Governmental Intervention in Foreign Trade in Archaic and Classical Greece

Maria Ared Errietta Bissa

University College London

PhD History

Word Count: 89,721

I confirm that this thesis is entirely my own work. All sourcesand quotationshave been acknowledged. All works cited are listed in the Works Cited section.

Maria Areti Errietta Bissa


The thesis discussesthe role of the state in archaic and classical Greek trade through the study of four commodities, gold, silver, timber and grain, where the state had reason to intervene. Gold and silver were not only a major sourceof wealth for the producing states but also their import was a concern for many states, since they were the main coinage metals. In the thesis,both the role of the state in production and export and the situation for coin-minting importers using statistical data for silver and case studies for gold are discussed. The study of timber concentrates on shipbuilding timber, particularly for triremes, since naval warfare played such an important role in the historical developments of the classical period. The two main issues discussed are the intervention through

monopoly and the meansof acquisition used by the importers, concentrating on coercive diplomacy and military pressure. Grain was the main staple food in antiquity and for many poleis its import, regular and extraordinary, was a matter of life or death. The economic policies of the exporters in normal and famine situations and the intervention of the state in imports through legislation are discussed. The thesis shows that Greek states both intervened and involved themselves rationally in the production, export and import of important commodities disproving the modern orthodoxy on the issue, which argues in favour of minimal extraordinary intervention.


Table of Contents
GOVERNMENTAL INTERVENTION IN FOREIGN TRADE IN ARCHAIC AND CLASSICAL I GREECE ..................................................................................................................................................... 3 ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................................................ 4 TABLE OF CONTENTS ............................................................................................................................ 6 TABLE OF FIGURES ................................................................................................................................ 6 TABLE OF TABLES .. ................................................................................................................................ 7 INTRODUCTION .. .................................................................................................................................... 8 TheAncientEconomy .......................................................................................................................... 18 TheoryandMethodology .................................................................................................................... 29 Governmental Intervention .................................................................................................................. 38 PART 1: GOLD AND SILVER ................................................................................................................ 39 Gold and Silver.ýProlegomena ........................................................................................................... SILVER GOLD 41

126 Gold and Silver: ConcludingRemarks ............................................................................................. 134 PART 2: TIMBER AND GRAIN ........................................................................................................... 135 Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 137 Timber: Prolegomena ...................................................................................................................... 141 CHAPTER 4: THEEXPORTERS OFTIMBER ............................................................................................... 148 CHAPTER 5: TIMBER ATHENS FOR ......................................................................................................... 178 CHAPTER 6: FLEETS ATHENS OUTSIDE ................................................................................................... Corinth 178 ............................................................................................................................................. 181 Mytilene ........................................................................................................................................... 183 League The Peloponnesian . ............................................................................................................... 188 Timber: Concluding remarks ........................................................................................................... 191 Grain: Prolegomena ........................................................................................................................ CHAPTER 7: THEEXPORTERS 193 OFGRAIN ................................................................................................. 8: GRAINFOR ATHENS 209 CHAPTER ........................................................................................................... Law I 218 . ............................................................................................................................................... Law H 221 . ............................................................................................................................................. Law III 222 ............................................................................................................................................ . 225 Law IV ............................................................................................................................................ . 225 Law V . ............................................................................................................................................. 226 Law VI ............................................................................................................................................ . 231 Law VII ........................................................................................................................................... . 236 CHAPTER 9: GRAINBEYOND ATHENS .................................................................................................... Corinth 236 . ............................................................................................................................................ 237 Megara . ............................................................................................................................................ 239 Aigina ............................................................................................................................................. . islands 240 TheAegean . ..........................................................................................................................

CI IAPTER ........................................................................................ CHAPTER3: THE IMPORTERS OFGOLD AND SILVER.................................................................................

41 The IberianPeninsula ....................................................................................................................... .. 43 Gaul .. ................................................................................................................................................. 44 TheThracomacedonian region.......................................................................................................... .. 49 Siphnos .. ............................................................................................................................................ 50 Athens .. .............................................................................................................................................. 54 Greece andtheAegean .. ..................................................................................................................... 54 The BlackSea .. .................................................................................................................................. 56 Asia Minor .. ....................................................................................................................................... 61 2: THE ATHENIAN SILVERINDUSTRY



241 Samos .............................................................................................................................................. 242 Teos ................................................................................................................................................. 247 Ephesos ............................................................................................................................................ 247 Klazomenai ...................................................................................................................................... 248 Akanthos .......................................................................................................................................... 249 Methone ........................................................................................................................................... 250 Selymbria .........................................................................................................................................252 Grain: Concluding Remarks ............................................................................................................


25-1 .......................................................................................................................................
259 260 261 265 267 271 279

Distribution of Resources .................................................................................................................. Form of Traded Commodities ........................................................................................................... Ownership of Commodities ............................................................................................................... Role of Government in Production of Commodities ........................................................................... Role of Government in Export of Commodities ................................................................................. Role of Government in the Import of Commodities ............................................................................ Models of Governmental Intervention/Involvement in Trade ..............................................................


295 ................................................................................................................................. 296 WORKS CITED .....................................................................................................................................

Table of Figures
282 FIGURE 1: MODEL INTERVENTION OFSTATE ...............................................................................................



88 TABLE2: HOARDS WITHLYDIANCOINS ....................................................................................................... 95 3: CONTAININGKyzIKENE
TABLE 4: HOARDS WITH GOLD AND ELECTRUM COINS IN SICILY AND MAGNA GRAECIA ............................. TA13LE 5: 69 SILVER MINTERS ACCORDING To TOTAL UNITS ......................................................................



COINS ........................................................................................


TABLE 6: SILVERMINTERS HOARDDISTRIBUTION .....................................................................................

105 113



SEED SUBTRACTED 216 ........................................................................................................................... TABLE 10: COMBINED VARIABLES FOR ATTIKA USING MINIMA LAND CULTIVATION OF DIET

ESTIMATIONS ...................................................................................................................................

216 237

237 SEED SUBTRACTED ........................................................................................................................... TABLE 13: COMBINEDVARIABLES FORCORINTH 237 ........................................................................................ TABLE 14: BARLEY CONSUMPTION OF MEGARA ACCORDING TO POPULATION AND DIET VARIEBLES 238 ...........

238 SEED SUBTRACTED ........................................................................................................................ TABLE 16: COMBINEDVARIABLES 238 FORMEGARA



239 SEED SUBTRACTED ........................................................................................................................... TABLE 19: COMBINEDVARIABLES FORAlGfNA 240 .......................................................................................... TABLE 20: BARLEY CONSUMPTION OF SAMOS ACCORDING TO POPULATION AND DIET VARIABLES 241 ..............

241 SEED SUBTRACTED ........................................................................................................................... 22: COMBINED 242 TA13LE VARIABLES SAMOS FOR ...........................................................................................



olu yap cou n6Xtq oac[da TITt; 6 UiTat dadyea0ai Tt 116467600at For there is not a single polis that need not import or export

[Xenophon] A thPol 2.3.1 These words of an Athenian pamphleteer are one of the most illuminating statements on the economic position of the polis. Import and export were part of life in the world of archaic and classical Greece, where political fragmentation created a unique distribution of available resources. In a world where one could barely travel a day without crossing a border, exchange of commodities was an unavoidable necessity and selfsufficiency a utopian ideal. In the modem world, exchangeequals trade to a large extent but that was not necessarily the case in archaic and classical Greece. The two main questionsposed in this work are, firstly, how important a part of exchangewas trade in the archaic and classicalperiods and, secondly,what was the role of the state, if any, in foreign trade.
The Ancient Economy

In order to understand the ancient economy, we need to know the part played in it by trade and traders; in order to understandthe role of trade and traders, we need to hold someview of the ancient economy K. Hopkins' Keith Hopkins articulated perfectly the ideological problem of studying Greek trade, since one has to subscribeto one of the two positions of the debateon the "ancient economy", which is the unequal continuation of the famous oikos debate that marked nineteenth century scholarship. Until the late nineteenth century, ancient history had remained aloof from the growing interest in economic motives in studying and explaining

1Hopkins (1983:ix).


in The past and contemporary societies. ancient world was given a place the economic did by his followers but historians Marx evolution of societies and ancient and philologists not becomeembroiled in the wider economic debate until Karl BOcher's effort to identify 2 household Greek the economy with a closed economy. BUcher's attempt met with immediate resistanceby the leading scholarsof the time, most importantly Eduard Meyer. As Austin rightly noted, the reactions to BUcher's propositions led to a greater evil.3 The polarization betweenMeyer and Bilcher and their followers on the function of the oikos in society and economy gave birth to extreme positions, such as Meyer's infamous comparisonbetween 16 century CE Europe and fifth-century Athens. In the first half of the 20thcentury CE, in the light of political and social upheavalsin Europe, the 'modernist' approach seemedto have won the day and was expressedmasterfully in Rostovtzeff s vision of the ancient world as amenableto the application of modern economic theories. Both sides of the debate limited their vision to the question of modernism or primitivism independence from Greek the other erasand societies. without allowing world a measureof The situation changed, if with considerable delay, with Hasebroek's seminal Trade and Politics, which followed the teachings of Weber, based on the formalist/substantivist division in economic anthropology, in favour of a more substantivist approach to the 6 evolution of the economies. Weber moved the limelight from economic proceedingsto the role of the economy in society and particularly on the social perspectives that dictated economic relations in the ancient world. Hasebrock in his work reacted to the negativism
2 BUcher(1893). 3 Austin & Vidal-Naquet (1977:4). 4 Meyer (1924:118-9). 5 Rostovtzeff (194 1); Rostovtzeff in spite of writing after Hasebroekis probably the best example of the modernist approach. 6 liasebroek(1928). I use here Polanyi's theoretical distinction to mark the break with the strict primitivism and modernism of the previous era.
5 th 4


and theorising of the modernistsof his time, who tendedto ignore the specific evidence of the sourcesin favour of their own theories. Hasebroekfocusedon the role of non-citizens in trade and manufacturein the polis and concluded that the polis neither had nor pursued lack failure due to the that this of a nationalised trade or was any economic policy and 7 Greek Weber Hasebroek The the the study of of and provided work manufacture. fundamental bases: its that the economy was a part of polis and one of most economy with doomed from the start. the the a study of polis was study of economy without any Irrespective of whether one agrees with the conclusions reached by either Weber or Hasebroek on specific issues on the economy of the polis, their fundamental change of inextricably from freestanding to tied with the polis as an economy economy a perspective holds idea institution true under any scrutiny. an and an by Karl The theories advancedby Weber and Hasebroekwere further systernatised Polanyi. Polanyi created a system distinguishing modern and primitive economies

deemed Thus, the to their to their a modem economy was relation societies. according 'disembedded' economy, while primitive economieswere 'embedded' in society; in other its judged the to the closeness of relation with society and according economy was words, 8 social norms. For Polanyi the Greek economy was clearly embedded,thus consigned to being primitive and, consequently, had no understanding of economics. Austin, closely following Polanyi's model, tried to explain the fact that the Greeks both knew and

7 Hasebroek(1933). 8 Humphreys (1964); Polanyi (1957).


understoodeconomic motives by proposing that they did not realise them as economic on
9 but their own right merely as an extension of politics.

division is theoretically correct but its application Polanyi's disembedded-embedded into the practice of economics is more difficult. Our knowledge of the ancient, or indeed any pre-modem, economiesis dependenton practice, not theory, yet our understandingof the modem economy as disembeddedis more dependenton economicsas a sciencerather than on economic practice. Baeck's view, as a modern economist rather than an ancient historian, that the oikonomia was "not an independentanalytical sphereof thought" sums 10 in distinctions How far thought that the today. modem enablessuch up perfectly shift economic factors were realised independently of politics by the Greeks can be debated " by definition endlessly since the polis was a political entity. The fundamental division

that exists today between state and people would be incomprehensible to the Greeks becauseof the very nature of the polis; economic factors affected all in the polis and as such were immediately a political concern. The same mode of thought is readily recognisablein modern politics where the economy is a major causeof political and social concern, not unlike the Greek understanding of the economy as a political issue. An ordinary taxpayer in the modem world would have great difficulty in recognising the modern economy as disembeddedfrom society and economic policy is a major concern for voters worldwide. Disregarding the particular concerns of ancient historians and

particularly historians of the economy, the roots of the debate can be interpreted as an

9 Austin & Vidal-Naquct [(I 972,original French edition) (1977:10)]. Note that Austin was writing before Finley's Ancient Economy. Both were clearly influenced by Polanyi and his ideasof the embeddedeconomy, although Austin kept a more cautious attitude than Finley. '0 Baeck (1997: 147). 11On the oppositeinterpretation of the closerelation betweenpolitics and the economy in the polis, seeFinley (1985:156).


in in the nature of thought than as an evolution analytical rather evolution post-Aristotelian the economyitself. In spite of the work of Hasebroek and the theoretical framework advanced by Polanyi, the literature of the period was marked by a definite modernist perspective,best 12 later, The reaction to extreme in Starr Hopper. illustrated the works of French, and, modernism continued and found its most powerful adherent in Moses Finley. Finley

from the advocating a change ancient economy proposed a purely substantivist model of 13 wealth to status, social and/or political, as the prime mover of the economy. The origins of Finley's thesis lie equally in the theoretical position of Karl Polanyi outlined above and in Finley's own work on landed loans in classical Attika, where he attemptedto show that 14 Finley's vision of the Greek economy was loans such were mainly non-productive. both he Ancient Economy, in his The where attempted seminal work, masterfully presented to disprove the extreme modernist thesis of the Greek economy as a formalist economy and 15 forward his put own model of a status-basednon-capitalist economy. Finley's model dependson three main axes, all three relating to specific lacks in the ancient economy and 16 by large first is lack The the thought. unified economic spaceevidenced a of a ancient in interdependent Finley the trade as case argued, using study grain markets. of system 17 demand in did influence supply. not classical Greece,that changes,or perceived changes,

12French (1964); Starr (1977); Hopper (1979). Of particular interest is Hopper's Trade andIndustry, which industry framework in the Greek world preferring a ignores for trade theoretical either or any completely clearly descriptive, and summary,approach. 13Finley (1970). 14Finley (1952). 15Finley's earlier works, such as the World of Odysseus (1954), also operateunder the samegeneral principles but it is not until the Ancient Economy that the full model is presented. 16 Note that I will, as much as possible,confine myself to Finley's examplesand evidenceon the Greek of Finley's model is the world, rather than the Roman world, since I think that one of the main weaknesses idea of an 'ancient' economyper se. On this issue seefurther below page 26. 17 Finley (1985:177-9).


The secondaxis, to which Finley devoted most of his Ancient Economy, was the lack of a productive mentality on the part of the Greeks and the Romans. Finley centred his argument on the attitudes of the elite and their lack of will to override moral issues in fay. our of productivity, although, as he noted, acquisitivenesswas part of elite mentality in Greco-Romanantiquity.18 His main points illustrating the lack of a productive mentality on the part of individuals were the lack of an organisedlarge-scaleindustry, the unwillingness of the Greeks and the Romans to pursue technological advancesas a meansof increasing 19 lack institutions. The third axis, which is the most productivity and the of credit-based pertinent in the presentwork, is the lack of state interest and intervention in the economy as evidencedby the lack of direct taxation and the lack of meaningful intervention in trade and manufacture.

Finley rightly notes that the authority of the state in classical Greecewas total and there was no aspect of public or private life where the government did not have the 21 intervene. The lack of polis interest in the economy is seen potential or the authority to through the lack of specifically commercial clausesin symbola agreementsand the absence of formal treatiesrelating to commercial benefactions,such as the one betweenAthens and 22 Spartokids. Finley pays specific attention, following to an extent Hasebroek's the example,to the fact that a large part of trade, particularly Athenian trade, was in the hands 23 foreigners. A particularly potent point made by Finley is the apparent of metics and inability of the polis to createdifferent tax regimes for foreigners and residents,imports and
18 Fin ey (1985:60-1). 19Fin ey (1985: 121-2,147-9). 20Fin ey (1985:175-6). 21Finley (1985: 154). 22Finley (1985:162). 23Finley (1985:1634), using as evidenceXenophon's Poroi and the lack of any radical proposalsin the pamphlet, such as the abolition of the metoikion.


exports or necessaryand luxury commodities, or to institute a direct taxation regime that would alleviate its financial problems in times of crisis and create permanent public 24 savings. The polis also did not realise or utilise the possible effects of monopoly on 25 fiscal benefits production, recognising merely the of monopoly, particularly of coinage. Finley recognised the permanent intervention of the Athenians in their grain supply but 26 it by Finley isolated considered a unique set of measures adopted a unique PoliS. important parts of state intervention in the modern age and highlighted their absencefrom Greek antiquity, thus arguing in favour of a deliberatedisregardof economic considerations by the polis, as well as a simultaneousinability for the governmentto assistthe progressof the economytowards the modem model. Finley's model quickly achieved the status of orthodoxy and gave new impetus to 27 The extent of the model's canonical status is the debateon the Greek economy. probably best seenin Goldsmith's survey of pre-modem economies,where under a clearly formalist presentation, Finley's model is upheld as the only existing explanation of the Athenian 28 economy. Yet the reaction to Finley and the status-based economy has been equally strong, particularly in the last fifteen years with a variety of studies tackling particular aspectsof the model. The best example of the nature of the continuing debateis the almost 29 lending in Athens by Cohen. Millett simultaneousrival expositions on credit and and Such works have become the norm in the post-Finley era with specific studies

24Finley (1985:164,174-5). On this issue,there maybe clues that there were different tax-regimesoutside Athens (seepage 200). 25Finley (1985:166-8). 26Finley (1985:169-70). 27For Finley's thesis as orthodoxy seeHopkins (1983: xi); Patterson(1998:157). It has beenarguedthat Finley's work was the culmination, and indeed end, of the debate[McClellan (1997:172)]. 2' Goldsmith (1987:16-33). 29Millett (1991); Cohen (1992).


Athenian, Greek the the aiming to economy, mainly on particular aspects of concentrating issues, highlighted in Finley's work, either against the status-based which were explore orthodox model or in favour of it. The debatestill ragesunder three distinct headings. On the one hand, followers of Finley have attempted both to explore specific issuesand to test Weberian and Finleyan models on specific aspectsand case studies in the Greek economy, such as Millett's work on credit, Gamsey's exposition on food crises and Moller's work on the status of 30 Naukratis. In a similar vein and in responseto initial criticisms of Finley's model as ignoring the Hellenistic period, some scholars, side-steppingFinley's own argument that the Hellenistic kingdoms do not impact on his model since they belong to the oriental importance in have to the effort prove of status over proposedvarious models economies, profit in the Hellenistic kingdoms, mainly Ptolemaic Egypt, and refute Rostovtzeff s 31 modernist approach. On the other side of the spectrum, there has been an effort to reconcile the great insight of initially Hasebroek and then Finley on the paramount importance of status as and the power economic force in the Greek world and the evidence of economic processes literary In in the the the archaeological and record. what can sources of market as exhibited best be called a neo-modernist approach, a variety of works has concentrated on

30Millett (1991); Garnsey(1988); Moller (2000). 31Finley (1985: 183): "There was therefore no 'Hellenistic economy'; from the outsetthere were two, an ancient sectorand an Oriental sector". For the various models, seeSamuel(1983), where economic stability rather than economic growth is the main goal of Ptolemaic policy, Bingen (1978) that stablerevenuenot incredibly interventionist Turner (1984) the goal, with an growth was statewith an almost economic nationalised industry sectorand, finally, McClellan (1997) where it is arguedthat the Ptolemieswere not totally successfulin arrestingproduction growth. Interestingly, while all theseproposalsprofessto follow Finley's vision, they inexplicably manageboth to argue in favour of rational and specific state intervention defence interdependent best Finley's the the to of of existence markets. presume own argument remains and his thesis relating to the Hellenistic period.


interpreting the existing evidence in an anti-Weberian protest against ideal-types and exploring new avenuesin both quantitative and case-studyresearch. Thus, Cohen explored the importance of banks and banking in fourth-century Athens, Osborne proved the interdependence of marketsthrough pottery evidence for the archaicperiod, Foxhall argued in favour of widespread market related imports in the archaic period and Shipton proved that elite investment in Athens was more oriented towards manufacturethan land.


this approach also fall works, which have tried to distancethemselvesfrom the debate on the nature of the economy, concentrating instead on specific source material, such as Stroud's editio princeps of the grain-tax law of 374/3.

