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Εditor’s Νote ................................................................................... ix Ιntroduction ..................................................................................... xi SEVERAN HISTORY AND LITERATURE ...................................1 The Parthian Campaigns of Septimius Severus: Causes, and Roles in Dynastic Legitimation ...............................................................3 Mark K. Gradoni “Unitas ex Africa: Was Tertullian the Origo of Imperial Unification?” ........................................................25 E.T. Walters URBAN TRANSFORMATIONS DURING THE SEVERAN PERIOD......................................67 La Gallia Mosellana nell’età dei Severi: il caso del Vicus di Bliesbruck ................................................69 Jean-Paul Petit Sara Santoro Water Works and Monuments in Gaul in the Severan Age: Some Considerations...............................................................95 Alice Dazzi More Water for Rome: Nothing New in the Eternal City? Water-Related Monuments as Part of the Severan Building Program ..........................................117 Jens Koehler A Note on the Architectural Decoration of the Severan Period in Pamphylia and Cilicia ....................151 Müjde Türkmen-Peker v



L’Attività edilizia a destinazione pubblica fra i Severi e i Soldatenkaiser: continuità e trasformazioni .....................173 Simone Rambaldi Il tempio di Serapide sul Quirinale: note di archeologia e topografia tra Antichità e Medioevo. ..207 Ottavio Bucarelli Alcune osservazioni sulla Sicilia durante il periodo dei Severi ....227 Giancarlo Germanà Vestigia architettoniche del periodo di Settimio Severo in Tunisia ..............................................................................255 Paola Puppo ASPECTS OF SOCIETY AND ECONOMY DURING THE SEVERAN PERIOD....................................285 The Origo of the Thracian Praetorians in the Time of Severans ...287 Ivo Topalilov Un riempimento fognario di età Severiana dalle cosiddette “Terme di Elagabalo” a Roma ..............................................301 Edoardo Radaelli La ceramica ad ingobbiatura nera di Treviri – una merce costosa in Pannonia durante l’epoca Severiana ...341 Eszter Harsányi Baetican Oil and Septimius Severus .............................................361 Lúcia Afonso Economic Growth in the Early and Middle Imperial Periods, Pre-200 AD: an Economic Approach from a Peripheral Hispanic Province, Lusitania ...................377 José Carlos Quaresma Economy and Trade of Sicily During Severan Period: Highlights Between Archaeology and History......................415 Daniele Malfitana – Carmela Franco – Annarita Di Mauro Thematic Maps By G. Fragalà



SEVERAN ART AND IDEOLOGY ............................................463 Between Tradition and Innovation – the Visual Representation of Severan Emperors ...................465 Florian Leitmeir Ideological Messages and Local Preferences: the Imagery of the Severan Arch at Lepcis Magna ...............493 Stephan Faust Elagabalo invictus sacerdos: l’imperatore fanciullo e la centralizzazione del sacro attraverso lo specchio delle monete .......................................................515 Andrea Gariboldi The Arch of Septimius Severus in the Roman Forum: a Re-Consideration................................................................541 Maria Lloyd

Ivo Topalilov
(Shumen University, Bulgaria)1

When Septimius Severus entered Rome in 193 AD he disbanded the praetorians and replaced them with soldiers of the legions which had raised him as an emperor. These soldiers were of provincial origin which changed radically the composition of the Guard; the old mostly Italian guards were replaced by mostly Thracians, Panonians, Norici, Moesians etc. who first served in the frontier legions and then transferred to Rome (for the transfer, see Kennedy 1978, 288–296). This is the so-called ‘reform’ of Septimius Severus of the Praetorian Guard (Passerini 1939, 171– 180; Durry 1968, 247–249). The change is reflected not only in the impression left by the new praetorians on the local population, vividly described by Cassius Dio, but also on the way of recording the new recruits. Some of the questions have already been discussed, mainly the replacement of the tribe with the pseudo-tribe as well as the effect of constitutio Antoniniana on the soldiers’ names (Benefiel 2001, 222–229). The new situation, however, impacted also on the way of presenting the origo of the new praetorians. In many instances, the 4–7 letter abbreviations used to indicate a recruit’s origo are ambiguous and could refer to more than
My sincere thanks go to Dr. Adam Kemezis for the language corrections and useful comments on the draft of the paper.




