lord of Mesen (?)]86. This sealing was found at site D at Malkata.

(vi)

A jar sealing from an amphora with a seal impression, wine of the fortress, possibly Tharu which is often called p3 xtm n T3rw, the fortress of Tharu.87 This sealing was found at site K at Malkata.

(vii)

A jar sealing from an amphora with a seal impression, wine of the fortress. 88 found at site K at Malkata. This sealing was

83

Leahy 1978, fig. 16, no. XIII. Leahy 1978, fig. 22, no. XCV. 85 A.H. Gardiner, The Delta Residence of the Ramessides, JEA 5 (1918), 199 86 Leahy 1978, fig. 23, no. XCVII. 87 Although it is not possible to say with entire certainty that p3 Xtm refers to Tharu, it is noteworthy that Tharu is also referred to simply as the fortress and is the only fortress known from the sources for the production of wine. 88 Bjkman 1974, 48-51.
84

36

(viii)

A jar sealing from an amphora with a double seal impression, wine of the fortress.89 sealing was found at site K at Malkata. This

(ix)

A jar sealing from an amphora with a seal impression, wine of the fortress 90. found at site K at Malkata. This sealing was

(x)

A jar sealing from an amphora with a seal impression, wine of the fortress 91. found at site K at Malkata. This sealing was

(xi)

A jar sealing from an amphora with a seal impression, wine of the fortress. found at site K at Malkata. This sealing was

(xii)

A jar sealing from an amphora with a seal impression, wine of the fortress. found at site K at Malkata. This sealing was

(xiii)

A jar sealing from an amphora with a seal impression, wine of the fortress. found at site K at Malkata. This sealing was

(xiv)

A jar sealing from an amphora with a seal impression,

89 90

Ibid. Ibid. 91 Ibid. 37

Year 28, wine of Tharu, chief of vineyards. 92 This sealing was found at site K at Malkata. (xv) A jar sealing from an amphora with a seal impression,

wine of Tharu of [...] 93 Min-nakht of the mansion of [pharaoh]. This sealing was found at site K at Malkata. (xvi) A jar sealing from an amphora with a seal impression,

Year 36, wine of Tharu, Banedjbu.94 found at site K at Malkata.

This sealing was

(xvii) A jar sealing from an amphora with a seal impression,

very good wine of Tharu.95 This sealing was found at site K at Malkata.
92 93

Hayes 1951, fig. 4, no. 5. Hayes 1951, fig. 6, no. 51. 94 Hayes 1951, fig. 6, no. 52. 95 Hayes 1951, fig. 7, no. 4. 38

(xviii) A jar sealing from an amphora with a seal impression,

wine of Tharu, Bayu.96 This sealing was found at site K at Malkata. (xix) A jar sealing from an amphora with a seal impression:

wine of Tharu of the overseer of the fortress. 97 sealing was found at site K at Malkata. (j)

This

Shawabti of Menna, the commander of the troops of Tharu (18th Dynasty)

The inscribed shawabti of Menna, 98 the commander of the troops of Tharu reads:

Given as praise from the king, for the praised one, one who is greatly trusted by the Lord of the two Lands, child of the Nursery, Commander of the troops of Tharu, Overseer of the Horses, Menna.
96 97

Hayes 1951, fig. 7, no. 76. Hayes 1951, fig. 7, no. 75. 98 W.M.F. Petrie, Shabtis (London, 1935), pl. VIII, 49 39

(k)

Fragment of a taxation decree from the Aten Temple at Karnak (Akhenaten, 18th Dynasty)

This largely unpublished fragmentary text was found in the Aten temple at Karnak and dates to the reign of Akhenaten. 99 Enough of the text remains to indicate that it imposed a tax on temples and municipalities throughout Egypt to support the religious innovation of Akhenaten. This tax included one deben of silver, one men-container of incense, two men-container of wine, and two rectangular lengths of thick cloth, which were to be supplied by cultic establishments throughout Upper and Lower Egypt. Among the gods referred to in this document is Horus of Tharu. (l) Wine jar sealing from the tomb of Tutankhamun (18th Dynasty)

A wine jar, with neck and stopper missing, was found in the tomb of Tutankhamun mentioning the wine of Tharu 100

Year 5, sweet wine of the House-of-Aten [from] Tharu. Chief vintner Penamun. (m) Decree of Horemheb at Karnak (18th Dynasty)

A very large stela of dark sandstone (CG 34162) was found on the last wall of the temple of Karnak towards the south, at the 10th pylon of Horemheb.101 The inscriptions contain a list of various
99

W.J. Murnane, Texts from the Amarna Period in Egypt (Atlanta, 1995), 30, no. 6. W.J. ern, Hieratic Inscriptions from the Tomb of Tutcankhamun (Oxford, 1965), 2, no. 8, 22, no. 8 text, pl. II:8 101 Urk. IV, 2144: 10-17, 2146: 8-15; K. Pflger, The Edict of King Haremhab, JNES 5 (1946), 261, pl. 1; J.M. Kruchten, Le Dcret dHoremheb (Bruxelles, 1981), 28, 47-48, 86; R. Hari, Horemheb et la reine Moutnedjemet ou la fin dune dynastie (Geneva, 1964), 311-17. 40
100

crimes, some of which were punishable by severance of the nose of the culprit, and by deporting him to Tharu.102 It appears that Tharu functioned as a deportation place and possibly had either a penal settlement or labour camps where prisoners were placed.

(Now) if there i[s the man] who (wants to) deliver dues [for] the breweries (?) And abbatoirs (?) of pharaoh, l.p.h, on behalf of the two deputies [of the army] ... [and there is anyone who interferes] (17) and he takes away the boat of any military man (or) of any (other) [per]son in any part of the country, the law shall be applied against him by cutting off his nose, he being sent to Tharu.

(n)
102

(21)...and those who are supplying the harem, as well as the offerings of all (kinds of) gods in that they deliver dues on behalf of the two deputies of the army, a[nd he] ... (22) the law [shall be applied] against him by cutting off his nose, he being sent to Tharu. Stela of year 400 (Ramesses II, 19th Dynasty)

On this, see D. Lorton, The Treatment of Criminals in Ancient Egypt, JESHO 20 (1977), 2-64, especially 25. 41

A red granite stela103found in the ruins of Tanis and located in the Cairo Museum (No. 60539) has an inscription relating to an act of homage to the god Seth from a high officer named Seti in the reign of Ramesses II. The stela gives an interval of 400 years between his reign and that of the rule of the Hyksos. The high officer has the title overseer of the fortress of Tharu:

For your spirit, O Seth, son of Nut! May you give a happy life time in following your will ( k3) for the spirit of the hereditary noble, city governor and vizier, royal scribe, overseer of the horse, overseer of desert lands, commander of the fortress of Tharu, Seti, justified. Year 400, 4th month of Shomu, day 4, of the king of Upper and Lower Egypt: Seth, the-great-of-strength: the son of Re, his beloved: The Ombite, beloved of Re-Hr-akhti, may he exist forever and ever. Now there came the hereditary
103

A. Mariette, La stele de lan 400, Rev. arch. 11 (1865), 169-90; P. Montet, La stele de lan 400 retrouve, Kmi 4 (1931), 191-215; Kitchen 1979, II, 28788; Pritchard 1955, 253; C.D. Noblecourt, Ramss II: La Vritable Histoire (Paris, 1996), 370-72. 42

prince; mayor of the city and vizier; fan-bearer on the right hand of the king, troop captain; overseer of foreign countries; overseer of the fortress of Tharu; chief of the police; royal scribe; master of the horse; conductor of the feast of the Ram-the-Lord-of-Mendes; high priest of Wadjet, she-who-opens the two lands; and overseer of the priests of all the gods, Seti, justified. Son of the hereditary noble, city governor and vizier, troop captain, overseer of the desert, fortress-commander of Tharu, royal scribe, overseer of the horse, Pramesse, justified, and born of the lady of the house, chantress of Pre, Tiu, justified. (o) Asiatic campaigns of Ramesses II (19th Dynasty)

In his fifth year campaign to Kadesh, after the preparation of the troops and chariots, Ramesses II marched with his army from Egypt. Passing the fortress of Tharu, he led his army overland through Palestine and south Syria up to Kadesh. 104 His inscription reads:

104

Ch. Kuentz, La Bataille de Qadesh, MIFAO 55 (1928), 34; Lichtheim 1976, II, 57; Kitchen 1979, II, 11-12; Kitchen 1996, II, 3; Pritchard 1955, 255-58; R.O. Faulkner, The Battle of Kadesh, MDIAK 16 (1958), 93-111. 43

Now then, his majesty had prepared his infantry, his chariotry, and the sherden of his majestys capturing, whom he had carried off by the victories of his arm, equipped with all their weapons, to whom the orders of combat had been given. His majesty journeyed northward, his infantry and chariotry with him. He began to march on the good way in Year 5, second month of Shomu, day 9, (when) his majesty passed the fortress of Tharu. (p) The Poem of Pentaur (Ramesses II, 19th Dynasty)

The Poem of Pentaur is one of the most important documents of the battle of Kadesh. 105 It was written by the scribe Pentaur to honor the victory of Ramesses II in his battle against the Asiatics. The texts are written in two different manuscripts: hieroglyphic and hieratic. The hieroglyphic text has been found in three copies on temple walls at Luxor, Karnak and Abydos. The Poem of Pentaur is a good reference to Tharu as a starting-point on the Ways of Horus. We read:

105

Kitchen 1979, II, 13:1; Noblecourt 1996, 150-58 especially 152. 44

Behold, his majesty prepared his infantry and his chariotry, the sherden of the captivity of his sword...they gave the plan of battle. His majesty proceeded northwards, his infantry and his chariotry being with him. He began the goodly way, to march. Year 5, the second month of Shomu, on the ninth day, his majesty passed the fortress of Tharu [like] Montu when he goes forth.106 (q) Golnischeff scarab (Ramesses II, 19th Dynasty)

A scarab dating to the reign of Ramesses II, now in Moscow, bears an inscription referring to Tharu.107 The inscription reads:

Wser-maat-Re Setepenre, Ramesses (II) Mery-Amun, who provides for Tharu, and (is) given life like Re forever.

(r)

Hieratic ostraca nos. 163, 189, 203 and 211 from the Ramesseum (19th Dynasty)

In 1895-96, four ostraca were found in the Ramesseum by J.E. Quibell, on which references to Tharu exist. 108 The details of these ostraca are as follows: (i) Ostracon no. 163.

106

Kitchen 1996, II, 13:1. Kitchen 1979, II, 781, no. 282. 108 W. Spiegelberg, Hieratic Ostraca and Papyri (London, 1898), p. XXI, XXIV, XXV; Kitchen 1979, II, 688. 45
107

In the temple of Amun of Tharu...under the authority of Director of the storehouse, Panjem. (ii) Ostracon no. 189

...may he live, prosperous, be healthy in the temple of Amun in Tharu.under the authority of Director of the , storehouse Mahu. (iii) Ostracon no. 203

Tharu, ka... (iv) Ostracon no. 211

Regnal year 7, ... in Tharu. (s) Berlin stela of Huy, no. 17332 (19th Dynasty)

46

A round-topped stela of sandstone109 in the Berlin Museum 80cm high and 65cm wide - has in the lower register an inscription consisting of five horizontal lines that read:

(t)

An offering that the king gives to Amun-re, lord of thethrones-of-the-two-lands, to Thoth, pleased with Truth, to the Horuses pre-eminent in Wawat and to all the gods of Nubia, that they may give the receiving of offerings coming forth before (them) at the beginning of every season which happens in their temple, to the ka of the prince and the mayor, the viceroy, the highest authority in Nubia, the fanbearer on the right hand of the king, the praised by the good god, the troop captain, the overseer of the horses, the deputy of his majesty in the chariotry, the troop captain of Tharu, the royal messenger to every foreign land, the one who comes from Khatti, who brings its great one; a person who can report where it (Khatti) is, has never existed, the royal scribe, Huy. Papyrus Anastasi III (Merenptah, 19th Dynasty)

109

L. Habachi, Four Objects Belonging to Viceroys of Kush and Officials Associated with Them, Kush 9 (1961), 219ff.; Kitchen 1979, III, 79, no. 8; gypt .insch. II, 212, and no.17332. 47

Papyrus Anastasi III110 dates to the second half of the 19 th Dynasty, and mentions Tharu in many parts of it. The first mention of Tharu occurs at the beginning of the papyrus in the epithets and titles of a scribes master:

(1,9) Fan-bearer on the right of the king, first charioteer of his majesty, lieutenant-commander of chariotry, kings envoy to (1,10) the princes of the foreign lands of Khor starting from Tharu to Iupa; ... to the princes of the Asiatics... Another reference to Tharu in Papyrus Anastasi III is found in the extract from a journal of a border official: 111 (vs.6,1) Regnal-year 3, first month of Shomu, day 15. Going up by the retainer Bacalry, son of Djapero of Gaza, (vs.6,2) what he took to Khor: 2 dispatches, viz. (for) the garrison-commander Khacy, 1 dispatch; (vs.6,3) (for) the prince of Tyre Ba caltermeg, 1 dispatch. (vs.6,4) Regnal-year 3, first month of Shomu, day 17. Arrival effected by the captains of troops of the wells of Merenptahhotp-her-maat, l.p.h. (vs.6,5) which are in the hills, in order to debrief (matters) in the fortress which is at Tharu.
110 111

A.H. Gardiner, Late Egyptian Miscellanies (Brussels, 1937), 20ff.; Caminos 1954, 108-09. Gardiner 1937, 331; Caminos 1954, 108-12; Pritchard 1955, 258. 48

(u)

Papyrus Anastasi IV (Ramesside)

Papyrus Anastasi IV112 contains references to the conditions of garrison life in general. From the section of Papyrus Anastasi IV called command to make preparations for Pharaohs arrival we find a reference to Tharu:

(15,6) many birds, Qni-birds of the papyrus-marshes, wdfish of the ni-waters, bg-fish of the ptri-water, iw3-fish (15,7) and bri-fish of she, nc-fish of Mi-wr, gutted bultifish of Tharu. (v) Papyrus Anastasi V (Seti II, 19th Dynasty)

Papyrus Anastasi V113 -- dating to the reign of Seti II -contains a reference to Tharu in one of its sections, namely a mention of transporting three stelae by ship to be erected in a fortress beyond Tharu:

112 113

Gardiner, 1937, 51-52; Caminos 1954, 198-99. Gardiner, 1937, 69-70; Caminos 1954, 265-66. 49

50

The lieutenant-commander of the army, Any, and the lieutenant-commander of the army (23,8), Bakenamun, <to> the kings butler Maat-men: In life, prosperity and health! In the favour of Amen-Re, king of Gods, and the kas of the king of Upper and Lower Egypt Wser-maat-Re-setepenre, l.p.h, (24,1) your good lord, l.p.h., I say to Pre-Harakhti, keep pharaoh, l.p.h., (24,2) our good lord in health. Let him celebrate millions of jubilees (and may you be) in his favour daily. Another (24,3) topic: We set out from the place where the king is, bearing three stelae together with their ispw (24,4) and their plinths... The king said to us: Go after the butler of (24,5) pharaoh, l.p.h., in all possible haste with the stelae: reach him in all haste with them that you may listen (24,6) to all that he says so that he may set them up in their place forever. Thus spoke the king: Look, we (24,7) passed the fortress of Ramesses-mery-Amun, l.p.h., which is at Tharu in regnal-year 33, second month of (24,8) Shomu, day 23, and we shall go to empty the ships at TheDwelling-of-Ramesses-mery-Amun, l.p.h.; reach him yourselves. Let (25,2) the butler of Pharaoh, l.p.h., write to us about all that we are to do. (w) Papyrus Lansing, P.British Museum 9994 (20th Dynasty)

Papyrus Lansing appears to have been written as a students instruction piece and is entitled (1,1) [Beginning of the Instruction in letter-writing made by the royal scribe and chief overseer of the cattle of Amun-Re, king of the gods, Nebmaat-renakht] for his apprentice, the scribe Wenemdiamun. 114 In this instruction the teacher compares the comforts of the scribal life to the suffering of soldiers:

114

Gardiner 1937, 107-08; Caminos 1954, 401; Lichtheim 1976, II, 168. 51

Come, let me tell you the woes of (9,5) the soldier, and how many are his superiors: the general, the troop captain, the officer who leads, the standard-bearer, (9,6) the lieutenant, the scribe, the commander of fifty, and the garrison-captain. They go in and out of the halls of the palace, l.p.h., (9.7)
52

saying: Get labourers. He is wakened at any hour, one is after him as a donkey. He toils until the Aten sets in his darkness of night. He is hungry, his belly hurts; he is dead while yet alive. When he receives the grain ration, having been released from duty, it is not good for grinding. He is called up for Syria and may not rest. There are no clothes, no sandals. The weapons of war are assembled at the fortress of Tharu. 3. (a) Third Intermediate Period The geographical list in the Golnischeff Papyrus (21st Dynasty)

The geographical glossary in the Golnischeff Papyrus No. 1106A in the Hermitage Museum in Leningrad 115 provides a list of many cities in the Delta, among which Tharu is mentioned.