Of particular interest for this work are Bresson's criticisms of Finley's thesis concerning the role of the state in the economy and particularly in price-fixing and market 34 creation. Bresson has tried to show that Finley's model is too strict and primitivein has for by the the testimony some respects sources and succeeded, oriented provided 35 by in His most the poleis. particularly relation to markets and the use of revenues important contribution to the debateis Bresson's discussionof the Aristotelian view of the relative importance of exports and imports in the polis. Bressoneffectively demolishesthe in thesis that the primitivist polis was uninterested exports and shows conclusively that Aristotle, as well as other sources,clearly show that the polis had a vested in exports, as well as imports.

32Cohen (1992); Osborne(1996b); Foxhall (1998); Shipton (2000, especially p.94-5). 33Stroud (1998). 34Market creation (Naukratis): Bresson(2000:13-84); Price-fixing: Bresson (2000:183-210). 35Bresson(2000:247-57). 36Bresson(2000: 109-30).


However, Bresson'sview of the economy is in many ways restrictive, since he does not adequatelydifferentiate betweenthe different types of polity in the Greek world and the types of intervention available to and used by them. Bresson's work is valuable to the study of the various types of economic proceedingsin the Greek world and in the matter of co-operation between polities, especially in his work on Naukratis. However, his exploration of the theme is in many ways fragmentedand his outlook is heavily influenced by the legacy of Hasebroekand Finley in looking closely at the personnelof trade and their 37 in position society, rather than on policies and their changes. The other side of the coin in the post-Finley era has been a discussion on the validity and applicability of economic and anthropological models on the ancient economy. In an effort to move beyond the narrow confines of the debateand bring back the study of the economy into the mainstreamof ancient history, works such as those by Whittaker and Davies have called for the re-evaluationof existing and proposedmodels and have explored 38 field Greek, This theoretical the uniquenessof the and Roman, economy as a theoretical . and methodological discussion reveals the inherent duality in the post-Finley era on both In sides of the debatebetween the theoretical basis of study and the practical antecedents. both debate dependent theoretically the sides are other words, while of upon the statusbasedeconomy model, either to support or to disprove, the practical aspectis readily traced back to the earlier work of Moses Finley on the horoi, which highlights the need for further 39 Greek economy. Finley never realised his grand plan of a study on all aspects of the seriesof detailed studieson aspectsof the economy before producing an overarching model but in the thirty-five years since the Ancient Economy, work has concentratedon achieving
37Bresson(2000:65-70,95-9). 38Whittaker (1995) focusing on the Roman world and Davies (2005). 39Finley (1952:vii): "this book is intended as the first of severalvolumes".


that ambition. The study of the Greek economy today, in spite of its debts to the works before 1973, is shapedby and around Finley; a situation best articulated by Geoffrey Lloyd in a recent exposition, "the Ancient Economy contributed hugely in opening up debate, Finley himself never imagined that it closed it". 40

Theory and Methodology

Exploring any aspectof the Greek economytoday necessarilyrelatesback to Finley and his views on the subject. In the simplest of terms, to paraphraseHopkins, in order to understandthe ancient economy,we needto know the part played in it by trade and traders;

in order to understand the role of trade and traders,we needto hold someview on the
Ancient Economy. Finley's model has several problems both theoretical and

methodological; both categoriesare equally important in acquiring a view on the validity of the model. The first of Finley's main arguments was the lack of a system of interdependent markets in the Greek world, which automatically relegates the Greek economy into the category of primitive. Even if we ignore the fact that interdependence of markets has been shown through pottery evidence for the archaic period, and, thus, logically continued to 41 in do Finley's the to exist classical, own examples not stand up scrutiny. Finely rightly noted that statistical evidence that would enable a specific answer to the question is discovered be to unlikely and that the only viable alternative mode of inquiry is to analyse the factors of trade. The prime example used of the supposed lack of influence of the

40Lloyd (2002:xviii). 41On archaic interdependence of markets seeOsborne(1996b).


described based is Athens, the the the situations on producer gain supply of consumeron in Lysias 22 and Demosthenes 56. Demosthenes56, which provides the bulk of Finley's argument, is a pseudoDemosthenicparagraphe speechfrom the 320s BCE, where Athenian investors are trying to recover their loan from a trading venture in Egyptian grain. An initial problem with Finley's argument is that the speech does not refer to regular market conditions but is This famine Mediterranean. throughout the not a case eastern conditions of widespread demand, but influencing demand failing influence to since not only supply rather supply of local production in Greece and Aegean was affected by the drought but also that in the in Sea. Certainly, Black Egypt the the situation as portrayed and main exporting regions, Demosthenes 56 is not one of an independentschemeor effort to defraud the consumerby the supplier but a schemerising from a specific set of crisis circumstances. As is argued later, the main reasonwhy Kleomenesmanagesto succeedin his schemefor more than one sailing seasonis that widespread drought made supply so small that whatever the price be higher, by by thus enabling the the the consumer would producer, price paid asked traders to pay higher prices for the product and still make pro I.
ft 42

Secondly, the first part

directly involved between Kleomenes' correlation of prices exporter and scheme of importer, since the scheme recognised the increaseddemand and subsequentincrease of in increased for in importers the the export and correspondingly price of grain prices paid Egypt. Turning to Lysias 22, this genuine speechof Lysias is of the accuserin the trial of a in bulk, illegally buying Athenian grain number of sitopolai accusedof creating a cartel and



thus creating crisis-circumstances in a normal period. 43 Finley argued that the devices employed by the sitopolai to keep prices high in Athens, including creating a cartel, had no influence that can be proven on production in the Black Sea and Egypt. First, the sitopolai in Athens are not "producers and shippers" as Finley says, on the contrary it is the shippers that support the action against the sitopolai; the sitopolai are part of the apparatus in the 44 Secondly, the infuriated response of the emporoi implies an consumer not the producer. expectation of correlation of prices between the producer and the consumer, since we are left to infer that the scheme of the sitopolai kept prices in the emporion lower than they should be under free market conditions. Furthermore, there is no reason to assume that

schemes like that of the sitopolai in Athens, with their very short duration, should in any way influence the production of Egypt or the Black Sea. Finley cites as a comparison a similar scheme in early modem Amsterdam, which would influence production in Poland; 45 Amsterdam but the situations are not comparable. was the clearinghousefor the rest of

Europe; if the schemeof the sitopolai had taken place in its ancient equivalent, Rhodos or Byzantion, then Finley's argumentwould work but it took place in Athens, which was not a clearinghouse for grain but a major consumer. Accordingly, demand as perceived by the producer did not change. More importantly, for the production to increase or decrease, there must be a perceived changein demand. As long as there are multiple markets, which was the case in the Greek world, then small changesin demandwould changeproduction only in the long-term. To provide a hypothetical example, production in the Bosporan Kingdom would be affected if Athens was totally removed from the network, thus removing its demand.Or if the schemeof the sitopolai was allowed to continue unchecked,
43Note that throughout, I take Lysias 22 to be an actual speechdelivered in court, not a rhetorical exercise. 44Finley (1985:178). 45Finley (1985:177).


not becauseit would affect actual demand but it would make the emporol avoid Athens, which would affect the perceiveddemandon the network. The main axis of Finley's argument concentrates on elite mentality, which he argues was acquisitive but not productive. The main problem with this argument is that it concentrateson the elite and the moralising views of the philosophers, rather than on the society as a whole and the actual practice of both elites and non-elites in the Greek world. The lack of organised large-scaleindustry and the perceived unwillingness of the elite to invest rationally, even in land, for moral reasonsare both issuesthat have to be qualified. As Finley himself admits, moral reasons notwithstanding, land remained in the ancient world a very lucrative investment,thus, that a portion of the elite preferred to invest in land 46 The lack of rationality in investment is shown only makes perfect economic sense. through Roman paradigms,which fall outside the scopeof this work. Shipton in her study of public land leases has shown conclusively that such investment appealed widely in 47 Athens and not merely to the liturgical class. Further, from fourth-century Athens we have evidence of citizens preferring to invest in ventures other than land without that affecting their elite status. An obvious example is Pasion, who after attaining citizenship, did not change his investment regime from manufacture and banking to land, although according to Finley's model that is what any self-respectingmember of the elite would have done. Yet given the special status of Pasion's life, Demosthenes' father is a better example, since he was a member of the liturgical class and a respected member of the community, yet his investments were exclusively in the fields of manufactureand finance. Finley's argument that Demosthenes
46Finley (1985: 121-2). 47Shipton (2000:48-9).


does not refer to depreciation ignores the genre the information is found in.


A steady

unchanging return was necessaryfor Demosthenes' case, since depreciation or loss of profits in any form would vindicate the caseof the defendants. Finley basesa considerablepart of his argument on the moral value of agriculture 49 against trade or manufacture. The validity of assuming that a philosophical moral position either influences investment or represents the actual practice of persons is questionable. What the sourcesare referring to is an innate contempt on the part of the traditional aristocracy for people who have acquired wealth from trade, manufacture and finance; the difference with the modem attitude towards the nouveau riche is difficult to distinguish. But social attitudes, then as now, are not as easyto categorise. Kephalos may have beena manufacturerbut he was clearly acceptedin upper-classsalons,interestingly so be fully Pasion banausos. Phormion Socrates, It true ascertained whether and cannot a was in the Athenian upper classes,yet their initial statusas found the samedecreeof acceptance in been lot Athenian have their the relations a more potent with may slavesand non-Greeks upper classesthan their profession. One rightly wonders how the upper-class students of Socrates, who had never worked a day in their lives, managedto so completely condemnbanausia and never feel the least bit concerned or remorseful that they automatically condemnedtheir philosophical inspiration. Agriculture was certainly the most natural and valid form of wealth-getting and surely it createdthe right lifestyle of leisure; yet, one would feel slightly more comfortable if the sentiment came out of the mouth of a subsistencefarmer, not an absenteelandlord.

48Finley (1985:116).Note that amortisation is not mentioned in Demosthenes, since there were no loans to repay. 49A good example is Finley (1985: 122) quoting [Aristotle] Oikonomika 1343a25-b2.


Finley quotes Plato, Aristotle, Cato and Cicero, not the unknown litigant of Demosthenes, who can boast that he has left the high seas for the last seven years to take up a life of money-lending on the happy shores of the Piraeus. He, too, may have thought that agriculture is the most natural of occupations,yet that did not affect his investmentregime as far aswe can tell. Finley is right in pointing out that the Greek world did not exhibit, to the best of our knowledge, an organisedlarge-scaleindustry in the modem senseor a guild structure of the medieval type. The main argument is the lack of any polis known specifically for its manufacture rather than for its agricultural produce, thus, making the city a centre of 50 in Weberian the While Finley is consumption model rather than one of production. correct that Athens never becameFlanders,guild halls have not been found in excavations, nor is any polis particularly noted for its manufacture, all these statements need qualification. Most importantly, the meaning of manufacture and what constitutes a Finley's own words, clearly based on the [Aristotelian]

manufactured product.

Oikonomika, make his position clear: "essentially the ability of ancient cities to pay for their food, metals, slavesand other necessitiesrested on four variables: the amount of local agricultural production, that is, of the produce of the city's own rural area; the presenceor absence of specialresources,silver, above all, but also other metals or particularly desirable wines or olive-bearing plants; the invisible exports of trade and tourism; and fourth, the income from land ownersbip and empire, rents, taxes, tribute, gifts from clients and subjects. The contribution of manufacture was negligible; it is only a false model that

50Finley (1985:134-9).


I 5 did drives historians in search of them where they are unattested,and not exist".


first and second of Finley's categories are of particular interest in this case, since they highlight the primary issue when researching manufacture, not its existence but its definition. Today ascertainingmanufacturedproducts as againstnatural products is easy; a car is a manufacturedproduct, so is a computer, a book or a pen. The lexical meaning of 52 in factory is etC,,. There is an obvious manufacture "the making of articles, especially a problem when attempting to categorisearticles in such a way; tobacco is a natural product, yet cigarettesare not, similarly for oil and wine. Neither oil nor wine is a natural product, least Finley. Processing to they of according either, at are not manufactured yet apparently foodstuffs, like that of tobacco, is considered part of a country's industries in modern he buying bought jar So, Athenian a product of the of wine, was not a an economics. when bar but of oil or of soap, a ajar perfume, a and similarly with a manufactured article, earth chair, or indeed gar-umor salted fish from the Propontis. A fresh fish in the market at Athens is a natural product, preservedtunny from Kyzikos is not. Similarly, grain from the BosporanKingdom is a natural product but semidalis from Phoeniciais not. Finley, quoting Xenophon Poroi 4.4-6, further postulates that demand for manufacturedproducts was essentially inelastic, thus, the demandwas predominantly local, 53 and consequently,the ancient city was a consumer city and manufacture was negligible. The passagefrom Xenophon, however, is not as clear-cut as that, except of course if one he does ironsmiths, Xenophon to coppersmiths, since not refer or only, selectively. quotes is becomes too that the true to same state of grain and wine and when on production goes

51Finley (1985:139). 52Concise Oxford Dictionary, gthedition, s.v. manufacture1. 53Finley (1985:135).


54 is leave in finance. Xenophon to trade, agriculture engage retail and great, many honey, it is interesting he does Athenian that or mention oil audienceand not addressingan the other products, except for silver, that Athens was known for. The ancient city

consumedbut there is little evidenceto suggestthat it did not produce also and while some do did today not, not produce manufactured products, as some countries cities certainly

Concerning the lack of major technological advances,which Finley argues are a is it Greeks, indicator the thought the and practice of of essential non-productive good Greeks did the that not pay as much attention to technology as the pointing out while worth modern western world does, there were certainly technological advancesduring the period. The modem westernworld has witnessedmore technological advancesin the last 200 years than in the whole of human history, whether that is a sign of an advanced economy or merely the culmination of the advancementof analytical and scientific thought is an issue that needsbe further investigated. The other major argument that is thought to prove the unproductive economic institutions. is lack Cohen very convincingly Greeks the the of credit-based practice of showedthat the Athenians in the fourth century had credit-basedinstitutions in the form of banks, which supportedtrade and manufacture. On the other hand, both Finley's work on

Poroi 4.6-7: KaI y&p oW 6anEP 6TaV ICOU611XCLXKOTýWt-Y&OWMI, &ýiow TCVO[LkV(J)V T(2)V gpy(j)v, 6(mik(oq 6TcLv oi oi icaTaMovTat XakKoTýnot, ical ai&jpci; y& ic&iniK6v Kal -ye 7cokbq oko; Kal Xa), a! ympyiat yiyvovTai, 6aTE 710a6l &(PtgEVOI T013TýV oiVoý ybqTat, &ýicov 6vT(j)v TCavicapic6v, &XuatTeW; Kal TOKICFgOb;Tp6tOVTat- &PYL)PiTI; 56 6C;q) &V lt)xiwv (paiVqTat 7ýV ýPY6ýCGO(Xti7l' 6g7EOPia; KaI ICCVCTjWCt; Ht 9PrYOV &py6piov Toaoi)T(A) nXiov yiy"T(xt, xWOVC; T6 TOýTO 9pXovTat, " And when there are many KaI coppersmiths, the value of copperwork falls, and the coppersmiths close down, the same with the ironsmiths; and when there is much grain and wine, the value of the produce falls, and agriculture brings little profit, then many leave agriculture and turn towards trade, retail and lending; but as much as more silver ore is found, so much more silver is made, so many more people get involved in mining".

54 Xenophon

55Cohen (1992).


the horoi and Millett's work on lending patterns in Athens have made it clear that a large 56 loans for part of were personal reasons. Finley's insistence in excluding from his discussionmaritime loans effectively restricts the available evidenceto only one part of the credit spectrum in the Greek world. It would be impossible to study modem credit

institutions if the spectrum of data was restricted on personal loans and credit-card transactions. The balanceof the studieson credit and lending in Athens has shown that the Athenians borrowed both for personal non-productive reasonsand for businesspurposes. The situation seems not much different from modem credit transactions, where people borrow both for personalreasonsand for investmentpurposes. The third axis of Finley's model concernsspecifically the intervention of the state in the economy. This part of the Greek economy has been a sadly neglected one, since detailed studies on aspectsof the behaviour and role of the state in the economy are rare. This work attemptsto explore one particular aspectof the role of the state: its behaviour in relation to the foreign trade of necessary commodities. Beyond the specific theoretical problems of Finley's model, there are severalpoints of disagreementon methodology. Firstly, Finley's insistence on the idea of the "ancient economy", which has been a systemic fiction in Greek and Roman history since the I gth century CE. After 1973, historians have followed Finley's substantive model, which

distinguishedthe "Greco-Roman Economy" chronologically, culturally and geographically. Recent studies in the history of classical scholarship have highlighted that Finley was a 57 his lit ico-ideo logical times their The turn of the century and product of po climate. witnessedthe advent of a different approachto ancient history in general,one of integration
56Finley (1952:81-3); Millett (1991). 57Nafissi (2005).


demolition and



boundary constructions, geographical, cultural


58 chronological. Arguments for connectivity and blurring of artificial distinctions have brought about the call for a redefinition of the ancient economy as an integrating framework for a better understanding of the ancient world including all its individual components, from the Near East to Britain and from the Bronze Age to the end of the Roman Empire.

The ancient economy as visualised by Finley ignores not only the connections between of the broader Mediterraneanregion and its immediate neighbours, but also the deep economic ties, and their necessity,between the various cultures. Simultaneously, it creates an artificial economic entity, which in spite of Finley's admission of its artificial quality, has dominated study and exposition of economic functions in the ancient world.