one city. These examples are numerous, and one could not ignore such cases like Hadrianopolis (Thrace)/Hadrumentum (Afr.), Augusta Traiana (Thrace)/Traianopolis (Thrace), Philippopolis (Thrace) /Philippis (Macedonia), Beroe (Thrace)/ Beroe (Macedonia) etc. The lack of any specific study on deciphering the abbreviations of the laterculi had let some scholars to conclusions not supported by the inscriptions and other data we posses. Thus, according to a military diploma of in March, 1st, a. 152 a certain P. Aelius P. f. Vol. Pacatus was honourably discharged from the Praetorian Guard. His origin was initially written as {Marcia(nopoli)}, but corrected to Philipp. The publisher of the diploma is inclined to expand this abbreviation as Philipp(opolis) (Pferdehird 2004, 97–99, n. 33, fig. 60–62). If so, this means that it was a long time before 193 AD that the Thracians were recruited for the Guard (Pferdehird 2004, 99, n. 6). The problem of this interpretation arises when studying the epigraphic material found in Philippopolis, Thrace. Of some 1200 epigraphic monuments of Philippopolis and its territory, not more than 10 are in Latin, the rest are in Greek. The common way of obtaining Roman names and citizenship in second century in Thrace was by a military career, which did not involve membership in the emperor’s tribe especially after Hadrian’s reign and consequently the pseudo-tribes appeared and the veterans, mostly praetorians from the end of second century were assigned to them. The only tribe to which the Thracians were assigned, and most probably the elite of Thrace, was that of Quirina, the tribe of Vespasian in whose reign they were granted Roman citizenship. The auxiliary Thracian veterans themselves were not enrolled into the Emperor’s tribe afterward as revealed by the military diplomas. This is why the Thracian praetorians had to use pseudo-tribes in laterculi praetorianorum when discharged. Thus, it is quite unlikely that P. Aelius P. f. Vol(tinia) Pacatus originated from Philippopolis, Thrace. It, however, fits well with other possibility – the Roman colony of Philippis, Macedonia. According to Dio κáèåóôçκόôος Vκ ôå ô\ς єôáлЯáς κáp ô\ς єâçñЯáς ô\ò ôå ĚáκåäοíЯáς κáp ôο‡ Нщñйκο‡ мόíοí ôο†ς óщмáôοцэлáκáς åxíáй (LXXV 2, 4) which is proved by the epigraphic monuments of the second century (Passerini 1939) On the other hand, the epigraphic monuments found in the colony suggest that many members of the tribe of Vol(tinia) were settled there, and not in Philippopolis where none have been attested so far (see for instance Philippi 45; 59; 492; 493; 712 etc.). This was noticed as early as 1863 by C. Grotefend (Grotefend 1863, 139), followed by Kubitschek (Kubitschek 1889, 243–244). So, having in mind the epi-