Kom el-Hisn (pr-nbt-Imw), pi-Rameses-mery-Amun, l.p.h., Sethroitic nome (dhrw)116, Busiris, Balamn (p3-gww), Buto (pr-w3dyt), ...(pr-s3y-t3),117 Tanis (+cnt), Tell Abu115

M. Golnischeff, Les papyrus hiratique Nos. 1115, 1116A, 1116B de lErmitage Imprial de St. Ptersbourg (St. Ptersbourg, 1913), 105; M. Golnischeff, Offener Brief an Herrn Professor G. Steindorff von W. Golnischeff, ZS XL (1902), 105. 116 Golnischeff 1902, 105; H. Gauthier, Dictionnaire des noms gographiques, V (Cairo, 1925), 151. 117 H. Brugsch, Dictionnaire gographique de lancienne gypte (Leipzig, 1877-1880, reprinted 1974), 661. 53

seifa (p3-twf),118 the fortress of Haboua I (p3 xhtm n T3rw).119 4. (a) Late Period The Adoption Stela of Nitocris (Psamtik I, 26th Dynasty)

A rose granite stela, 1.8m high and 1.43m wide, was found at Karnak in 1897120. The inscriptions mention the donations given to Nitocris by different temples.

That which is given to her from the temples: Sais: bread, 200 deben; Buto: bread, 200 deben; House of Hathor of the turquoise: bread, 200 deben; Memphis: bread, 50 deben; Kom el-Hisn: bread, 50 deben; per-Manu: bread, 50 deben; the House of Tharu: bread, 50 deben. (b) Sarcophagus of Nekht-nb-ef (Nektanebo), Berlin 7 in the Berlin Museum (30th Dynasty)

A sarcophagus in the Berlin Museum and dating to the 30 th Dynasty, belonging to the mayor of Tharu, Nektanebo, son of Pedi118

A.R. Al-Ayedi, Tharu: the Starting Point on the Ways of Horus (M.A. thesis, University of Toronto, 2000), 116-18 119 Ibid. 120 G. LeGrain, Deux stles trouves Karnak en fvrier 1897", ZS 35 (1897), 16-19; Breasted 1906, IV, 957; M.C. Kuentz, Un passage de la stle de Naucratis, BIFAO 28 (1929), 103-06; B. Gunn, Notes on the Naukratis Stela, JEA 29 (1943), 55-59; R.A. Caminos, The Nitocris Adoption Stela JEA 50 (1964), 71-100, especially 76; Lichtheim 1976, III, 86-89. 54

Amun and Thekhabes, was found at Tanis. 121 Among the titles of Nektanebo, a reference to Tharu occurs:

The noble and mayor of Tharu and the governor of the foreigners of the nome of Khent-Iabet.

Osiris, foremost of the west, the great god, lord of Abydos, Horus, lord of Mesen, the great god, lord of Tharu. (c) Sarcophagus of Thay-her-Pata, no. 29306 in the Cairo Museum (30th Dynasty)

Sarcophagus no. 29306 was found at Sakkara and is now in the Cairo Museum. The inscription contains a reference to Tharu: 122

Year 15, 3rd month of Akhet under the majesty of the king of Upper and lower Egypt Nectanebo, living forever, the scribe of the necropolis, the Xpr-priest (?) of the eastern Horus nome, the wer-tehenne-priest (?) of the western Horus nome, the scribe of gods book (??), Hor-cheb (??), lord of veneration, was assigned in writing by the commanders of the fortress of Tharu. 5.
121 122

Ptolemaic Period

Urk. II, 24; Brugsch 1877-1880, 304; C. Kthmann, Die ostgrenze gyptens (Leipzig, 1927), 43 G. Maspero, Sarcophages de lpoque Persane et Ptolmaque (Cairo, 1914), 220-56; H. Ranke, gyptischen Personennamen, band 1 (Glckstadt, 1935), 388, n0.5. 55

(a)

Papyrus British Musuem 10569 (Ptolemaic period)

The Papyrus British Museum 10569 is a religious manuscript written in hieratic.123 Its length is uncertain owing to numerous breaks; however the preserved papyrus comprises 34 columns, each containing 26-28 short lines of text, and it is inscribed on the recto only. The papyrus provides a geographical list of Osiris cult-centres in Egypt. Tharu is mentioned within the centres of Osiris worship:

(8,23) Osiris in Tharu.

(10,13) All the gods and goddesses who are in Tharu. (b) Statue of +d-@r, no. 689, Cairo Museum (Ptolemaic period)

A statue of black granite 1.2m high, of the General DjedHor, son of the priest Onnophris was found at Tanis and is now in the Cairo Museum.124 Among the inscriptions, it bears the following epithet:

Entering into the sanctuary of the lord of Tharu, giving ointment and perfuming the limbs of the noble ones in Khent-iabet. (c)
123 124

Statue of Imy-r-ihw, No. 687, Cairo Museum (Ptolemaic period)

R.O. Faulkner, An Ancient Egyptian Book of Hours (Oxford, 1958), 5-7; 12-13. P. Montet, Trois Gouverneurs de Tanis daprs les inscriptions des statues 687, 689 et 700 du Caire, Kemi 7 (1938), 132; L. von Borchardt , Statuen und statuetten von knigen und privatleuten im Museum von Kairo, Teil III (Berlin,1930), 32-33; Catalogue Gnral des Antiquits gyptiennes du Muse du Caire 88. 56

A statue of black granite (with the head missing), 98cm high, of the chief soldier, Imy-r-iHw, son of the priest and chief soldier, Amun-p3-Am, and the lady of the house, Ta-imHotep, was found at Tanis in 1861.125 It reads:

[the canal], which was not deep, did not receive enough silt. When it reached the proximity / came near the [?] of Tharu, it had fertilized the area and the lands which were before it, in Sha-Sef, and the waters from the Uu of the Mendesian nome to Pehu..having irrigated each (d) Inscriptions from the temple of Edfu (Ptolemaic period) The temple of Edfu contains many references to Tharu.126 From the myth of Horus we read:

Utterance by Horus, lord of Mesen, great god, lord of the sky, goodly spearman in Retribution-Town ( Db3), goodly watcher in the two lands and river-banks, who protects the cities and safeguards the provinces, falcon of great strength
125

G. Daressy Statues de Basse poque du Muse de Gizh, RT 15 (1916), 150. E. Chassinat, Le Temple dEdfou (Cairo, 1931), 31, 71, 75, 127-28 J. Demichen, Geographische inscriften, Erste Abteilung (Leipzig, 1865), pl. LXII. 57
126

pre-eminent in Pe and Mesen, lion pre-eminent in Tharu. (Ed. VI, 71)

Utterance by Horus, lord of Mesen, great god, lord of the sky, lion pre-eminent in Tharu, falcon of great strength, lord of Upper and Lower Egypt, guardian who guards Egypt (Kmt) from the desert countries (drwt), wall of copper round about his Upper-Egyptian Mesen, watcher over his LowerEgyptian Mesen. (Ed. VI, 75)

58

Re said to Horus of Behdet: These enemies, they have sailed to the east in order to reach Iwn-mhw, they have sailed to the east to Tharu, their marshland. Then said Horus of Behdet: All that you command shall come to pass, O Re, lord of the gods, for you are the lord of commands. Then they boarded the barque of Re, and they sailed to the east. Then he saw those enemies, some of them were fallen in the sea, and some of them were fallen in the mountains. And Horus of Behdet assumed the form of a lion with the face of a man, crowned with the triple crown, his arm being like flint, and he hastened after them, and he brought away 142 enemies. He slew them with his claws, he dragged forth their kidneys, their blood lay on the heights, and he made a meal out of them for his followers, while he was on the mountains. Re said to Thoth: Lo! Horus of Behdet is like a lion on his msn, (standing) on the backs of the enemies who yield him their kidneys. Thoth said: This town shall be called #nti3bt, it shall be called Tharu from this day, and kidneys shall be brought from the marshes (?) of Tharu from this day, and this god shall be called Horus of Behdet, Lord of Mesen, from this day. (Ed. VI, 127-28) (e) Inscriptions from the temple of Philae (Ptolemaic period) A reference to Tharu occurs in the geographical list in the temple of Philae.127 Tharu is mentioned as:

127

G. Bndite, Le temple de Philae (Paris, 1893), 117. 59

...the territory of Tharu... Another reference to Tharu is depicted on the exterior naos of Philae temple:

...(the king) brings you the Khent-iabet, the house of Horus, in the middle of the phoenix territory, he brings to you the products of Tharu... (f) StelaofPtolemyVIIPhilometor,No.22189,CairoMuseum(Ptolemaicperiod) A stela of limestone, 89cm high and 52cm wide, was found at Kom el-Qalaa, Mit-Rahineh in 1901.128 The text is as follows:

Horus, lord of Mesen and Khepr, protect the two lands, great god, pre-eminent in Tharu. 6. (a) Roman Period Inscriptions from the temple of Dendara (Roman period)

The inscriptions from the temple of Dendara contain many references to Tharu.129 It is noteworthy that the word Tharu is written in different orthographies in the various Dendara inscriptions. The majority of these texts relate to the fact that Tharu - as the capital of the 14th nome - was sacred to Horus, the main deity associated with this nome:

128

A. Kamal, Stles ptolmaiques et romaines. Catalogue Gnral des Antiquits gyptiennes du Muse du Caire, vol. 20 (Cairo, 1905), 187-88, pl. LXIV. 129 S. Cauville, Dendara: Les chapelles osiriennes (Cairo, 1997), 89, 160, 190, 288, 337 60

(152-54) [Words spoken by] Horus, lord of Mesen, the great god, lord of Tharu, the lion foremost of Khenty-iabet, [who repulses] Be (=Seth) from Baqet (=Egypt).

(30-32) The foremost (lit. first) secret image of the Ba of Horus, lord of Mesen and lord of Tharu has come before you, O Osiris; it defends (nd) Egypt, it protects (mk) (its) monuments130 and it throws Seth out of Baqet (=Egypt).

(11-14) Words spoken by Horus, lord of Mesen, the great god and lord of Tharu.131 I have taken the harpoon to guard all the cattle. The bull of the North (=Seth) is cut up in his form of The One Whose Name is Hidden (=hippopotamus).

(21-22) If you are in Tharu in Khenty-iabet, Djeba of the North holds your beauty/perfection. You are the scarab who originally came from the Thinite nome, and your son protects the (two) doors of Baqet (=Egypt).

130 131

Cauville 1997, 94 suggests fortresses as an alternate translation. Cauville 1997, 99 suggests the Tanite nome as an alternate translation. 61

(1-6) The raging(?) Ba[...] has come before you, O Osiris, lord of [...] [august phoenix] in Nedyt: Take for yourself the mu-setef flood that originates in (the canal named) She-Hor (Lake of Horus). It brings you Khenty-iabet and the Region-of-Horus-in-the-midst-of-Benu, which brings the products (lit. things) of the soil of Tha[ru]. Your son hides them.... (b) Inscriptions on a sarcophagus from el-Kantarah (Roman period)

In 1911, Mohamed Effendi Shaban excavated a number of tombs at Tell Abu-Seifa. The excavations yielded three inscribed sarcophagi dating to the Roman period. 132 The large sarcophagus bears inscriptions accompanied with religious scenes and the name of a person called Padiamenemope with the titles prince of Tharu. The second sarcophagus - belonging to Henti who also bears the title prince of Tharu - provides us with evidence of Tharu during the Roman period:

From this inscription, mentioning Horus as lord of Mesen, lord of Tharu, it is again clear that Tharu was associated with the cult of
Horus-Behdet. The main shrine of this god was at Mesen, which - although
132

M.E. Shaban, Fouilles executes prs del Kantarah, ASAE 12 (1912), 69-75 62

unidentified as yet - may have been a place, or perhaps a temple, somewhere in the vicinity of Tharu.

7.

Orthography

The name of Tharu was written in various orthographies in the ancient sources: 15th Dynasty133 18th Dynasty134 18th Dynasty135 18th Dynasty136 18th Dynasty137 18th Dynasty138 18th Dynasty139 18thDynasty140 and 19th Dynasty141 19th Dynasty142 19th Dynasty143

133 134

Peet 1923, 129, pl. XXI. Urk. IV, 645-67. 135 Marucchi, Guide du Muse gyptien du Vatican (Vatican, 1927), 56-57, fig.17. 136 Gardiner, 1952, I, pl. XX; II, 81. 137 Boeser 1916, VI, no. 22. 138 Petrie 1935, pl. VIII, 49. 139 ern 1965, 2 no. 8, 22 no. 8, text, pl. II-8. 140 Kruchten 1981, 29,16. 141 Kitchen 1979, II, 11-12. 142 Mariette 1865, 169-90; Montet 1931, 191-215. 143 Kitchen 1979, II, 781, no. 282. 63

19th Dynasty144 19th Dynasty145 20th Dynasty146 21st Dynasty147 Ptolemaic period148 Ptolemaic period149 Ptolemaic period150 Ptolemaic period151 Ptolemaic period152 Ptolemaic period153 Ptolemaic period154 Roman period155 Roman period156
144

Habachi 1961, 219ff., Kitchen 1979,.III, 79, no.8; gypt. Insch. II, 212 and no.17332. Gardiner 1937, 24; Caminos 1954, 108-09. 146 Gardiner 1937, 107-08; Caminos 1954, 401. 147 Golnischeff 1902, 105. 148 Chassinat 1931, 71, 127-28. 149 Chassinat 1931, 75. 150 Chassinat 1931, 333. 151 Chassinat 1931, 334. 152 Chassinat 1931, 31. 153 Chassinat 1931, 96. 154 Faulkner 1958, 5-7, 12-13. 155 Cauville 1997, 89. 156 Cauville 1997, 99. 64
145

Roman period157 Roman period158 Roman period159 Roman period160 The determinatives used with the name Tharu also vary. Thus, Tharu may be written with the determinative of the city , or the determinative (sandy hill-country over edge of green cultivation, Gardiner, N 25). Tharu is also written as follows: *3rw,the fortress of Tharu; or xtm nty m *3rw,the fortress that is in Tharu. p3 xtm n p3

From these different writings of the citys name, it may be inferred that Tharu was not only a fortress on the ancient highway. Rather, it was also a fortified city on the edge of the cultivated land of the Eastern Delta, and the capital of the 14 th nome of Lower Egypt. Tharu appears to have contained all the main elements of architecture that characterize a major city and a capital. This impression has been strengthened lately with the discovery of a large New Kingdom fortress, settlement, palace, storehouse complex, administrative buildings, and temple at Tell Haboua I, the site that is -- as discussed below -- the best candidate for Tharu.161 8. Meaning of the Name Tharu

Nothing has been written about the meaning of the citys name, Tharu. The author proposes that its name reflects the
157 158

Cauville 1997,190. Shaban 1912, 72-73. 159 Shaban 1912, 69-75. 160 Shaban 1912, 69-75. 161 Al-Ayedi 2000, 116-18. 65

strategic importance of Tharu, and the role it played as the eastern gate of Egypt. The archaeological evidence uncovered to date and discussed below - also conforms to the meaning of the word Tharu proposed herein. The verb t3r means to fasten or to keep safe, and with the ending (w), as a participle, it is my position that it should be translated as the one who fastens or the one who keeps safe, thus referring to the fortifications at Tharu. On many occasions the name T3rw was written with the same orthography of the verb, adding the determinative of the city at the end: 162 . In addition, the same combination of signs of the verb t3r is found with the addition of the determinative meaning entrenched camp.163 Thus, considering that the main role of Tharu was to protect the eastern border of Egypt against any attack or infiltration of the tribes from the neighbouring desert to the east of Egypt -- and consequently to keep the whole country safe -- the orthography of Tharu conforms to the ancient Egyptians conception of the fortified city as reflected in the meaning one who keeps safe. 9. Commentary

The references discussed above indicate that Tharu was significant for many different reasons, including strategic, economic, administrative and religious reasons. (a) Strategic aspects

As mentioned, Tharu had a greatly important strategic location on the eastern frontier of Egypt, where the military and commercial highway started and crossed North Sinai along the Mediterranean coast to Gaza.