The idea of the 'ancient economy' not only ignores the larger picture but also disregardsthe smaller component pictures. The classical Greek economy and economic processeswere different from the Roman ones in the same way that politics and political processeswere 61 different. While similarities between the two systems were in existence and can be development identified, framework different. the of economic overall was and mapped Further, even within the Greek World in the classical period there were considerable
58Horden & Purcell (2000) is the turning point. 59Manning & Morris (2005). 60Finley (1985:29). 61To provide only one exampleof the fusion that Finley consistentlyemployed: "Or, should we place the stresson the universal Greek restriction of land ownership to citizens, or in the two second-centuryattempts to compel newly createdRoman senatorsfrom the provinces to acquire estatesin Italy?" (1985:156). The two situations are inherently different. For the Greek world, even if the restriction were universal, which not been proven to my knowledge, the backgroundof the practice differs sharply from that of the Romans.There are valid strategicreasonsfor the restriction of ownership to citizens and equally valid political ones. In the land is ownership not restricted (although there are exceptions,such as the modem where world, modem Greek restriction on foreigners owning property in the border provinces), there have been incidents of descentto immigrants forced to abandontheir holdings, such as when the US forced immigrants of Japanese abandontheir holdings in WWII. Land-ownership is an issue greaterthan mere investment;a point that Finley ignores when criticizing Xenophon's proposal on allowing metics to own houses(1985:163).


differences in the economic systems and processesof the various poleis, as there were differences in the economyof any one polis at different times within the period. Moreover, while it is possible to identify patterns of economic behaviour within a specific period and A it does that there that were no exceptions within economic system. not mean area, is its for Greco-Roman Finley's the static vision of a unified model worlds of consequence character. Finley believed that an economic model should reflect the "dominant"

62 By advocating a model of one dominant mode of behaviour behaviours in the economy. for the economy of the MediterraneanWorld throughout the Greco-Romanperiod, Finley disregardedthe inherent fluctuations of any economy. Another problem with Finley's idea of the "ancient economy" is the problem of insisted did ignoring Finley not any practice or evidence, which consistently on exceptions. 63 in Exceptions follow his model of a status-based exist any system, since economy. will alternative patterns are the safety valves for any system to avoid stagnation and adapt to changes. On the one hand, the study of theseexceptionsis as necessaryas that of the rules for thus we can understandthe systembetter. On the other hand, to be able to distinguish betweenrules and exceptions,there must be data that throw both into relief Demosthenes' father invested in manufacture and finance and so did Pasion, Andokides becamea trader during his exile and after his return invested in tax-farming, Nikias investedconsiderably in the mining industry and his descendantsin the fourth century continued the trend. The
62Finley (1985:29). 63For example (1985:164): 'Wenophon's argumentabout the limitless demandfor silver is a rare and rudimentary exception". Yet interestingly both surviving political pamphletsare concernedwith the polis choice of revenue,albeit from different perspectives. Also, (1985:170): "Just price was a medieval concept, is a sufficient not an ancient one, and this interferenceby the state,altogetherexceptional in its permanence, food the the of problem". Interestingly,just price was not an ancient conceptand is urgency of measure exceptional where found, although the Atheniansnot only legislated on profit margins and fixed public grain prices to what was consideredjust by the assemblybut the Teans,also, legislated againstartificial increaseof prices. If every legislation we know is an exception,then the rule can only be inferred ex silentio.


balance of the evidence is not as unambiguous as the philosophers, or the status-based in believe. have Whether these the people was exceptional us attitude of model, would classical Athens is something that needs further study; it is impossible to assume the in the philosophers. exceptionality of thesecasesbecauseof moralising statements A further problem with Finley's model is the insistenceon considering certain types of evidence and methods of inquiry better than others. The exact use of sources and interpretation data for the types and are of method employed analysis of evidenceas well as methodological decisions. Finley, as others before and after him, embracedsome necessary
types of evidence, for example philosophical writings, while excluding others, for example 64 Finley's reaction to the abuse of pottery evidence was justified, yet the exclusion pottery. it data. from Similarly, the the a set surviving economy vast of student of of pottery robs has become almost an urban legend in Greek history that statistics are non-existent, 65 for The the social main and phenomena. study of economic unusable and unreliable

is data is incomplete, for the that the surviving and thus no of statistics avoiding use reason is full data is but be full. That true the set of appearing since possibility of a analysis will is data better is A than none, the partial picture using available nonsensical. not remote, data the and their statistical analysis will provide the partial picture, which existing and
US. be to unknown otherwise would 66

Governmental Intervention

64Finley (1985:33) for the main cautionary example. In the years since Finley it has becomeacceptedthat be 6). have been Morley (2007: However, there alternative see cannot uniformly excluded, evidence pottery as to how amphoraeare not trade indexes,in this casefor Rome: Whittaker (1989). suggestions 61Quantitative studiesare a necessityin ancient economichistory, as Finley recognisedin an earlier study: Finley (1965:35). 66Osborne(1991;139).


Beyond the theoretical and methodological problems of Finley's model, a major issue is clearly economic: governmental intervention. Finley argued that there was only 67 Previous scholars,who like limited and occasional governmental intervention in trade. Finley followed Polanyi's theory, relegated governmentalpolicy to a minor import policy 68 is The this thesis to explore the role of the state in foreign on grain. aim of concentrating trade in the archaic and classicalperiods. An issue that needsbe clarified at this initial stage is the use of the words state and definition in The this work. of the polis as a state has been an issue of debate government among scholarswith differing opinions based on the historical evolution of the European 69 in state and the concept of state the modern period. Recently Berent argued in favour of viewing the polis as a statelesssociety based on the relative lack of institutionalisation in the polis and the lack of the fundamental divide between state and citizens, which is a 70 in many modern states. This argument has major concept of government and politics been adequatelyrefuted by Hansen in a number of studies, which highlight the similarities between the polis and the early modem and modem state in relation to both government and its power over the people and the concept of state as comprising territory, government
PolitiC. body the and 71

This work follows Hansen's view of the polis as a state, albeit with important 72 More importantly, as testified by differences from the early modem and modem states. the title, the thesis is concerned mainly with the role of government in foreign trade, in
67Finley (1985:155). 68Austin & Vidal-Naquet (1977:113). For re-iteration of that thesis, seeMorley (2007:4,57). 6' For a review of the main recent arguments,seeFaraguna(2000). 70Berent (1996:39,58-9). 71Hansen(2002:26-30), Hansen(1998). 72Hansen(2002:41-2).


by institutions, laws inter-polity the role played words with and relations and other in foreign is Since focus but trade. the the on other not exclusively on polis agreements types of polity, both Greek and oriental, in the Greek world and its fringes, the term government is preferred to encompassthe different types of constitution and authority exhibited in the different polities from the Athenian democracy to tyrannical and monarchical regimes. However, mainly for the polis but also to some extent for other polities, particularly the Greek ones rather the oriental, the state is understood to be the combination of institutions and the body of citizens, since decision making, especially in democraciesand relatively open oligarchies, is dependentupon the will of the people as a and independentgovernment. whole rather than a superimposed There is a fundamental distinction, which has failed to come uP in discussionsof trade and the economy in the Greek World, that between intervention and involvement. Intervention is when the government seeksto influence the economic behaviour of citizens, itself in is it Thus, involvement transactions. activity engages economic and when while legislating on the import of grain is an act of intervention, similarly to providing ateleia to hand, by On the the polis makesthe government the of mines other ownership an exporter. involved in the mining industry and when the Spartans buy gold from Kroisos, the involvement of the government in the transaction is full and clear.73 The issue of in for intervention in has been debated, the trade, economy, particularly government governmentalintervention or more specifically non-intervention is considereda major sign 74 Yet discussions Polanyi's theory. of a primitive or unevolved economy according to involvement. ignore Governmental involvement to governmental and governmental seem
73Seefurther page 57. 74Finley (1985:154-5); Austin & Vidal-Naquet (1977:112).


intervention can be simultaneousoperationsand are not mutually exclusive. Nevertheless, the equilibrium between involvement and intervention is the key to the state's role in the economy. Methodologically there are some initial bases to be established. Firstly, and possibly most importantly, an initial assumption in this work is that the practice of the economy reflects economic thinking. Thus, the practices of governments are studied in detail rather than the moralising and utopian concepts of the philosophers. This initial assumption firmly places this work within the neo-modernist approach and opens it to attack on the matter of the existence of a theoretical superstructure for the actions of governments. Finley distinguished between economic policy and political actions with thereby, relegating many measuresand decisionswith unintended economic consequences,

75 dimension irrelevance This work seeksto answerwhetherin practice to an economic .
there was intervention and involvement by the Greek governmentsand in what ways this was done. Motivations, policies and theoretical superstructuresfor such intervention and involvement are inferred from the actual measures. Secondly, the chronological focus of the investigation is intentionally narrow covering only the archaic and classical periods. Economies change and adapt to different circumstances,social and political. The advent of Alexander, and more importantly the Successors, changed the face of the Greek world, thus creating different economic however, Even, within the archaic and classical periods, changesoccurred and networks. when possible they are pointed out and discussed; thus, for example, the economy of Athens changeddrastically at the end of the fifth century with the loss of empire. It must

75Finley (1985:155).


be pointed out that at no point are the conclusionsreachedin the thesis consideredto apply by default in other periods. Geographically as much of the Greek world as possible is including the the constraints within of evidence covered non-polis polities. The Greeks in uniformly organised polis structures and, thus, the study of non-polis polities not were both within and at the borders of the Greek world provides necessary points of comparison. It must be noted that comparisonswith later periods or other geographical regions are avoided, since the political, social and economic circumstancesof the Greek world in the archaic and classical periods are not found, to my knowledge, in any other historical period or geographicalregion. Thirdly, in the use of the evidenceand examples,I have departedsignificantly from the use advocated by Finley, since, as mentioned above, the exceptionality of any given judged individually be but body data. Additionally, even the should not within of example be light to throw or cases can on the rules of the generaleconomic unique used exceptional environment. Concerning the silence of the sources, the initial assumption is that the evidence is lost not lacking: I have tried to avoid arguments from silence, preferring to concentrateon the existing evidence. Thus, I have deduced measuresor policies where possible; where there is no evidence, no conclusions are drawn. Thus, for example, it is argued that Corinth was chronically deficient in local grain, but given the absence of evidence on any policy or measuresconcerning grain supply, no conclusionsare drawn on that the Corinthians could have taken. This source-based the possible measures approachis open to the accusationthat the study concentrateson exceptionalpolities or circumstances. This is a fundamental methodological issue on the validity of arguments from silence, where I wish to make my position clear: argumentsfrom silence are not valid.


The aim of the thesis is achieved by the discussion of four commodities: gold, for four but The their timber commodities were not chosenrandomly and grain. silver, potential as essential commodities to the polis. Gold and silver (or their mutual alloy initiative by definition. Specific types of the coinage, a state metals of electrurn) were timber were used in the constructionof warships, and naval warfare was a major element of fmally, diet in Grain, the and one of main staples of ancient our period. was military reality its supply a political concern. In the trade of such necessaryand important commodities, the polis or polity was most likely to play a role, either as importer or as exporter. The role of the governmentin trade is clearly divided betweentwo major spheresof be involved intervene in both. For the imports The could or and exports. state commerce: state as exporter, there are various issuesto explore. Firstly, the producerswith capability identified, both In be for geographically and politically. each commodity must of export identified but be the of export also the political status of regions other words, not only must the communities involved. As was mentioned above the Greek World was an amalgam interacted but The not only with each other also with and politically. poleis geographically interior Greek tribes poleis, and non-Greek and areas, non-Greek of coastal non-Greek kingdoms. Both the geographicalpositioning of the resourcesand the political statusof the in dominating them the trade of these commodities and to their played a role communities availability as exports. Secondly,the form of export must be identified. For each commodity, the form of bullion, different. have been is For example, as gold and silver could exported export artefactsor coins. The form of the exportablecommodity answersmajor questionsas to the in Taking the the the export of commodity. state as example silver, the export of of role


bullion meant considerablemore intervention and knowledge of export by the statethan the largely outside the power of the polis to control, since they were export of coins, which was available on the open market. In the third place, the extent of public control on exportable surpluses of these discovered how A be the and poleis exercised such control. must or polities commodities is issue whether the state controlled surplusesthrough ownership of resourcesand major into influence direct Further, translated the of was exploitation. whether such ownership the state on production of the resourcesmust be explored. The government could exert incentives, legislation influence through on production or and, more considerable importantly, could even encouragethe production of particular commodities. Lastly, the be in disposition the the the of surpluses must considered. The type of government role of disposition adoptedby a polis or polity can provide important information on the amount of direct intervention employed by the government. On the other side of the fence,poleis and polities were also importers. The first step in exploring the role of the government in imports is to identify which stateshad regular or permanent shortagesof a commodity. The identification of importers and the exploration imports discussed. depend In the the caseof gain, the of on commodity volume relative of for example, regular shortageswere dictated by the ratio between of population size and cultivated territory. For silver, on the other hand, population and territory have no

best imports. In that the the case, volume provides on relative of minted coins consequence importers imports. for identifying the their and of volume method More importantly, the extent of the intervention of the government, if any, on the import of any given commodity must be discovered. The government had at its disposal a


import to of means encourage or ensure of a commodity. The polis or polity could variety intervene forcefully in import by coercing or obliging exporters through seizure of marketed surpluses, conquest of the resource territories or simply by treaty with the exporter. Another form of intervention, though not as forceful, was to try to attract exporters by offering honours or incentives. The government could also intervene internally to ensuresuccessfulimport of commodities by encouragingprivate local traders to import specific commodities or by keying production of exportable commodities, which import Lastly, traders. the take the attract government could of a would naturally importing its hands by directly into specific commodities. commodity own Each of the four commodities provides information about particular stagesof the journey of the commodity from production to consumer and more importantly relates to specific types of governmental involvement in trade. Silver and gold are counterpoints, since survival has dictated that one is known from exporter's point of view, the other from the importer's. Silver informs us of the system of production within those systems,while providing vital clues as to the importance of exportability of commodities to the polis but intervention. framework involvement informs Gold minimum of of maximum a within imports from a practical viewpoint since it exemplifies the varied meansof acquisition and highlights the effects of random opportunity. Timber and grain are complementarybecause both are known principally from the importer's point of view but some evidence on the informs has Timber their actions survived. and us of the practicalities of exporters commercial transaction completion and focuses on maximum intervention through monopolies. Grain on the other hand, informs us of commodities as part of political and


social causationand on the relative intervention-involvement equilibrium of the state in its role as regulator.


Part 1: Gold and Silver


Gold and Silver: Prolegomena
Exchangeis a common feature of human societies. In somesocieties,exchange transforms from direct to indirect, requiring the use of money. Money is the meansof unlimited exchangebasedon the calculation and recognition of value without direct correlation of needs. In the archaicperiod, in the Greek world and somenon-Greek states in Asia Minor, a specific type of money spread,coinage. The distinguishing feature of 76 its issuing by types the of money was exclusive coinageas againstother state. The decree of monetization found in the Greek world has been debatedby scholarsbut for the purposes of this work, the pervasiveness of monetization is immaterial, since the investigation
focuses on the role of the state.77 However, it must be stated that it is throughout assumed

that there existed at least a minimal degreeof monetization in the archaic period and a basic degreein the classical. Coinage in the Greek world was a state issue and as such the procurement of precious metals for it was a state concern, either through own meansfor the few statesthat

78 from or controlledrelevantresources externalsourceS. The following chapters explore
the role of the state in the trade of precious metals, gold and silver, especially in relation to precious metal coinage. Silver was the coinage metal par excellence in the Greek world, particularly after the middle of the sixth century. Gold, on the other hand, was particularly important in the
76Schaps(2004:179). 77The most important work on the issue is Kraay (1964), especiallypages84-8, where is it arguedthat the low level of fractions minted by Greek poleis shows a very low level of monetization. However, recent researchhas shown that the level of fractions was considerablyhigher that what Kraay knew from the archaic period onwards, showing that the level of monetization was higher throughout the archaic and classical Veriods: Kim (2002). 8 There are a few disputed casesfrom the time of early coinage, e.g. The Phanescoin, which has been thought to be that of a private individual, possibly a merchant. However, it is equally possible that one of the poleis followed the Lydian systemof inscribing the name of the minting official: Kraay (1976:24-5).


archaic period as the main constituent metal of electrurn and continued to be used in some parts of the Greek world in the classical period. The study of both commodities, as that of most commodities, suffers from a lack of adequateevidence and to some extent lack of interest in modem scholarship. The literary evidenceconsistsof various brief referencesin the sources and of part of Xenophon's Poroi, relating to the marketability and uses of silver. The epigraphic evidencerelates mainly to the Athenian exploitation of the Laurion mines in the fourth century. There is, however, a large body of material evidence in the form of coins and mining installations. In both areas, more archaeological research is necessary,specifically on the provenance of coinage metals and on mining installations beyond Laurion and the Huelva. Since precious metal depositsare not widely found in the Mediterraneanand its periphery, this study begins with the identification and discussionof had that accessto resourcesof precious metals, with specific attention paid to the states in Athens and the role it played in its economy. Then the of exploitation of silver regime in that states minted silver or gold but did not have their own resourcesof metal and may have imported are examinedthrough the information provided by their coinagesmainly on what they imported, how they did it and to what extent trade played a role in acquisition.


Chapter 1: The Exporters of Gold and Silver
The rarity of gold and silver in the Mediterraneanand peripheral regions along with the low cost of labour made the exploitation of even the smallest deposit economically viable, while the limited technology available made exploitation less productive and, 79 Since not all deposits known to modem consequently, the product more valuable. geology in the Mediterranean and peripheral regions were exploited in the archaic and deposits the selection of examined is based on three alternative criteria: classical periods, first, mention in the sources,second,evidence of ancient workings and, third, probability, deposits that were easier to to alluvial specific gold which applies only depositsare examinedfrom west to east.
The Iberian Peninsula has both gold and silver deposits, of which those in the
exploit. 80


Huelva region were particularly important in the ancient world. In the beginning of the eighth century, the Phoeniciansestablishedcolonies and trading posts in the region, while, traditionally, the mines were known to the Greeks from the late seventhcentury.


between in debate interaction Greeks Phoenicians the the the centre of on and metals are at the western Mediterranean,which relates mostly to early colonisation.but also expandsto diverse themes,from Phokaian. later eras and encompasses settlementabroadto Herodotos'

79Gold is lessrare today due to the discovery of massivegold depositsin the Americas, South Africa and Australia in the early modem period and the advancesin mining technology in the last century. Out of an estimated 116,000tons of gold producedin the world since prehistoric times, only 10,000were produced before the Middle Ages: Bache (1987:3). 80The gold depositsexploited by the Greekswere either alluvial, which were the most productive quantitatively, or vein, which were undergroundand, thus, harder to exploit. Vein depositsharder to exploit: Bache (1987:27); Yannopoulos (1991:34); Williams & Ogden (1994:14); Forbes (1971:159,161). Even as recently as 1989 CE, 58% of world production came from alluvial deposits: Eliopoulos & Konstantinides (1989:69). Note that the quality of alluvial depositsis generally less than that of vein deposits:Yannopoulos (1991:25). 81Gold: Strabo3.2.8,3.4.2; PosidoniusF89.168; Agard & Emberger (1989:21-4); Lyritzis & Lyritzi (1985:79); Vizquez Guzmdn (1989:114-5,153,156-8). Silver: Herodotos 1.163.2-3,4.152.3; Dominguez (1999:30 1); Morgenroth (1999:395).


credibility, with the aim of establishingwhich of the two cultures was the dominant power

in the western Mediteffanean.
Aubet argued convincingly for the eighth century that Phoenician expansion was 82 in Euboian Mediterranean. In the late archaic activity the western peacefully connectedto intermittent the conflicts between the Greeks, mainly of Sicily, and and classical periods, Carthagecertainly createdperiods of strainedrelations. However, the many finds of Greek pottery in Iberia throughout the classical period show considerablecontact among Greeks, Phoeniciansand natives, particularly relating to the metal trade, since many of the finds 83 discovered in Cabrera finds do Huelva. that the the agued not prove Greek trade were 84 but be by Greek Phoenician Iberia However, trade the can explained with area. with direct is be to trading contacts with Greeks, except generally accepted evidence of pottery

in cases of isolatedfinds.


in does The Phoenician Iberia presence not excludea Greek

in here or other areasof the Mediterranean. either presence For the classical period, Cabrera argued that the development of Laurion negated 86 in for Iberian Mediterranean. This argument is very difficult silver the eastern any need to substantiate at presentwithout an extensivestudy of metal provenanceof silver artefacts.

More importantly, Laurion had a major competitor in the easternMediterranean, the
Thracomacedonian region, which should have been more directly affected by the development of Laurion, yet apparently suffered no adverse effects. Additionally, the likely Greeks the would still need of metals which most supplier remained Iberia. western
82Aubet (1993:315) againstBurkert (1992:21), 83Dominguez (1999:301); Treister (1996: 188-9); Shefton (1994:72); Boardman (1999:213). 84Cabrera(1998:193), Cabreraspecifically considersGreek pottery to have beenPhoeniciangifts to the native elite but the context of many finds in industrial settingsprecludesthis. 85A suitable exampleis of courseAl-Mina: Boardman (1994:140); Graham (1997:250). " Cabrera(1998:197-8).


