Southern Cameroons Geography Southern Cameroons is the territory bounded to the west and north west by Nigeria, east

by La Republique du Cameroun and south by the Atlantic Ocean.People Population The population of Southern Cameroons is above five million inhabitants. It must be stated that it is difficult to say with certainty the exact population of Southern Cameroons as the Yaounde annexationist regime has adopted a strategy of erasing the truth and consistently misrepresenting historical facts about the Southern Cameroons. In addition to abolishing the state and political institutions that existed, finance and economic institutions and infrastructures have also been closed to emphasize the dependent character of Southern Cameroons on La Republique du Cameroun. Brief history The territory of Southern Cameroon has been subjected to different colonial experiences - she experienced German domination, British domination, and domination of La Republique du Cameroun. Southern Cameroons as part of German Kamerun Between 1885 and 1916, Southern Cameroons was part of German Cameroon (Kamerun). German Kamerun ceased to be with the end of the World War I and the Peace Treaty of Versailles that gave birth to the League of Nations. British Southern Cameroons As a result of the First World War, which pitched the Germans against the British and French in Cameroon, the Germans were defeated and ousted from the territory. As result of German defeat, the British and French attempted a joint administration of the territory, which failed. Consequently, the territory was partitioned by both powers. Hence, the British took one-fifth and the French took four-fifth of the territory. From the nature of the partition, the seed of the Southern Cameroons problem began, namely, minority problem. In order to conveniently administer their own portion of Cameroon as a mandate territory of the League of Nations, the British administered it as an integral part of Nigeria. To better do this, they further split the territory into Northern Cameroons and Southern Cameroons. Since the British did not consider the territory as viable, they did very little as concerns social and economic development of the territory. This caused particularly Southern Cameroons to be against British mandate in the territory. The British first administered Southern Cameroons as part of Southern Province of Nigeria, whose headquarters was in Lagos and later; under the Eastern Region of Nigeria, when Nigeria was divided into three regions, namely, Northern, Western and Eastern. Therefore, Southern Cameroons was administered from Enugu, which was the headquarters of the Eastern Region. Under the Eastern Region, she suffered what was known as the Ibo domination. The Ibo established their hegemony over Southern Cameroons and caused them to be further frustrated by foreign domination. However, it was during this period that the first parliamentary elections were organised in the territory to choose representatives to the Eastern Regional House of Assembly and Federal House in Lagos. Following discrimination they faced as a minority group in the assembly, they

walked out in protest and declared Benevolent Neutrality in Nigerian politics. This led to the holding of the first Southern Cameroons Conference in Mamfe in 1953. This Conference adopted a petition addressed to the United Kingdom Government that demanded for a separate regional status in conformity with Southern Cameroons’ status as a UN Trust territory. It was from here that Southern Cameroons nationalism began. This political action yielded the desired results. When in 1954 Southern Cameroons achieved self-governing status, with Dr EML Endeley as first Premier, its nationalism took a multi-facet nature. Some of its leaders thought that this was a progress that was to lead them to regional autonomy and therefore opted for integration into Nigeria. Some as a result of the experience they received as a colony under another colony, namely, Nigeria, opted for independence. Some as a result of nostalgia and influence from French Cameroun opted for unification with French Cameroun. Unable to come to a consensus, the UN, which became the supervisory authority of the former mandate territories, including British Cameroons imposed two options on them. The options were: whether they would like to achieve independence by reunifying with French Cameroon which as a result of their independence on January 1st, 1960 became La Republique du Cameroun or integrating with Nigeria which was already given independence too. Prior to the plebiscite, 1n 1959 Southern Cameroons organised democratic elections for a third time and effected the first peaceful and democratic transfer of power in the 20th Century Africa. In this election, the incumbent Premier Dr E.M.L. Endeley and his ruling party, the CPNC were defeated and he became leader of the Opposition in the House of Assembly. Following the UN organised plebiscite of February 11, 1961, which was organised on the same day separately for Southern Cameroons and Northern Cameroons, Northern Cameroons voted for integration into Nigeria and was thus integrated, while Southern Cameroons voted for unification with French Cameroon and was thus reunified. This began the story of unification of the two Cameroons united in a UN-sponsored federation of two states of EQUAL STATUS known as the Federal Republic of Cameroon in October 1061. Annexation of Southern Cameroons by La Republique du Cameroun: The Foumban Constitutional Conference of 1961, which federated Southern Cameroons with La Republique du Cameroun was not in line with what, the UN had envisaged. According to the UN such a conference was to involve the governments of Southern Cameroons, La Republique du Cameroun, United Kingdom as the Administering Authority, and the UN as the Supervisory Authority. Unfortunately, it was held without some of these parties like the UN and Britain. Again, there was no accord signed by the two parties that discussed in Foumban. However, the Federal Republique of Cameroon that emerged from Foumban Talks, was made up of two federated states, namely, the State of West Cameroon, made up of Southern Cameroons, and the State of East Cameroon, made of La Republique du Cameroun. Thus, the disappearance of Southern Cameroons and La Republique du Cameroun, which respectively became sub nations of the federation with each retaining its inherited territory, colonial political and administrative system, legal, educational, economic and cultural systems. From 1962 to 1972, the former, the former President of La Republique du Cameroun, Ahmadou Ahidjo who became the President of the Federal Republic took steps to