162 163

WB V, 355. Faulkner 303. 66

Tharu was the first station on the Ways of Horus, and the starting point of the Egyptian armies in their campaigns to Asia. This fact is confirmed by many texts -- as discussed in this chapter -- including the reliefs of Seti I at Karnak, which indicate that the campaign was:

Starting from the fortress of Tharu, to Pa-Canaan.164 Similarly, in the Annals of Thutmose III, we read:

Year 22, 4th month of Peret, day 25,[his majesty passed the fortress of] Tharu on the first campaign of victory, which [(made) to drive out those who had attacked] the borders of Egypt. 165 Also, from the inscriptions of the Kadesh campaign of Ramesses II, we read:

He began to march on the good way in the year 5, 2 nd month of the third season, day 9, (when) his majesty passed the fortress of Tharu.166 Tharu was located at the point where the road traversed a narrow strip of land between Lake Menzaleh on the north-west and
164 165

Kitchen 1993, I, 8:5-10. Urk IV, 647, 10-15. 166 Kitchen 1996, II, 3. 67

Lake Ballah on the south-east. Two canals ran through this strip of land, and it was crossed by bridges. The name of this region, as mentioned in the map given in the Dscription de lgypte, was Gisr el-Kanatir the crossing of the bridges. 167 Now the city located in this same area is called el-Kantarah, meaning the bridge. Clearly, the geographic location of Tharu provided an important strategic benefit. According to the Rhind Mathematical Papyrus, the capture of Avaris -- the capital of the Hyksos -- occurred after the conquest of Heliopolis and Tharu. The siege of these two cities took place within a period of three months, and that indicates the strategic importance of these two cities. During the liberation of Egypt, Kamose undertook military actions against Tharu 168 to stop any supplies or aid the Hyksos might have received from the SyrioPalestinian side, from where they originated. Avaris has been identified as Tell el-Dabca169 and, thus, Tharu must have been located by the ancient Pelusiac Nile branch with access to Avaris. From Papyrus Lansing it can be inferred that Tharu was a military headquarters for the assembly of weapons and the preparation of arms in the Egyptian campaigns to Asia. Furthermore, the Berlin stela of Huy suggests that Tharu had chariotry for which Huy was the overseer of the horses, the deputy of his majesty in the chariotry, the captain of the troops of Tharu. Recent excavations at Tharu revealed more than five horse burials at Haboua I, the most likely candidate for identification as the ancient Tharu. Tharu was, as mentioned above, the checkpoint at which travellers were admitted into Egypt after their identification had been reviewed. Undoubtedly, travellers were detained at Tharu until permission to travel was granted. It is noteworthy that Tharu is usually referred to as p3 xtm n *3rw, translated as the fortress
167 168

Gardiner 1920, 105. Peet 1923, 129, pl. XXI. 169 M. Bietak, Avaris: The Capital of the Hyksos, Recent Excavations at Tell el-Dabca (London, 1996), 1. 68

of Tharu. Although there are many words for fortress in the Egyptian language, the word xtm -- meaning seal or storehouse -- is actually used. The author believes that the use of the word xtm in this context is significant, perhaps referring to one of two things: (a) stamping or sealing travel documents or permissions or (b) sealing the items in the storehouses and granaries, as is mentioned, for example, in Papyrus Anastasi I. 170 There is another possibility is that the word xtm was chosen to refer to the sealing of the passage to Egypt at the mouth of the Ways of Horus.171 (b) Economic aspects

As is mentioned in the records discussed above, Tharu was located on a commercial highway and had access to the Delta via Avaris. Tharu played a great role in the trade between Egypt and Syria-Palestine, as a port and taxation-station. In addition, Tharu provided many facilities for merchants, such as storehouses, granaries etc., as well as providing secure passage for caravans. Tharus economic importance was not limited to imported and exported goods. Rather, Tharu itself was an important production centre for wine and fish. The wine of Tharu was known as one of the finer vintages and was served to the kings of the New Kingdom. The wine may have been particularly favoured by Amenhotep III and Akhenaten, judging by the the jar sealings excavated. Tharu was also well-known for bulti-fish, coming from the various bodies of water located in the vicinity, such as the lagoons and Pelusiac Nile branch. Recent excavations support the textual evidence for this, having yielded many storejars containing fishbones.
170 171

Wente 1990, 102. In support of this notion, one can look to the other fortresses designated as xtm by the ancient Egyptians. Examples of fortresses as xtm include the fortress of *kw at Wadi Tumilat (Anastasi VI), the fortress of the land of Wawat (Leiden V43), the fortress of the Northern land (Brussels, RT 22, 107), and the fortress in the highland of Coptos (Anastasi VI). Taken as a group, they share a location on a highway or vital trade route; this factor may suggest that the function of the xtm was to guard the road in question and to seal the entry to foreigners. 69

Many records reflect the wealth of Tharu and suggest that it was a source of many of the gifts to the temple of Amun. Thus, in the tombs of Puyemre and Rekhmire, there is a reference to the many goods coming from the Ways of Horus, particularly Tharu. (c) Administrative aspects

The eastern frontier of Egypt constituted the 14 th nome of Lower Egypt, #nt-i3bt, meaning the further east. The capital of this nome was in Tharu. As a regional capital, Tharu was under the administrative supervision of the state, as is shown from the various posts and titles of the officials of Tharu. For example, mayor of Tharu, commander of the fortress of Tharu, commander of the troops of Tharu, the deputy of his majesty in the chariotry, the troop captain of Tharu. The importance of a title linked to Tharu may be inferred from the fact that Ramesses I and his son Seti I held the title of the commander of the fortress of Tharu, prior to assuming the kingship. In addition, Tharu was a place of deportation for criminals. In the decree of Horemheb, one of the common sentences of the court was severance of the nose and deportation to Tharu. It is possible that these prisoners were placed in penal settlements or labour camps at Tharu. (d) Religious aspects

From the Myth of Horus we learn that Horus of Behdet was the main deity of the 14th nome of Lower Egypt.172 The two main centres of Horus worship were Mesen of Upper Egypt (Edfu) and Mesen of Lower Egypt (Tharu (?)). As such, Horus was the protector of the eastern territories of Egypt.

172

E. Naville, Textes relatifs au mythe dHorus (Gnve, 1870), pl. XII, XIII; A.M. Blackman and H.W. Fairman, The myth of Horus at Edfu in Gods, Priests and Men: Studies in the Religion of Pharaonic Egypt by Aylward M. Blackman , A.B. Lloyd (ed) (London, 1998), 263-64; 285. 70

The legend of Isis and Osiris further illustrates the religious importance of Tharu and the surrounding area. The Edfu inscriptions mention that the last triumphal fight between Horus and Seth took place in the area of Tharu, where Horus took the form of a lion and killed many enemies. In the authors opinion, the name Ways of Horus came from the legend of Isis and Osiris, to commemorate Horus vengeful pursuit of Seth, which terminated at Tharu. Although Horus was the main deity of the region, various temples and shrines to other gods also existed, such as Amun, Re, Hathor and Osiris, amongst others. It appears from the texts that since the time of Senwosret I, religious buildings were constructed in the area of the Ways of Horus. 10. The identification of Tharu

In the Karnak reliefs, the fortress of Tharu is depicted as a rectangular construction with an entrance through a large gate on the Egyptian side. The textual references and the strategic location of ancient Tharu have suggested several possible locations, as shown in the scholars debate set out here. Recent excavations -- discussed in subsequent chapters -- give a clear indication that the site and type of construction of ancient Tharu may be definitively identified with the remains found at modern Haboua I. Much scholarly debate has focused on the location of Tharu, the headquarters of the Egyptian armys defensive strategy on the eastern frontier. Tharu has been identified by a number of scholars as Tell Abu-Seifa, 4km east of the present city of elKantarah.173

173

Shaban 1912, 69- 75; G. Daressy , Sarcophage del Qantarah, BIFAO 11 (1913), 29-38; Cldat 1914, 8; Gardiner 1918, 242-44, 251; J. Cldat, Note sur listhme de Suez, BIFAO 16 (1919), 19; Gardiner 1920, 99-104; J. Cldat, Note sur listhme de Suez, BIFAO 18 (1921), 171-72; Kruchten 1981, 47, note 132. 71

(a)

The Ramesside Pyramidion174

The identification of Tell Abu-Seifa as Tharu was based primarily on a Ramesside pyramidion (Ismailia Museum no. 2249) investigated and published by Griffith, following his survey of the area in 1886 and again in 1888. 175 Griffith described this monument as a kind of truncated obelisk, surmounted with a colossal falcon. This monument consisted of two fragments fitting together,176 the sides of which were straight and surmounted by a cornice with three lines of inscriptions. It was 2.3m high and placed on a rectangular base of 1.1 x .8m. Griffith determined that it may have served as the pedestal of a colossal hawk made in a separate block and that: the monument was a monolith figure of Horus as a hawk upon a pedestal, which Seti I had intended to dedicate in the temple of Horus in memory of his father. Ramesses II, like a dutiful son, completed the monument which was left unfinished at Setis death, and joined in the dedication. 177 In 1908, Cldat published the text on this pyramidion, which comprised two parts. On the base were two horizontal lines of inscriptions. The main side of the pyramidion is the front southern side, featuring a scene of Seti I offering two vases to a hawk174

The inscriptions discussed in this part are based upon the publications of J. Cldat (Notes sur listhme de Suez, RT 31 (1908), 117-22) and H. Gauthier (Le Pyramidion No. 2249 du Jardin dIsmalia, ASAE 23 (1923), 176-82), because they provide a more structured presentation of the texts than other authors, such as Kitchen. 175 F.Ll. Griffith in W.M.F. Petrie, Nebesheh (Am) and Defenneh (Taphanes) in Tanis II (London, 1888), 96-108; in 1847, the Ramesside monument was first published by Prisse DAvenne in his Monuments gyptiens, 4, under the title Monolithe dAbou Seyfeh. 176 The latter fragment was subsequently found by Griffith at Tell Abu-Seifa. One of the fragments was kept in the Ismailia Museums garden, while the other was owned by a resident of Port Said. In 1923, the Ismailia Museum was able to acquire the second fragment as well. 177 Griffith 1888, 104. 72

headed Horus carrying the words:

scepter. In front of the god are the

Horus lord of Mesen. In front of the king it says:

The good god, ..Men-maat-ReSeti- mery-en-Ptah. Below are five vertical columns of inscriptions:178

Horus-falcon, Strong Bull, bringing life to the two lands; Nebty-Ruler; powerful of strength, subduing the Nine Bows; Golden Horus, rich in forces in all lands; king of Upper and Lower Egypt, lord of the two lands, lord who performs the rituals, Men-maat-Re, bodily Son of Re, whom he loves, lord of crowns, Seti (I) Merenptah, the beloved of Horus, lord of Mesen.
178

Kitchen 1979, I, 105:9-12. 73

He has made (this) as his monuments for his father Horus, lord of Mesen, the fashioning of his image in quartzite, in excellent and eternal workmanship. Now his majesty desired to perpetuate the name of his father, the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, Men-pehty-re, Son of Re, Ramesses (I), before this god, enduring and abiding eternally, forever and ever. The base of the front southern side has the following inscription:

(Long) live: Horus-falcon, Strong Bull, beloved of Maat; king of Upper and Lower Egypt, R[amesses] II, Wser-maat-Re Setep-en-Re, given life. On the left-west side King Seti I is kneeling and being crowned by Horus and Wadjet. In front of the king are the words:

Horus, Lord of Mesen, the great god, Lord of Heaven.

Wadjet, Lady of Amet Below, is the main text:179

179

Kitchen 1979, I, 105-107. 74

Horus-Falcon, strong Bull, bringing life to the two lands; NebtyRuler, powerful of strength, subduing the Nine Bows; Golden Horus, rich in forces in all lands; king of Upper and Lower Egypt, lord of the two lands, lord who performs the rituals, Men-maat-Re, Son of Re, Seti (I) Merenptah, the beloved of Horus, lord of Mesen, formidable of arm. He has made as his monuments for his father Horus, lord of Mesen, formidable of arm, the fashioning of his image of quartzite, in excellent and everlasting workmanship as does a son who performs benefactions and who searches out excellence, <for> the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, lord of the two lands, lord of ceremony, Men-pehty-Re, bodily son of Re, beloved of him, lord of crowns, Ramesses I, given life like Re forever. Words spoken by Re-Horakhti: I grant to you all life and dominion from me, all health from me, all health from me, and all joy from me, upon the Horus-throne, like Re. Words spoken by Atum, lord of Heliopolis: I grant to you all sustenance from me, all offerings from me, all provisions from me, upon the Horus-throne, like Re. Words spoken by Horus, lord of Mesen: I grant to you a million jubilees and a myriad of peaceful years, all flat lands and hill countries being united under your sandals. On the left-east side is a scene of Ramesses I with the Atef crown kneeling before a deity and behind the king the words:

75

The good god, Menpehtyre Behind Ramesses I stands a hawk-headed Horus, holding a palm branch in his right hand. Below there are eight lines of inscriptions:180

Horus-Falcon, strong Bull, bringing life to the two lands; Nebty-Ruler, powerful of strength, subduing the Nine Bows; Golden Horus, rich in forces in all lands; king of Upper and Lower Egypt, lord of the two lands, lord who performs the rituals, Men-maat-Re, Son of Re, Seti (I) Merenptah, the beloved of Horus, lord of Mesen, formidable of arm. He has made as his monuments for his father, Horus, lord of Mesen, formidable of arm, the fashioning of his image of quartzite, in excellent and everlasting workmanship as does a son who performs benefactions and who searches out
180

Ibid. 76

excellence, <for> the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, lord of the two lands, lord of ceremony, Men-pehty-Re, bodily son of Re, beloved of him, lord of crowns, Ramesses (I), given life like Re forever. Words spoken by Re-Horakhti: I grant to you all life and dominion from me, all health from me, and all joy from me, upon the Horus-throne, like Re. Words spoken by Atum, lord of Heliopolis: I grant to you all sustenance from me, all offerings from me, all provisions from me, like Re. Words spoken by Horus, lord of Mesen: I grant to you a million jubilees and a myriad of peaceful years, all flat lands and hill countries being united under your sandals. The source of this pyramidion is unknown, but according to our recent excavations at Tell Abu-Seifa, Haboua I, and Haboua II, I suggest that this monument could have been removed from Haboua I in the vicinity of el-Kantarah, where a New Kingdom temple was recently discovered. Based largely on this pyramidion, in 1911 Kthmann provided early identification of Tharu as Tell Abu-Seifa. He published his study in a doctoral dissertation entitled: Die ostgrenze gyptens.181 In 1920 Alan Gardiner published his detailed study on the Ways of Horus, and reaffirmed the identification of Tell Abu-Seifa as Tharu.182 The idea has received wider acceptance, and remained the prevailing theory for decades. However, the excavations conducted by the SCA provide a new interpretation for the identification of Tharu; indeed, discoveries at Tell Abu-Seifa, Haboua I, and Haboua II have yielded new archaeological evidence. Based on this evidence, it is the authors position that Tell Abu-Seifa ought to be excluded from consideration as ancient Tharu in favour of Haboua I. 183 In the
181 182

C. Kthmann, Die Ostgrenze gyptens (Leipzig, 1911), 38-49. Gardiner 1920, 104. 183 Al-Ayedi 2000, 116-18. 77

remaining chapters of this study the author will discuss recent excavations on the Ways of Horus, and will also consider in depth the interpretation of the new archaeological evidence.