The imports of Greek pottery in Iberia testify to Greek trading contacts with the region, while the large number of finds in the Huelva points directly towards metalsbeing the main reason for such contact. Further, the Greek settlementson the east Iberian coast, such as Ampurias, show the considerableinterest of the Greeks, especially the Massaliotes, in the region.

Gaul has several gold deposits in the Salsigne area and although there is no

before the Roman period, there is extensive evidence of quantities evidenceof exploitation of gold being in circulation among the natives; the nearestGreek polis was Massalia,which had commercial contacts with the Gallic tribes.

In Italy, the Salassi tribe (Gallic)

89 foot in deposits Alps River Adige the secondcentury. The at the of the near the exploited deposit could have been exploited earlier and gold enter the Greek World through Etruria, since the Etruscanshad settlementsin the Po Valley (Velsina) and a thriving precious metal industry.90 In Sardinia, there were silver mines that were exploited in the fifth century, 91 by Phoenicians. 111yria the also had silver mines in Damastion, which could be possibly identified with modern Argyrokastro.92 These mines have been connected in modern scholarship with Epidamnos and the conflict between Corcyra and Corinth; possibly

87Hodge (1998:161-7). 88PoseidoniosFGrH 87 F169; Diodoros 5.27.1. Forbes(1964:168); Treister (1996:148); Agard & Emberger (1989:214); Bache (1987:48-53,99); Bouladon (1989:42,44-5,71). Archaeological evidencefrom Gaul that gold was widely used by the native population: Hodge (1998: 115). suggests Strabo4.6.7. Forbes(1964:168); Zuffardi (1989:2224,238,241,243). 90Athenaios 1.28b. Treister (1996:252) proposedthat the Greek poleis of Italy and Sicily in the fourth century imported silver from Calabria, but the evidenceof mining operationsthere in the classicalperiod is still insufficient. 91Treister (1996:186); Healy (1978:53). 92Strabo7.7.8; Shepherd(1993:106-7). Argyrokastro, meaning "silver castle" in modem Greek, is modem Gjirokaster in Albania. Note that Finley (1965: 17-8) doesnot think that there were mines in Illyria.


Damastion, through Epidamnos, was one of the suppliers of silver for Corinth in the fifth 93 century.
The Thracomacedonian Macedonian River, Kingdom River region was particularly rich in precious metal deposits. The

had at least one and possibly and mount Dysoron.

three gold deposits in the Gallikos deposit is mentioned in the century

the Axios

The Gallikos

sources and numerous ancient workings

were observed there in the early twentieth

C E. 94 The exploitation of the other two deposits in the archaic and classical periods cannot

be ascertained without further archaeological investigation. 95 In the Chalcidice, two areas had gold and silver deposits, mount Stratonike and the Lagkadas basin. In mount

Stratonike, the two main mining areas were Olympias and Skouries, where extensive 96 have been found. The nearest polis to both sites was remains of ancient exploitation Stageirabut the best candidatefor domination was Akanthos, the largestpolis in the eastern Chalcidice and a prolific minter.97 In the Lagkadasbasin remains of ancient exploitation have also been found; the deposit belonged either to Apollonia or to Lete.98 Healy and Treister have argued that these deposits were not exploited before 383 and that they belonged to either Olynthos or Macedon (under Philip 11) based on the speech of the
93Coin analysis of Corinthian coins has shown that before the Peloponnesian War Corinth imported 1/3 its of silver from Athens; the other suppliers remain unidentified: Kraay & Emeleus (1962: 35); Hornblower (1991b: 17); Boardman (1980: 285); Shepherd (1993: 106).

94ScylaxPeriplous66.7; Strabo7.F21. Treister(1996: 184); Liatsikas(1939: 559); Georgalas(1921:10-11). 95The Axios depositneededno permanentfacilities: Mastoris et al (1979:276). Dysoron: Barbaressos (1933:1219-20);Demou.(1989:214-5); Enýjyqparw& r6Xog rovpcraUoyEvcriKo6, v6prov Tj7qEUd3oq (1973:212); Mpitzios (1989b:434); Mposkos (1982/3:97-8). Ancient slag heapsin Dysoron, need for further (1975:34). analysis: Papastamataki 96Slagheaps: 32), (1979:869). Skouriesexploited for gold: Oikonomou-Eliopoulou et al Papastamataki(1975: (2000: 150); Mpitzios (1989b:42). High copper content in the slag is the result of incomplete smelting, a usual practice by the Greekswhen exploiting a precious metal deposit with high basemetal content as for example (1979:879-80). Ancient mine shaftsand galleries in Olympias: silver and lead in Laurion: Papastarnataki (1975:30-1), (1979:868,881). Papastamataki 97Akanthos was clearly More powerful than Stageiraand exploitation of thesegold (and silver) deposits would explain both the amount of coinageminted by Akanthos and the tribute (5 and 3 talents) it paid to Athens in the 5h century: Hansen& Nielsen (2004: 559,613). " Two ancient galleries and one shaft (from archaic to Hellenistic periods): Vavelidis (1990:173).


Akanthians,in Sparta as reported by Xenophon, which does not mention any gold mines.99 The Akanthian speech,however, refers specifically to the resourcesof Olynthos and the allies it is trying to attract, Potidaia and the poleis of the peninsula of Pallene, while the depositswere within the spheresof influence of Akanthos and Apollonia, the poleis whose '()o representatives make the speech. Since there is no reasonto supposethat the Akanthians and the Apolloniates would mention their own resourcesin the speech,the mines may have beenexploited before 383. Lake Prasias on the Strymon boasted one alluvial gold deposit in Nigrita, where numerous ancient workings have been found, and one silver deposit, mentioned as 101 by Herodotos. The areawas traditionally dominated by Thracian tribes, particularly rich probably the Edoni, but there was a brief period of Macedonian domination in the early fifth century, while after its foundation, the area probably belonged to Amphipolis., 02 The Pangaionprecious metal deposits are among the best known in the ancient world. Silver was mined in modern Nikisiani and Palaiochori. Ancient remains of gold exploitation have been found in modern Nikisiani, Mesorope and Philippoi, while the sourcesalso mention three mining areas, Philippoi, Daton and Scapte Hyle; Philippoi can be identified with modern Philippoi. Since ScapteHyle was exploited by the Thasians,it could be identified

99Xenophon Hellenika 5.2.15-18,particularly §16: Ti yLýp8ý Kal igno&bv, 67EOI) 4Ua gtv vawmyýatga jv
iT(OVU RP60060t ZKROXIAýW T! X(ýPq gtVXtjItVCOV, ýKROUCOV8'iýLROPUOV, ROXIMOPC07da ye ýLývSt& Tilv nokuatTiav lbacipX&t,"What is the hindrance (to their expansion), since there is timber for shipbuilding in the land, and there are monetary revenues from many harbours and emporia, and there are many people and abundance of grain? ". Treister (1996: 186); Healy (1978: 46-7); Shepherd (1993: 104), note each account mentions different deposits, belonging to different poleis and for different periods. 100 Xenophon Hellenika 5.2.15: inci ft Kai rIoT&[8ataV ýXOUOIV k! T4) 100g4) Tý; 11ONJIN11; OýGaV,VOPiý&T& tacaOat af)TCOV "Since they also have Potidaia, which is at the Kai T6L; &T6; Taiýq; 70)xt; lbýOou; isthmus of Pallene and the poleis inside it (i. e. the peninsula) are their vassals".
iCYTý Xpllgt

101 Gold, ancient remains: Mastoris et al (1979:287-8); Georgalas(1921:19); Kelepertzis (1980: 19). Lake Prasias:Herodotos 5.17.2; Shepherd(1993:96). 102 Macedonian domination: Hammond (1979:102).


103 Neapolis, in Mesorope Thasian the the near with primary colony area. The sourcesgive contradictory accounts of the location of Daton but if its connection with the Edoni is 104 it be identified Nikisiani Amphipolis. In the early archaic credible, then could with near district belonged to the Thracians but after its foundation Thasos the control of period, forcibly took control of part of the area; Nikisiani, Palaiochori and Philippoi probably 105 Athens in the 460s tried to belonged to the Thracians and Scapte Hyle to Thasos. dominate the whole areabut succeeded only in wresting ScapteHyle from Thasian control. After the foundation of Amphipolis and especially during the Peloponnesian War, specific spheresof control cannot be ascertained. The dissolution of the Athenian Empire could have enabledThasosto regain its possessions; however, the anti-Thasianstanceof Neapolis in the last decade of the PeloponnesianWar suggeststhat the ownership of Scapte Hyle 106 have been in dispute. The Thracian tribes probably never lost control of their could if had did, it by had control of 382, while the Thasians, they they certainly regained mines; Krenides and the surrounding area for sometime before the middle of the fourth century.107 In the second half of the fourth century, control of the whole area passedto Macedon through conquest.

103 Herodotos6.46.2-3. 104 Of the various conflicting sources,I follow Herodotos, as the nearestchronologically. Connectionwith the Edoni: Herodotos9.75.1. Connectionwith Neapolis: Strabo7.F33, F36, F32. A Thasian colony: Zenobius 3.11. Identification with Philippoi: Harpokration s. v. MTN; Appian 4.13.105. Contradicting Diodoros (16.8.6), who mentions specifically that Krenides was renamedPhilippoi and doesnot mention Daton. Leake (1835:2234); Pauly-Wissowa sx. Daton. 105 Archaic conflict betweenThasosand Thracian tribes at the time of settlement:Archilochos F102,105, 29 1. Tbracian holdings: Herodotos7.112; Uvelle (1992:17). 106 J3 101. IG 107 Thracians: Xenophon Hellenika 5.2.17. Krenides: Basedon numismatic evidence,seeHammond (1979:358).


The exploitation regime practiced by Thasos and the Thracians is unknown, 108 disposed of some of their surplusesthrough coinage. although the Thracians certainly The tradition of Peisistratos' exploitation of mines in the Pangaion area suggeststhat the 109 Since the Thracians in the fifth Thracians were not averseto leasing out concessions. of their mining areasas seenin the Ennea century were particularly hostile to encroachment Hodoi episode, it is probable that Peisistratosfitted into an existing system of concessions and certainly was not perceived as hostile. In all probability, the concession carried a to the tribe in control of the area,rather than some future reward of a monetary recompense ' 10 by Cole. more nebulousnature, as suggested For the later part of the fifth century, Thucydides' testimony suggests that Athenians with familial ties to the region had control of the mines of ScapteHyle: ivrouTq)
U 0' BpaGiöaý öF-ötü')ý lcdtrfiv

a'lUb Tfiý E)äGOU'r6)V VE(ýV ß0A0EtCtVKdl
Xpl)(3Ct'(J)V RCTdXX(OV ipyaCFt'(Xg

raOM E)p6. Kll



C'V TTn-nelit








The exact system of

do be but Thucydides' offer a glimpse of the type words exploitation cannot reconstructed he had Athens Thucydides the that that clearly suggests owned mines and of exploitation. control of the works (K-rýaivrc C"Xctvr6vXpuadcov[tara"v ipyaaia; ). Such a system is

lease in fourth-century for Athens the Laurion mines, to the system practiced similar it fourth-century leases, in holdings in Thrace, areasof the that, the unlike although seems be leased individual lease A than only rather mines. not system would exploitation were
"' Austin & Vidal-Naquet (1977:57); Boardman (1980:132); Hornblower (1991:63). 109 Herodotos 1.64; [Aristotle] AlhPol 15.2. 110 Cole (1975). 111 Thucydides4.105.1: "At that point Brasidaswas concernedabout the help coming from Thasoswith the ships and fearedThucydides,who had the concessionof the gold mines in that areaof Thrace and, thus, influence over the best of the mainlanders".


latter Athenian practice but also account for the gold from these mines consistent with found in the Athenian treasury.112 After the Macedonian conquest,ownership of the mines passedto the Macedonian king. The exact system of exploitation is unknown but Diodoros' testimony of Philip's investment in increasingproduction suggestsa more direct involvement of the Macedonian ' 13 in Specifically, Philip is said to have increasedprofit from the government exploitation. mines through increased investment in infrastructure and to have received 1000 talents from this investment, which he used to mint a gold coinage. Even if the figure itself is spurious, the connection between the proceeds and the philippeion suggeststhat the king exploited the mines directly rather than through leasing; probably the samewas true of the earlier exploitation of the Lake Prasiasmine by Alexander 1.114If Philip employed leasing as the main method of exploitation, then the investment in infrastructure is difficult to to make such investment, especially understand,since it would be expectedfor the lessees in the opening of kainotomlai. Philip amassedthis wealth

Further, Diodoros' comment on the speed with which

6(yaqukobTov) also implies direct cvwp&,

112XPUCTiOI: IG J3 376.105,118. KaicTCCrU)LIK6:

Diodoros 16.8.6-7:pcT&R -ta6Taxape)L06vi7el n6?, tv KpilviSag Ta-6qv giv hrcru4ýaa; Oi"T6p(-)v 6(p' ia'UT067rpoaayopc6aaq,, nkýOct pcTe)v6pacyc (Dtkimrouq, r& Si icaT& Thv nAtv W6aeta pýTaua 6VTa i7el TOGOýTOV 7IL471CFCV )UT& 6T6) 6CITF, MWEGOat 7[aVTFW; KaTacyrevai; (Pipetv KCAa5o4a Tai; A TaMVTCOV XtXi(OV. 6C & 7EWov To-6Tcov 7rp6cFo8ov TaX6cyo)p6cra;nkof)Tovaiel g&Alov 8t& Thv 6nopiav


6; j7(XTCThV MaK&80VWýV PaCFLWav* ýMY6%qV T6V XPIJýL6TCOV L71CP0XhV v6ptapa y&p XPI)CYOLV T6 K6XVCEG 7rpoa(xyop&uRv &n' keivou (DiXinnEtov gicrOog6pcovTc Uvagiv &4t6XOrYOV "vcc; TýGaToKal T6v * EXXývWv 5t& T6TOU 7EpocTpkxVaTO npoWTaq yEV&;OCtI 7EOUObq T6V naTpi&ov, "after these he went to the polis Krenides, which he enlarged with a number of settlers and renamed it Philippoi after himself. And at the gold mines near the city, which were small and unimportant, he enlarged the infrastructure to the extent that they brought him revenue of over 1000 talents. From these he quickly collected much wealth, and due to the amount of wealth, he led the Macedonian kingship to great power. He minted a gold coinage, which was called after him Philippeion, and with this he created a large force of mercenaries and bribed many Greeks to become traitors to their fatherlands". Treister (1996: 184).

114 Hammond (1979:360), (1989:178-80); Borza & Thomas (1995:42-3). For the oppositeview, on use of leasing for exploitation, seeHatzopoulos(1996:434-5) basedon Livy45.29.11. Livy refers to the statusquo at the time of Perseusat the end of the Hellenistic period, which may imply that there had beena changein the exploitation regime of the mines in the intervening period.


Certainly, disposition the of surpluses as coinage made the effects of the exploitation. conquestof the region and of the increasedexploitation felt widely. The island of Thasos also had gold and silver deposits,which were a major source ' 15 Both Herodotos and Thucydides attest the state ownership of these mines of revenue. but whether the Thasian.state exploited the resourcesdirectly or used a leasing system is ' 16 deposit in belonged Thrace, Ardas In to the the gold eastern river probably not certain. the Thracian tribes of the area, either the Koilaletai or the Bennoi; the nearestpoleis were Maroneia and Ainos.

Siphnos was the main precious metal producer in the Aegean in the archaic 18 The mines contributed greatly to the wealth of the island: rA U TCov Etyvicov period!
ýKýtaý& 7rpýY[WETCE T010TOV T6v Xpovov, blX01'Mov, II )TECOVgaXtCFTCE MIL VTJ(Tt(,
'6 RET&U. O)V, OV'To) ("O(


IXUTOLGI EV Tq vTlcF(+) Xpi)cyF-cov KaL apyupEo)v

Týq 8FKa'TT1;





Oijaaup6; FE'vAs),(po-tcytLiVC'(KP-tT(Xt






E'-KaaT(o ,




115Herodotos6.47.1-2.Gold mines in the acropolis and in modem Kinyra: Tsomposetal(1989: 84); Vavelidis & Amsutz (1983:385,387,389); Higgins& Higgins (1996:120); Wagner et al (1989); 49-50). Treister (1996:25) identified modern Potamianear Kinyra with ancient Ainyra. Papastamataki(1985: Silver mines on the western side of the island: Treister (1996:187). 116 iv Tý 6TC)v ngýt 16)v R Zarepov 67roarývat, 4uvtpil Oa(yioug 81&VEXOma; Thucydides 1.100.2:Xp6vy KC(I T6 &vmrýpaqOptiKTJ iPRO&W "In the next year it happenedthat the Thasians due to a quarrel about the emporia opposite in Thrace and the mine they possessed"; secededfrom 1ýhem &n6 4iVETO 9K ýIMiPOU "That came revenue 'H IEP60086ý CFYt TE Tý; KCýt T6v p&T&ULov, 5i 6.46: Herodotos from the mainland and the mines". 117 Pliny NH 23.66. Healy (1978:46); Shepherd(1993:103); Eliopoulos & Konstantinides (1989:78-9);

aivkgovTo, gCT6Dm
Mpitzios (1989a: 315),

Orfanos 118 Gold







42-3). in

10.11.2. Pausanias that exploitation also mentions mines: Pausanias stopped due to flooding investigations date 516) but modem Sostis could have been (traditional showed that only the mine at Ayios & Higgins danger of flooding, Higgins the ore had run out by the end of the archaic period: so probably (1996: 188); Healy (1978: 46). (1996: 177); Treister 119 Herodotos islanders, 3.57: "At there that time, were the Siphnians gold were in ascendance. mines. In fact, The mines they were were the richest because on the island ofthe that from

and silver

so productive




Although Herodotos does not mention the amount of profits, the overall impression is of great wealth. The state ownership of the mines is evident in the text but the specific interpretation depends the employed upon of ginomena, which can exploitation regime by the the state through leasing the mines or the entire profits accrued either revenue mean 120 direct industry if directly. However, the the the state since exploited resources of it is in the safe monopoly are attested states, and subsequent only monarchical exploitation to assumethat the Siphnians employed a system of diffused exploitation. The disposition direct by distribution Siphnian the to the people, thus state was surpluses preferred of for to the quantities of silver enter market creating additional wealth substantial allowing those not directly involved in the mining industry. Part of the surpluseswas disposedof in 21 functions, buildings Finally, Delphi., treasury and a at and civic such as public religious its Aigina, 18% to the archaic surpluses was exported, most notably where of part of 122 form bullion is Siphnian The made of silver. of export as or coins a matter was coinage is in is less but bullion better form Export the two. the the option of of coins of conjecture is because low in Siphnian the coins minted of very comparison amount probable not only to those of Aigina but also becausethere has been no adequateexplanation of the extra 23 1 by processof minting, melting and reminting. costsaccrued the suggested
Athens was the greatest silver producer in the eastem Mediterranean in the classical

124 intermittently from Age the Bronze onwards. period. The Laurion mines were exploited

tenth of their ginomena, the Siphniansbuilt a treasury at Delphi as rich as any other. They used to divide the ifnomenaamongstthemselves". f 20 The only related use of ginomena I could find was products of the earth as agricultural produce, ex. IG XII Suppl 345 and Plutarch Solon 24, while in Aristotle Oikonomika 1346a6-9,the word is used generically. 12 1Herodotos, 3.57. 122 (2002:42). Treister (1996:188); Kraay (1959:3) (1976:45); Price (1981:51); Papadopoulos 123 On this seefurther page I 10. 124 Kakavoyiannis (2005:93-6); Dayton (1978:235).