graphic monuments found in Philippis and Philippopolis, the written sources, the specific of the Roman onomastics and citizenship in Macedonia and Thrace in the middle of second century, it is more likely that P. Aelius P. f. Vol. Pacatus originated from Philippis, Macedonia, instead of Philippopolis, Thrace, as proposed in the bibliography. This is just one simple example how the name of two cities very close each other might confuse modern scholars since the ‘Philip’ cited in the diploma could be interpreted as Philipp(opolis) or Philipp(is) accordingly. And this is not the only one. Similar confusing was made by C. Ricci when studying the Thracians in Rome. Thus, in CIL VI, 32 515 [---]s Scalvinus Philip is cited (b, 32). According to Ricci, the case here is about a praetorian from Philippopolis (Ricci 1993, 176, n. 3) while A. Passerini and G. G. Mateescu are inclined to think that the soldier originated from Philippis (Mateescu 1923, 91; Passerini 1939, 158). This is not the only discrepancy. The same is the case with sp(eculator) P(ublius) Valerius Rufus Philipp from CIL VI, 32 520 (Mateescu 1923, 95; Passerini 1939, 158; Ricci 1993, 176, n. 4), the praetorian P. Aelius Valerianus Phil of 126 AD (CIL VI 32 516, 8)(Mateescu, 1923, 94; Passerini 1939, 158; Ricci 1993, 194), the praetorian [---]nicius Q. f. Vol. Maximus Philip of c. 136 AD (CIL VI, 32 518 a)(Mateescu 1923, 95; Passerini 1939, 158; Ricci 1993, 197) etc. (see for instance CIL VI, 3559). More interesting is the case with M. Aur(elius) M(arci) f(ilius) Fl(avia) Bassus Philip of CIL VI, 32 624, b 3 which A. Passerini, G.G. Mateescu and G. Forni without hesitation interpreted as Philip(popoli) (Mateescu 1923, 109, n. 2; Passerini 1939, 177; Forni 1985, 80), but this example is missing in Ricci’s list (Ricci 1993, 177). The problem here arises since the next veterans mentioned in this column: M. Aur(elius) M. f. Iul(ia) Cottus Philip (b, 4), M. Aur(elius) M. f. Iul(ia) Fuscus Philip (b, 5), M. Aur(elius) M. f. Iul(ia) Aprilis Philip (b, 20), [---] M. f. Iul(ia) Larcus Philip (b, 23) and [---] Corbulo Philip (b, 24) were all identified as originating from the Roman colony of Philippis (Mateescu 1923, 119, n. 4; Passerini 1939, 178). In this very inscription, however, the veterans from the Thracian city are cited with Trimon(tio) (CIL VI, 32 624, a, 8– 9)(Mateescu 1923, 96–97; Passerini 1939, 177; Forni 1985, 79) or Trumi(ntio) origo (c, 3). So, it remains unclear why M. Aur(elius) M(arci) f(ilius) Fl(avia) Bassus Philip should have originated from Philippopolis which was presented in this inscription as Trimon(tium) and how the distinction was made with Philip cited as origo in all the examples here. The presence of pseudo-tribe of Fl(avia) instead of the ordinary Iul(ia) is not a



crucial point considering the pseudo-tribe specifics. Similar is the case in which Ulpia Scupis is used (CIL VI, 37 184, c, 11) instead of the formal colonia Flavia Scupinorum (see ILJug. III, 1380). On the other hand, in some studies these praetorians were assigned to Philippopolis and this is regarded as explicit evidence of organized settling of veterans in Philippopolis or of the urbanization carried out by the last Thracian kings during the time of Julian-Claudian dynasty (Gerov 1980, p. 40, n. 3). This confusion seems to be, however, quite out of place for the Roman army where nothing is by chance and the records as revealed by the modern studies were made in a very strict order without any doubt (see for instance Echols, 1955–1956, 119–120). So, in order to escape such confusion and misunderstanding, an attempt will be made in this article to find or at least to propose a kind of solution to that kind of problems and try to show how the Roman authorities also coped with those problems. The cases under discussion here will be Philippopolis (Thrace)/ Philippis (Macedonia), Augusta Traiana (Thrace)/Traianopolis (Thrace) and Beroia (Thrace)/Beroia (Macedonia).