78

B. THE SECOND STATION: THE DWELLING OF THE LION The Dwelling of the Lion is mentioned in a number of records sequentially after Tharu, as the second station on the Ways of Horus, located at the mouth of the desert tract. The records mentioning the Dwelling of the Lion are as follows: 1. (a) New Kingdom The Karnak reliefs of Seti I (19th Dynasty)

The reliefs of Karnak provide a topographical description of the area at the Egyptian terminal of the Ways of Horus. 184 The scene depicts a waterway or a canal, fringed by reeds and infested with crocodiles, in contrast to the sea with a barren shore and containing marine species. One of the Egyptian-style fortresses straddles a bridge over the waterway, while a smaller one guards the road to the east. The bridge fortress guarding the waterway and named: p3 xtm n *Aru, the fortress of Tharu. The other one, guarding the road, was named t3 at p3 m3i, the Dwelling of the Lion. The latter fort was reachable by boat from the fortress of Tharu. The reliefs represent it as a small, one-storey fort, almost square, with groves and a small pond or pool nearby. Below the fort was written the name t3 at p3 m3i, while the pond has no name. (b) Papyrus Anastasi I (27,3) (Ramesses II, 19 th Dynasty)

Among the contents of Papyrus Anastasi I 185 is a satirical letter from one scribe to another. The writer speaks to his friend
184

Brugsch 1877-1880, 591; Gardiner 1918, 132-33; Gardiner 1920,106; J. Cldat, Notes sur listhme de Suez, BIFAO 21 (1923), 70; J. Cldat,Notes sur listhme de Suez, BIFAO 22 (1923), 154; Gauthier 1925, vol. I, 161; Gaballa 1976, 100-02; Kitchen 1979, I, 6-8; Al-Ayedi 2000, 22-25. 185 Gardiner 1911, 28-30, 38-39. 79

about the knowledge required for the profession of a foreign envoy. The writer shows his experience of the road running across the north of Sinai and mentions the second station along the road as the dwelling of Sese,186 Sese being a well-known abbreviation of the royal name Ramesses.187

Come, I will tell you of many things. Turn your face toward the fortress of Ways of Horus. I will begin (27,3) for you with the Dwelling of the Sese l.p.h. You have not set foot in it at all. You have not eaten fish from [its pool?] nor bathed in it. (c) Papyrus Anastasi V (24,8) (Seti II, 19th Dynasty)

A reference to the second station exists in a section of Papyrus Anastasi V188 entitled : A letter concerning the transport and erection of three stelae in a fortress beyond Tharu, probably the Dwelling of the Lion. This letter, addressed to a royal butler by two army officers, reads:

186 187

Brugsch 1877-1880, 407, 754; Gardiner 1918, 132; Gardiner 1920, 103; Gauthier 1925, vol. I, 162. K. Sethe, Der Name Sesostris, ZS 41 (1904), 53-57. 188 Brugsch 1877-1880, 404-07, 645-46; Gardiner 1918, 132-33; Gauthier 1925, I, 163. 80

Look, we (24,7) passed the fortress of Ramesses meryAmun, l.p.h, which is at Tharu in regnal year 33, second month of (24,8) shomu, day 23, and we shall go to empty the ships at the Dwelling of Ramesses-mry-Amun, l.p.h. 2. Commentary

In the Karnak reliefs, the second station along the Ways of Horus is named t3 ct p3 m3i, the Dwelling of the Lion. The word means house or chamber. However, the author prefers the translation dwelling, which could refer to a fortified town, 189 since Tharu was always referred to in Egyptian sources as p3 xtm n T3rw or the fortress of Tharu, except in the Adoption Stela of Nitocris, where Tharu is called t3 at n *3rw. The m3i or lion in the name t3 ct p3 m3i refers to the king, in all likelihood Seti I. The association of the lion with the king had particular significance in this area. Since the early period of Egyptian history, the king had taken the Horus title. In this part of the Delta, Horus Behdet was the main deity of the 14 th nome #nt I3bt, whose capital was in Tharu. In Tharu, Horus was worshipped in the form of the lion, wearing the Triple Crown upon his head. The final battle between Horus and Seth was believed to have occurred at Tharu, where Horus took the form of a regal lion and destroyed his enemies.190 In Papyrus Anastasi, the name of the place is given as t3 ct n Ssy, the dwelling of Sese. It appears that this is identical with the dwelling of
Redford translated the word Ct as store; see D.B. Redford, Report on the 1993 and 1997 seasons at Tell Qdwa , JARCE 35 (1998), 46. 190 Naville 1870, pl. XII; Blackman & Fairman 19, 263-64, 282-83. 81
189

Ramesses-mery-Amun mentioned in Papyrus Anastasi V, since Sese is a well-known epithet or abbreviation of the royal name Ramesses. All references allow one to infer that the Dwelling of the Lion was reachable by boat from Tharu. Although in modern times the area is dry, a recent satellite survey indicates that in ancient times a waterway lay between the two sites which have been identified as Tharu and the Dwelling of the Lion, Haboua I and Haboua II.191 Textual evidence, such as Papyrus Anastasi I, suggests that the Dwelling of the Lion was famous for its fish and bathing facilities. Furthermore, Papyrus Anastasi V refers to the unloading of ships at the Dwelling of the Lion. Undoubtedly, the site possessed a mooring place for ships and storage facilities for the unloaded goods. 3. The identification of the Dwelling of the Lion

As mentioned above, the Karnak reliefs represent the Dwelling of the Lion as a small, one-storey fortress of almost square dimensions. The identification of this second station of the Ways of Horus -- the Dwelling of the Lion -- has always been a subject of considerable scholarly debate. While Gardiner suggested the station ought to be at Haboua I, 192 Cldat proposed Ostracine (Tell el-Flousieh) at the eastern front of Lake Sirbonis.193 On the other hand, Chabas194 believed the Dwelling of the Lion was Pi-Ramesses itself. However, the author has uncovered strong evidence for the proposition that Haboua II is, in fact, the site of the Dwelling of the Lion. Satellite images and archaeological evidence excavated by the author, as discussed further below, correspond to the textual references to the Dwelling of the Lion as a square fortress with a mooring place and central magazine area adjacent to a waterway.

191 192

Al-Ayedi 2000, 167-69 and as discussed further below. Although Gardiner refers simply to Haboua, in modern terminology he actually means Haboua I, since a new site named Haboua II was discovered by the Sinai Department of the Supreme Council of Antiquities in 1989. The latter site is located 1.5km to the east of Haboua I. 193 Cldat 1923a, 70; Cldat 1923b, 154. 194 M. Chabas, Mlange gyptologique, Ire srie (Paris, 1924), 135-40. 82

C.

THE THIRD STATION: MIGDOL

The third station on the highway to Palestine, Migdol 195, is referred to in the many records discussed below: 1. (a) New Kingdom The Karnak reliefs of Seti I (19th Dynasty)

The third station is depicted in the Karnak reliefs as a small, single-storey fortress.196 Below the fortress is written:

The Migdol of Men-maat-Re.197 and under the fortress a pool is represented with the label: 198

The well [@thna] 199 Although, unfortunately, both inscriptions have now completely disappeared, they have both been recorded in many publications. In Arabic: , or hathyn, means little stronghold and as a result, the reading @ty-n3 is more convincing than @py-n3. In addition,
195

D.B. Redford, Egypt, Canaan, Israel (Cairo, 1993), 360; D.B. Redford, An Egyptological perspective on the Exodus Narrative in Egypt, Israel, Sinai: Archaeological and Historical Relationships in the Biblical Period, A.F Rainey (ed.) (Tel Aviv, 1980), 143, 154. 196 Breasted 1906, III, 43-44; Gardiner 1920, 107-09, pl. XI. 197 Kitchen 1993, I, 10:1.
198

Gardiner substituted the sign , p3, for the sign , t3, while M. Mller and J. Cldat proposed the reading @tyn3, with which the author concurs (M. Mller, Asien und Europa nach altgyptischen Denkmlern (Leipzig, 1893) 134 and Cldat 1923b, 155; Kitchen 1993, I, 10:2. 199 Kitchen 1993, I, 10:2; Redford believes that the word @thna is West Semitic; see also, W.F. Albright, The Vocalization of The Egyptian Syllabic Orthography (New Haven, 1934), 64. 83

@ty-n3 is identical to the name given to the place in Papyrus Anastasi I. (b) Papyrus Anastasi I (Ramesses II, 19th Dynasty) In Papyrus Anastasi,200 the name given to the station is @tyn3, identical to the name provided in the Karnak reliefs, as discussed supra.

Come, please, would that let me recount to you @tyn, where is its fortress? (c) Lists of Ramesses III at Medinet Habu (20th Dynasty)

The relief scenes of the northern war of Ramesses III, in the 8th year campaign, provide references to Migdol.201 On the northern wall of the second pylon in the temple of Medinet Habu202 we read:

Migdol of Ramesses (III), the ruler of Heliopolis Although in this text, the word Migdol is written in a different orthography, it is probably identical to the Migdol mentioned in the Karnak reliefs. (d) Papyrus Anastasi V (Seti II, 19th Dynasty)

200 201

Gardiner 1911, 29, 38; Gardiner 1920, 107. Gardiner 1920, 110; Gauthier 1925, III, 21; Kitchen 1979,V, 33. 202 W.E. Edgerton and J.A. Wilson, Historical Records of Ramesses III (Chicago, 1936), 43 and note 21a. 84

Papyrus Anastasi V203 dates to the reign of Seti II and contains references to Migdol in a section within the papyrus entitled Enquiries with regard to two runaway slaves:

When I reached the fortress they told me: The groom is come from the desert (20,2) reporting they passed the north fortification of the stronghold of Seti-Merenptah (l.p.h.) (20,3), beloved like Seth. 2. (a) Ptolemaic period The Demotic Papyrus No. 31169 (Ptolemaic period)

A geographic list of cities in the Delta is given on recto, col. 3, nos. 20-23 of a demotic papyrus (no. 31169) in the Cairo Museum.204 A reference to Migdol occurs in the papyrus, which mentions 4 Migdols in the eastern Delta. Thus, we read: (i) Column 3, no. 20

Migdol205 (ii)
203 204

Column 3, no. 21

Gardiner 1937, 66-67; Caminos 1954, 254-55. W. Spiegelberg, Die demotischen Papyrus, vol. II (Strasbourg, 1908), 273; G. Daressy, La liste gographique du papyrus no. 31169 du Caire, Sphinx 14 (1910), 155-71, especially 169. 205 Spiegelberg 1908, 273. 85

The Migdol of the dune206 (iii) Column 3, no. 22

Migdol Baatsephone207 (iv) Column 3, no. 23

Migdol of the rearguard208 3. Orthography

The name of Migdol was written in various orthographies in the ancient sources: 19th Dynasty209 19th Dynasty210 19th Dynasty211 Ptolemaic period212 4.
206 207

Commentary

Daressy 1910, 169. Spiegelberg 1908, 169. 208 Daressy 1910, 169. 209 Breasted 1906, III, 43-44; Gardiner 1920, 107-09, pl. XI. 210 Gardiner 1920, 110; Gauthier 1925, III, 21; Kitchen 1979 ,V, 33. 211 Gardiner 1937, 66-67; Caminos 1954, 254-55. 212 Spiegelberg, Die demotischen Papyrus, II (Strasbourg, 1908), 273; G. Daressy, La liste gographique du papyrus no. 31169 du Caire, Sphinx 14 (1910), 155-71, especially 169. 86

The third station on the Ways of Horus is named p3 mktr n Mnm3c-rc or the Migdol of Menmare. The word mktr means tower or fort. The traditional view, following Gardiner,213 that mktr is a Semitic loan-word, coming into the Egyptian language in the 18th Dynasty.214 The demotic papyrus no. 31169 in the Cairo Museum (recto, col. 3, nos. 20-23) mentions four Migdols in the eastern Delta. There is no doubt that the first Migdol mentioned in the demotic papyrus is the same Migdol of Seti I and the Migdol of Ramesses III, the Migdol of Ramesses (III), the ruler of Heliopolis in the reliefs of his war against the Sea-people. The first Migdol in the demotic papyrus is identical to the Migdol recorded by the Antonine Itinerary as lying 12 Roman miles between each of Pelusium and Sile. In Graeco-Roman documents Migdol is meqtol in Coptic. The first Migdol is identified by Gardiner and Daressy as Tell el-Herr,215while the second is identified by Daressy as Gebel Maryam, south of Lake Timsah, near Ismailia.216 Daressy identified the third Migdol as Cheikh Henidak near Ismailia and the fourth as Serapium.217 5. The identification of Migdol

The identification of the site of Migdol has provided a source of great debate to Egyptologists. Gardiner, Griffith, Brugsch, Chester, Greville and Valbelle believe that Migdol is the modern Tell el-Herr, 25km to the north-east of el-Kantarah. 218 On the other hand, Naville and Ebers proposed that Migdol was at Serapeum,
213 214

Gardiner 1920, 108. J. Hoch, Semitic Words in Egyptian Texts of the New Kingdom (Princeton, 1994), no. 223. 215 Gardiner 1920, 108; Daressy 1910, 169. 216 Daressy 1910, 169. 217 Ibid. 218 Greville Chester, A journey to the Biblical sites in Lower Egypt, Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund (July 1880), 148; Griffith 1888, 103; Gardiner 1920, 108; D. Valbelle, Entre lgypte et la Palestine, Tell el-Herr, BSFE 109 (1987) 24-38; D. Valbelle, Recherches archologiques rcentes dans le Nord-Sinai, CRAIBL 9 (1989) 594-607; Redford 1992, 360, 410, 457-59. 87

approximately 30km north of Suez219, while Mallon placed Migdol at the modern Tell Abou-Hasa, south of the Bitter Lakes and 25km north of Suez.220 Finally, based on his excavations at Tell elKedwa, Oren nominated this site as the location of Migdol. 221 In the authors view, only the identification of Migdol as Tell el-Kedwa is sustainable based on the archaeological evidence. The last occupation discovered at Tell el-Kedwa was the Persian period, while the first occupation of Tell el-Herr occurred in the Persian period. As a result, it appears that Tell el-Herr may have been constructed as a replacement for Tell el-Kedwa, perhaps in order to gain easier access to shifting lagoons or for other logistical reasons. There is, at this point, no evidence whatsoever of remains predating the Persian period at Tell el-Herr. Consequently, based on current evidence, Tell el-Herr must be ruled out as the site of the Migdol mentioned already in the New Kingdom texts. However, more excavation is necessary to confirm the authors position.

219 220

Naville 1888,30. A. Mallon, Les Hbreux en Egypte (Rome, 1921), 170. 221 E. Oren, Migdol: A New Fortress on the Edge of the Eastern Nile Delta, BASOR 256 (1984), 7-44. 88

D. 1. (a)

THE FOURTH STATION: BUTO of SETI-MERENPTAH New Kingdom The Karnak reliefs of Seti I (19th Dynasty)

The Karnak reliefs represent the fourth station as a small one-storey fortress.222 Its name is written as:

Buto of Seti-Merenptah223 Below the fortress there is a well and tree; the well is named:

The well tract of Aynn224 (b) Papyrus Anastasi I (Ramesses II, 19th Dynasty) In Papyrus Anastasi I225 we read:

Come to the district of Buto of Sese, l.p.h., into his stonghold of Wser-maat-Re, l.p.h., and [to] Sebair and Ibesqeb. 2.
222 223

Commentary

Brugsch 1877-1880, 177-78, 592, 1087 and 1211; Gardiner 1920, 110; Cldat 1923a, 69-70. Kitchen 1993, I, 10:3. 224 Ibid, 8. 225 Cldat 1923b, 155. 89

The name used for the fortress is similar in the Karnak reliefs and Papyrus Anastasi I. However, again it is noteworthy that the official name of Seti I was replaced with the nickname of Ramesses II. The well depicted under the fortress in the Karnak reliefs is the last well with a regular shape; all wells following in the reliefs have irregular forms, perhaps suggesting pools or ponds. 3. The identification of Buto of Seti-Merenptah

This station, to the north of Migdol, was identified by Brusch, although no specific site was given.226 On the other hand, Gardiner proposed Katiyeh as the fourth station, 227 Buto of Seti-Merenptah, while Cldat suggested the modern site of Bir el-Abd. 228 However, the author disagrees with these suggestions. On the basis of satellite photos and recent excavations at Tell el-Luli to the northeast of Migdol, it appears that this site is the better candidate. Indeed, Tell el-Luli was located on the ancient Nile branch and possessed an advanced hydro-management system of canals and reservoirs appropriate to a station on the Ways of Horus. One factor arguing against the authors interpretation is that, at present, only Late Period remains have been excavated. However, the excavations are in the preliminary stages and it is anticipated that further work will yield the expected New Kingdom remains.