The classical exploitation started in the late archaic period contemporaneouslywith the 125 Athenian OWIS. The continuous exploitation of the mines in the minting of the early classicalperiod has beenquestionedby Hopper who arguedthat the lack and fragmentation of the available evidence on Laurion reflects not the state of the sourcesbut the nature of 126 itself Archaeological researchhas shown that Laurion was an industrial the exploitation but for the type of remains surviving and the natural the the classicalperiod, whole of area indestructibility of the mines cannot prove continuity of exploitation.127 For the fifth century, Hopper arguedthat Laurion was abandoned sometimeafter the PersianWars due to Athenian interest in the Thracomacedoniansources,basedon the lack in between 472 last Aischylos' Persians Laurion the to and quarter of the references of domination loss Ampbipolis Brasidas Athenian to the the of spelled end of when century, import is lack in Of Laurion Perikles' the to the of references special considered area. of 128 beginning War. The problems with Hopper's in Peloponnesian of the speeches the domination Strymon full Firstly, Athenian the of and Pangaionareas are many. argument in before Amphipolis be foundation 437. the of postulated cannot Secondly, the

Pentekontaetiais a badly documentedperiod known only from Thucydides' brief account and later references; more importantly, Laurion was outside the scope of Thucydides'
129 in focus lack in The Perikles' the of references speeches the was empire. account whose

beginning of the PeloponnesianWar or in Thucydides' account of the resourcesof Athens for the war is expected since Thucydides focuses on the empire. The only possible

125 Kraay & Emeleus (1962:16). 126 Hopper (1961:143,145). ' 27Hopper (1968:293-302); Jones(1982). 128 Hopper (1961:143-7). 129 Thucydides 1.97.2: &ýtaSi iccýirýq &pXýg&Ou4tv EXCI Týg T6v AOilvaicoviv o1q)Tp67rq) icwtaTTI,"and how the empire of the Athenians cameto be". of evidence provide


6tXXqq internal is "dvei) the to revenues quite vague Týq irpocm8ou" in the reference following




71CP'I T6)V
T& C'K Vi)v


icat 7rp6Tcpov,
4 TE llÜnv gfi

TE eý Täv

ayp(; )v kalcogiýEckt,


6cUa Av

quX&YOFEW, 7c6Xtv icT&XO6vTaq




j,'17[Cp ICFXU'O-OGtV,

au'Toi; iaXbv 8tCC k4apTUa0at, 'r6tTC TC)v4vpp6tX(j)v Mycov e"Xetv, Xetp6; Týv Uvat TG)V xpllgaTcov R T11; 7EPOCFO'801), TC& O(XPCYEiV T& kamos ROW TOO ROVýtOl) YV6)gln

iccýl XpilgaTcov



i4aKoakov giv 7rpocyt6VTCOV



30 67E6 avm 6cUij; 4up[t6tX(ov 68o TO)v 1) Tf 7E6Xct Týg 7rpoa Tb 7[oXt) (p6poi) KcET'E'vtai)T6v .1 .9

However, the passagedoes not create the impression that Thucydides is here referring to internal revenue. Perikles' strategy as describedby Thucydides is basedupon, and targets, the empire. In the text, the weight falls upon the navy and keeping the allies in hand, revenuebeing specifically mentioned as the key issueregarding the empire. This emphasis on the empire and its revenues is the immediate backdrop of any interpretation of the
b kýWCOC&)V (A)q F-761 TO' Ta), (IVTO)V 710?, ýLiV t6VTO)V 7rpo(;

(p6poi) icaT' cvtai)Tbv

c, c7E6

T6V ý1)[I[I&X(OV TI-

n6W C

"IVED Týq allilg

in Consequently, it follows apocOou. smoothly

Perikles' argument that the "other revenues" are also imperial revenues. These lesser imperial revenuesare not mentioned in Thucydides but may be partly reconstructedfrom other sources, such as the pseudo-XenophonticAlhPol, where the financial rewards of
imposing judicial disabilities on the allies are mentioned: 7rp6; U T6Tot;
'AOilvaicov 'AOývljolv 8tKCJV TOC KEp8aiWt T6V 6cy6v

6 8ýýtoq r6v

rov tie'v Yap -roiq o-Dgg6txol;. 7EP6),

130 Thucydides 2.13.2-3: "And he gave advice urging the samethings as before: to preparefor war, bring in the movable property from the fields and not to rush into battle but to enter the city and guard it. further to get the fleet ready for on that dependedtheir power. And also to keep in hand the allies, thinking that their power dependedupon counsel was dependenton them and on the money from them, especially in war where success and money. And he said that there were annually 600 talents of revenuecoming in from the allies apart from their other revenues".





7r4t'cov icyTtv

ý iV

rIF. Ipatci*



T6) CPJVOtict'a e'cyTtv, ('XýUUVOV 7rpCtTTEt* 6[tEtvOV





O, cv8p(17ro8OV




int6rýgia; 8t& r&; r6:;,r6v npd-vroucrt

131 C(OV. auVV&X

It appearsthat Thucydides at no point

mentions internal Athenian resources focusing instead on the proceeds of the empire, admirably the which, on the one hand, seemsa major omission but, on the other, represents Periclean strategy and its rationale. For the role of the Laurion mines in the Athenian in it is better turn to the the to passages were mines are mentioned, such as the economy invasion Peloponnesian of Attika: O'L second
napýkOov icmv
R lIcko7rowflutot ---'=6ý

E'-, rE[tov



ýq Týv I16cpa),ov yýv ica, %oi)[tEEtvijvlicXpt Aai)pcL'oi), ou Ta ap-yupeta ýtu E'TFgov -raUqv

AO-qvaLOt;. Kai 7EpCoTov giv

7rp6q IlFko7rOwil(; ov Opq, E'7retTa llcptKXý; R mpavjy6; (;YVKai TOTC7EFP'L

Týv 7rp6; Eu'pot6tv TF Kai AV6POV TFTpa[t[t&ijvbEE: 4ttEVatrob; gil TOlf) JAEV 1 132

AOIJV(XLOI)g Tqv auTTIv fvct)gilv



Here Perikles' insistencethat the Athenians should not sally from the walls in

defence of the region and the Peloponnesianchoice to target the southern Paralos first illuminate the importance of the mines in the eyes of the Athenians. The resurgenceof Laurion in the sourcesin the last quarter of the century coincides with the reappearance of 133 loss Amphipolis. of written sourcesat the time, not the

131 [Xenophon] AthPol 1.17: "Of thesethat is how the Athenian demosprofits from the fact that the trials of the allies take place in Athens. Firstly, the revenueto the polis from the hekatosleat the Piraeusincreases, secondlythe boarding housesdo very good business,then there is revenuefrom the hiring of teamsor slaves, lastly the heraldsalso do well from the allies coinagehere". 132 Thucydides 2.55: "The Peloponnesians after they had laid waste to the plain, they went to the areacalled Paralosup until Laurion, where the silver mines of the Athenians are. Firstly, they laid waste to the land, and then the one towards Euboia and Andros. Perikles, who was which looks towards the Peloponnese, generalthen also, as to whether the Athenians should not go out againstthe enemy,had the sameopinion as in the previous invasion.". 133 Note that Thucydides; mentions the mines asamajor resourceof the Athenian state in the speechof Alkibiades at Sparta(6.91.7).


For the fourth century, Hopper suggestedthat the mines remained disusedfrom the end of the PeloponnesianWar until the early 360s, explaining the resumption of silver minting in the 390s as the result of Persian support; without specific archaeological 134 in be lack Moreover, the the argumentcannot substantiated. of such reference evidence, Aristophanes,our main source for the recall of the plated coins, is at the very least curious if the new Atbenian owls were made of Persian silver.135 For the remainder of the fourth in the sourcesshow that the mines were the and various references century, polelai records 136 does Overall, the not suggestdiscontinuedexploitation of the Laurion evidence working. during in the Dekeleian War and the early 390s. The the classical period, except mines exploitation regime and disposal of surplusesof the Laurion mines are discussedin the next chapter.
Greece and the Aegean had several minor precious metal deposits; information on their exploitation has not survived. A gold veinlet deposit in Kalliana near Karystos in

Euboia has yielded remains of ancient exploitation but these have not been dated, while Aristotle referred to a deposit in Samos, which has been doubted in modem scholarship but is geologically probable. 137 Silver deposits were probably exploited in Melos, Kimolos and 138 in Lesbos. Methymna The Black Sea had several precious metal deposits, mainly of gold. The main gold

deposits were in the Colchis, Lake Van and Dacia.

Colchis has been traditionally

134 Hopper (1953:248-9). 135 AristophanesBatrachoi 718-737,EkkIcsiazousai815-22. 136 Agora 19.P5-51; Xenophon Poroi 4; [Aristotle] AthPol 47.2; Demosthenes37. 137 Kalliana: Excýqyjparw& rc6Xoq rov pcraUoycvcuKo6X6prov rqq EAWoq (1973:214); Georgalas (1921:7); Mpitzios (I 989b:41,44); Theofilopoulos & Vakondios (1982:27,29-30,35,37,3940); Trikkalinos (1961:395-6). Samos:Aristotle Fragmenta Varia 8.444.572;Treister (1996:186); Healy (1978:46). Onthe geology of Samos:Mpitzios (1989a:319), (1989b: 51). 138 Melos: Aristotle DeMir. Ausc. 44; Treister (1996:186). Kimolos: Shepherd(1993:112). Methymna: Treister (1996:186); Healy (1978:53).


but Soanes, the the tribe resources, especially of recently this with gold associated 139 by has Gocha Tsetskhladze Tsetskhladze. come under attack, mainly association but its to the to that the colonisation of area was not connected gold resources suggested increasedpressureby the Lydians and Persianson the Asia Minor metropoleis, arguing that the Asia Minor metropoleis had local gold resourcesin the Paktolos and Thasosand, thus, 140 The motive of any colonising venture is debatable, if did not need further resources. indeedany single motive can be attached;however, Tsetskhladze'sproposal has merit since increasedpressureby the easternkingdoms could explain the large number of colonies sent by the Asia Minor poleis, especially Miletos. On the other hand, the Asia Minor poleis did belonged deposit because in Thasos have local Paktolos the and neither gold resources not to them. The example of Thasos shows that it should not be assumedthat mines in one in in (Paros) from (Siphnos) trying to the settle areaswith others same region stopped polis have Thus, the the area could gold of motivated colonisation to resources resources. similar in Colchis Greek Further, the was commercially oriented, as a settlement extent. some Colchis between Crimean Bosporus the the the of and settlement pattern comparison recent



The depositsof Lake Van and the KarebechMountains were in the territory of local tribes, the Chalybes and probably the Taochoi, which had relations with the Greeks from

139 Strabo 11.2.19,Appian Mi1hridatika 103, Pliny NH 6.14,6.30,33.52. The Soanesexploited the alluvial depositsof the areausing sluices lined with animal skins, which could be the grain of truth behind the myth of the Golden Fleece. 140 Tsetskhladze(1994), (1995:307,323-5), (1998:64-5). Tsetskhladze(1994:114) is right to criticize modem scholarsfor using the Argonaut myth as evidenceof Greek knowledge of the Colchian resourcesin the Bronze Age; however from the eighth century onwards, there is evidencethat the Greeksknew of the gold in had Argonaut between Colchis the themselves traded the the myth and and area made connection resources, (Eumelos 172). 14 1Koshelenko & Kuznetsov (1996). It seemsthat the colonies in the Colchis were enoikismoi rather than apoikiah Gabelia (2003:1217).


the pre-colonial period; the nearest Greek poleis were Trapezous and Amisos.142 The deposits in Dacia are among the richest in Europe and numerous old workings have been found, mainly in Maramureý and Ro§ia Montana; the earliest date of exploitation has not 143 been The depositswere in the territory of local tribes and evidence from confirmed. yet hoardssuggestsrelations with Histria and Macedonia in the classicalperiod.144Finally, the Greek poleis of the Crimean Bosporus, Pantikapaion and Theodosia, probably were the entrancepoint of gold from the depositsof the Ural and Altai Mountains, where numerous 145 have been found. The precious metal industry of the area and the old workings legend griffin on the coinage of Pantikapaion support the theory that gold was suggestive imported through the Crimea into the Greek World. 146 Asia Minor had two gold-producing regions: the Troas and the Tmolos-Paktolos. In the Troas, the only ascertaineddeposit was in Astyra near Abydos, which was probably 147 from fifth A gold deposit is often mentioned in connection with the century. exploited Lampsakos but there is neither archaeological nor geological evidence of its existence; possibly this was only a small rare mineral deposit, since the sources refer to precious

142 Chalybes:Aristotle DeMir. Ausc. 26. Syspiritis: Strabo 11.14.9. Forbes(1964:162); Healy (1978:47). 143 Dumitru (1993:52-3). For Roýia Montana, unconcludedarchaeologicalinvestigationsof the mines found objects from the third century but the archaeologistscautionedthat the dating is not yet secure:Cauuet (2002:65). 144 Lockyear (2004:65). 145 Ural Mountains: Smimov (1989:279). Kochkar and Bcrezovo: Smimov (1989:359-60). Altai Mountains: Traditionally Aristcas was the first Greek to have contact with the areaparticularly with the Issedonians (modem Saka),who had relations with the Greek World since the seventhcentury (Pausanias1.24.6). 146 On the relation betweenthe legend of the griffins as mythical guardiansof gold and the Altai Mountains seeMayor (1994:53-6); Williams& Ogden (1994: 13). Treister (1996:178) arguedthat the precious metal industry in the Bosporusused material from the depositsof Asia Minor and the Aegeanbut the Bosporuswas at the end of a major trade-routewith the eastand there were closer areasto acquire gold from (including the southernBlack Sea)than assumea tortuous route of imports through the Asia Minor metropoleis. 147 Xenophon Hellenika 4.8.37; Strabo 13.1.23.Cook (1973:290,366); Forbes(1971:166); Treister (1996:188); Shepherd(1993:223); Arsenic, Mercury, Antimony And GoIdDeposits Of Turkey (1970:21). Modem Kalekayasi and Sarikayanear Kirazli. Modem exploitation has destroyedany signs of ancient mining. The first mention of the mines is in Xenophon but the Abydene fifth century gold coinage suggests that the mines were exploited earlier.


148 from The Tmolos-Paktolos region includes three deposits the site not gold. stones 149 in Karýikaya, Salihli Tire. The deposit of Karýikaya, which is exploited antiquity, and logically, not mentioned in either sources or scholarship but has been confirmed archaeo was probably in the territory of Smyrna. Karýikaya may be particularly important in the study of Asia Minor coinageprovenance,since it is the only deposit in the region within the 150 in Greek hands Lydians. Salihli is the famous than the territory of a polis rather of the Paktolos River deposit often mentioned in the sources, while old workings suggest the exploitation of Tire on the slopesof Tmolos near the Cayster River; both depositsbelonged 151 kingdom Lydia. to the of The Lydian state intervened in the production and export of gold, as early as the

bm"puic6crat, U 8ý 6t' Kroisos: Kpoiao; AaK68atg6vtot peV m6m ayytkwv reign of
IIIII a"xooTc;
Ai)8(^A)v Mll

ical ainot

Kpoi(yy T6 Oro7rp6atov To%
OpKta 4CIViij; 7rept Kai



Te Tf






C"Tt'YCYOVUi(ItY&P OLAaKF-8cttgovtot F-qYaOt; ctXov Cic Kpoi(you 7Ep6TEPOV 7EE9VUVTC9
F-q ayakga XPI)GOV COVEOVTO, Oopvcml8pinat Pouk6gcvot Xpq(ya(YO(it Tof)To r6 vi)-v Tqq AaK(ovik-fl; iv

Airo)J,. wvo;: Kpolcro;

152 This is the 8E G(pt CO'VCOPEE'VOtCFt 80)T E'8COKC LVIIV.

between transaction an official commercial case at statesin the Greek world and as earliest
148 De Lapidibus 32; Pliny NH 37.74. Treister (1996:186); Healy (1978:46). Theophrastos 149 Treister (1996:172) mentions a particularly rich gold deposit on Mount Tmolos near Ephesos,for which he doesnot give an exact location; there are no depositsnear Ephesos(the nearestare on the southernslopesof the Tmolos Mountain, which have yielded no old workings and even if exploited in antiquity would belong to dia). L ýArsenic, 1; Mercury, Antimony And Gold Deposits Of Turkey (1970:22). 15 1Athenaios 5.36; Scholia inLycophronem 272.4a, 27210b; Herodotos 1.69.4,1.93.1,5.101.2; Pliny33.66; Strabo 13.1.23,13.4.5. Forbes(1971:166); Healy (1978:46); Shepherd(1993:225); Treister (1996:172). 152 Herodotos 1.69: "Kroisos made theseproposalsthrough his messengers and the Lakedaimonianshaving heard of the oracle to Kroisos welcomed the Lydians and madean alliance with them; they had also in the past receivedbenefits from Kroisos. When the Lakedaimonianshad sent to Sardisto buy gold, which they wanted to use for a statueof Apollo, the one that now standsin Lakonia in Thomax, Kroisos as they were buying it gave it to them as a gift".


153 is is importance initial its The the authenticity of the paramount. major question such is Herodotos more than a century removed from the event. The authenticity of story, since the story is shown by the referenceto the statueof Apollo and its placement in Herodotos' is by involvement in Spartan day. The the use of testified the the transaction of state own 01 L Aaicc&xtýtMiot and by the influence of the event on Spartan foreign policy. The

is by testified the use of the words CývtovTo and the transaction commercial nature of in Spartans Kroisos the the the gold as purpose of presents a gift, ciNcogE'VOtat;although in buy Lydia the to to gold, not engage gift-exchange. was going The passage further

testifies that the supplier of the Spartans was the Lydian state itself not some private trader in Sardis. The use of (;Tt 6YvcopEvotc; t ("as they were buying it") as the stage for Kroisos'

his disposal belonged Kroisos implies to give as a to thus, that the and, was at gold gesture gift. The state probably owned the deposits as was common in the ancient world.

Additionally, however, the state-to-state transaction with Sparta and the evidence of by kings deposits bullion large Lydian the that the were suggests of reserves ownership of 154Briant has arguedthat directly exploited, not leasedout as common in polis government. hands individuals, in Lydian the the of private who merely resourceswas exploitation of 155 turned over part of their profits to the king, using as evidence the story of PythioS. However, Pythios in Plutarch is specifically referred to asthe governor of the city under the Persians,which clearly implies that the mines are the control of the government, especially into he is to coerce able citizens working the mines. Direct exploitation of shown since

153 State-to-state transactionswere common in earlier periods in the near eastas seenin the transactions betweenKings Solomon and Hiram, which were a permanentarrangement:Kings 1.5.7-12; Elat (1979, es pecially p545). 15 , Herodotos 1.51,6.125. 155 Briant (2002:401) basedon Plutarch Moralia 262d-263c.


resources is attested in the Persian Empire in the cases of the iron mines of Niriz, the stone 156 Wadi Hammurat fields Susiana. Such direct exploitation the quarries of and naphtha of of natural resources appears to have been a feature of oriental kingships from an earlier period, as seen in the direct exploitation of the timber resources of Urartu. and Subria by Sargon 11.157

Further, the large reservesof bullion of the Lydian kings suggeststrongly that the form of gold in the Lydo-Spartan transactionwas bullion not coins. More importantly, the transaction suggeststhat disposition and export of surpluses of gold and electrum were directly controlled by the king. The setting of the transaction,possibly in the king's court so that Kroisos could observethe transactionand interfere, suggestthat judicious politically motivated gifts were a valid method of disposing surpluses.
Cyprus was famous for its mineral wealth including a gold deposit in Kokkinoyia 158 in Skouriotissa, Soloi. Egypt was a major gold the territory of which probably was near producer in the Mediterranean and in contact with Greeks from the early archaic period. Gold and grain were the major commodities Egypt could offer to the Greeks, along with lesser items such as papyrus, scarabs and luxuries, and although scholarship has

concentrated on the grain trade, gold must have been an item sought by the Greeks, 159 in little imported for the there archaic period when especially was relatively need grain.