Before starting the study it should be mentioned that Philippopolis is one of the cities in Thrace which had two names – Greek and Roman. Tacitus’s note “Oppidum sub Rhodope Poneropolis antea, mox a conditore Philippopolis, nunc a situ Trimontium dictum” (Plin. NH, IV, 11, 41) and „Φιλιππόπολις ή και Τριμόντιον” in Claudius Ptolemaeus’s Geographia (III, 11, 12) show clearly the case. Consequently, it is not surprisingly that the origo of many Philippopolitans – praetorians, soldiers, and citizens in Rome and the provinces in the inscriptions is Trimontium, full or in abbreviations. Thus, in CIL VI, 37 184 one finds M. Aurel. M. f. Ulp.Bubalus Tr[---] (b 20), M. Aurel. M. f. Ulp.Dubitatus Trim (b, 21) and M. Aurel. M. f. Ulp. Petronius Trim (b, 24). Undoubtedly, Trim here should be interpreted as Trim(ontio) as shown by C. Ricci (Ricci 1993, 176). The same is the case with CIL VI, 32 624 where [---]l Montan(us) Trimon (a, 8) and [---]l Maupus Trimon (a, 9) are attested and which were also recognized as of Trimontium origin (Mateescu 1923, 96–97; Passerini 1939, 177; Forni 1985, 79). In fact, all abbreviations of this kind such as IRIMU (CIL IV, 32 624, c, 3 – Trimu ?), Trim in [---] Aurel. M. f. Qui Orestes Trim (CIL VI, 43 640, 7), natus Tremontiae (CIL VI, 2566)



were accepted as being a part of the name Trimontium (Passerini 1939, 177; Forni 1985, 84, 95–96; Ricci 1993, 176). The same is the case with T. Ael. Dizo Trim, [---] Ael. Victor Trim and M. Aur. Dines Trim found in a laterculus set up in Viminacium in 195 AD (CIL III, 14507). In these inscriptions the tribe of Quirina or the pseudo-tribe of Ulpia was added, if any, to the nomenclature of the veterans. The cases with the Greek name of the city ‘Philippopolis’ are more numerous, even in Rome. Thus, we know of the funeral stela of Firminius Valens where he is natus in prov(incia) Thracia civit(ate) Philippopol(i) (CIL VI 2954= ILS 2137). The full presentation of the city’s name is to be found in the stela of Aur(elius) Bithus, natione T(h)rax cives Filo(po)pulitanus (CIL VI, 2601=ILS 2055); T. Aurelius Mestrius, cives Philip(p)opolitanus (CIL VI, 32 635); Aur. Mucianus, reg. Philippopoli[ta]ne (CIL VI, 30 685); Val. Sarmatius, civis Filopopuletanus (CIL VI, 2785) and others. Similarly, from Lugudunensis the funeral stela of L(ucius) Sept(imius) Mucianus, veteran of legion XXX Ulpia Victrix P(ius) F(idelis), who was domo Philippopoli (CIL XIII, 1891), is known. In the laterculi, the city is presented as Filippopo (CIL VI, 32 536), in CIL VI, 32 563- Filopopoli, in CIL VI, 32 635- Philopopolita, in CIL VI, 32 629- Philop. As one might observe, in these cases the identification of the city as Philippopolis is undisputable (Passerini 1939, 177; Ricci 1993, 176). The study is summarized in table 1, the date after M. Clauss (Clauss 1973, 55–95) and R. Benefiel’ studies (Benefiel 2001, 221–224). A few comments should be made on this. First, it is quite clear that the Thracians from Philippopolis present before 214/215 AD only appear with the Trimontium origo in the laterculi. That name was also preferred in the private inscriptions from that period. The origin of the persons who set up those inscriptions is, however, unclear. Second, it seems that in 214/ 215 AD a change occurred and Philippopolis is cited as origo of the Thracians in both official and private inscriptions instead of Trimontium. In fact after 214/215 the Roman name Trimontium was no longer in use, and only Philippopolis remained. The line between the uses of both of the names, which is date 214/ 215 AD, is very clearly observed.



Table. 1. Trimontium-Philippopolis in the praetorian inscriptions in Rome
citation CIL VI 37 184 date 204г. type laterculus praetorian M. Aurel. M. F. VLP.Bubalus M. Aurel. M. F. VLP. Dubitatus M. Aurel. M. F. VLP. Petronius CIL VI 32 640 CIL VI 2566 209 209 laterculus funeral Aur. M. F. Qui. Orestes Aurel. Mucianus L. Maupus L. Montanus CIL VI 32 624 214– 215 laterculus laterculus laterculus laterculus laterculus dedication T. FL.T.F.Qvi. Antiochus […]hus Aur. Diogen(es) […] Aur. Marcianus […]F.FL. Appolodorus T. Aurelius Mestrius origo Tri[m(ontio)] Trim(ontio) Trim(ontio) Trim(ontio) Tremontio (sic) Trimon(tio) Trimon(tio) [T]r(i)mu(ntio) Philippopol(is) Filopopolis (sic) Philop(popoli) (sic) Phil(ippopoli)? cives Philippopolitanus civis Philop(p)opolitanus (sic)