annex Southern Cameroons into La Republique du Cameroun. He finally organised on May 20th, 1972 a referendum, which violated the Talks at Foumban. He abolished the Federal Constitution and imposed Unitary Constitution. Hence the name of the country became United Republic of Cameroon. Southern Cameroons lost its autonomous status it enjoyed under the federal system and became two of the seven provinces of the Unitary state. When Paul Biya became President of Cameroon, he completed the annexation by reverting the name of the country to Republique du Cameroun, the name by which French Cameroon gained its independence. This led to the emergence of Southern Cameroon Cameroons liberation movements like the Ambazonia of Fon Gorgi Dinka and Cameroon Anglophone Movement (CAM) the climax of this was in 1993, when Southern Cameroons liberation movements and Southern Cameroonians as a whole met in Buea under the banner of the All Anglophone Conference (AAC I). Its aim was to come out with Southern Cameroons stand and to press for the autonomy of Southern Cameroons in a restored federal system. This firm stand is contained in the Buea Declaration. Another meeting was held in Bamenda (AAC II) which issued the Bamenda Proclamation. These declarations led to the formation of the Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC), which is a political organisation fighting for the statehood and sovereign independence of Southern Cameroons, thanks to the intransigence and repressive nature of the Biya regime. Despite the obstacles placed on the road to the statehood of Southern Cameroons like, arrest, torture, killings, forcing its nationals into exile, blackmail, misinformation, counter-acting their action and you can name more, it has been succeeding. For instance, it has won the admissibility stage of the case deposited against La Republique du Cameroun in the African Commission on Human and Peoples Rights in Banjul won a case against Nigeria, which obliged Nigeria to table and support its bid for independence to the international community and recently, it has been admitted as anew member of the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation (UNPO) in The Hague. The Culture Introduction Prior to the advent of the white man and colonialism, the territory that today constitutes Southern Cameroons was not one geo-political entity that could equally be designated as a cultural entity. It was inhabited by different ethnic groups with different cultures, traditions and languages. As they differed in origin and culturally, so did they differ in outlook, aspirations and world view. Nothing held them together as one people. The different ethnic groups with different indigenous political systems, religions, also differed from one another in their occupational activities and socio-economic development. Thus there was a vast difference between the peoples of the coastal region and those of the grassland, which difference is not only visible in art, dance, economic life but also in social organisation and social relationships. This means that one can rightly to refer Southern Cameroons as a multi-cultural and multi-lingual political entity carved by the ambitious colonial masters without any recourse to the inhabitants. In the carving of their colonial empires these empire builders mindful of their economic interests fractionalised some ethnic groups and even families. This greatly contributed to the weakening of cultural ties and the capacity to resist invasion by the empire builders. To build up one large political entity the colonial masters had to impose its