136 Susiana:Herodotos 6.119; Wadi Hammurat: Posener(1936:179-80), Goyon (1957:1-9,128-30); Niriz: PersepolisTablet 52, Cameron(1948:166). 157 Parpola(1987: no98); Lafranchi & Parpola (1990: xxv, nos334). 158 Aristotle Fragmenta Varia 6.37.266,referring specifically to mines on Mt. Trogodos. Bache (1987:37); Hadjistavrinou & Constantinou(1982:266); Forbes(1971: 166). 159 HekataiosFGrHI F25.475; Diodoros 3.12.1,1.49.2,1.33.3; AgatharchidesFGrH86 Fl 9. Penhallurick (1986:7); Shepherd(1993:265); Forbes (1964: 162,164). On the possibility of gold imports from Egypt see page 90. The gold depositsof India, Arabia and the Red Seawere known to the Greeksbut it is doubtful that gold from thesesourcesreachedthe Greek World in the archaic and classicalperiods. India: Herodotos F39a, F 1; Arian Indike 15.6;Diodoros 2.36.2; Scholia in 3.102; Strabo 15.1.30,15.1.44; Megasthenes


Yheocrinem17.106n; Bache (1987:42-3,145); Forbes(1964:165). Arabia and Red Sea:Poseidonios FGrH 87 F38; Diodoros 3.12.1,2.50.1;Paraphrasesin Dionysium Periegetam 933-953; AgatharchidesFGrH86 F23.10; Cornelius Alexander F18; Bache (1987:48-53); Forbes(1964: 164-5).


Chapter 2: The Athenian Silver Industry
Mineral wealth was a very important source of revenue for an ancient state, as the pseudo-Aristotelian Oikonomika informs us:
P& RPOG080; Tj a7E6 TCOV i8iow
TpL'Tov U TýV 71OXITtk-q'V. T(X6T]J; & ICP(XTL'CFTTI


EV TT-, l x(otpq


clTa il ano'



&MO' q EITa TCOV ýyimkkov,

defining earlier the special products as: il W16 T6)V

18io)vytvop&fl, Ou,[Liv XPI)Giov,01) 8c apyýptov, olD'U X(xklc6q, ol) 8ý 67r6(; ct UVaTUt
,riyVE(YO(II. 160

Unfortunately, for the majority of silver and gold producers in the Greek

world, very little information relating to the role of the precious metal industry in their economies and the role of the state in production and export has survived. The sole exception is Athens, from where both literary and epigraphical evidence on the mining industry and the role of silver in the economy is available. However, the available evidence suggeststhat the Athenian government played a minor role in the actual export of silver, which immediately raisesthe question of the reasonof such minimal intervention. The aim is discuss to this the role of the government in silver mining, the revenue it chapter of from it and the role of silver in the economy of the polis, as well as explain the accrued absenceof the government from export itself The state was involved in the production of silver at the most basic level, since the mines were public property. In Athens, known mines were leased to individuals and permission for exploration had to be granted, also under the lease arrangements. Yet the involvement of the state did not end there but extendedalso to regulating the exploitation itself, mainly through legislation. The mining laws themselveshave not survived, but a
160 Aristotle Oikonomika 1346a6-9:"Thirdly that of the polis. For this type of administration the major revenue is that of the special products of the country, then from the emporia and duesand lastly from the internal revenues". Definition of the specialproducts in Aristotle Oikonomika 1345b3305:"the one of the special products of the country, be they gold, or silver, or copper, or whatever else it produces".


legislation has: kaft the of summary 8ctftmv O'Logat,
01, )T, 0150av Ei(ya7(bytgov








XEys. N6,uog. ot')Toq c;ctycoq o vo[to; O-UICO(P(XVTF-IaOat.
ý4iXXq EaV OU'KOIDV 0 gtV VOgO;, TI; [LCTCUUtKA;. t4Ww, 60ý

6tct'pilKev cýv dvat 8Lxaq 7rpoo-q'icet
Ep7aGLa;, V7EO8tKOV 710td: E-"YC'O

Ttva Tý;

oiýX o7c(o; aiýT6;

Cov TolDTov &,XXo; AnecyTtpet,

TouTo)v EyKpaTq KaTtonjua



KaL RpaTýp

TOUTOA) 86110, EVTog




a'UA icav akko rt
okkM TaibTa


Tt; 7repi TA guakka,

6pOCo; 6L'Kat. CLCTiv y', (ý rIavTaL'vpTc: KaL T016TCOV



Tu(pTl Tig, av

67EV E7[t(pEpTI, av E7rtICaTaTEgvr


Tcov gETpov




8117EOU RbEpaKTat





E'L T01b;



&EUT6V T& d0i GOt 6iKat 161


7IP6; aRCEMI; TObg RPMýt&01);


The law forbade the ejection of a lesseefrom a mine, the smoking out a rival mine, illegal into expansion another attack against another mine and an of a mine armed an mine's territory. There may have been other provisions in the mining law, but the

importance of the legislation rests not on its specific provisions but on its general spirit. The legislation has the specific target of protecting the mines and miners. From the state's important is the the that of an mines, protection point of view, as ultimate owner of
161 37.35-6: "Consider also the mining law. And from this law also, I will endeavourto show Demosthenes you that this trial is not admissible,and that I am more worthy of praise,not malicious accusations. Read. Law. This law mentions specifically which are the casesthat are called metallikai. If someoneejects another from his workings, then the law makeshim a defendant. But not only did I not eject him, but I made it possible for him to keep what another was trying to take away and I becamehis vendor when he askedme. Yes, he says,but if one commits other injustices concerning mines, then the casescan be admitted. You are right, Pantainetos! But which are those? If one smokesout another, if one makesan armed attack or if one bores beyond the boundaries. Theseare the other offences. But none of thesedid I commit againstyou. Unless of course,you think that when someoneis trying to recover what he lent to you, he is making an armed attack. If suchyou think, then you can bring mining suits againstall thosewho risk their own money".


investment. The state's income from the mines came at the first instancefrom the leases; an ejection of lesseeseither by a smoking trick or by force would reduce the income from them. Such incidents would not only deprive the state from the lease of the mine in question but also would deter future prospectorsfrom trying their luck in the industry. An illegal expansionof the mine is a direct threat to the revenue of the state since the lessee would have greater income but would not reimburse the state for it, especially if the expansion is against an unworked mine. The mining legislation of Athens supervisesthe industry aiming at protecting the resourcesof the state but more importantly present and future revenues. The interest of the state in the mining industry was intimately connected to the it first The and wealth generated. referenceof revenue from the mines of Laurion revenue implies great income for the state:
ICCttPOV TIPLUTEDGE, ou AffilvaLotat Utpij Te OcgicrToKkk ywo'gil E'gnpoaft Tauqq E'-;



geya'), wv EV up



OpcF(pt npoo-ý), TCov ct7E6 Aai)PELOI), E'ýtýov TCov ReTct)Jwv
8EIM SpaXýtaq: TOTF, OquaToKkal; AOilvaioi)q


6pXT186v E'KaaTo;
8t(XtPF-'GtO; Mlftlj;



&ýKO(Tfa; VE(X; T06TCOV T(I)V y pil[taT(J)V 7101ý(TWYO(Xt 7E(XVCF(XgtVOVg ,


r6v m4gov,


162 AlthoughHerodotos doesnot mentionthe exactamountin this passage, ALytvq'Ta;. 7rp6g
it is implied, from his earlier referenceto the citizen population of Athens as 30,000, that it 163 was 50 talents. However, it must be noted that the revenueof the mines could have been larger and that the fifty talents were the ultimate surplus after the government had
162 Herodotos7.144: "Another of Themistocles' opinions before this resulted in great good, it was when the Athenians had lots of money in the common fimd from the mines of Laurion and they planned to distribute it to all to the amount of 10 drachmai each. At that time Themistocleshad counselledthe Atheniansto stop the distribution and to make with this money 200 ships for the war, the one againstAigina".
163 Herodotos 5.97.


if funds for importantly, More the connection of the of other purposes. part appropriated this incident with the beginning of exploitation of Contact III is valid, then this was only the start of considerablerevenue for the state,since Contact III containedthe most and best 164 in from is by Alkibiades' importance The the speech of revenue mines also shown ore. Sparta,where Laurion is mentioned first amongthe revenuesof the Athenians.165 The main source on the state revenue from the mines is the fourth-century mining leasesin the poletai accounts(367-300). Only thirty of the 68 original lists have survived, all but one in fragments. Unfortunately, none of the leasesrecords the final amount of debate importance has for to the the of the revenue to given rise a on year, which revenue the state. The two main issuesdebatedare the meaning of mine classifications recorded in 166 leases frequency the of payment. and the The leasesrecord four types of classifications, the kainotomiai (new cuttings), the in direct AthPol the the the conflict and with palaia anasaxima, anasaxima ergasima, 167 account,which mentions only two classifications,the ergasima and the sugkeehoremena. The meaning of the classifications has a direct impact on the potential revenue from the mines, since the classification reveals the potential of the mine according to the state and
164 [Aristotle] AlhPol 22.7; Hopper (1961:141-2); Cunningham(1967:156) 165 Aaupti0l) T&q T6V 6pppei(ov jmi:61), Ka 6.91.7: Thucydides Tof) o)v ap6008cruq
606q 0i, T& ýg6V &7E0GTCPý(Y0VT0LI, R611UTCE 8i Týq 676 V0[dCFaVTCq ffill KaT& KP&TO;


KaI 6(ya&xbyýg



Atycopýaovaiv, "And the 7roXzpcicrOat xap' revenue from the silver mines of Laurion and from land and the courts, which they now have, will be immediately taken from them, especially the revenuefrom the allies will dry up, since the allies, seeingthat be diligenf'. to total war, will not committed are now you 166 A further issuedebatedis the length of the leasefor the various classifications. Sincethe leasesprovide no help in this matter and the text of the AthPol is corrupt, the issuemust remain in doubt among 3,7 and 10 years' leasefor the non-ergasimamines. On the solutions proposedseeRackham (1952:130-1,n2,b); Crosby (1950:199-200);Hopper (1953:237).
167 ZTq Crosby (1950: 196). [Aristotle] AlhPol 47.2: Kal, TA RpCLUVECL Eý TP(OL gtTaUa, TA T' iPry6[CFIP(ITa iq " and the leased mines, the ergasima leased for Ta ti; Tý( C"ICEX(0PIjgiVCE 7renp%ttva, KCEI irc7rp%ttVCE, ... Note that the meaning of the words anasaxima and 3 years and the sugkechoremena leased for years". ... is known: Hopper (1953: 203). not sugkechoremena


the length of the lease. The debate centres on the interpretation of the word ergasimon, which can meaneither "working" or "workable". If "working" is the right interpretation,as Crosby and Hopper argued,then not only were there very few ftilly active mines but also 168 fixed from low. The alternative their price was them was quite and, thus, the revenue interpretation of "workable", advocated by Aperghis, reverses the situation completely since ergasimon denotesonly potential, in line with the paucity of such mines in the leases 169 low Aperghis' argument is very convincing and fits the available payments. and their evidence, especially given that a century of previous exploitation meant new mines must have beenboth rare and risky, somethingreflected in the low number of kainotomiai. The surviving prices in the leasesare in their majority either 20 or 150 drachmai higher. Whether these prices represent one-off, some scattered prices considerably with yearly or prytany paymentsis debated. Both Crosby and Aperghis have argued in favour of yearly payments, supposing that the total revenue from the leases could not have been sizeablebasedon the following passagefrom Xenophon's Poroi
E4 XpTIpaTCE dog 8d, VOPL'ýO) napno)lct av icaTacriccua(y0effil
170: ,V &P r,ccYC ýtfl .y 15pela EL


aXXwv icai awl) TCov

17 1 This is from argument silence particularly weak since as Hopper xpouttvat. npocro&ov

in Xenophon the Poroi is concerned with creating new revenues from the rightly noted mines and, thus, would not be concernedwith existing revenuesthat were well known to 172 More importantly, the balance of evidence clearly suggeststhat revenue his audience. from the mines was considerable and that the leases were a major part of the overall
' 68Crosby (1950:201-2); Hopper (1953:203,234-6). 169 Aperghis (1997/8:5,7). '70Crosby (1950:2034); Aperghis (1997/8:16-7). 171 XenophonPoroi 4.1: "And I believe on the silver mines that if they are organisedas they should, then be great proceedsfrom them excepting any other revenues". there will 172 Hopper (1953:238-9).


lease hand, On they the the the controlled prices were most easily one. one revenue,since leases, literary higher in in the texts than those the considerably are recorded recorded drachmai, latter 18,000 9,000,2,000 the and of which was only part of the overall namely 173 lease, in 10 Interestingly, the the speeches are assuming a year prices mentioned price. disparate from in leases, if 20 those the these prytany payments, since represent not widely drachmai would be translatedas 2,000 over the ten years and 150 as 15,000. Additionally, it is mentioned specifically that paymentswere made in parts, katabolai, thus, precluding 174 in leases the possibility that the prices recorded the were one-off payments. On the other hand, estimatesof the total revenue from specific leasesdo not appear to have been extraordinary amounts. In the only complete inscription, that has survived 175 is leases in inscription drachmai. Crosby 3690 (367/6), the total sum of the the 176 for (342/1) For 367/6, XVI three talents. the total revenue of the total stele at calculated the state in caseof prytany payments for that year would be 6T 900 dr, while for 342/1 it leases be Since 30 the the talents. record new sold each year, the poletai accounts would leases, be for the the total the of all currently not running government would revenue if in lease Thus, ten the those sold particular we assume a year period archon year. merely for the majority of the mines, then in any given year the governmentwould receive income from 10 accounts;consequently,if the totals were similar to those recorded, then in 367/6 the total income would reach 61 T 3000 dr and accordingly 300 talents for 342/1. Such revenue may seem high but the surviving income and expenditure figures of the Athenian

173 37.22,40.52,42.3. Demosthenes 174 37.22: 6 ýqcpcv icawpoXýv Tj irUct Tof) peT6Uou ..... who carried the part-paymcnt Demosthenes ... .... to the city for the mine... ".
175 Agora 19.P5.

176 Crosby (1950:203). The total is of courseconjectural since not only is the size of the stone estimatedbut also there could be prices beyond 20 and 150 drachmai except for the one surviving price of 6100 drachmai.


340s, from leases is In the the the that mid mine quite moderate. such revenue show state income of the state was 400 talents, while a few years later under Lykourgos had reached 1200 talents. The expenditureswere equally high at 180 talents for an expeditionary force, 3000 drachmai state subsidyper trierarch and severalhundredtalents for jury and assembly 177 be figures Furthermore, set of mentioned as a comparison. one other needs pay. Demosthenes37 refers to the value of an ergasterion and slaves as no less than 20,600 drachmai, while the return payment for the loan on the ergasterion is 105 drachmai per 178 from depended If the the profits not on owner of an ergasterion, whose profits prytany. drachmai had income 105 but than to the per an of more provided miners, services on ore drachmai 20 lessee be to the to able make paymentsof of a mine prytany, one would expect 179 per prytany for the proceedsof a mine. This discussion of the classification and pricing of the mines provides us with a keyhole view into the finances of production in Athens. We get an idea of the sums involved and the detailed framework provided by the state for the exploitation of the primary resource of the Athenians. The involvement of the state was not restrictive to large firm basis. it The but fundamental to sums a and stable providing with production involved as payment to the state and for servicestestify to the large profits of the industry and consequentlyto the appeal,volume and value of the trade of silver.
177 Revenues:Demosthenes10.38 (40ff); Plutarch VitaeXOrat. 842F (1200T); Andreades(1933:354,3764.48,5 1.11. 8 1). Expenses:Demosthenes 178 Demosthenes37.31 for the value and 37.5 for the prytany payments.Note that the price of the ergasterion is larger than any price for agricultural land or other such endeavourrecordedin the evidence: Osborne (1987:77). For the value of and wealth generatedfrom ergasteria (not onlyplynteria but generally) see 37, seeHarris Stanley (1990). For an accountof the lending processon the ergastetion of Demosthenes (2006: 190-7). 179Note that the only referenceto a supposed profit from a mine is 300 talents over a 3-year period (Hypereides4.35), which meansat least 50 talents per year (if the 300T is a doubled fine) that makesa leases, in 10 (using highest he for talents the the seem quite state of reasonable amount mentioned revenue 6100 drachmai: Agora 19 P26.569;Crosby (1950:289)).


I have to note here Faraguna's suggestionof a tax on the produce of the Laurion ' go in lexicographers. based Faraguna'ssuggestionhas merit and is on references the mines evidence of greater involvement of the state in the mining industry; however, the use of lexigographical evidence is inadequateto assuming such intervention on the part of the state. State resources,according to archaic and classical evidence, were either exploited directly or, more commonly, by leasearrangementwithout recourseto a known tax regime. Consequently,although a tax on the produce of the mines is a possibility that cannot be discounted, it is necessaryto provide evidence of a parallel practice or further, nearer chronologically, evidencebefore acceptingthe testimony of the lexicographers. The leases were not the only source of revenue from the mines, as Xenophon

informs us: Of)


IIII% a7EO(pOpa Tj a7EOTCOV aV8p(vr68o)v

TIJV 6ICtTPO(pi'jv


hy0päý Aý ýKEI '401av, ct»,ä 7u011)(IVOPO)n, Lag71, EPL au Ta gF-T(IU(Ia0pOtý0gF-'vilý 'Kalta7L1
ical a'iE' o'tKtC-t)V 7[Cpi

6ilpocTicov Tapyupp-ta icaLa7ro'KapL'vo)v KaLcin6 T(I)vaXX(ova7EaVTO)V
T'LYV OtVTO. 181




Apparently, the state had other investments in the

182 including from kaminoi. These the public accommodationand revenue mining region, mystery revenues from the kaminoi are particularly interesting, since unlike mines and 183 kaminoi few. were ergasteria,

180 Faraguna (2006: 148-52). Harpocration s.v. cmovog-q; Suda s.v. aypayou gFT&XxoU8fiq 181 Xenophon Poroi 4.49: "And the revenues of the polis will increase not only from the leasing of the slaves, but also from the population increase in the mining district and from the agora there and from the public houses near the mines and from the kaminol and from all other revenues, which will increase". 182 Public houses for rent were a rare phenomenon according to Andreades (1933: 136) but Athens certainly had some not only in the mining region but also in the Piraeus: Xenophon Poroi 3.12-3. 183 Kakavoyiannis (2005: 261-2), although further investigations in the region may reveal more. For the location of kaminoi, as against mines and plyntefia, see Konophagos (1980: Carte Topographique Modeme Avec Des Ruines Des Installations Metallurgiques Et Des Puits Antiques, in back cover pocket).


The obvious solution to revenuefrom kaminoi is that kaminoi were state-ownedand 184 leased individuals. There are two pieces of to out private either state-operatedor evidence against this solution, both seemingly testifying to the private ownership of kaminoi. Firstly, a Demosthenic speaker seems to refer to a privately owned kaminos:
TOlbq O[Kft(Xq KOLIEUM 7[FL(Y(Xg TO'b; Egolb; KaOEýF-cfflat dq T6v KvyXpcCova bli PMPTl Tq

` Epý.