226 227

Brugsch 1877-1880, 177. Gardiner 1920, 113. 228 Cldat 1923, 155. 90

E. 1. (a)

THE FIFTH STATION: THE CASTLE OF MEN-MAAT-RE New Kingdom The Karnak reliefs of Seti I (19th Dynasty)

The Karnak reliefs depict the fifth station as a small, onestorey fortress.229 The fortress name is written above the gate as follows:

The castle of Men-maat-Re, the ... (is) his protection230 and under the fortress we read:

The stronghold of Seti-Merenptah231 Thus, the stronghold of Seti-Merenptah appears to be a second name for the fortress, particularly in view of the fact that, as seen below, Papyrus Anastasi I gives the same name as its equivalent. What seems strange here is that the fortress should have two names, while the pool represented below the fortress remains unnamed. (b) Papyrus Anastasi I (Ramesses II, 19th Dynasty) Papyrus Anastasi232 gives the following name for this place:

In-his-stronghold-(is)-Wser-maat-Re
229 230

Gardiner 1920, 111. Kitchen 1993, I, 7:5. 231 Ibid. 232 Ibid. 91

This name is clearly similar to the second name of the fortress in the Karnak reliefs, except that -- as it to be expected -- the name Seti I has been revised to Ramesses II. (c) Papyrus Anastasi II (Rmesses II, 19th Dynasty)

Papyrus Anastasi II contains two references to the castle (bxn) of Men-maat-Re (Sese).233 The first reference is:

(1,1) Beginning of the recital of the victories of Lord of Egypt. His Majesty, l.p.h., has built himself a castle whose name is Great-of-Victories. The second reference states:

(5,5) O castle of Sese, celebrator of the second jubilee, the throne-platform of Ta-tjenen. May you appear in ... (5,6) even as Atum, luminary of your father Re. d. Stela of the mayor Hori from Abydos, Cairo Museum 34503 (Seti I, 19th Dynasty)

The stela of the mayor Hori was found at Abydos 234 and has yielded a reference to the castle (bxn) of Men-maat-re, amongst the titles held by Hori. The lower register depicts Hori adoring Anubis with the caption:
233 234

Gardiner 1937, 12, 15; Caminos 1954, 37, 47. Brugsch 1877-1880, 1151; Kitchen 1979, I, 349, 50. 92

May you awake in peace, O Ptah-Sokar, you being awakened at the call of your Ennead of gods. Osiris, king of the living, who rests upon the throne of Re, when he sets, to (become) the wearyhearted one at the western horizon, your flesh of gold, your bones of silver, glittering more than the gods, in your body. Wennufer, the son of Nut, who offers up truth to Atum, august Djed-pillar, presiding over Pi-Ptah-Henu, he has directed the [entire] enclave of gods. Star of the sky, who crosses it by night [...], [...being] in jubilations for the spirit of the chief (?) of horned (livestock) of the temple of Men-maat-Re, happy in Abydos, and mayor of the castle of Ramesses (I), Hori. (e) Donation Stela of Ramesses I, no. 1378 in Strasbourg (Seti I, 19th Dynasty)

The Donation Stela of Ramesses I, no. 1378, in the Institute of Egyptology of Strasbourg235 bears an inscription referring to the fortress (bxn). The stela depicts Ramesses I giving offerings to Amun. The main text accompanying the scene is as follows:
235

W. Spiegelberg, Neue Schenkungsstelen ber Landstifungen an Tempel, ZS 56 (1920), 55-56; Kitchen 1979, I, 3,4. 93

Year 1, 1st month of shomu, day 10, under the Majesty of Golden Horus, strong bull, flourishing of kingship, king of Upper and Lower Egypt, Men-pehty-Re, son of Re, lord of crowns, Ramesses (I), given life forever and eternally. (On) this day, the troop-commander and superintendent of the fortress, Aia, spoke as follows: I have (hereby) given arable land, 50 aroura, for the sacred offerings of Amun-Re of the castle, and I have (hereby) given arable land, 21 arourae for this foundation, and likewise, 3 arourae for the foundation of Hatiay, son [of...] Mut, in order to prevent [...]. (f) Papyrus Anastasi III (Merenptah, 19th Dynasty)

A reference to the castle of Merenptah-hotep-her-maat occurred in Papyrus Anastasi III236 within a text found in the extract from a journal of a border officer:

236

Brugsch 1877-1880, 206; Gardiner 1937, 31. 94

(vs 5,1) Going by Nakhtamun, son of Tharu, a retainer of the castle of Merenptah-hotep-her-maat , l.p.h. (vs 5,2) which is near Djarem. 2. Commentary

The textual references make known various castles (bxn) combined with the names of the kings of the 19 th Dynasty. However, some of these castles are identical to the castle of Seti I. The castles mentioned in Papyrus Anastasi II, the Castle-whose-name-is-great-ofvictories and in Papyrus Anastasi III, the Castle of Merenptah-hotep-hermaat may be identified as the castle of Seti I. In addition, two castles referred to in the above-mentioned stelae of Hori and Ramesses I are the same as that of Seti I. It is noteworthy that the word nxt means stronghold or country mansion.237 However, in this context, nxt may have the sense of a fortified city. The well represented under the fortress has an irregular form, indicating that the fortress may have been located by one of the lakes or ponds in the area. 3. The identification of the Castle of Menmare

Budge believed there were two bxns: one at Karnak and the other at Tanis,238 but Gardiner did not provide any identification of this station.239 On the other hand, Cldat located this station at el-Breig240 and Brugsch proposed Ostracine (Tell el-Flousieh).241 However, the author, believes that it is premature to definitively identify this station without the execution of large-scale excavation.

237

A.H. Gardiner, Ancient Egyptian Onomastica, II (Oxford, 1947); Kitchen 1979, II, 330, 15; L.H. Lesko, A Dictionary of Late Egyptian, III (Providence, 1982), 31. 238 E.A. W. Budge, Egyptian Hieroglyphic Dictionary, II (London, 1920), 980. 239 Gardiner 1920, 111. 240 Cldat 1923b, 155. 241 Brugsch 1877-1880, 129. 95

F. 1. (a)

THE SIXTH STATION: THE TOWN WHICH HIS MAJESTY BUILT A NEW New Kingdom The Karnak reliefs of Seti I (19th Dynasty)

In the reliefs of Karnak, the sixth station is represented as a one-story fortress.242 On the gate, a caption reads: < > Town which <his> Majesty [built] a [new].243 Below the fortress, a pond is depicted and named:

The well Ib-s-Q-b244 Papyrus Anastasi I (Ramesses II, 19th Dynasty) Papyrus Anastasi I245 refers at this point to a place called s-b-ir, coupling it with , ib-skb, which corresponds to the pond Ibseqeb in the Karnak reliefs.246 b)

Sabair and Ibseqeb247 2. Commentary

The sixth station mentioned in the Karnak reliefs is referred to as the town which his Majesty built a new, while the well or pond is called Ibseqeb. Papyrus Anastasi I referred to the same place as Sabair, coupling it with a watersource called Ibseqeb,
242 243

Gardiner 1920, 111. Kitchen 1993, I, 7:6. 244 Ibid; Redford suggests that Ib-s-q-b is a transcription of the name a, my father is protector Redford 1998, 48. 245 Gardiner 1911, 29. 246 Wente renders these as Ibesgeb and Seb-el, see Wente 1990, 109. 247 Ibid. 96

the latter being the same name as in the Karnak reliefs. It is noteworthy that a Sabair is mentioned in the geographic glossary in the Golnischeff Papyrus, as lying within the cities of the eastern Delta.248 3. The identification of Town which his Majesty built

Gardiner has not provided any suggestions for the identification of this site, while Cldat proposed Ratamah.249 However, the author believes that large-scale excavation is recommended for a definite identification of this station.

248 249

Golnischeff 1902, 105. Cldat 1923b, 156. 97

G. 1. (a)

THE SEVENTH STATION: THE FORTRESS AT THE WELL of SETI-MERENPTAH New Kingdom The Karnak reliefs of Seti I (19th Dynasty)

In the Karnak reliefs, this station is represented as a twostorey fortress.250 The name of the fortress appears to be missing, but a name is written between the fortress and the pool depicted below the fortress:

The well of Seti-Merenptah251 (b) Papyrus Anastasi I (Ramesses II, 19th Dynasty) Papyrus Anastasi I252 gives this station the name:

Sabair253
2. Commentary

In the Karnak reliefs, the seventh station bears the name of the Well of Seti-Merenptah. However, there does not appear to be a separate name for the fortress itself. Moreover, in Papyrus Anastasi I, only one name is given, namely the word Sabair. Interestingly, this name is coupled with the well of the sixth station, Ibseqeb. 3. The identification of Well of Seti-Merenptah
250

Brugsch 1877-1880, 595; Gauthier 1925, IV, 202. Kitchen 1993, 7:9. 252 Gardiner 1911, 29. 253 Redford suggests that Sb-iAr has a semitic root ^u-ub- AN, God has returned (or: Return, O God) Redford 1998, 48. 98
251

Cldat identified the station as el-Flousieh, 254 while Gardiner did not provide any identification for the site. However, the author believes that it is premature to definitively identify this station without the execution of large-scale excavation.

254

Cldat 1923b, 156. 99

H. 1. (a)

THE EIGHTH STATION: THE WELL of MEN-MAAT-RE (is) GREATOF- VICTORIES New Kingdom The Karnak reliefs of Seti I (19th Dynasty)

In the Karnak reliefs,255 the eighth station is depicted as a one-storey fortress, named:

The well Men-maat-Re great-of-victories256 The pool under the fortress is named:

The sweet well.257 (b)


c

Papyrus Anastasi I (Ramesses II, 19th Dynasty)

Papyrus Anastasi258 refers to this station as ynn. In Arabic, the word cyn, , means spring or well. Commentary

2.

In the Karnak reliefs, the eighth station is again named after the well, while the water body underneath the fortress is referred to as the sweet well. At the same time, Papyrus Anastasi gives this place the name cynn, as mentioned above. Clearly, this fortress was located in an area rich in natural water sources.
255 256

Gardiner 1920, 112. Kitchen 1993, I, 8:1. 257 Ibid. 258 Gauthier 1925, I, 139. 100

In Papyrus Harris 25977, 6-8 we read:

I made a very great well (77,7) in the district of Ayn ( cyn). It was surrounded by a wall like a mountain of quartzite, with 20 courses in the ground foundation, and a height of 30 cubits, having battlements. Its doorposts and doors (77,8) were hewn of cedar, their bolts were of copper, with mountings.260 From the text we learn that Ramesses III made a fortified well in a place called Ayn ( cyn). It is probably the same cyn mentioned in papyrus Anastasi I, founded first by Seti I and rebuilt again by Ramesses III.261 3. The identification of Well of Menmare (is) Great-of-Victories

Cldat identified this station as el-Arish, 262 while Gardiner did not discuss this issue. In the authors opinion, Cldats identification is probably correct, based on the results of recent
259 260

Peden 1994, 217. Ibid. 261 Breasted 1906, 4, 406. 262 Cldat 1923b, 156. 101

excavations by Oren.263 Indeed, an administrative building was discovered near el-Arish dating to the New Kingdom. Furthermore, it is well known from observation of the topographical aspects of the area in the vicinity of el-Arish that in antiquity it contained many lagoons flowing from Lake Sirbonis (Bardawil).

263

E. Oren, Northern Sinai in The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land, vol. 4, E. Stern (ed.) (Jerusalem, 1994), 1386-94. 102

I. 1. (a)

THE NINTH STATION: THE TOWN WHICH HIS MAJESTY BUILT NEWLY AT THE WELL HOURBATI New Kingdom The Karnak reliefs of Seti I (19th Dynasty)

The Karnak reliefs264 represent the ninth station as a square, two-storey fortress built on a mound and on the towers the name of the fortress is written as follows:

Town which his Majesty built newly at the well Hou[rba]ti 265 Under the fortress we read:

The stronghold of Men-maat-Re - heir of Re [in Hou]rbati (b) Papyrus Anastasi I (Ramesses II, 19th Dynasty)

Papyrus Anastasi I 266 provides the name Horbati for the ninth station. 2. Commentary

It is interesting to note that in the Karnak reliefs, this station is referred to as the Town which his Majesty built newly at the well Hou[rba]ti. Clearly, the water source was well-established and frequented prior to the subsequent construction of the newly-built fortress. The increased emphasis on the water source in the name of the fortress is apparent in the names of the last few stations and appears to correspond to those stations having an irregular-shaped pond or well. Perhaps this trend signifies that the more eastern fortresses on the Ways of Horus were built to take advantage of well-known, identifiable
264 265

Gardiner 1920, 112. Kitchen renders the text as 266 Gardiner 1911, 29.

] 103

, Kitchen 1993, I, 8:2.

waterholes on an established route, whereas the water sources at the earlier stations were founded at the time of the construction of the fortress. The word Hourbati is written on a circular pond, which is framed by double lines - probably indicating that the pond was surrounded by a wall. The description given by Papyrus Harris II, discussed above, gives some suggestion of the type of fortifications that may have surrounded the water sources during the New Kingdom:

...a wall like a mountain of gritstone, with 20 [courses] in the ground foundation, and a height of 30 cubits, having battlements. Its doorposts and doors (77,8) were hewn of cedar, their bolts were of copper, with mountings.267 3. The identification of the Town which his Majesty built newly at the well Hourbati

Again, Gardiner did not identify the station Town which his Majesty built newly at the well Hourbati. On the other hand, Cldat suggested that the ninth station was at Kharouba. 268 The author agrees with this identification in light of the recent work done by Oren in this area. 269 Oren discovered a fortress dating to the New Kingdom with granaries, storehouses, magazines and inscriptions of Seti I and Seti II, which would qualify as a likely candidate for the ninth station.270 Interestingly, this fortress also has a square plan which corresponds to the depiction in the Karnak reliefs. It is also noteworthy that a cartouche of Seti II was found at the excavations of Kharouba. This cartouche is discussed in the Chapter V: Texts Found at the Stations of the Ways of Horus.

267

Peden 1994, 217. Cldat 1923b, 157. 269 In Arabic, the name el-Kharou" "means the ruins. 270 Oren 1987, 80-97. 104
268

J. 1. (a)

THE TENTH STATION: THE WELL OF MEN-MAAT-RE New Kingdom The Karnak reliefs of Seti I (19th Dynasty)

In the Karnak reliefs of Seti I, 271 the tenth station is presented as a small fortress. The name of the fortress is written between the fortress and the pool depicted below as:

The well of Men-maat-Re272 while the name of the well is:

The khasou of the chief.273 (b) Papyrus Anastasi I (Ramesses II, 19th Dynasty) Papyrus Anastasi I274 gives this place the name:

The Khas275

271 272

Gardiner 1920, 112-13. Kitchen 1993, 8:4. 273 Kitchen renders the name as Nxs of the chief, Kitchen 1993, 7; while Wente renders it as Nekhes, Wente 1990, 109. 274 Gardiner 1911, 29. 275 The word xAs means runnel (Lesko, II, 162). 105

2.

Commentary

Once again, this station is identified with its well in the Karnak reliefs. In addition, the well is named underneath the khas of the prince. In Papyrus Anastasi I, the name given to the station also refers to the well: Khas. It is noteworthy that this name corresponds to the name of the last place mentioned before Raphia in the Karnak reliefs. 3. The identification of the Well of Men-maat-Re

This station was again not identified by Gardiner; Cldat proposed the site of Sheikh Zuwaid, 276 although the excavations conducted by him at this site revealed only Roman remains. The author believes that further work is required before an accurate identification of this site may be made.

276

Cldat 1923b, 157. 106

K. 1. (a)

THE ELEVENTH STATION: THE TOWN OF RAPHIA New Kingdom The Karnak reliefs of Seti I (19th Dynasty)

The last station presented in the Karnak reliefs 277 was a twostorey fortress built on a mound named:278

The town of Raphia279 (b) The palimpset list of Palestinian cities at Karnak ( Seti I, 19th Dynasty)

Two lists occupy the lowest part of the great inscriptions of Seti I, looking to the north on either side of the door. 280 In these, Raphia is written: . (c) Papyrus Anastasi I (Ramesses II, 19th Dynasty) , R-pH, to the

Papyrus Anastasi I281 gives the name city of Raphia.