political centralising authority from above, undermining the cultural diversity below. For an understanding of the rich cultural diversity the following ethnic groups can be identified (from coast to the north). County Ethnic Groups Fako Bakweri, Mboko Meme Bafaw, Bakundo, Balundu, Balong Kupe Manenguba Bakossi, Mbo, Bassosi Ndian Ngolo, Batanga, Ekondokondo Lebialem Banwa, Nweh-Mundam, Wabane Manyu Banyang, Kenyam, Ejagham, Boki, Ayang, Momo Widikum broken into the Metta, Menemo, Ngie, Ngwo, Menkas, Mezam Ngemba, Chamba Menchum Aghem, Jebah,Mnen, Boyo Kom, Bum. Ngoketunjia Tikar fractionalised into small different language groups. Bui Nso, Oku, Noni Donga – Mantung Wimbum, Mfumte, Yamba, Mbembe of Jukunoid. In summary the Grassland Region is peopled by the Tikar, Widekum Ngemba, Hausa and Fulani. While the rest are geographically located, the Hausa and Fulani, who are Moslems by religion, were the late comers into this region and are thus scattered all over. Indigenous settings Like all human societies, irrespective of sophistication and technological development the different ethnic groups had their manner of organisation, settling disputes and managing their affairs. All these were greatly influenced by their backgrounds and environments. Economic Life: All without exception, depended on nature and the land to earn a living. In the coastal region farming, fishing and hunting denominated the life of the inhabitants. Blessed with abundant fertile soil farm work is not as irksome and intensive to have a heavy yield. From the forest they had abundant wood to build their simple houses which were roofed with palm fronts. In the grassland region with poor fertility the people had to work large expanse of land to have a reasonable harvest. They also have a large variety of food crops grown at different times of the year. Primary occupation is farming and hunting but little fishing for want of large rivers or lakes. This culture of handwork has been so rewarding to the men and women of the Grassland region who happen to migrate to the Coastal or Forest region to work in the plantations. They easily acquired land for food crops production. This has not only introduced the food dishes of the Grassland or Graffie, this easily made some of wealthy land owners to the envy of some indigenes. Social and Political Life: In the coastal region the ethnic groups established no strong central authority as is the case in the grassland region. Family elders constituted Council of Elders that met periodically to resolve matters affecting the inhabitants. In the Grassland region social and political setting is far more organised. The Fons and Ta Nfors are the centre of authority. They wield great authority over their subjects. Before the colonialists they reigned and ruled. The Fon, among his people, stood as first among equals, and embodiment of the will of his people and