Usually this sentenceis translatedas "And then having persuadedmy slavesto sit

in the foundry to my prejudice".186 However, the precise meaning of the pivotal word, has it is been It that unknown. proposed means either the pit into which the icsyXpcCov, 187 furnace in it This is basedon the which was refined. silver was run when melted or the quoted continuation of the complaint by the speaker,which mentions the reducing of the 188 is is in kaminos Yet, KcyXpzCov smelting either passage a or mentioned. a nowhere ore. but be for in to came which originally meant used anything small variant of ictyXpog, millet do invoke image In the context, small not a mining grains of a furnace but rather grains. the sorting out and grinding processthat took place immediately after the digging of the ore and in the washeries. This meaning of the word ties in well with the speech,since the case refers to an ergasterion, a washery, and has no mention of a kaminos beyond the modem interpretation of iceyXpeCov. Secondly,a horos inscription found in Laurion is probably refers to the security of a loan on a kaminos and the surrounding property."9 However, it is not certain whether this

184 Thiel (1922:32); Wilsdorf (1952:157,16 1). 185 37.26. Demosthenes
186 Translation: Murray (1939). 187 Murray (I 939: 37.26, note 2). 188 Demosthenes 37.28.

189 bet kbact-J. IG If 2750: 6pog ic[cQgivou rcal Uwp6v 7cc[iEpagkvcov


inscription refers to a silver kaminos, since the word is generic and there is no reason to supposethat there were no kaminoi for other materials in Attika, especially in the industrial 190 Similarly, the horoi inscriptions referring to ergasteria are not necessarily area. 191 industry. Thirdly, there are a few mentions in the poletai lists connectedwith the silver 192 by is kaminoi followed be However, that of their owner. a name, which consideredto of it must be noted that in Hypereides4.35 the mine in question is identified by the name of its

193Additionally,in thepoletai lists thereareseveral lessee. to a person references working
194 ipy&ýCTMIýPY&FaTO, being lessee. Conceivably, the apparently without a mine, lack of knowledge on the particulars of loan security in Athens, leasedpublic acceptingour become loan, for could security a property while in caseof default the lender took over the property and its produce for the remaining of the leaseperiod. The only other solution to this problem is that Xenophon refers to a tax rendered on kaminoi but such a tax in an industrial setting would be unique in Athens or any polis, since direct taxation was
195 Since both the Demosthenic loan the passage and avoided. generally on the horos cannot

be shown to refer to a silver kaminos or to prove the exclusive private ownership of kaminoi, the public ownership and leasing of kaminoi remain the best solution to the revenuementioned in the Poroi. Such intervention in the smelting of silver is the key to the quality control of Athenian coinage silver. One of the few concreteconclusionsestablishedby the analysis of the silver of the Athenian owls is that all tetradrachmswere made of a specific alloy of very
190 For example, IG 13435.16-7 on a coal kaminos. 191 2677,2746-9,2752,2760 IG 112 are a few examples. 192 Agora 19 P5.54, P13.81, P38.28.
193 Hypereides 194 Agora 4.35: 19 P9.41; HaWIvhog, T6 'Emicp(hou; PkTaUovrof) PIO. 8,25; P12.10; P18.8; P20.20,27,50,74; "the mine P21.5,12; of Pallene". of EpikTates P26.265; P27.7,53; P29.9,24,

55; P34.6. 193 Rihl (2001:



high purity levels with little copper and gold. 196The Athenian mint must have had a way to distinguish 'mint' silver from other silver. It follows that the state had imposed

Otherwise, Laurion the only possible the smelting silver. quality on of of specifications in is for the mint. the the to the of coinage resmelt silver quality constant standard solution There is no evidenceof such a processin the sourcesand until the Athenian silver mint is found, there can be no archaeological solution either. Assuming a regulating process for the kaminoi provides a better and more functional systemof quality control. The next step in the processof creating coins, the mint, was also controlled by the 197 issue is A demosioi the the reveals. major whether private status of as argyrokopoi state individuals, particularly the lessees, could use the Athenian mint to create private supplies On the the them. the could exercise government over control and, consequently, of coinage for in described Coinage Decree hand, the reminting of allied coinages the the process one ' 98 individuals Athenian On for framework the the other to use mint. private a provides hand, some finds in Laurion may imply that such a processwas not available to the lessees. Clay bowls with hemispherical indentations,which resemblecoin blanks, have been found in Laurion and in Brauron. These led Konophagosto suggestthat the Athenian silver mint 199 is location in Such for in Laurion the the silver mint a not astu. was situated lies Laurion since outside the protective walls of the astu, making a mint problematic,

196 Kraay & Emeleus (1962: 16). 197SEG 26: 72.54-5.

198 IG J31453B.16-7,1453C. 9-10,1453B/G. 5.1. For the allied coins, resmelting would have beennecessary to uphold the quality of Athenian coinage. 199 The location of the Athenian silver mint is a matter of debate,since only the bronze mint has been found in the agora: Camp & Kroll (2001). Mint in Laurion: Konophagos(1976:371), (1980:369). Note that Konophagosdid not follow Svoronos(1915), (1916/7), who had madea similar assumption,but based himself on other considerations.


200 bowls bandits. However, the to or remain a a sneak naval attack even vulnerable in has bowl Brauron Kakavoyiannis that the seemsto study a recent pointed out mystery. have been madetotally by litharge not clay and that a similar bowl was found in the Middle 20 1 Kakavoyiannis admits that the chronology of the Thorikos Helladic strata of ThorikoS. 202 identical, by later disturbances. bowls have been These are not contaminated strata could indentations. have Although I Kakavoyiannis' the telltale they accept all although misgivings for the Brauron bowl, since the three rows of mildly interconnectedindentations do not seemto have any practical use as such, I am reluctant to accepta similar explanation for the bowl in the Laurion museum. Oikonomakou, who excavated it at Thorikos, is impression Laurion is bowl the the that and my own at connected with minting convinced 203 leads me to agree. Only a fragment of the bowl survives but it was obviously museum flat-bottomed and the indentations are on the flat and, although clustered, they are clearly distinguished from each other by raised ridges. The only explanationsof the bowl, which do not necessitate a mint in Laurion, are either that it was part of a processof private export Athenian by blanks in blanks, to the the entrepreneurs. that mint provided or were of silver In the secondcase, the problems of such a processparticularly in relation to adulteration it difficult its for insurmountable, to such a very envision use make are which and weight in Alternatively, Athens. that although a more sinister tone, coinage as of well-regulated the bowls may have been part of a ring of making fakes, which would easily explain the find without need for elaborate explanations of its relation to official minting. Without fiirther evidence,reconstructing the minting regime of Athens is very difficult, particularly
200 The lack of any referenceto a mint in the mining region in Poroi 4.43-8, where Xenophon outlines his solution to the problem of security in the mines tips the balanceagainstKonophagos' argument. 201 Kakavoyiannis (2005:280). 202 Kakavoyiannis (2005:280). 203 Personalcorrespondence and (forthcoming) AD (1998) p84.


the role of private individuals. The evidencefrom the leasesand the large estimatedprofits in silver metal of the lessees suggestthat they had accessto the mint, although it is probable that Athens imposedsome limits on the extent of minting of privately owned silver. The role of the Athenian goverment in the silver industry, although pervasive, was not particularly pronounced. The state owned the silver mines, administered the leases, legislated on the safety of the works, regulatedthe quality of silver producedand controlled the minting process. However, it does not appear to have intervened or regulated the internal or exporting trade in silver. As was mentioned earlier, this lack of intervention is surprising. The easiestof explanationsis that the nature of our sources,the leasesand the do is focused internally it thus, concern export and are on exploitation; speeches, not intervention in is it Since that trade to any governmental remains unknown us. expected impossible to argue that the whole or even the bulk of Athenian legislation has survived, lost. have been Nevertheless,such explanations of the trade silver of may any regulation better it is further thus, to assumethat the Athenian pending evidence, silence are weak, government did not intervene officially in silver exports. The reason for this lack of intervention can arguably be found in the role of silver in the Athenian economy. The revenue from the silver mines certainly played a major role in the fmances of the Athenian state. For the majority of states, the influence of their products on their have lost. been For Athens their the exportability contemporaries and views of economy, however, Xenophon's importance in Poroi silver, offers glimpses not and only of silver's the Athenian economy as an export, but also on the contemporary views of the industry. The Poroi is a political pamphlet written in the period immediately after the Social War


204 The purpose of the (357-355) and its author is generally accepted to be Xenophon. pamphlet, a type of literary document of which the Poroi is the only surviving example, was to presenta seriesof proposalsfor the revival of Athenian state finances. At the time, the Athenian state was in financial strain due to the extreme expendituresof the previous 205 decrease in during The proposals the war. state revenues years and the considerable tackle various sourcesof revenue, including metics, trade and the silver mines; Xenophon increase to an alternative way revenue from the mines without changing the proposes framework of exploitation. The specifics of the proposal are outside the scope of existing this work but several passages testify to the importance of silver as an exportable in the Athenian economy and, thus, are of interest. Xenophon extols the commodity of silver, presentingus with a contemporaryview of its production commercial advantages and export from the largest producer in the easternMediterranean:7CP(OTOV gF-v yap 8ý7rou


avanauccOat. aXXA RTIV KaL Xct[t&Jvoq




VORLcypacyt yap ou Xpilaigoig

8E Tal; EV E'-4(o XpCovTat:
ýV 8t ýtý POI)'XWVTOEt





&V &. 6VOPONEOt, 6E'-O)VTCEt V (:


KaL [oQ apyvptov



f[t7EOpL(XV F-'40'ty0l)GtV. '10710V yap


7E(j)Xd)(;tv af)T6,7r(xvTctXolb

Appfou 7EXE-'ov Tof)

206This is a view of the silver XaVpdvoi)(IV.

204 On the authorshipand date of the Poroi seeGauthier (1976:1-6) and Thiel (1922:viii-xxiii). 205 Stateincome in 355 had fallen to 130T: Demosthenes10.37. 206 Xenophon Porol 3.2: "First, it (Athens) has the best and safestharbours, for no matter where they (the ships) anchor they can rest for the winter. And for the emporoi in most of the poleis, there is needto take a return cargo, since their coins are not useful outside (their borders). In Athens, on the contrary, there are as many commodities as people want to take as return cargo. And if they do not want to take a return cargo, thosewho export silver have a good export trade. For wherever they sell it, they receivemore than they expended".


it provides trade defining the importance of silver as an export product and the advantages to a producer. No other Athenian product is mentioned in such a capacity. Silver is lends balancing in Aegean. This Piraeus, the the the card of greatestentrep6t presentedas credibility to the view that silver was the primary exportableproduct of Athens. The passagealso testifies to the laws of supply and demand in the silver trade and the Greek economy. Xenophon's statementthat the price of silver outside Athens is higher than in Athens shows that silver was cheaper for the producer. The situation must have been similar for the other silver producers as well. Silver in this passageis bullion not coins; nomisma is readily contrasted with argyrion. Xenophon's statement on the sale
("0710V'Y&p in price of argyrion Athens and elsewhere OIV 71COMOGIV U&M, 7[CEV'raXO1b RXEOV

-II clearly Tov ctpXatoi)Xa[tPaVovcrtv)

implies that traders would buy silver bullion in Athens

limited but it Coinages, Xenophon states, are of commercial value and sell elsewhere. silver as bullion could be traded anywhereand get a good price. The fmds of silver bullion in hoards also suggestthat there was a large market for bullion, not only by governments for their coinages but also in private enterprise for jewellery and plate.207 Finally, Xenophon here does not argue seekingto persuadeon the importance of the silver trade but on the contrary uses the exportability of Athenian silver as an argument on general trade importance So, the of silver as a major export commodity was readily recognised. policy. Another passage reinforces this presentationof the economicsof the silver trade and
industry: 6T(XV &, 0ý61 CL')C; KCLI TAP 7[Ep 710XXOi XCLXKOTf)7[OtYF-'VCOVT(It, 4(COVYCVOAtVO)V TdW


CtVTO);: KaL OTaV 76 YC C'OC;

207 Hoards with metal bars and/or ingots: Thompson,Morkhohn &Kraay(1973: nos 1035,1182,1478,1482, 1636,1637,1639,1640,1644,1645,1647,1649,1651,1874,2172(AU), 2259,2313).


7rOXlbg CYITOq Kai





iRMPLaq yqv EpyciýwOatEnv ICCLI KaL 1COL7MXP-L(X;
cipy6plOV 7EXiOV YCYVIJTat,





O'(YW aV 7[XCL(J)V (P(XL'VTIT(It Kai





1ý, OMq,

f, OV'86L'g 7r(O OUTO) 7EOV)




TtCYt 'YE-'VIlTat






IITTOV 1180VT(Xt T'l Xpco'PCVOt

OLOT(ý. KC[i [týV



LCFXI)P(1)ý OL avopo)7rot

äpyupL, ol)

ÖF-'OVTütt. OL ýtýV Yäp


ag(P'L O'lrk(l

TE KCtkh



001')XOVTCEI 8(17[aVdV,






TPE7EOVT(It. OTaV TE CE10 VOcyýcyo)(TtV



'K(Xp7ECL)V Tj 71OX' E[t(f),

ETt 1CCEL 7rOXlb [tj(XXOV, jjfyyof) 'Jý; yý; ylyVolttF-Vll; l
[tEvTot oli8a,

Howat. EMICOUPOI); CLq E7[tTq8cta Kat ELq VO[tL(T[tCLTO; icaL
pilRv ýuov XpiJutgov elvott il apyuptov,


TouTcp [tEv ouic avTtXp-yco, Elcuvo

TiptcoTepov 7EotpL. Taina gtv ou'v





T6 ytyvFTat,

'py' 8i a vptov



OappolDVTE:g gtv 67ECOG

















1 Ecropevol).


208 XenophonPorol 4.6-11: "And when the coppersmithsbecomenumerous,the value of copperwarefalls and the coppersmithsgo out of businessand the sameholds true for the ironsmiths. And when there is lots of grain and wine, the value of the crop falls, and the farmers go out of business,so that many abandonworking


This passagetouches upon various issues concerning the trade in silver. Firstly, Xenophon attemptsa comparisonbetween the various metals in terms of their commercial value. Copper, iron and gold are adversely affected by increased supply becausetheir demandis inelastic. For the basemetals, this is expected,since their uses and presumably their rate of wear createda steadybut definite demand. In other words, there were only so many armours,weaponsand tools neededin a polis; while demandmay rise, for example in war or large building projects, there are definite limits to its rise. The case is similar for gold, becausegold was used primarily for jewellery and decoration. For all three metals, Xenophon thinks that demandregulatedthe supply, describinga buyer's market.209

Silver, on the other hand, has an infinitely elastic demand. This is explained becauseof the use of silver for coinage, which is needed equally in times of plenty and hardship. This ever-increasingdemand of silver is the direct result of a steady increasing demand for coinage. The position of silver as a market commodity is seen as completely opposite to that of the other metals signifying a predominantly seller's market. Secondly, the passage testifies to the main use of silver in the ancient world as perceived by 8F-'ovTat, which defines the usesof argyrion in the contemporaries. The phraseVOjtL'a[laTOq

the land and turn to trade and retail and money lending. But the more ore is mined and more silver is into businessin the mining industry. And for furniture, when peoplehave the more people go produced, enough to fill the house,they stop buying more; but for silver no-one thinks that he has too much so that he stopsgetting more, but even if it becomesa lot, the extra they bury thinking that this is as good as using it. And when the poleis do well, the people want silver. The men spendmoney on fine weaponsand beautiful horsesand great housesand buildings, while the women turn to luxurious clothes and gold jewellery. And of a dearth of crops or becauseof war, then since lots of the when the poleis are not doing well either because land remains uncultivated and they need victuals and mercenaries,than again they need money. And if is that as useful as silver, I do not gainsaythat, but I know that when there is too much gold says someone gold, then its value falls, and silver becomesmore valuable. And I have presentedthesefacts so that we do not cower before bringing more people to the mines, not cower before making more out of them, for the ore will never run out nor will silver ever becomevalueless". 209 Note that I fully agreewith Samuel(1983:24) that what Xenophon does in this passage is economic analysis,if without the common modem nomenclature.


in Xenophon's thinking, the people desire/needsilver as the that of passage, shows rest money. Modem opinions on the value of the Poroi as evidence for the Athenian economy depending widely, mainly on scholarly opinion on the proposalsthemselves. Boeckh vary argued that the proposals were impracticable and, thus, the Poroi has little value, while Cawkwell, Momigliano and others argued the opposite, viewing the Poroi as the basis of Euboulos' economic reforms.210 The substantivist scholars of the latter half of the 20th century CE tend to view Xenophon's proposals as correct but impracticable in his period; thus Finley arguedthat Xenophon anticipated later developments,while Polanyi considered 211 Xenophon's in Other that vision, although correct, was never realised the ancient world. scholarsview the Poroi as part of a shift in Greek thinking concerningrevenue in general in 212 from imperialism to self-containment. Whether the proposalswere capableof the period being implemented in the mid-fourth century is uncertain, although certainly at least one person, with the necessaryeducation, consideredthem to be so. On the other band, they certainly were never implemented in their entirety, although some of the proposalsrelating 213 have been. The substantivistviews of Xenophon as a pioneer in to trade and metics may the generation of revenue are dependent on the loss of other proposals and on the interpretation of evidenceboth from Athens and from other poleis. Lastly, the argument in favour of a shift in Greek thought against imperialism in the mid-fourth century can only be

21 0 Boeckh (1886:698-708); Momighano (1966:481-7); Cawkwell (1963:634). Also Lewis (1990:25 1) for a more moderateview on the influence of Xenophon on Euboulos. 1Finley (1973: 164), followed by Humphreys (1978: 138); Polanyi (1957:196), followed by Samuel 21 (1983:22-3).
212Dillery (1993).

213 Cawkwell (1963:64).


in for for brief Athens, the since majority of other poleis, except a period Spartan argued history, never relied on imperial revenue. The specific proposalsaside, it could be argued that Xenophon's statementsdo not industry his Athens, the the that they to silver reality of at or since seek persuade reflect lure importance in its Athenian to they the the exaggerated of silver economy and audience, foreign traders. Xenophon indeed seeksto persuadehis audienceand that createsa certain bias in his arguments. He may have been overly enthusiasticon the effects and prospects for lure industry, the the commercial and similarly of Athens as an entrep6t. silver of However, it is difficult to substantiate that Xenophon lied or grossly changedthe facts. His target audience was not modem scholarship or people who had no knowledge of the industry. Athens On the contrary, the the the and particulars of silver of economic position incite interest in to the those of and reaction control, politicians, are meant arguments implement demagogues; those such changesas Xenophon proposes. who could rhetors and Most of them would be membersof the upper classes,and possibly would have had some industry, directly indirectly through relatives and friends. the to or silver either connection The common citizen in Athens had probably never seen a talent of silver but it is impossible to gauge how much he knew about the silver industry. For the upper classes though and the mobile segmentsof society, Laurion was not an unknown quantity. The fact that Xenophon's suggestion for increasing profits clearly avoids any controversial be is imposing increasing leases, that taxes the the shows as actually or rent of such subject,

least in interests his investments bad the the of at part of audience, who probably mindful of
industry. Xenophon's picture of Laurion and silver as a commodity may be enthusiastic but not a lie or an exaggeration, since either would not be conducive to his argument.