CIL VI 32 Severi 536 CIL VI 32 563 CIL VI 32 629 CIL VI 32 625 CIL VI 32 543 211– 217 214– 225 214– 225 227

CIL VI 32 Severi dedication 635

THE ORIGO OF THE THRACIAN PRAETORIANS citation date type praetorian […] dedication funeral funeral funeral Aur. Mucianus Aur. Bitus Val. Sarmatius Firminius Valens origo


CIL VI 32 Severi 909 CIL VI 30 685 CIL VI 26 01 CIL VI 2785 CIL VI 2954 241 III c. III c. III c.

Philopo(poli) (sic) reg. Philippopoli[ta]nae civis Filopopulitanus (sic) civis Filopopulеtanus (sic) civit. Philippopol.

These cases should undoubtedly be attributed to the Thracian city. In some of the laterculi, however, dated till Septimius Severus’s reign, the origo of a certain number of praetorians is reveled simply as Philipp and this raises questions. One such example is P. Valerius Rufus Philipp mentioned in an inscription of 144 AD. (CIL VI, 32 520) and whose origin is believed to be from Philippopolis (Ricci 1993, p. 197), or from Philippi (Passerini, 1938, 158; Durry 1968, 246–247; Fol 1968, p. 205, № 108). And this is not a lone example. According to C. Ricci P. Aelius Valerianus, Phi[lip] (CIL VI, 32 516, 18), P. Valerius Rufus Philip (CIL VI, 32 520, a, III, 10), and [---]nicius Q. f. Vol. Maximus, Philip were from Philippopolis (Ricci 1993, 194, 197). These veterans, however, were assigned to Philippis by A. Passerini and G. G. Mateescu (Mateescu 1923, 91, 94 95; Passerini 1939, 158) as mentioned above which shows that no rule is established among the scholars for such cases. With an exception which is that of M. Aur(elius) M(arci) f(ilius) Fl(avia) Bassus Philip where Philip was developed as Philip(popolis), discussed above, A. Passerini usually developed Philip as Philip(pis). Thus, in CIL VI, 32 518 is mentioned a certain [---]nicius Q. f. Vol. Apronianus Philip (a, 3) of 136 AD, in CIL VI, 32 520 the aforementioned P. Valerius Rufus Philipp (a, III, 10) or [---]s Scalvinus Philip of CIL 32 515 (b, 32)(Passerini 1939, 158). The assumption made by C. Ricci for [---]nicius Q. f. Vol. Maximus Philip and P. Valerius Rufus Philipp finds no proof in the onomastic material and its specifics in Thrace, whether epigraphic inscriptions or military diplomas. And this confusion is not by chance since the Roman colony Philippi is usually presented as c(oloniae) Philippensium, col(oniae)



Iul(iae) Philippens(is), but also as Philippis, Phil(ippis), col(oniae) Philipp(is), Philipp(is), Philipp(iensis), Phil(ippensium), P(hilippensium), P(h)il/ip(p)is etc. Outside Macedonia the colony is presented as Philip(pis), Philippis, Philipp(iensis). In the military diplomas the colony is inscribed as Philipp(iensis), Philippie(n)sis (CIL XVI, 12) or Philippiensis as origin of the witnesses (CIL XVI, 10), which contradicts the Thracian examples where Philippopolis is always presented in its full form. The examples are numerous: M. Aurelius M. f. Ulp(ia) Potentius Philippopolis (CIL XVI, 189), Philippopol(i) ex Thrac(ia) (RMD II, # 105; RMD IV, # 277) etc. These observations, from the onomastcics an the written sources, and especially Cassius Dio, who clearly states that the praetorians of second century originated from Italy, Spain, Noricum and Macedonia (LXXV 2,4), let me to follow A. Passerini’s assumption that the abbreviation Philip or Philipp in the laterculi should be a mark for soldiers originating from Philippis in Macedonia. Thus, the Thracian city of Philippopolis was presented in a more developed way so not to be confused with the colony in Macedonia.