a symbol of unity. As protector of his people, custodian of their customs and traditions, custodian and ruler over their territory they exercised sort of feudal and religious power. Though polygamy, which is still practiced, was common, it was/is mandatory for the Fon to have many wives. These fashioned a collective psychology of the people and built intimate solidarity around the traditional ruler of the community. The palace, which belongs to the entire community was/is a sanctuary to the extent that even in time of war if an enemy escape into the palace, he automatically regained his freedom, he could never be pursued, captured and killed. Religious Life: The Southern Cameroonian, like the African, is highly religious. He believes and worships the one supreme being, God, the creator of man, heaven and earth, all the visible and the invisible. Regarding God to be unreachable directly, so holy, they worship him through the super natural. They believe in the omnipresence, omnipotence and omniscience of God so he cannot be confined to catherdrals and churches. Ancestors are not worshiped for they do not creat. But since the people fervently believe in life after death, it is believed the dead, living in the spiritual realm are closer to the creator so he is called upon to intercede on behalf of the living. Here ancestors serve as mediators between the Most High and living. Unfortunately the white missionaries wishing not to learn and understand regard this as ancestral worship. This is very wrong. Like modern independent nations each Kingdom was independent and carried out diplomatic functions with other kingdoms as well as went to war and signed treaties. Community spirit was very strong and through this, the spirit of solidarity and loyalty was built. Individual importance was measured not so much in what he has for himself but in contribution to the community. Men of valour were recognised as heroes and their history conserved on music, proverbs and as passed from generation to generation by word of mouth. Advent of Colonialism This territory has passed through the British, the Germans, then the British again and most unfortunately at independence is now under the yoke of French colonialism via La Republique du Cameroun. Through Baptist Missionaries the coastal region came into contact with the whites before colonial adventurism. British conservatism gave room to the Germans to establish a protectorate over the area in 1884 and the British had to withdraw after many years of fruitful contacts. This was at the displeasure of many inhabitants who had grown to cherish the British ways of life. Both introduction of Christian religion by the Baptist, the Catholics and Basel (Presbyterian/Missionaries) and imposition of colonialism was destined to affect and influence the culture of the inhabitants in all ways possible. It was British rule, more than that of the Germans, that greatly influenced the cultural life of the people of Southern Cameroons. Even the name Southern Cameroons is British. Christian religious values and the introduction of western education came with values that emphasised individualism as opposed to communalism (community spirit). While in the traditional setting religious worship is a community affair with no emphasis on individualism, the Christian religion lays

great emphasis on the individual and his God, his salvation. It also challenges some values of the indigenous life and religion which were attacked as barbarism or primitivity, which should be abandoned. While indigenous religion was described as idol worship, polygamy was condemned. Traditional society abhorred prostitution and promiscuity. British colonial administration valued the established indigenous political system in the grassland. In the coastal region where such established central authority never existed, they introduced the warrant chiefs. They needed these chiefs to facilitate cheep labour for construction of roads, public buildings and collection of taxes. During the struggle for independence the influence of the Traditional Rulers was very strong and with constitutional evolution the British approved a House of Chiefs, with consultative powers in 1957 thus like the British House of Lords, Southern Cameroons had an upper house. This was a clear recognition of the important role of the Fons and Chiefs. Within the brief period of self rule Oct. 1954 – Sept. 1961, there was fast development in all sectors of life. Anglo-Saxon culture flourished as democratic political institutions took firm roots in national life. But the treachery of “independence by joining” reversed the clock of progress. The worst came as from 1972 when French culture, values were imposed with the abolition of the State Government, House of Assembly and House of Chiefs in Buea. The traditional rulers are now auxiliaries of the Yaounde administration whose francophone proconsuls lord it over the traditional rulers. They no longer serve as the embodiment of the culture and tradition of their people, the Fons and Chiefs are the agents of the Yaounde dictator against their people. Conclusion It is only the restoration of the statehood and sovereign independence of Southern Cameroons that can reverse the negative situation. French colonialism has badly affected the Southern Cameroons society both culturally, socially, morally, economically and politically. Moral bankruptcy, the francophone corrupt culture implanted by the francophone colonists rigid bureaucracy and the love of leisure, high consumption of alcohol, copied from the francophone has so negatively ruined the Southern Cameroons society leaving terrible scars that beg even for a revolution. Some of the Fons have become real tyrants and are known to have been responsible for the death of their subjects simply for opposing the Yaounde regime. But by tradition a Fon is not supposed to do evil, shed blood, and see a corps. Under the dispensation of Yaounde annexation and colonial rule and so long as they act to further the interest of Yaounde annexation and colonial rule they are protected. Through the culture of transformed the people clamour for liberation to build a vibrant and brutal repression, the balancoire, the culture of fear has into mere shadows of the indigenous personality. The and restoration of statehood and sovereign independence is dynamic culture