277

M. Mller, Egyptological Researches (Washington, 1906), I, Pl. LVII, 16, Pl. LVIII, 17; Gardiner 1920, 104, 113; Kitchen 1993 , I, 29:5. 278 The Toponym Raphia is reconstructed from Papyrus Anastasi I, and Gardiner identified it with fortress U at the end of the Egyptian terminal of the Ways of Horus see Gardiner 1920, 113. 279 Kitchen 1993, I, 8:5. 280 Mller 1906, I, 16, 43, Pls. LXVII and LVIII; Wente 1990, 109; Kitchen 1993, I, 8:5. 281 Gardiner 1911, 29, 38 and note 14. 107

You Maher-warrior, where is Raphia? What is its enclosure wall like? 2. (a) Late Period The list of Sheshonk I at Karnak (Sheshonq, 22nd Dynasty)

On the Bubastite gate in Karnak temple and in the first court to which it leads, Sheshonk I recorded his campaign in Palestine in the fifth year of Rehoboam of Judah (926 B.C.). 282 The reliefs are accompanied by a list of the towns and cities plundered by Sheshonk. Raphia is referred to as . 3. Orthography The orthography of the eleventh station is as follows: 19th Dynasty283 19th Dynasty284 19th Dynasty285 22nd Dynasty286 4. Commentary

In the Karnak reliefs, Raphia was represented as the last station on the Ways of Horus to the east of Egypt and the first terminal on the Palestinian side. Raphia was represented as a fortress built on a mound. The latest survey conducted by Ben Gurion University within the vicinity of Raphia showed the mound
282 283

Breasted 1906, IV, 354; LD III, 254c Mller 1906, I, Pl. LVII, 16, pl. LVIII, 17; Gardiner 1920, 104, 113; Kitchen 1979, I, 108. 284 Mller 1906, I, 43, pl. LXVII, 16, LVIII, 17. 285 Gardiner 1911, 29. 286 Breasted 1906, IV, 354; LD III, 254c 108

of Raphia on the coast, indicating that the artistic representation was accurate.287 On the other hand, Papyrus Anastasi I from the second half of the 19th Dynasty mentions Raphia in association with its walls. As a result, there is no doubt that Raphia consituted one of the fortresses along the Ways of Horus. 5. The identification of Raphia

Although Raphia is written with different orthography, as shown above, it retains the same name in modern times. There is no doubt that the city of Raphia, by the Egyptian eastern border, may be identified with the last station of the Ways of Horus depicted on the Karnak reliefs.

287

Oren 1987, 79, Fig. 4. 109

L.

GAZA IN THE ANCIENT EGYPTIAN RECORDS

Gaza is first mentioned in Egyptian texts during the reign of Thutmose III and subsequently appears as the southern headquarters for the Egyptian administration of South Palestine during the New Kingdom. Many references to Gaza are found in the ancient Egyptian records, as discussed below: 1. (a) New Kingdom The Annals of Thutmose III at Karnak (18th Dynasty)

The earliest known reference to Gaza come from the Annals of Thutmose III found on the walls of Karnak Temple 288 and dating to the end of Thutmoses reign:

Year 22, 4th month of Peret, day 25, his [Majesty passed the fortress of] Tharu, on the first campaign of victory, made [to drive out those who had attacked]the borders of Egypt, in valour, [in victory, in power, and in justification]. Year 23, 1st month of the third Shomu, day 4, the day of the feast of the kings coronation - as afar as the town of Thatwhich-the-Ruler-seized, [of which the Syrian name is] Gaza.
288

LD III, 31; Urk. IV, 645, 67; Lichtheim 1976, I, 29. 110

(b)

Taanach Tablet no. 6 (Amenhotep II, 18th Dynasty)

Taanach Tablet no. 6 is a clay tablet written in cuneiform and dating to as early as the third regnal year of Amenhotep II. 289 The writer of the tablet, Amenhotep, has not been identified with certainty, but may have been an Egyptian administrator posted in Gaza. He writes: To Talwisher. Thus (speaks) Amenhotep: may the storm god protect your life...further, in the garrison there are none of your retainers, and you do not come to me, nor do you send your brother. Further (even when) I was in the town of Gaza, you did not come to me. (c) Amarna Letter EA.129 (Amenhotep III and Akhenaten, 18th Dynasty)

Amarna Letter EA.129290 apparently contains a reconstructed reference to Gaza, in addition to a discussion by Rib-Addis of Byblos of the dealings of the sons of cAbdi-Airta, including their murder of the previous commissioner of the area: [Rib]Add[is Say t]o the [ki]ng, [my] lord: [I fall beneath the fee]t <of my lord> 7 times and 7 [times]. 4-12 May the king, my lord, inq<ui>re abo[ut the s]on[s] of cAbdi-Airt[a f]or they d[o] as they please. Who are they, the dogs [...] that they should acquire for[r themselves a]nything? They have piled up prop[erty of] the lands of the king in [their own] han[ds]. The mayors of the king ... [...] soldiers and [...] 13-21 Now what they too[k ha]d been i[n the charge of] the commissioners of the king, [my] lord, and the (last) commissioner [was] a wi[se] man who was highly respected, b[ut they have killed him]. All my cities belong to <t>hem. Batruna remai[ns to me], and they strive to ta[ke] it. On its
289 290

P. der Manuelian, Studies in the reign of Amenophis II (Hildesheim, 1987). W.L. Moran, The Amarna Letters (Baltimore, 1992), 209-11, note 29, 388, 390 111

being [ta]ken [Gubla (itself)] they will [t]ake. 22-25 ... 26-34 greatly. Truly, they have long[ed] to commit a great [crime]. Since a tablet to the mayors is [not pro]duced, they are intent on committing [a crime]. If there are no archers, [then] their aim will be to seize [Gubla]. They say, If w[e] seize Gubla, what will the archers do? 34-54 L[ook], as to the king, my lords, having written, Troops have indeed come out, you spo[ke] lies: ka-ma-mi (?). There are no archers; they do not come out. And they are stronger than we are. [Look], unless archers come out within this year, they will [tak]e Gubla. If Gubla [is There are no taken, then they will be strong. W]hat will the troops do [for your servant], Rib-Hadda? Fo[r my ancesto]rs, earlier kings guard[ed] Gubla, and you yourself must not abandon it. If there are no archers this year, then send ships to fetch me, along with (my) living god, to my lord. May the king, my lord, not say, Surely it cannot be seized. It is at pe[ace]. And now ... [...] ... 55-74 ... 75-89 the king of [...and] the king of the Hittite countries, so that [the lands of the king belong] to the sons of cAbdi-Airta, servants (and) dogs. Accordingly, may the king hasten the sending of the archers so he may take them, and the lands be joined to the king, m[y] lord. Who are they, the dogs? If Biryawaza is afraid <o>f the king, my lord, he has not taken them. If the king, my lord, keeps telling the magnate of ... [ <Gaza>] and the magnate Kumidu, Ta[ke (them)], they have not taken them. [They have committed] a cri[me. Th]ey are against me; they have won [the lands] for the cApiru. 90-94 ... 94-98 Since there are n[o arc]hers, th[ey are str]ong. They took Pewur[u and ki]lled him. They are [against me]; they took the territo<ry> of S[umu]r for themselves, and [they killed the commissioner of the king], Pewuru. If [the king] is not going to list[en to his servant, then may he se]nd ships.

112

(d)

Amarna Letter EA.289 (Amenhotep III and Akhenaten, 18th Dynasty)

Amarna Letter EA.289291 was written by cAbdi-Heba, the mayor of Jerusalem, and discusses the subversive association of Milkilu, the mayor of Gezer, with the sons of Labayu and of Arsawa. In this letter, several references are made to Gaza or Hazzatu and the need to protect the land with a garrison of 50 men : [Say t]o the king, my lord: Message of cAbdi-Heba, your servant. I f[all] at the feet of my lord, the k[ing], 7 times and 7 times. 5-10 Milkilu does not break away from the sons of Labayu and from the sons of Arsawa, as they desire the land of the king for themselves. As for a mayor who does such a deed, why does the king not <c>all him to account? 11-17 Such was the deed that Milkilu and Tagi did: they took Rubutu. And now as for Jerusalem, if this land belongs to the king, why is it <not> of concern to the king like Hazzatu (Gaza)? 18-24 Gintikirmil belongs to Tagi, and men of Gintu are the garrison in Bitsanu. Are we to act like Labayu when he was giving the land of akmu to the Hapiru? 25-36 Milkilu has written to Tagi and the sons <of Llabayu>, Be the both of you a protection . Grant all their demands to the men of Qiltu, and let us isolate Jerusalem. Addaya has taken the garrison that you sent in the charge of Haya, the son of Miyare; he has stationed it in his own house in Hazzatu (Gaza) and has sent 20 men to Egypt. May the king, my lord, know (that) no garrison of the king is with me. 37-44 Accordingly, as truly as the king lives, his irpi-official, Puuru, has left me and is in Hazzatu (Gaza). (May the king call (this) to mind when he arrives.) And so may the king send 50 men as a garrison to protect the land. The entire land of the king has desert[ted]. 41-51 Send Ye<<eh>>enhamu that he may know about the land of the king, [my lord]. To the scribe of the king, [my lord: M]essage
291

Moran 1992, 332-33. 113

of cAbdi-Heba, [your] servant. Offer eloq[uent] words to the king: I am always, utterly yours. I am your servant. (e) Amarna Letter EA.296 (Amenhotep III and Akhenaten, 18th Dynasty)

Amarna Letter EA.296292 is a letter from a Yahtiru, who had spent some time in Egypt as a youth, referring to his loyal guarding of the city gate of Azzatu or Gaza: Say to the king, my lord, my god, my [Sun]: Message of Ya[h]tiru, your servant, the dirt at your feet. I fall at the feet of the king, my lord, my god, my sun, 7 times and 7 times. 9-16 Moreover, I am indeed the loyal servant of the king, my lord. I looked this way,and I looked that way, and there was no light. Then I looked towards the king, my lord, and there was light. 17-22 A brick: la-bi-tu may move from [un]der its partner, still I will not move from under the feet of my king, my lord. 23-29 S<ay the king, my lord, inquire of Yanhamu, his commissioner. When I was young he brought me into Egypt. I served the king, my lord, and I stood at the city gate of the king, my lord. 30-35 May the king, mylord, inquire of his commissioner whether I guard the city gate of Azzatu (Gaza) and the city gate of Yapu (Joppa), and (whether) where the archers of the king, my lord march, I m[arch] with them. And indeed, now that I have [p]la[ced] the ... of the yoke: hu-ul-lu of the king, my lord, on my neck, I carry it. (f) The Karnak reliefs of Seti I (19th Dynasty)

During the first regnal year of Seti I, a campaign was conducted against the Shasu who were terrorizing the Ways of Horus, between Tharu and Pa-Canaan. 293 The latter is believed to refer to Gaza:
292 293

Moran 1992, 338-39. Gardiner 1920, 100-01; Kitchen 1979, I, 8. 114

Year 1 of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt: Men-maatRe, given life. The destruction made by the mighty arm of Pharaoh - l.p.h. - made amongst the fallen enemies from Shasu beginning from the fortress of Tharu to Pa-Canaan. His majesty seized upon them like a terrifying lion, turning them into corpses throughout their valleys, wallowing in their blood, as if (they) had never existed. Any who slip through his fingers tell of his power in (far-) distant foreign countries. It is the might of father Amun who has decreed for you valour and victory over every foreign country. (g) Papyrus Anastasi I (Ramesses II, 19th Dynasty)

Papyrus Anastasi I294 mentions Gaza as one of several fortresses on the Ways of Horus:

294

Gardiner 1911, 29, 39. 115

You Maher-warior, where is Raphia? What is its enclosure wall like? How many miles march is it to Gaza?295 (h) Ostracon Michaelides 85 (19th Dynasty)

Ostracon Michaelides296 consists of a communication from a garrison scribe, Ipuy, in Gaza to the standard-bearer of the garrison, Bakenamon, regarding the general state of affairs in the towns of Pharaoh as well as regarding the offering sent for the festival of Anath of Gaza:

295

Wente 1990, 109. Wente 1990, 127, no. 150; H. Goedicke and E.F. Wente, Ostraka Michaelides (Wiesbaden, 1962), Pl. 93. 116
296

The garrison scribe Ipuy [communicates to his lord, the standard-bearer of] the garrison Bakenamon; in life, prosperity and health! This is a missive [to inform my lord] that the towns of Pharaoh, l.p.h., which are situated in each district are prosperous [and that the servants] of Pharaoh, l.p.h. who are in them are prospering and in health, calling upon [all the gods and] all the goddesses who are in the region of the land of Khor (Syro-Palestine) (to keep) Pharaoh, l.p.h., my lord, l.p.h., [healthy], with every land cast down beneath his sandals, [while] my lord (Bakenamon) [continues to be] in his (Pharaohs) favour. A further communication to my [lord: The offerings that you sent for the festival of Anath of Gaza have all [arrived], and I received your(?) [...] for the goddess. A scout [...] the ship [captain] Kar [...]. See, the [...] (i) Israel Stela, Cairo 34025 (Merenptah, 19th Dynasty)

Stela 34025,297 commemorating Merenptahs victory over the Libyans, dates to Merenptahs 5 th regnal year and was located in his mortuary temple on the west bank of Thebes:

297

Lichtheim 1976, 73-77, especially 77; Kitchen 1979 , IV, 12-19; G.D. Benedict, Egyptian Historical Inscriptions of the Nineteenth Dynasty (Jonsered, 1997), 173-87. 117

The princes are prostrate, saying: Mercy! Not one raises his head among the Nine Bows. Desolation is for Tehenu; Hatti is pacified; plundered is Pa-Canaan with every evil; carried off is Ashkelon; seized upon is Gezer, Yanoam is made as that which does not exist; Israel is laid waste, his seed is not; Hurru is becme a widow for Egypt! All lands together, they are pacified; everyone who was restless, he has been bound by the King of Upper and Lower Egypt: Baen-Re Meri-Amon; the Son of Re: Merenptah Hotep-herMaat, given life like Re every day. (j) Papyrus Anastasi III (Merenptah, 19th Dynasty)

The verso of Papyrus Anastasi III 298 constitutes a record made by an official at Tharu of the departure and arrival information of various individuals, including some originating in Gaza:

298

Gardiner 1937, 31; Caminos 1954, 108. 118

Year 3, first month of Shomu, day 15. Going up by the retainer Baal-ry, son of Djapero, of Gaza; (vs. 6,2) what he took to Khor (Syria): 2 dispatches, viz. (for) the garrisoncommander Khay, 1 dispatch (vs. 6,3) (for) the prince of Tyre Baaltermeg, 1 despatch. [...] (vs. 6,6) Year 3, first month of Shomu, day 22. Coming by the retainer Thoth, son of Tjakerema of Gaza, (vs. 6,7) Matjedet son of Shama-baal of ditto ( Gaza) (vs. 6,8) and Setmose, son of Aperdeger of ditto ( Gaza) ... [remainder of third entry omitted here] (k) Papyrus Harris I, BM 10053 (Ramesses IV, 20 th Dynasty)

Papyrus Harris I299 referes to the establishment of a temple for Amun, complete with cult image, at the Canaan, or Gaza, by Ramesses III:

9,1) I built for you a mysterious house in the land of Djahi, like the horizon of heaven which is in the sky, (named) the
299

Breasted 1906, IV, 202-03; P. Grandet, Le Papyrus Harris I (Cairo, 1999), 232. 119

House-of-Ramesses-Ruler-of-Heliopolis-l.p.h.in PaCanaan as the vested property of thy name. I fashioned the great cult image which rests in it, (named) Amon of Ramesses-Ruler-of-Heliopolis-l.p.h. The foreigners of Retenu come to it, bearing their tribute before it, according as it is divine. 2. Commentary

From the Egyptian records, it may be inferred that Gaza is the most south-westerly town of Palestine on the road to Egypt. Gaza would have been the first destination after emerging from the desert. As such, it became an important provisioning point for the caravans. The name of the city is rendered in the Egyptian sources as Ga-Da-ti, the G representing cyn in Hebrew and ghayin in Arabic. Thus, the name in Arabic is Ghazzah. In the Amarna Letters, the town is identified as Azzatu or Hazzah.300 The tablets of Taanach and the Amarna Letters inform us that in the time of Amenhotep II, Tuthmose III, Tuthmose IV and Akhenaten Gaza played an important role as the capital of the Egyptian Asiatic province Southern Canaan. In the Annals of Tuthmose III, Gaza is mentioned for the first time as that which the ruler seized [of which the Syrian name is] Gaza. In later documents of the 19 th Dynasty -- dating to the time of Seti I, Ramesses II, Merenptah and Ramesses III -Gaza is referred to as Pa-Canaan.301 In the Karnak reliefs of Seti I, the fortress named PaCanaan is shown next to a town on a mound. In 1920, Gardiner suggested identifying the town as Gaza. Albright believed the
300