A similar situation exists for Augusta Traiana/ Traianopolis. Here, the identification problem arises from the very beginning with the local coinage of Augusta Traiana where the city is presented on the reverse as ἡ Τραιανέων πόλις. The problem with the identification of the coinage has already been solved, but some confusion about the inscriptions still remains. It is probably for this reason that A. Passerni and G. Forni ignored any other evidence and accepted that the Thracian city was always present with its local name, but not Augusta Traiana (Beroea) (Passerini 1939, 177; Forni 1985, 75, 92–93). And henceforth comes the second problem of correct identification of Beroe(a), mentioned in the laterculi – was it the Macedonian or Thracian city? The name of Augusta Traiana is found in the official military records including the military diplomas. A diploma of Jan. 1 237 AD was issued for M. Aurelius Suri fil. Valent whose origin is mentioned as Aug (usta) Traiana ex Thracia (Roxan 1994, 332–333, # 198). The same is the case with the praetorian M. Aurelius M. f. Aug(usta) Posidonius Trajana of Jan., 7, 231 AD (Roxan 2003, 593–596, # 315). This name is to be found also among the funeral stelai such as the stela set up for Mucatralis



Auluzenis, militis leg. III Aug. who was natione Thrace(!), natus in civitate Augusta Traiane(n)sie(!)(CIL VIII, 3198). It is for these reasons that we should expect Augusta Traiana to be used in the laterculi, especially having in mind the fact that Thrace was regarded as reservoir for soldiers. In the some inscriptions the origo of the praetorians is cited by the abbreviation Trai (CIL VI, 32 627), Tra (CIL VI, 32 628), Traipo (CIL VI, 32 624, b, 25), Troian (sic)( CIL VI, 32 624, d, 30), Traip (CIL VI, 32 640), Traian (CIL VI, 2385=32 533, 32 536). This could be interpreted as Traiano(poli)( Passerini 1939, 177; Ricci, 1993, 176–177) or Augusta Traiana (Forni 1985, 135). There is no doubt that Traipo in CIL VI, 32 624, b, 25 and Traip in CIL VI, 32 640 should be interpreted as Traianopolis (see for instance Mateescu 1923, 122, n. 1; 126, n. 11; 127). In the rest of the cases, however, the identification is not so certain. Here, the pseudo-tribe used in the nomenclature of the praetorians gives us a clue. Caesarea Germanicia is presented in CIL VI, 32 624 as M. Aur. M. f. Cae. Paladus Germanicia (d, 10)(Forni 1985, 137). As is well known the pseudo-tribes were in most cases part of the city-name, and it is not surprising to have other example such as that of Caesarea Germanicia. Aug(usta) is a pseudo-tribe and also a part of the city-name. It is therefore reasonable to suggest that the praetorians with pseudo-tribe Aug(usta) and Trai as origo actually derived from the Thracian city Augusta Traiana (see Mateescu 1923, 118, 122, n. 1; Forni 1985, 135). The examples under discussion are as follows: M. Aur. M. f. AVG. Avitus Troian (sic)(CIL VI, 32 624, d, 30), [---] Aurel. M. f. AVG Seneca Trai and [---] Aurel. M. f. AVG. Aquila Trai (CIL VI, 32 640, 2, 6), and M. Aurel. M. f. AVG. Marcianus Tra (CIL VI, 32 628, 16). It is worthwhile to note that for our case that in CIL VI 32 640 in order to escape misunderstanding, the origo of the praetorian [---] Aurel. M. F. Ulp. Ianuarius is cited differently as Traip (37). It is the same case with the other inscription CIL VI 32 624 where [---]arcus Traipo is cited (b, 25) contrary to Troian (sic) cited in the next column (d, 30). Here is also mentioned M. Aur. M. f. Ael. Afrodisiu(s) Tra[---], most probably from Traianopolis, Thrace (d, 32).