Organizations Political System As an annexed, colonised and occupied territory, the Southern Cameroons has no political system that is a true reflection of the legitimate aspirations of the people. The annexationist Yaounde regime has imposed its rigid centralised system, which is characteristically insensitive to the feelings of Southern Cameroonians. To make Southern Cameroons a real colony and an appendage of Yaounde, in 1972 the Southern Cameroons government was abrogated and the territory was balkanised into

two provinces of La Republique du Cameroun. The two provinces are ruled by two governors appointed by Presidential Decrees and as representatives of the President, each is accountable and responsible to him the President. The two governors, Koumpa Issa, for the North West, and Ejake Mbonda, for the South West, are all francophone Camerounese. The imposed administrative system is the Napoleonic Prefectoral system in which the proconsul wields unlimited powers, is law unto himself. Within his area of jurisdiction and above his subjects he is an absolute tyrant. He owes his high position and continuance in that post or rise to a higher post to the absolute President alone. There is an unwritten but well executed policy in Southern Cameroons; for the proconsul to demonstrate his loyalty to his mentor and account for your stewardship brute force must be used to keep the subjects subservient. As experience has proven it is the most oppressive prefects, governors and uniform personnels that have earned accelerated promotion and appointments to higher posts in government. Southern Cameroons has thus become a land of golden opportunities for the most oppressive and exploitative francophones; indeed those who slice your throat while smiling with you. That is what Southern Cameroons has become in the third millennium. Although Southern Cameroonians fought hard, lost lives, limbs and enormous property to bring about multipartism and democracy under which they were nurtured by the British, with the backing of France, the currently existing two hundred political parties are not worth more than the paper on which they are registered. Most of these mushroom political parties are sponsored by the ruling Rassemblement Democratique du Peuples Camerounaise(RDPC). Southern Cameroonians are fit only for sinecure posts and this explains why Ni John Fru Ndi, a Cameroonian) of the Social Democratic Font (SDF) who won the October 1992 Presidential Elections was denied the right to take over as President of the two Cameroons. Determined to keep Southern Cameroons a colony of La Republique du Cameroun, genuine democracy has been blocked by sophisticated rigging mechanism styled “democratie avancée” to perpetrate Napoleonic dictatorship on a people who fervently believe in democracy, the rule of law and human freedom. Under the Yaounde dictatorship, victory for the incumbent President Paul Biya is programmed and sealed before date of election is announced and voting materials printed. The duty of the electorate is to confirm the right to remain in power of the incumbent. The over riding will to protect and reserve supreme French interest by the francophone political elite who are appointed by Paris to administer the French oversea territory of French Cameroun has grossly blocked the process of democratisation. This is a strong evident of incompatibility between the two Cameroon. While French Cameroun has never known democracy, the Southern Cameroons developed under constitutional democracy. Prior to annexation, Southern Cameroons as a trust territory under United Kingdom administration inherited the Westminster Parliamentary system. Southern Cameroons became a self-governing trust territory in 1954 under a democratically elected government led by Dr EML Endeley. With a genuine democratic and constitutional evolution, in 1957 Southern Cameroons was granted a House of Chiefs, thus like Britain, Southern Cameroons operated a bicameral legislative system. In 1959 through free and fair general elections, Premier Endeley led CPNC government was defeated and he peacefully handed over to the winner, J.N. Foncha of the KNDP. This was followed by the adoption of a new constitution, Constitution (Order) in Council 1960, which was meant to lead Southern Cameroons to independence. But