Gaza was most frequently written as GadAti with g not k see: S. Ahituv, Canaanite Toponyms in Ancient Egyptian Documents (Jerusalem, 1984), 97-101. 301 The toponym pA Knan appears twice in the karnak reliefs (Kitchen 1993, I:8, 9, 15). Gardiner interpreted this as the city of Gaza, indicated by the definite article PA (Gardiner 1920, 104), and his interpretation was followed by others (Faulkner 1947, 35-36; Giveon 1971, 57; Spalinger 1979, 44 note 9; Murnane 1990, 40; Kitchen 1993, I, 7:14-15). 120

name stressed the importance of the town for Canaan, as its capital.302 It appears that this fortress of Gaza was an Egyptian stronghold on the highway between Egypt and Palestine and had been so since the time of the pharaohs of the early 18 th Dynasty. The Egyptian sources, and in particular the Amarna Letters, provide a basis for understanding the Egyptian administration of Syro-Palestinian territories. Thus, the Egyptians established a network of garrison cities to administer the territories under their power; probably the first cities were established during the reign of Thutmose I. Four cities were situated on the coast: Gaza and Joppa in the south and Ullasa and Sumur in the north. In all these places, city state rulers were deposed and replaced by Egyptian officials who assumed administration of the city. The vassal city state rulers of the Egyptian garrison cities fulfilled various roles; the main task was the defence of the city, as inferred from Amarna Letter EA296. In Papyrus Anastasi III, from the 3 rd year of Merenptah, in a section known as Journal of a frontier official, there is a reference to four officials who reside in Gaza. Their personal names are given: one is Semitic in origin, while the others have Egyptian names; two of them carry the title guardsman. There is no doubt that these four officials belong to the administration of the garrison city of Gaza. In Papyrus Harris from the time of Ramesses III, we read: I built for you (Amun) a mysterious house in the land of Djahi named: the house of Ramesses, --ruler of Heliopolis--, l.p.h. ... The foreigners of Retenu come to it, bearing their tribute

302

W.F. Albright, The Vocalization of The Egyptian Syllabic Orthography (New Haven, 1934), 58. 121

We may suppose that this temple of Ramesses III was built in Gaza, amongst many other Egyptian social and administrative buildings.303 As a result, the texts clearly show that the administrative and strategic importance of Gaza was significant, as befitted the first Syrio-Palestinian town after marching the Ways of Horus. The importance of Gaza is also illustrated by the frequency with which it is mentioned in the ancient texts.304 3. The identification of Gaza

In view of the existence of Gaza today, there is no debate amongst scholars as to the identification of Gaza, the border town between Egypt and Syrio-Palestine. Indeed, even the name of the modern city of Gaza remains very similar to the ancient name for this fortress town. It is noteworthy that recent excavations under the direction of Dothan uncovered an Egyptian-style fortress south of Gaza at Deir el-Balah.305 However, Ovadiah has identified Gaza with Tell Harube or Tell Azza locted along the coastal plain about 9km from the Mediterranean sea.306

303 304

Redford 1992, 206-7. M. Mohammad, The Administration of Syro-Palestine During The New Kingdom, ASAE 56 (1959), 105-37. 305 T. Dothan, The Cemetery Near Deir el-Balah and Burial in Anthropoid Sarchophagi in Eretz Israel, Qadmoniot 17 (1972), 21-25 (Hebrew); T. Dothan, The Impact of Egypt on Canaan during the 18th and the 19th Dynasties in the Light of the Excavations at Deir el-Balah in Egypt, Israel, Sinai: Archaeological and Historical Relationships in the Biblical Period, A.F. Rainey (ed.) (Tel Aviv, 1987), 121-35. 306 A. Ovadiah, Gaza in The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land, Vol. 4, E. Stern (ed.) (Jerusalem, 1994), 464-67. 122

M.

THE DIVIDING CANAL (TA dnit) The Karnak reliefs of Seti I, on the northern wall of the great Hypostyle Hall, depict the Ways of Horus, with a detailed representation of all the stations of the road. 307 The stations at the Egyptian terminal are associated with a waterway or a canal full of crocodiles and lined by reeds swamps.308 The canal was designated as &A dnit the dividing canal or the canal 309 Palaeographic evidence for a canal in this area is found in many ancient records,310some of which are discussed below.

On the basis of an examination of aerial photograph, Sneh et al. suggested traces of a 12 km stretch of a canal-like feature in the Isthmus of Suez between Lake Timsah and Lake Balah. 311 The surveyor believed that the construction of this canal dated to the reign of Necho II of the 26th Dynasty.312

307 308

Gardiner 1920, 99-116; Kitchen 1979, I, 6-24. Gardiner 1920, pls, XI-XII. 309 Faulkner 1976, 314: Gardiner 1920, 104. 310 Naville 1888, 18ff; Kamal 1905, 171-77; C. Bourdon, Ancient sites et Port de Suez (Cairo, 1925); G. Posener, Le Canal du Nile la Mer Rouge avant les Prolmes, CdE 25 (1938), 271ff. 311 A. Sneh, T. Weissbrod, and I. Perath, Evidence for an Ancient Egyptian Frontier Canal, Amer. Scient. 63 (1975), 545. 312 W.H. Shea, A Date for the Recently Discovered Eastern Canal of Egypt, BASOR 226 (1977), 31-38. 123

A further analysis of aerial survey data by Sneh and Weissbord in 1972 yielded a 7 km trace of an artificial canal 10 km to the north-east of Tell el-Kantarah, which they suggested connected with the 8 km stretch lying 10 km to the north of Lake Ballah. Sneh estimated that the traces of this northern canal measured 70m in width at the top and 20m at the bottom, and that its depth extended to 2-3m.313 He suggested that this northern canal continued from the reign of Lake Ballah to the ancient coastline, where it was cut by the Pelusiac Nile branch.314 In addition, it has been suggested by Sneh that the 15 km found to the north of Lake Ballah was part of a canal between Lake Timsah and lake Ballah. Shea and Sneh have proposed a connection with the Wadi Tumilat canal that is known to have existed during the Saite and Persian Period, and Sneh believes that the eastern canal would have been connected to the Red Sea.315 Few scholars316 believe that this canal could have been a part of defensive measures -- as part of the Wall of the Ruler defense system317-- taken to protect the eastern frontier of Egypt as early as the Middle Kingdom. This system remained in use during the New Kingdom, particularly during the reign of Seti I. According to the latest survey by the SCA and the excavations at both Haboua I and Haboua II, the fortress of Haboua I lies 4-4.5 km to the north-west of the suggested eastern canal.318 The western and eastern lagoons which divide the two discovered fortresses at Haboua I (identified herein as Tharu) 319 -313 314

Ibid. Shea 1977m 32-33; Sneh 1975, 544. 315 Ibid 316 J.K. Hoffmeier, Israel in Egypt (Oxford, 1997), 164-75. 317 Quack 1992, 185; W. Helck, Die Prophezeiung des Nfr.tj (Wiesbaden, 1970), 56. 318 Valbelle 1992, figs. 1-2. 319 A. Al-Ayedi, Tharu: the Starting Point on the Ways of Horus (M.A. thesis, University of Toronto, 2000), 116-18. 124

on the north-west side of the western and eastern lagoons -- and Haboua II (The Dwelling of the lion) at the southeast according to the latest survey and the discovery of a crocodile skeleton in the vicinity parallel the depiction of Seti I. The author suggests that the eastern and western lagoons may have formed the Eastern Canal. However, it would be premature to definitively identify this canal or its date without archaeological evidence. Certainly, there are a number of questions that remain to be answered. First, if one supports the canal theory, there is work to be done in determining the course of the entire canal, as well as its source. Second, the relationship and proximity of the forts and canal is important. If the purpose of the canal was primarily defensive, it should have had a branch running south from the southern end of Lake Timsah to the Bitter Lakes. Based on surveys, Hoffmeier also supports the concept of the frontier canal, used during the New Kingdom as a defensive mechanism against the Israelites. He finds support for such function in Biblical sources.320 Holladay strongly disagrees with both Sneh et al. and Hoffmeier overall reconstruction, while insisting equally strongly on the necessity for developing an adequate body of ground truth data.321 More importantly, there are a number of detractors of the notion of an ancient canal in this area, most notably the French mission.322 Critics of the theory focus on the poor methodology, the over-use of aerial photography given the topographic nature of Sinai and the lack of geological studies. More work using satellite imaging and on-the-ground geological surveys, and augering may prove determinative of this question.
320 321

J.K. Hoffmeier, Israel in Egypt (Oxford, 1997), 164-75. Verbal communication. 322 M. Chartier-Raymond and C. Traunecker, Reconnaissance Archologique la Pointe Orientale du Delta. Campagne 1992, CRIPEL 15 (1993), 45-70 especially 62. 125

V.

TEXTS FOUND AT THE STATIONS OF THE WAYS OF HORUS

The following texts have been found in various excavations at the stations of the Ways of Horus. Although they do not specifically refer to the Ways of Horus or any of the individual stations and are miscellaneous in nature, for the sake of completeness these texts are given here, arranged by provenance. 1. (a) Tell Haboua I Stela of Nehsy

A limestone stela, round-topped (40cm high, 29-30cm wide) bears the name of Nehsy from the 14th Dynasty.323

Son of Re, Nehsy, < given life? > eternally. (b) Stela of cA-seh-re A round-topped limestone stela, 43cm heigh, 29cm wide, bears the name of cA-seh-re from the 14th Dynasty.324

The good god cA-seh-re given life. (c) Fragment of a door jamb

A fragment of a door jamb was found at Tell Haboua I bearing the remains of one vertical line of inscription. 325

323 324

Ibid. M. Abd el-Maksoud, Un monument du roi aA-%H-ra Nhsy Tell Haboua (Sinai Nord), ASAE 69 (1983), 3-5. 325 M.A. Maksoud & A. Hegazy, Villes oublie du Sinai Nord, Archologia 159 (1981), 37-41. 126

...ruler of everyland, the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, lord of the two lands, Men-maat-Re (Seti I), son of Re, lord of appearances... (d) Door jamb of Limestone

A limestone door jamb, 1.6m long and 19-20cm wide, bears the following text.326

Offerings that the king gives (to) Wadjet, mistress of Imet (Nebeshah), may she give offerings of food, [every good], [pure] thing on which the gods live, and to the [ka] of the prince and mayor, treasurer of the king, 327 sole companion, overseer of the seal, Apr-Baal, beloved of Wadjet. 2. (a) Tell Haboua II Jar sealing of Thutmose III

A jar sealing of Thutmose III on an amphora handle was discovered in the magazine complex excavated by the SCA in 1999. The sealing impression reads:

Men-khepe-Re (Thutmose III)

326

M.A. Maksoud, Tell Heboua: Enqute archologique sur la Deuxime Priode Intermdiare et le Nouvel Empire lextrmit Orientale du Delta (Paris, 1989), 271. 327 S. Quirke, The regular titles of the Late Middle Kingdom, RdE 37 (1986) 123-24. 127

(b)

Fragment of a corniche328

A fragment of a limestone corniche was found in the magazine store area at Tell Haboua II excavated by the SCA in 1999. It bears the names and titles of Seti I:

Men-maat-[Re], [son] of Re, Mer[en]ptah, [given] life, the good [god], the lord of appearances, Seti Merenptah (c) Limestone block329

A limestone block bearing the cartouche of Seti I was found at Tell Haboua II during the survey made by the Franco-Egyptian team in 1989.

Men-maat-Re (Seti I) 3. (a) Tell el-Kharouba Cartouche of Seti II330

A cartouche of Seti II 331was found by the team of Oren excavating at Tell el-Kharouba.

328

This cornice is from unpublished material from the SCA excavations conducted by the author under the auspices of the Ways of Horus Project. 329 Ibid. 330 Oren 1987, 91. 331 Although Oren reconstructs the nbw sign at the end of each cartouche and the author has reproduced it as such here, it is the authors belief that both cartouches were preceded by the title nb tAwy and followed by the title nb xaw. The poor state of preservation of this particular piece would inevitably give rise to varying reconstructions. 128

The lord of the two lands, Wser-khepru-re Step-en-re The lord of appearances, Seti Merenptah (Seti II).

129

VI

TERMINOLOGY OF FORTIFICATION RELATED TO THE WAYS OF HORUS

The two main sources for the study of the Ways of Horus are Papyrus Anastasi I and Seti Is reliefs at Karnak. The Karnak reliefs depict twenty stations, eleven of which are fortresses of varying sizes and plans.332 The vocabulary associated with military architecture in ancient Egyptian language is also varied. However, it is noteworthy that although there are many words for fortress in the Egyptian language, specific words were chosen for each of the fortresses of the Ways of Horus. The reliefs mention eleven fortresses of varying sizes and plans. Some of these fortresses are very small and have corner towers, while others are shown as considerably larger and in some cases even two-story. In addition to the varied representation of fortresses from an artistic prospective, the terminology also shows considerable variation. The inscriptions mention six specific terms: xtm, at, mktr, nxtw and dmi. The term xtm was always used for the frontier fortress *Arw. This suggest that the use of xtm was deliberate, probably referring to the fortress and may refer to the sealing of items in the storehouses and granaries or the sealing of the passage to Egypt at the mouth of the ways of Horus. The term at is used only for the second fortress tA at pA mAi, the word at means storehouse of chamber. However, it is preferable to render it as dweling, which could refer to a fortified town or a resort for the king (being the lion in this name). Textual evidence, such as Papyrus Anastai I and III, suggests that the dwelling of the lion was famous for its fish and

332

Fig. 1. 130

bathing facilities, which might have heightened its attraction as a regal resort. The term Mktr Migdol, meaning stronghold, fortification or tower, is always used for the third station. The word bxn castle is used for the fifth station bxn n Mn-mAat-ra. The word nxtw Stronghold is used as a second name for the fifth and the ninth fortresses. It is noteworthy that the ninth station is a large two-storey fortress, as one would expect in a stronghold. However, the use does not appear consistent, in view of the fact that the fifth station is shown as a small, one-story structure. Perhaps archaeological excavations will explain this inconsistency as based in artistic representation rather than fact. The term dmi is used to designate three of the fortresses: the sixth, the ninth, and the eleventh, two of which the ninth and the eleventh are large, two-storey fortresses. It is noteworthy that the later two fortresses are identified as towns newly built by his majesty.
[

In the authors opinion, there are two possible explanations for this name: either the stations were first built during the time of Seti or they were rebuilt or renewed during his reign. In any event, it appears that word dmi is associated with larger, fortified towns, rather than fortresses per se. The remainder of the stations were named after their associated wells, which vary in size and shape in the Karnak reliefs. The word well is used for three fortresses: the seventh, eighth, and tenth station. The author suggests that these fortresses were probably named after the associated wells, probably because they were built in a later period after the wells had been long established. In the alternative, it may be that the fortresses are located on sites which for geographical reasons provide a richer and more reliable water source than other wells in the area. As such these fortresses may have become strongly become associated with wells in the minds of the ancient
131

Egyptians and may have served as the primary water re-stocking locations. I. DISCUSSION OF TITLES RELATED TO THE WAYS OF HORUS In this chapter, the various titles referred to in the abovementioned sources will be discussed. The titles will be broken down into royal titulary, administrative titles, military titles and religious titles. 1. Administrative Titles Captain of the crew333 Overseer of the Way of Horus334 Prince and mayor335 Steward of the harem of the queen336 City governor and vizier337 Overseer of hunters338 Overseer of goldsmiths339 Overseer of the canal340

333 334

Hassan 1953, 49. Hassan 1953, 49-52. 335 W.A. Ward, Index of Egyptian adminstrative and religious titles of the Middle Kingdom, (Beirut, 1982), 102; R. J. Leprohon, Administrative Titles in Nubia in the Middle Kingdom:, JAOS 113 (1993), 425 nos. 8, 9. 336 Gardiner 1952, 58; A.R. Al-Ayedi, Index of Egyptian Administrative, Religious, and Military Titles of the New Kingdom (Cairo, 2006), 46. 337 Ward 1982, 31; Leprohon 1993, 428 no. 60. 338 Gardiner 1952, 424. 339 S. Quirke, The Regular Titles of the Late Middle Kingdom, RdE 37 (1986), 107-130; Gardiner 1952, 29. 340 Hassan 1953, 49. 132

Overseer of the desert land341 Overseer of the desert342 "Overseer of the storehouse343 at the Ways of Horus344 A magnate in the palace345 Administrator346 District chief of the desert347 Kings envoy to the foreign land of Kharu 348 The royal messenger to everyforeign land349 Important in his office350 Great of Tharu351 Greatest of the ten of Upper Egypt352 The highest authority in Nubia353