Cases with the correct identification of Beroe(a) are more problematic. A. Passerini did not even recognize veterans and soldiers from the Macedonian Beroe(a) and assigned all the Beroe(a) cases to the Thracian city



(Passerini 1939, 158, 177–178). It seems that G. Forni followed him (Forni 1985, 92–93). In this respect the case of [---A]elius T. f. Ulp. Nepos Bero(e)(Ferrua 1962, 124–125, fig. 4) of 170/171 AD. is significant. Scholars believe that this should be identified as the Thracian city (Passerni 1939, 177; Fol 1968, 205, № 113; Forni 1985, 92–93; Ricci 1993, 176–177), and if this is so, this conclusion contradicts that of Cassius Dio and the epigraphic monuments found in Rome showing that the Thracian praetorians entered the Guard only after 193 AD. Therefore, it is more plausible to assume that [---A]elius T. f. Ulp. Nepos Bero(e) was actually of Macedonian origin. There are several possible solutions to this problem. The easiest way is to assume that in all cases dated before 193 AD, a Thracian origin of a praetorian should be doubted and a Macedonian origin is much more likely. We still have Dio Cassius, mentioned above. In the other cases, we should refer to the onomastics as in the case above. It is quite clear that the Roman names used in the peregrine city in Thrace where were mostly used by Romanized Thracians and those used in the Macedonian Beroe(a) where Italian immigrants settled stand in sharp contrast. Thus, in CIL VI, 32 625 is mentioned a certain Aur(elius) Mucapor(us) d(omo) Beroe(a)(a, I, 9) who was of Thracian origin given his Thracian cognomen (on the cognomen – see Detschev 1957, 314–315). There is no doubt that in this case the Thracian city is meant. The opposite is the case of M. Aurel. M. f. Serg. Nasiabus Ber[---] mentioned in CIL VI, 37 184 (c, 9) and counted as Thracian (Passerini 1939, 177). There are two objections: the first is the use of the tribe of Sergia which is quite uncommon in Thrace and Augusta Traiana; and the second is the use of the Roman cognomen Nasiabus which is not found in Thrace. This cognomen, however, is found in the name of Lorenius Nasiabus in inscription found in Pompeii (Grattarolo 2000, 156; CIL IV, 4861) which fits well with the evidence of Italian immigrants settled in Macedonian Beroe(a) and who had non-imperial gentilicia, most of them unknown in other parts of Macedonia. According to F. Papazoglou the first negotiatores and their families settled in Beroe(a) in 1st c. BC to 1st c. AD (Papazoglou 1988, 146, n. 36). It is for these reasons that M. Aurel. M. f. Serg. Nasiabus Ber[---] mentioned in CIL VI, 37 184 (c, 9) was not of Thracian origin, but most likely a descendent of one of those immigrants that settled in Macedonian Beroe(a) from Pompeii in the 1st c. AD. Another group of veterans that might have belonged to the Macedonian city are those mentioned in CIL VI, 32 624 and CIL VI, 32 628. In



CIL VI, 32 624 one finds M. Aur. M. f. Ul(pia) Fabius Beroe(a) (b 6) and [---]s Beroia (b, 26) and in CIL, 32 628 – M. Aurel. M. f. Maior Beroe(a) (15). These praetorians are again counted as Thracians (see Passerini 1939, 177), but it is doubtful since some other praetorians from Augusta Traiana are cited in these very inscriptions coming from TRA[---] or TROIAN (sic!) as origo and Aug(usta) used as a tribe (CIL VI, 32 624, d, 30; 32 628, 16). This problem was discussed above. It is noteworthy that the praetorians from Macedonian Beroe(a) used the pseudo-tribe Ulp(ia), quite inappropriate for instance for Augusta Traiana, possibly established in Hadrian’s time, but consistent with the recognizing of the title of μητρόπολις τῆς Μακεδονίας in the time of Nerva (cf. Papazoglou 1988, 144–145). As for [---]udens Beroe(a)(CIL VI, 32 536), the case remains unclear. The result of the analysis on the Thracian origo of the praetorians coming from Beroe(a) and Augusta Traiana is presented on table 2. Таble. 2.Augusta Traina-Beroe(a) in the praetorian inscriptions in Rome citation CIL VI 32 628 32 640 date Severi 209 type laterculus laterculus praetorian M. Aur. M. F. Aug. Marcianus [M] Aurel. M. F. Aug. Aquila Aurel. M. F. Aug. Seneca 32 624 32 536 32 625 214– 215 Severi 214– 225 laterculus laterculus laterculus M. Aur. M. F. Aug. Avitus M. I[ucun]dus Severus Aur. Mucapor origo Tra(iana) Tra(iana) Trai(ana) Troian(a) (sic) Traiana d. Beroe