through international colonial conspiracy, instead of granting complete independence in conformity with Art. 76(b) of UN Charter and UN Resolution 1514 of 1960, the colonial powers misled the UN to impose “independence by joining” either Nigeria or La Republique du Cameroun. In addition to imposing this, the UN was led to adopt two obnoxious questions that denied Southern Cameroons their inalienable right to self-determination and sovereign independence. By this colonial manipulation, effective and genuine decolonisation in Southern Cameroons was postponed. The mission of the Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC) is to right the wrongs of yesterday, restore Southern Cameroonians to the dignity, their natural rights as the legitimate owners and masters of the Southern Cameroons territory, masters of their destiny by peacefully leading Southern Cameroons to take her deserved seat within the comity of sovereign nations. Southern Cameroons is currently a colony of La Republique du Cameroun and in consideration of the fact that the modern world has banned colonialism just like it before banned slavery, Southern Cameroonians are legitimately entitled to international support to oust the coloniser, namely, La Republique du Cameroun. It was in recognition and defence of the enjoyment of this inalienable right of all peoples that classical colonialism, foreign domination and the abolition of apartheid took place. Southern Cameroons the only UN Trust territory abandoned to its fate has been annexed, colonised and occupied by La Republique du Cameroun. It is a victim of classical colonialism and foreign domination and should be decolonised under international law and international support. Statistics Area: 43.000 Population: 6 million Language: English (official) Religion: Christian Crisis in the University of Buea UNREST, VICTIMISATION, AND UNJUST SUSPENSION OF STUDENT LEADERS IN THE UNIVERSITY OF BUEA - The students had complained through their elected representatives to Students' Council a series of worries which upon examination the union council deemed justified and summed up into twelve points. - The students had challenged their students' representatives to help the situation of no classes as a result of the lecturers strike. - The students' councilors evoked the need to put the excesses and lapses of the President UBSU (University of Buea Students' Union) to check. - The President UBSU Paul Shipuh did not end there. The announcement of the lecturers strike prompted the students' union president to move around students' vicinity asking students to go to class while distributing hand-bills with part of it read "Some misguided students are asking others to join lecturers strike…" Lecturers are intelligent and mature enough to handle their affairs….." In effect SYNES UB chapter issued another communiqué which read "some students are spreading rumours that lectures are going on. They are sell outs to the

administration" This made the Union President to issue out another communiqué calling our lecturers misguided. As a result of the unanimous call from democratically elected Students' Representatives to Union Council Central bureau requesting the prompt arrest of the aforementioned irregularities and discrepancies, the chairman of Council, on Wednesday 15th April 2009 summoned an urgent extra-ordinary council session to hold on Thursday 16th April 2009. We understand the published agenda -"students' position in respect to lecturers strike'' posed a real threat to university administration; reason why the Vice – Chancellor in a statement to the Council Chairman denied any meeting holding on/off campus on the above agenda. Consequently Students' Council elected bureau had to revise the agenda to read "The state of affairs of UBSU" so that Council session actually held. In the said session, solid resolutions were reached as follows: - Councilors officially presented and overwhelmingly affirmed collective action towards a firm articulation of the twelve –point's memorandum. - Council frown at the deliberate misrepresententation of the Students' Union position vis-à-vis a matter as sensitive as lecturers strike by paul shipu President.. - As regards the earlier misdeeds of the President UBSU ( which had before then earned him a warning letter from Union Council), Councilors generally elected the suspension of the President's Signature for a week, set up an investigation Committee to probe allegations. - Finally Union Councilors elected leaders into some vacant offices as instructed by the VC to drop areas of electoral irregularities The Vice-Chancellor, once more, had betrayed himself as Shipuh Paul's protégé. On Monday 20th April, 2009, the Vice Chancellor arbitrarily and unlawfully suspended the Chairman of Students' Union Representative Council and appointed the Chief of Judicial Bench as his own chairman. It should be noted, the said appointee was co-signatory to the resolution suspending the signature of the president. We are putting it to the Vice Chancellor that, there is no precedence to this unconstitutional manipulation; that the Vice-Chancellor should not be seen to meddle in the management of Union affairs; that he should never ever be perceived as stepping into the shoes of the all powerful general assembly of the University of Buea Students' Union. We therefore reiterate that the suspension of the Chairman of the Union Council is a non event. Because Dialogue must prevail before action, On Tuesday 21st April, 2009, SRC bureau and some councilors went to the VC to seek audience and to dialogue as to the suspension of the Chairman SRC and to summit the twelve- point's memorandum, the V C was categorical that he had no ears to listen to the student leaders. This caused a non-violent strike action, the UBSU President short listed 19 student leaders to the Vice-Chancellor to face disciplinary panel of which one is a graduate of December 2008 batch and some were not even in town Due to the militarization of the students campus, the student leaders in a considerable majority boycotted the said panel.