341 342

Gardiner 1952, 29. Ward 1982, 150. 343 Quirke 1986; 120; Ward 1982, 41; Leprohon 1993, 427 no. 36. 344 Leprohon 1993, 427 no. 36; Al-Ayedi, Titles of the New Kingdom, 121. 345 Moran 1992, 209; Hassan 1953, 49. 346 Hassan 1953, 49. 347 Ward 1982, 78. 348 Al-Ayedi, Titles of the New Kingdom, 231. 349 Gardiner 1952, II, 81; Leprohon 1993, 427 no. 48. 350 Urk IV, 1635:2-11. 351 See p. 64 above. 352 Ward 1982, 87; Quirke 1986, 120; Ibid. 353 See p. 48 above. 133

Kings acquaintance354 The mayor of the Southern city, Thebes355 The mayor of Tharu356 Chief of vineyard The governor of foreigners of Khent- Iabet357
[

Director of all the scribes358 Royal chancellor359 Judge360 < > Viceroy361 Sole companion362 Royal scribe363 The fan-bearer on the right hand of the king364 2. Military Titles

354 355

Gardiner 1952, 88, 105, 141, 404, 500; Quirke 1986, 118; see p. 14. Al-Ayedi, Titles of the New Kingdom, 231. 356 Ibid, 325. 357 See p. 56 above. 358 Ward 1982, 161; Chevereau 1994, 60. 359 Hassan 1953, 49. 360 Ward 1982, 170; Leprohon 1993, 427 no. 53. 361 Gardiner 1952, 13, 16, 17, 100, 123, 166, 219, 220, 513; P. M. Chevereau, Prosopographie des Cadres Militaires Egyptiens du Nouvel Empire (Antony, 1994), 20. 362 Ward 1982, 145; Chevereau 1994, 61. 363 Ward 1982, 151; Leprohon 1993, 425 no. 10; Chevereau 1994, 58. 364 Ward 1982, 161; Chevereau 1994, 60. 134

General365 , Overseer of the fortress366 Overseer of the fortress of the land of Wawat367 Commander of the fortress of Tharu368 Overseer of the horses369 The lientenant-commander of the army370 The lieutenant-commander of the chariotry371 The lieutenant-commander of the chariotry of his majesty372 Commander of the troops Tharu373 The commander of 50374 Chief of police375 of

365 366

Habachi 1961, 222. Ward 1982, 29; Quirke 1986, 122; Leprohon 1993, 431 no. 120; Al-Ayedi, Titles of the New Kingdom, 107. 367 Ibid. 368 Schulman 1964, 45-46; Al-Ayedi, Titles of the New Kingdom, 108. 369 Ibid, 114. 370 Schulman 1964, 46-47. 371 Chevereau 1994, 84. 372 Chevereau, 1994, 84. 373 Schulman 1964, 53; Chevereau, 1994, 85. 374 Schulman 1964, 133. 375 Gardiner 1952, 296, 305 and 369. 135

Garrison captain376 Commander of the troops and mayor of Tharu377 An officer378

Retainer of the castle of Merenptah hotep-her- maat 379 Chief charioteer of his majesty380 The standard bearer381 3. Religious Titles Iwn-Knm.wt Priest382 Chief priest of all gods383 High priest of Horus, lord of Mesen384 High priest of Seth385 Lector priest of Wadjet386
376 377

Ibid, 50-51. Al-Ayedi, Titles of the New Kingdom, 325. 378 Ibid, 582. 379 Pap. Anastasi III, vs. 5,1, see Gardiner 1937, 31. 380 Chevereau, 1994, 178. 381 Chevereau, 1994, 8116. 382 Ward 1982, 8. 383 Al-Ayedi, Titles of the New Kingdom, 86. 384 Ibid. 385 Ibid, 360. 386 Ibid. 136

The titles listed above are all related to the sources regarding the Ways of Horus and, as we have seen, they relate to the various spheres of significance in this area. The discussion here will focus upon the administrative, military and religious titles. Turning first to the administrative titles, it can be noted that the titles give a good sense of the organization of certain important administrative areas. One critical group of titles relates to supervision of the desert and surroundings (e.g. the district chief of the desert, overseer of the desert and overseer of the desert lands). One official who bore a number of such titles, @kni$nmw, also was "overseer of the Ways of Horus", a title not found after the Old Kingdom. Another type of titles focuses on the provisioning aspect of the Ways of Horus (e.g. "overseer of the storehouse at the Ways of Horus" and "director of the storehouse"), which the archaeological remains also indicate to have been an important function of the fortresses in the area. A third type of titles focuses on the supervisions of the waterways in the area (e.g. "overseer of the canal"). It is undeniable that this must have been a significant appointment, both from a strategic and economic perspective. Indeed, the prestige of the titles is perhaps most evident from the fact that this title was borne- along with the title of "commander of Tharu"- by Seti I and Ramesses II prior to assuming the kingship. The administrative titles also include a subgroup of titles relating to general government representatives. Amongst these are those titles dealing with envoys (e.g. "the royal messenger in all foreign lands"), one of which was held by the mayor of Tharu, Neby, and the troop-captain of Tharu, Huy. Papyrus Anastasi III, "extract from a journal of a border official", suggests that the movements of envoys and other traveling officials beyond the border were carefully recorded.
137

The title "steward of the Harem of the royal wife" was held by Neby, the mayor of Tharu, in the time of Tuthmosis III. This is interesting; because it appears that there may have been a harem at Tharu. Other titles relating to the palace include "magnate in the palace", "king's acquaintance" and "the fan-bearer on the right hand of the king". A number of professions of special importance to the area are highlighted in the titles. These include "overseer of hunters", "overseer of goldsmiths", " royal scribe ", "director of all scribes", "chief vintner" and "chief of vineyard". The latter two titles were found stamped on jar sealings and must have been particulary important in view of Tharu's reputation as a wine-producing region. A number of administrative titles are borne by individuals who also carry military honours. Military titles include: "overseer of the army", "chief of the police", "troop-captain of Tharu", "overseer of the fortress of the land of Wawat" and "overseer of the fortress". The afore-mentioned Neby had many civilian and military titles, including all of those just mentioned, as well as "prince and mayor", "an important man in his office", "overseer of the canal" and "mayor of Tharu". Three individuals (Menna, Seti and Huy) bore titles relating to the supervision of the chariotry horses, as well as "commander of the troops of Tharu", "mayor of Tharu" etc. The importance of the chariotry is apparent from the fact that it was supervised by the highest military officials. The archaeological discoveries at Haboua I also support the presence of horses in the fortresses. The religious titles associated with the region are not suprising in nature. Naturally, Horus, the chief god of the nome, worshipped at Mesen, features. However, other gods and goddesses such as Amun and Wadjet are also found. Again, this is not surprising for the religious structure in ancient Egypt. Most noteworthy, perhaps, is the title aHA wr, which is the highest priestly title of the nome.
138

In conclusion, the titles listed above provide some interesting glimpses into the positions held and the significance thereof on the Ways of Horus, from a military, administrative and religious perspective. In addition, as discussed, the juxtaposition of certain titles on the monument of one individual can be equally revealing, suggesting important roles in various spheres of life in North Sinai at this time.

139

VIII. CONCLUSION The beginning of the New Kingdom opened a new chapter in the history of Egypt. In particular, the coastal strip of North Sinai became the major land bridge between Egypt and Asia, over which military expeditions were dispatched and trade caravans flowed. In this area, a network of fortresses, roadstations, and supply and customs centres were established along the Ways of Horus in response to the requirements of the increasing traffic. The body of research conducted in North Sinai includes many sites dating to various periods of Egyptian history. These sites attest to the role of North Sinai as an industrial, commercial and military centre, particularly from the New Kingdom to the early Islamic period. The surveys and excavations in North Sinai have revealed many New Kingdom sites, including fortresses, roadstations and settlements. This evidence demonstrates the wellorganized system of defence established to facilitate and secure the principal route of communication to Asia. Accordingly, that enabled the accurate delineation of the course of the Ways of Horus, particularly from el-Kantarah to el-Kharuba. As we have seen, probably the main source for the study of the Ways of Horus, is the Seti I reliefs at Karnak. These reliefs provide evidence of twenty stations, eleven of which were fortresses of varying sizes and plans. Some of these fortresses are very small and have corner towers, while others are shown as considerably larger - in some cases even two-storey and much more complex in plan. This source has engendered much scholarly debate regarding its reliability. Some scholars have taken the position that the representation of the fortresses was dictated by artistic considerations, such as the space available on the walls after completion of the main tableaux or the desire to create a varied and interesting composition, rather than realistic observation of the fortresses. However, the author believes that such differences in the size of fortresses are determined by two major factors: first, the location of the fortress; and second, the size of the garrison stationed at the fortress. Indeed, the fortresses at the Egyptian and Palestinian terminal points of the Ways of Horus -- namely Haboua I, Haboua II
140

and Raphia -- are larger than those fortresses interspersed between these two points (such, as for example, Bir el-Abd and el-Kharuba). The fortress of Haboua I is the largest, because it functioned as the starting point and a preparatory and supply station for the assembling troops, while also protecting the waterway. Similarly, Haboua II, located nearby to the east of Haboua I, was a sizeable fortress, because of its function as the actual first fortress on the desert road and as an administrative and supply station. Together, Haboua I and Haboua II functioned as a security-lock against all eastern threats to stability in ancient Egypt. Similarly, Raphia was of considerable size, because it served the same security purpose in the vanguard at the Canaanite terminal. On the other hand, those fortresses interspersed along the Ways of Horus were smaller in size, because their function was merely as a fortified roadstation for the accommodation of troops traveling along the road. It is interesting to note that in addition to the varied representations of fortresses in Egyptian art, the terminology also displayed considerable variation. It appears that these distinctions were intentional. Although there are many words for fortress in the Egyptian language -- including xtm, bxn, nxtw, mktr, sgr, mnw, mnnw and at -- specific words were chosen for specific fortresses. For example, the word xtm means seal or storehouse, but with the pr-determinative also means fortress. This term was always used for the fortress of Tharu (p3 xtm n *3rw). The author believes that the use of xtm was deliberate in this context, probably referring to the stamping or sealing of travel documents or permits, the sealing of items in the storehouses and granaries -- as mentioned for example in Papyrus Anastasi I -- or the sealing of the passage to Egypt at the mouth of the Ways of Horus. The fortresses of the Ways of Horus are referred to by many different terms. The term mktr, migdol, meaning stronghold, fortification or tower, is always used for the third station on the Ways of Horus (mktr n Mn-mAat-Ra). The word bxn, castle, is used for the fifth station (bxn n Mn-mAat-Ra). Interestingly, the word nxt, stronghold is used as a second name for the fifth ( nxtw n Mn-mAatRa) and ninth stations (nxtw n Mn-mAat-Re). The word dmi, town
141

or field, is used to designate two of the fortresses: the sixth station (dmi Qd.n Hm.f m m3wt) and the ninth station (dmi kd.n Hm.f m m3wt Xnm(t) @r-b3ti)387. It is noteworthy that the latter two stations are identified as towns newly built by his majesty. There are two possible explanations for this name, in the authors opinion: either the stations were first built during the time of Seti I or the stations were rebuilt during his reign. Archaeological work is required at these two sites to determine which is the correct explanation. As discussed, various terms were used to designate the fortresses. In addition to those terms identified above, the remainders were named after their associated wells. It is noteworthy that the wells depicted in the Karnak reliefs vary in size and shape. Archaeologically, the importance of certain fortresses is also apparent in other regards. For example, at the New Kingdom fortress of Haboua I, the internal complexity and variety of structures attest to the important role of this site. As discussed above, this is one of the factors leading the author to identify Haboua I as ancient Tharu. Another important factor is the location of Haboua II along the water opposite Haboua I, as also illustrated in the Karnak reliefs. This fortress has been identified herein as the Dwelling of the Lion. Among the eleven fortresses represented in the Karnak reliefs, only four fortresses dating to the New Kingdom have been discovered to date, namely Haboua I, Haboua II, Bir el-Abd and el-Kharuba. As noted, the size of the fortresses varies. In addition, the fortresses differ in their layout. Notwithstanding these differences, all New Kingdom fortresses showed certain common elements, including the existence of administrative buildings, granaries, magazines. The discovery of administrative complexes within the military framework provides a broader understanding of the gubernatorial role in North Sinai in the New Kingdom. Indeed, the administrative arm of the
387

In the authors opinion, the name @r-b3ti may refer to Hor-Ptah. 142

ancient Egyptian government appears to have been closely linked to the military, controlling such matters as commerce, tax and dutycollection, provisioning of soldiers and other logistics associated with campaigning armies. Granaries in fortified cities were considered a strategic supply of grain rations. The supply stations on the Ways of Horus played a great role in serving and supplying the military expeditions marching along the road. The importance of such stations is mentioned in the ancient sources and mirrored in the archaeological evidence. An in-depth study of the large quantity of silos and magazines discovered - along with many other remains at the New Kingdom fortresses would shed much light on the strategic importance of these sites and the military role they must have played during this period.388 Very few sites from the Saite period were investigated during the North Sinai survey conducted by Oren. 389 The largest settlement from this period was Kedwa, 1 km north of Tell el-Herr. This settlement was represented by a massive fortress, containing buildings and installations within its enclosure walls. The materials discovered at Kedwa suggest the 6 th century B.C. as the occupation date; the fortress was apparently destroyed by fire in 525 B.C. as a direct result of the Persian invasion of Egypt. Many scholars have identified Tell el-Herr as the site of Migdol, known from texts as early as the New Kingdom. However, the author believes that Kedwa is actually the best candidate for identification as Migdol, since the last occupation of Kedwa dates to the late Saite period, while at Tell el-Herr nothing earlier than Persian remains have been found. Indeed, it is possible that Tell el-Herr was constructed to replace the fortress of Kedwa following its destruction. Further archaeological work is required to confirm this position.
388 389

A.R. Al-Ayedi, The Archaeology of North Sinai, (forthcoming). Oren 1993, 1386-1396. 143

In the Persian period, the course of the Ways of Horus was changed to follow the Mediterranean coastline more closely. As a result of this road, new settlements, fortresses and fishing villages were founded on the coast. These new settlements were to form the nuclei of established centres well into the Hellenistic period. The expedition of Ben Gurion University investigated some 200 sites from the Persian period between the Suez Canal and Gaza, ranging from settlements390, fortresses and seasonal encampments to cemeteries. However, only one fortress dating to the Persian period is known to remain on the Ways of Horus. This fortress is located at Tell el-Herr.391 In the Graeco-Roman period, the course of the road moved to the south of the original location. Many new fortified cities were established for topographic and strategic reasons, such as Tell Abu-Seifa (the Roman Sile), Tell el-Herr, Tell el-Farama. These sites form an arc, following the curve of the south-eastern bank of the ancient Pelusiac Nile branch. This arc was situated in the land between the northern and southern lagoons. This spit formed a possible road of access into Egypt and was therefore blocked by the various newly-constructed fortified settlements. As discussed above, excavations have shown that the identification of Tell AbuSeifa as Tharu is incorrect; rather, Tell Abu-Seifa is the site of the Roman city Sile.392 In conclusion, this study has focused on the Ways of Horus from a textual perspective. Indeed, the author has provided new theories on the names and identifications of the various stations. Based on the textual and archaeological evidence, the following identifications are now proposed:
390

E. Oren, Le Nord-Sinai lpouque Perse Perspective Archologiques in Le Sinai Durant Lantiquit et Le Moyen Age. 4000 ans dHistoire pour un desert ., D. Valbelle, ed. (Paris, 1997). 391 E. Louis et Valbelle D. Les Trois Dernires Forteresses de Tell el-Herre, CRIPEL 10 (1988), 61-71. 392 Al-Ayedi 2000, 116-18. 144

Karnak Reliefs PA xtm n *Arw

Papyrus Anastasi I

Modern Site

PA xtm n WAt @r Ha bo ua I

TA at pA mAi PA mktr n Mn-mAat-ra

TA at pA n Ssy @Tyn

Haboua II

Ke dw a WADyt n Sti Mri-n-PtH WADyt Ssy Telle Lul i (?) bxn n Mn-mAat-ra dmi Qd n Hm.f mAwt PAy.f nxn ib-s-Qb
145

? ?

tA Xnmt Sti Mri-n-PtH tA Xnmt Mn-mAat-ra nxtw Arish (?) dmi Qd.n Hm.f m mAwt

s-b-iry aynn

Bir el-Abd el-

? Hw-r-bA-ti el-Kharuba

m tA Xnmt Hw-r-bA-ti nA xA sw n pA sr dmi n R-pH R-pH xAs

Kharuba ? Raphia

Although the analysis presented here represents the most current research according to the data available, large-scale excavations are recommended to expand and enrich our understanding of this most important of military features in ancient Egypt.

146

IX.

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