As for other inscriptions we are aware of a funeral stela of Aur(elius) Brimursius, nat(ione) Thrax civis Bero[e]nsis who was equites singularis. The stela was set up by his son Aur. Emeritus and wife Aurelia Pelegrina (CIL VI, 3196). It is possible that in CIL VI, 3559 also the Thracian city meant was […] Stratus, Bervua (sic). But this is only private inscriptions. As shown above, the origo of these praetorians in the military diplomas



was Aug(usta) Traiana ex Thracia or Aug(usta) Traiana where Aug(usta) is used as a tribal designation. After this very short analysis, three observations can be made. First, the laterculi show that the official Roman name of the city is preferred in the nomenclature of the praetorians or soldiers instead of the native name in the inscriptions in Rome and of military officials in the Latin provinces. This phenomenon is specific to the time before Septimius Severus. Thus, the praetorians from Philippopolis used only the Roman name of Trimontium while those from Beroe only Augusta Traiana. Second, the change of this practice and the advance of the native name of the cities is clearly observed in the year 214 AD when Philippopolis and Beroe came into use. The year is not by chance. It is well established by studying the rosters in Dura Europos where the edict of Caracalla, the constitutio Antoniniana, which was proclaimed in 212 AD actually affected the military records at the earliest in 214 AD (see Gilliam 1965, 83–90). This is exactly the date when the advancement of the native names Philippopolis and Beroe in the praetorian laterculi can be clearly observed. I believe that this correspondence is not by chance and we should propose a strong connection between that change and the effect of the edict. Accordingly, we may presume that the imperial chancellery and archives preferred using before that time only the Latin name of the peregrine cities in Thrace; consequently only Trimontium and Augusta Traiana were cited in the inscriptions. This requirement was obviously abandoned after 214 AD and the new praetorians were able to use the native names of their home cities. Third, despite the theses proposed in the literature for the lack of any accuracy and rules in the military records, it seems that such uniformity existed. As we may note, in these cases where Philippopolis is mentioned, a distinction between that name and the name of the Roman colony of Philippis is clearly observed. In order to make such distinction the name of the peregrine city is presented not by the four-letters abbreviation PHIL as usual, but with more elaborated name such as Philippopol(is), Filopopolis, Philopopolitanus, Philipopolitanus etc. Thus, it was clear that a particular praetorian was from Philippopolis in Thrace and not from Philippis in Macedonia. The case with Augusta Traiana – Beroe is more complicated since the full likeness between the name of the Thracian and Macedonian city Beroe(a). The military diplomas, the laterculi and official inscriptions show that in these cases the Roman name Augusta Tra-



iana was used instead of the native Beroe(a) and the confusion with the Macedonian city was avoided. Thus, in a military diploma of January, 1st 237 AD M. Aurelius Suri fil. Valent is cited with Aug (usta) Traiana ex Thracia, in another diploma of January, 7th 231 AD M. Aurelius M. f. Aug(usta) Posidonius Trajana is mentioned. The correct identification of the origo of the praetorians where Philipp is developed as Philippis raises the question of the attribution of the pseudo-tribe Iulia to Philippopolis which is accepted in the bibliography. This also calls into question the proposed organized settlement of veterans in Philippopolis or urbanization of the city proposed after this pseudo-tribe.

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