The disciplinary panel went ahead to indefinitely suspend from the University Community Students leaders (14) whose crimes was the genuine representation of the interest of their various constituencies in what has become the twelve-points memorandum. We take it that this is only a diversion from the students out-cry. It should be recalled here that according to the University text, a panel will pass a judgment on students in absentia after it must have held thrice in the student's absence but it was not the case with the purported suspension of fourteen student leaders. It should be recalled that the lecturers Union ( SYNES) whom some lecturers were part of the panel had written to the University administration to exercise maximum restraint with regards to all proposed disciplinary sanctions against any group of students while setting up an independent panel of academic and non academic staff to probe into the problems and recommend solutions for a lasting peace on campus. On Wednesday 22nd April, 2009, the Union Council deposited the twelve-point memorandum at the security post of the central administrative block for the second time since the Vice-Chancellor had refused to receive the student leaders. The 12 points memorandum includes: 1. The production of draft transcripts, free of charge for students as previously agreed. 2. The ready provision of Students' answer booklets after exams to ensure clearance of examinations controversies 3. The enforcement of the prefectoral order for the homologation of rents just as it is currently done in other universities beginning with the hostel on campus by the University administration. 4. The address of the so many cases of intimidation and victimization of students and student's leaders. 5. The timely and defined period for the production of attestations and certificates. 6. Improvement of security on the university campus most especially in the girls' hostel. 7.The assistance (financial and material) to students on research work as provided by the BMP system. 8.That the university administration should re-organize the positioning and revisit the closure of businesses and photocopiers on campus. 9.Insufficient restaurant tickets and nonfunctioning of campus toilets. 10.The purported decision by the vice chancellor suspending the students' council chairman and appointing his own chairman is an intrusion into UBSU management and out of the jurisdiction of the vice chancellor. We therefore call on the VC to drop such decision. The vote holders are councilors, the chairman only signs on behalf of council 11.The disciplinary panel put in place to try student leaders who stood for student's interest be dropped. 12.The university administration should create an avenue for dialogue for students

for total and complete peace to reign on campus. On Friday the 24th of April 2009, the students went to school to continue their peaceful strike action but met with about seven trucks of police officers heavily armed as well as noticed that, they have been suspended indefinitely and banned from the university campus. They were chased off and five of the students were arrested right on campus amongst which one was a student leader, they were beaten, brutalized, masked, handcuffed and whisked away. One of them Otang Felix, was bleeding profusely as a result of the beatings. We presently do not know their well about. Currently, there is a terrible man hunting of the other student leaders. These are a gross violation of Human rights. We call on the University community especially the students whose stewards we are, to dissociate themselves from disciples of the divide- and- rule policy. In this light, we therefore condemned the unfounded utterances of the Vice –Chancellor and his errand boy, Shipuh Paul (UBSU President under investigation) to decease from painting their wrong picture of the yellow party/ red party wrangling. We remind our students that all those leaders stigmatized as ''election losers'' all occupied (and still do) high offices of responsibilities within the faculties and council even prior to the executive election (red and yellow party) in February 2009 We call on Cameroonians of good faith and friends of Cameroon to support us as we promise to remain steadfast to the students cause until justice is done. Long live University of Buea students, Long live UBSU Signatories (those suspended indefinitely) Name Position UB Number Level/Programme Signature Mua Atumked Chief of Bench UB027800 400/EPY Ako Claude Enobi Council Member ED08A243 200/EPY Martin Bessong Tiku UB019453 Graduate/His Nkongho N Nkongho Faculty President UB029183 400/EPY Nkwelmesue Nzounkwelle Chief of Bench SC08A528 200/ENV Agbor Nkeze Karl Council Member UB021952 400/ENV Wabi Frankline Kere Council Member UB024194 300/Geology Humphry Takang Bate Council Member UB025901 400/Accounting Nguve Fred Woka Chairman UBSU Council UB025562 400/ Acounting Ayuk Felix Otang Chief of Bench UB024487 400/Accounting Enow Peter Chief of Bench UB030201 400/Pol. Science Tabi Ebob Council Member UB026697 400/Economics Kenyu Serge Herve Chief of Bench UB026955 400/ Soc n Ant Tata Kwawi Mbinglo Faculty President UB027523 400/ Soc n Ant

LIMAN OUMATE MALLOUM IN DETENTION Detained Rebel Leader Vows To Topple Biya Regime Friday, May 01, 2009 By Kini Nsom

The self-proclaimed leader of a rebel group, the Movement for the Liberation of the People of Cameroon, MLPC, Liman Oumate Malloum, currently in detention in Yaounde has vowed that he will seize power from the Biya regime . Liman Oumate, who hails from Mayo Sava Division in the Far North Region, was arrested in Marazaine Hotel in Maiduguri on April 22, in a security ruse mounted by the President of the National Assembly, Hon. Cavaye Yeguie Djibril and Vice Prime Minister in charge of Justice, Amadou Ali. ''I will topple this government in two years. Nelson Mandela of South Africa and Olusegun Obasanjo of Nigeria went to prison before taking over power in their various countries,'' the rebel leader is quoted to have said after his arrest. Doctors are said to have examined the man and concluded that he is mentally sound Liman shot into the limelight last January 23 when he distributed tracts in the villages along the Cameroon-Nigerian borders, notably Kouyate and Kizi Kerawa in the Kolafata Sub-division of Mayo Sava Division. Written in English, the tracts called on the Cameroonian authorities to quit power. The rebel leader declared that the deadline for him and his forces to take over power and name a new government was April 30.That dream was thwarted when he fell into the security dragnet last April 22. According to L'Oeil Du Sahel, a weekly newspaper published in the North, Hon. Cavaye and Amadou Ali tricked Liman into the dragnet of security agents when he asked them to give FCFA 300 million to drop the struggle. The duo used two middlemen, one Brahim Blama and Bakoura who agreed with the rebel that the money would be delivered to him on April 22 in Maiduguri. On April 21, Cavaye and Amadou Ali sent the MP for the area, Hon. Abba Malla to Maiduguri accompanied by an agent of the secret police in Kolafata and one soldier with a sealed letter to the Governor of Borno State in Nigeria. In reaction, the Governor, Ali Sherif Modu, put at their disposal elements of State Security Services, SSS. Accompanied by the intermediary, Brahim Blama, the rebel leader was in the Marazaine Hotel sipping a sweet drink. The people in the company of the SSS presented to the rebel leader a brief case filled with bread, with some FCFA banknotes spread on top of it. They invited the man to take a look at his money. As he stepped away leaving his glass of drink, the Cameroon secret police reportedly doped his drink. When the rebel leader returned and sipped his drink once more, he slumped asleep. He was later bundled and packed into a car. Reports say the security men searched him and did not see even a toy gun on him. All they are said to have seen was a Cameroonian passport and 1,975 naira that is equal to FCFA 5,750. It was, however, reported that Nigeria Security Service along the border raised another problem near the frontier village of Amichide. They argued that the arrest violated the Geneva Convention because extradition agreement exists within the two countries. L'Oeil Du Sahel reported that the argument was finally resolved at about 8 pm. One of Cavaye's aides gave the elements FCFA 2 million. The rebel leader was brought to Yaounde. Source: http://www.thepostw ebedition. com www.scylforfreedom.org /www.scylforfreedom.org/

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