Moreover, although parts of his reasoning are naive, for example the assertion that the than hundreds of decisions and mines would never be exhausted,they are not more naYve plans by leaders and their advisors over the centuries. Common sensecould predict 60 years ago that the oil reserveswould be eventually exhausted;that did not stop the vast majority of governmentsworldwide from promoting the use of cars or the producersof the Middle East from basing their economieson oil exports. From the perspectiveof two and half millennia of hindsight, of course,Xenophon's suggestionsseemnafve and his belief in Athens' advantages wrong but at the time, the situation was very different. When the Porol were initially read, or heard, plans to rebuild Athenian financesmust have been numerous. Eventually, some of these plans succeededin bringing an economic revival initially under Euboulos and, more successfully, later under Lykourgos. Xenophon's suggestionson the silver industry were never fully adopted, as far as we know, but someoneelse's were and by stele XVI of the poletai, the number of leasesper year had tripled. The ideas in the Poroi may have beentoo revolutionary for Athens, or simply unworkable, but the facts they were basedupon were common knowledge in Athens, so the possibility that Xenophon is lying or exaggeratingis small.214 The overall picture in the two passages is of silver as a strong commercial commodity. The existenceand widespreadappeal of the trade in silver is presented as an undoubted fact. Additionally, silver has a steady ever-increasing

demand,which can withstand any increaseof supply, due to its use for coinage. Xenophon, although basing his argument on the profitability and exportability of intervention by the government in the silver trade, which lends at no point mentions silver, further credenceto the impression that governmental intervention was lacking. Of course,

214 On Xenophon reflecting nature and conditions of trade in the fourth century: Osborne(1991:138).


Xenophon, like the rest of the surviving sources,focusesinternally and his referencesto the silver trade are complementary, not fundamental, to his argument. Nevertheless,

Xenophon's picture does not include the government and his plan on increasing revenue has no referenceto increasesfrom the silver trade. The explanation of this surprising lack intervention, however, of govermnental can be found in Xenophon's picture of the role of silver in the Athenian economy and particularly the public economy. The laws of supply demand, to whose power Xenophon testifies, made silver the major Athenian and high demand for The silver and the Piraeus'sposition as one of the great ports commodity. in the Mediterranean made governmental intervention largely unnecessary. There was no need for the Athenian government to intervene in order to make silver a more attractive had already commodity, as silver a high demandand no other producer could competewith the commercial position of the Piraeus. The aim of the government is practically confined in created and assuring an adequatesupply of the commodity. Since mining, ancient or modern, is hazardous prospecting the Athenian government, especially without modem technology, could not guaranteea steadysupply on the ground. The available intervention options were limited to encouraging prospecting and creating a safe exploitation environment. Athens clearly did that by legislating to protect the works and offering short leases for the ergasima mines. In addition to that, Athens, through its control of the kaminoi, regulated the quality of the product, thus, ensuring that Athenian silver had an extra edge in the market. It is impossible to estimatehow far thesemeasures were intended for securing a high quality supply for export, since they also secured continued internal high the quality of Athenian coinage, but these issues are interconnected. and revenue Revenuedependedupon continued mining concernsand mining depended,on the part of


the prospector, upon demand. Thus, ensuring a safe environment for the prospector and assuring quality of the product benefited the government in terms of revenue, while simultaneouslyaffecting exports.


Chapter 3: The Importers of Gold and Silver
The majority of poleis did not have precious metal resources,yet many managedto acquire metal for coinage. This chapter concentrateson the methods of acquisition of precious metal employed by the poleis. There were four possible methods of acquisition: import of bullion, import of coins, loans from temples and booty from war. Temple loans were employed by poleis in financial straits since any such loans in the sourcesare usually

215 famine. War bootyalthough connected with timesof war or probablyimportantenough
in particular caseswas not a regular method of supply since it dependedon the vagariesof war. Only the first two methods can be consideredas regular means of acquisition. The use of coinage as evidence for the study of metal acquisition is not without problems, since for most Greek coinagesthere can be no certainty as to the number of issues,the interval betweenthem or the number of individual coins of eachissue. For the acquisition of gold two case studies are examined, Asia Minor and Sicily/Magna Graecia, since the numismatic profile of gold/electrum. coinages in these different is different thus, two starkly and, acquisition profiles can be discussed. areas very Note that although part of the discussionrelates to archaic electrum coinages,the debateon the birth of coinage in the Greek World is not touched upon, since the reasons for the invention and adoption of coinage, whether standardizationof state payments or gifts and did fact the that the state had to procure metal for the coins. not change medals,

In the

study of Asia Minor, I have included mints from the Asiatic shore of the Propontis to

215 For example,the use of the Athenian reservesin the Peloponnesian War: Thucydides 2.13.4-5. Loans from templesfor non-emergencyreasonsseeAristotle Oikonomika 1349a2O-23 but this is a caseof a tyrant using the reserve. "' Note that early coins of possibly private mints are not discussed:Kraay (1976:23). For the two major explanationsof the creation of coinage seeKraay (1976:320-8), Price (1981). For another explanation (stabilising price of electrum) seeWallace (1987).


Kilikia, the islands of the Propontis and the eastern Aegean. The southern shore of the Black Sea and the island of Cyprus are excluded (For a full list of minters, see Table 1, page 85). Most of the early electrum coins are not securelyattributed to a polis, since they do dating devices belong legends to the their of cities, and could a variety of while not carry in in is lists Kraay the sevenpoleis minting electrurn the attributed coins uncertain. most of first half of the sixth century, Ephesos,Halikarnassos,Phokaia, Miletos, Samos,Kyzikos Abydos, Klazomenai Priene, four, Lampsakos, the Chios, at and minted another while and time of the Ionian Revolt; Head also attributed some early electrum coins to Erythrai, 217 Electrum minting concentrated in Ionia and the islands with only Teos. Smyrna and Halikarnassosand Kyzikos in other areasof Asia Minor, at least for early electrum. The
have by in these the sources, gold employed poleis not of survived of acquisition means have from Smyrna, Abydos and their own resources, such as could minted although some 218 SamoS. For Lampsakos the other poleis trade was certainly a viable and possibly 219 by Sparta. Lydian the sale to possibility, as was shown

217 Ephesos:Kraay (1976:25); Halikamassos:Kraay (1976:23, nosl, 53,54); Phokaia: Kraay (1976:26, nosl3,70); Miletos: Kraay (1976:no55); Samos:Kraay (1976:26, nos66-7); Kyzikos: Kraay (1976:no7l); Chios: Kraay (1976:no72); Lampsakos:Kraay (1976:nos734); Abydos: Kraay (1976:no75); Klazomenai: Kraay (1976:no76); Priene: Kraay (1976:no77); Erythrai: Head (1911:578); Smyrna:Head (1911:591); Teos: Head (1911:595). "' Kraay & Hinner (1966:368) and Boardman (1996:3 10) both assumemines in the territory of Kyzikos but there is no literary, archaeologicalor geological evidenceto support that Kyzikos was a gold producer, except through domination of Abydos of which I have found no evidence.
219See page 57.


T-able 1: Minter,

in Asia Minor, Sixth to Fourth Cenitiries.

ID 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42

Area Aiolis Aiolis Aiolis Aiolis Aiolis Aiolis Aiolis Aiolis Aiolis Ionia Ionia Ionia Ionia Ionia Ionia Ionia Ionia Ionia Ionia Ionia Ionia Ionia Ionia Karia Karia Karia Karia Karia Karia Karia Karia Karia Karia Karia Karia Karia Karia Karia Karia Karia Karia Karia

Polis Elaia Hekatonnessi Nesos Kyrne Larissa Phrikonis Lesbos Methymna Myrina Mytilene Temnos Chios Ephesos Erythrai Ikaria (Oinoe) Klazomenai Kolophon Leukai Magnesia Miletos Phokaia Phygela Samos Smyrna Teos Astyra Euromos Halikarnassos lalysos lasos Idyma Lindos Kalymna Kamiros Knidos Knidian Chersonese Kos Megiste Mylasa Nisyros Poseidion Rhodos Rhodian Peraia Termera

6th EL No No No No No No No No No Yes Yes No No No No No No Yes Yes No Yes Yes Yes No No Yes No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No

6th AR No No No No Yes No No No No Yes Yes Yes No Yes No No No Yes Yes No Yes No Yes No No No Yes No No Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No No Yes No Yes No No Yes

5th EL No No No No No No No Yes No Yes No No No No No No No No Yes No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No

5th ALI No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No

5th AR Yes Yes Yes No No Yes No Yes No Yes Yes Yes No Yes Yes No Yes Yes No No Yes No Yes Yes Yes Yes No No Yes No No No Yes No Yes No No No No Yes Yes No

4th EL No No No No No No No Yes No No No No No No No No No No Yes No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No

4th ALI No No No No No No No No No No No No No Yes No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No Yes No No

4th AR Yes Yes Yes Yes No Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No No Yes No Yes No No No No Yes No Yes Yes No Yes No Yes No No


ID 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87

Area Kilikia Kilikia Kilikia Kilikia Kilikia Kilikia Kilikia Kilikia Lykia Lykia Lykia Lykia Lykia Lykia Lykia Mysia Mysia Mysia Mysia Mysia Mysia Mysia Mysia Mysia Pamphylia Pamphylia Pisidia Pisidia Propontis Propontis Propontis Propontis Propontis Propontis Troas Troas Troas Troas Troas Troas Troas Troas Troas Troas Troas

Polis Aphrodisias Holmi Issos Kelenderis Mallos Nagidos Soloi Tarsos Aperlai Limyra Patara Phaselis Telmessos Tlos Xanthos Atarneus Gambrion Kyzikos Lampsakos Parion Pergamos Pitane Prokonnesos Teuthrania Aspendos Side Etenna Selge Astakos Byzantion Chalkedon Kios Perinthos Selymbria Abydos Antandros Assos Dardanos Gargara Gergis Kebren Lamponeia Neandreia Ophrynion Rhoeteion

6th EL No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No Yes No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No

6th AR No No No No No No No No No No No Yes No No No No No Yes No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No

5th EL No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No Yes Yes No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No

5th AU No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No Yes No No No No No No No No No No

5th AR No No No Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No No Yes Yes No No No No Yes Yes Yes No Yes No No Yes Yes No Yes Yes Yes Yes No No Yes Yes No Yes Yes No No Yes No No No No

4th EL No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No Yes No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No

4th AU No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No Yes No Yes No No No No No No No No No No Yes No No Yes No No No No No No No No No No

4th AR Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No Yes Yes Yes No Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No Yes Yes Yes Yes No Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes


ID 88 89 90

Area Troas Troas Troas

Polis Sigeion Skepsis Tenedos

6th EL No No No

6th AR No No Yes

5th EL No No No

5th AU No No No

5th AR No No Yes

4th EL No No No

4th AU No No No

4th AR Yes Yes Yes

The supplier of electrurn for the early sixth-century coins is generally accepted to be Lydia based on its proximity to the minters and Herodotos' testimony to its function as a 221 ' The concentration of clectrum iniriters in Ionia is considered indicative of gold market . the nictal's provenance, especially smcc the Greek poleis of Asia Mmor are reportcd to have had close relations, "Ith Lydia. Krolsos discontinued the minting ofelectrum coniage in Lydia, replacing it with gold and silver and many poleis in Asia Minor followed the III half Lydian example in the second of the sixth century. The change in Lydian coinage

has been explained as the result either of exhaustion of the Paktolos deposit or of Kroisos targeting the markets of the Greek mainland, which were unused to electrum. However,

there is no evidence suggesting either that the Paktolos deposit was exhausted at the time of

Kroisos, especially since Sardis remaineda major minting centre after the Persianconquest, or that there was widespread numismatic contact between mainland Grecce and Lydia, as
the hoards show a definite trend towards Asia Minor and Egypt (for the dispersal of Lydian coins in hoards, see Table 2, page 88). Nevertheless, the influence of Lydian numismatic practice on the minting of the Asia Minor poleis does suggest some relation between the two, which could be the supply ofelectrurn. Equally possible, however, is that the poleis

followed Lydian numismatic practice because of the trade links with it or because of its

dominance over them. political
Kraay Kraay 2 Kraay 22 (1976: 28), Boardinan ( 1996: 126), Treister (1996: 172). ( 1976:29). ( 1976:29).


Table 2: Iloards with Lýdian Cohis

Number 1176 1153 1155 1156 1157 1162 1879 689 1632 1637 1166 1175 1178 1639

Findspot Gordion, Phrygia Ephesos, Arternision deposit Asia Minor, Western? Asia Minor, western? Priene Sardis, Lydia Persepolis Sveti Vlas, Bulgaria Egypt Hermopolis minor, Egypt Snlyrna Asia Minor, western (ýal dag, near Sardis, Lydia Xois, Egypt

Date c6lO c600-590 c600-590 c600-575 c575-560 c546 before 511 6t" 6"' 500 c500-490 c480 c470 Early 5

EL y y y y y N N y N N

AU N N N N N y y N y N

AR N N N N N N N N N y

The main obýjection to the Lydian provenance of the electrum used by all the Asia Minor polcis is that close relations between the Greeks and the Lydians are attestcd mainly for the reign of Kroisos, while the ma jority of c1cctrurn issues are dated to an earlier . 11 period. -I The Lydian kings before Kroisos, according to the Hellenocentric account of their reigns in Herodotos, were intermittently in conflict with many of the lornan cities,

224 Smyrna, Miletos, Kolophon, Priene Klazomenal. One supplier need not be such as and

for different the all assumed coinagesof the period, especially since sorne of the minters were in contact with other gold prodUcersand, at times, their relations with Lydia, if any,
123 fljliiý i6l. * U#Wv TIP6)TOý T6V 6 IEV T06,, [IýV KUTIXTTPýý41QTO Herodotos 1.6.2: OLToý Kpoi(yo; papý61)0)V E 6C7T(I70)'Y#, 6ý (Pikot); Tob; TIJ)OGETIOIIý(TUTO, (p6pol) "This man Kroisos was the first of the barbariansto

come in close contact to Lis,destroying some of the Greeks to exact tribute, while making friends of others". 2'4 1icrodotos 1.14-22.


were strained. Ephesos could have been supplied by Lydia, since the scanty evidence suggestsamiable and possibly close relations before Kroisos; the Lydian kings attacked various poleis but not their nearestneighbour. Beyond pure aggressionor empire building for attacking the Greek poleis, which cannot be discardedout of hand, the as explanations Lydians, like many landlocked states, may have been attempting to gain access to the Aegean coast with its maritime wealth and communications. Therefore, not attacking Ephesos could mean that it was the main entrep6t for them in the period. Such close brought, in Lydian the the they the could explain not only many coins wealth relations, and Artemision hoard but also Ephesos' notable absencefrom the colonisation movement and 225 in Naukratis. Greek enclave of the Miletos and Phokaia were connectedwith far-flung colonies, which, although not state foundations,had strong connectionswith the poleis they consideredtheir metropoleis. The Milesian colonies in the Black Sea and the Propontis, especially Abydos and Trapezous,could have had accessto gold/electrum through either their own mines or trade 226 in Similarly, Massalia tribes was respectively. position to trade with native with native

227 in but Gaul in in such The meansor articlesof exchange Iberia. tribes not only also
transactionshave not survived but there is evidence of a brisk trade between the Greeks in Asia Minor and the colonial foundations in both the Black Sea and the west; additionally, dependingon the date of formal acknowledgementof the apoikia-metropolis relation, gifts

225 Arterrýisionhoard: IGCH 1153. Kraay(1976: 24-5); Robinson (1951:161,163);Kagan (1982:356-9). 226 Strabo 11.2.19,11.14.9,11.41.9; Appian Mithridalika 103; Pliny 6.14,6.30,33.52; Aristotle DeMir. Ausc. 26; Forbes(1964:166); Healy (1978:47); Tsetskhladze(1998:64); Treister (1996:172). 227 On the reasonsfor the Phokaianfoundation of Massalia, I think Hodge's (1998:7-8,168) argumentý that Massalia and Ampurias were stepping-stones on the journey to Iberia, is preferable to that of Sheflon (1994:72) that the Phokaiansused a north African route.


228 for Another possible supplier of gold was Egypt, part of the supply. could account late from Greeks traded the the seventh century onwards, especially since seven of where the twelve traditional founders of the Greek emporion in Naukratis were electrum minters 229 The Egyptian (Klazomenai, Chios, Teos, Phokaia, Halikamassos,Miletos and Samos). debated, in in Greek-Egyptian Milne, the the are since archaic period pioneer exports before Alexander, argued against the export of grain, while Boardman proposed relations 230 Greek Although grain could have been that grain was the main export to the world . imported from Egypt, the quantity could not have been as large as in the classical period; lack from Egypt, the the solves of valuable as other major export exports allowing gold in large-scale does imports the not necessitate assumption of of grain and, simultaneously, the early archaic period. Except Smyrna, Samos and Abydos, which possibly had resourcesof their own, the rest of the poleis necessarilyimported the metal from long-distance suppliers. For the majority of poleis, trade is the best acquisition method, since the greatestsuppliers, Lydia booty forms Egypt, to of acquisition, such not amenable other as or tribute. were and Following the Spartan-Lydian example, direct state-to-statetransactions without private 23 1 import in This intermediation were the norm of precious metal the archaic period. in the classical Athens, where the evidence prevailing situation contrasts readily with that all trade was conductedthrough private enterprise. suggests
228 Gifts to metropolis: Bury & Meiggs (1994:71). Trade with Iberia: Shefton (1994:72). Trade with Gaul: Boardman (1996:274-5). Tribute could also be possible meansof acquiring gold but the only caseof tribute exactedby a metropolis I have found is the caseof the Kotyoran dasmospaid to Sinope,which is an exceptional casein that it is a permanentrent for the chora and was administeredseparatelyby the Sinopeans jXenophon Anabasis 5.5.3,5.5.10; Hansen& Nielsen (2004:722)]. 29Trade before Naukratis: Boardman (1994:141). Poleis involved in Naukratis' foundation: Herodotos 2.178.2-3; Boardman(1996:180). 230 Milne (1939:177fl); followed by Roebuck (1950:236f) and Sutherland(1943:143). Against seeBoardman (1999:129).
231See page 57.


In the fifth century, more poleis in Asia Minor began to mint, most of them in silver, while the minting of electrum/gold also revived, after its decline in the secondhalf of the sixth century. Following the trend of the Ionian Revolt coinages, the axis of gold/electrum minting has moved to the north of region, where Kyzikos, Abydos and Lampsakos mint, with only Phokaia.and Chios remaining in Ionia, while gold/electrum in disappears the south of the region. The fifth century witnessed great entirely minting political and economic upheavalsin the easternGreek World, and especially in Asia Minor and the easternAegean,with the aftermath of the Ionian Revolt, the PersianWars, the rise and demise of the Athenian Empire, as well as numerous expeditions, local wars and revolts. In this century, the economy of the poleis of Asia Minor and their coinageswere mainly influenced by Athens, through both the phoros and other measures,such as the Coinage Decree. The phoros, although probably not debilitating, was burdensomeand a constant drain in the finances of any polis, since the precious metal left the local economy and a constant supply had to be secured. The Coinage Decree is a controversial and debateddocument, since, while some of its provisions are clear, its reasoningand practical 232 The aim of the Coinage Decree has been variously interpreted as the effects arc not. formalisation of an existing practice, a purely political measureand a sign of commercial
imperialism. 233 The main problem with all three interpretations is their adamantly

is there no need to assumethat Athens as an imperial power failed totally exclusive nature; to examine and evaluate all the possible effects of the decree or that all the allies had the samenumismatic practice. As Finley noted, many allies either had stoppedminting locally before the Coinage Decree or did not start minting until after the end of the Peloponnesian

232 On the problems of dating the decreeseeMattingly (1961), either date doesnot affect the discussion. 233 IG 131453. Formalisation: Austin & Vidal-Naquet (1977:57); Political: Finley (1965:22-4).


War, thus, probably used owls or other large coinages, possibly Aiginetan, for their 234 For them, the Coinage Decree would signify no more than the transactions. formalisation.of their existing practices, while such practices could possibly have initially 235 if Athens to the possibilities available the whole of the empire used their coinage. alerted For those allies who had kept their numismatic independence,the political impact of the Coinage Decree would have been great, in that it was an obvious curtailment of their independence,political and economic. The Coinage Decree would have influenced for individual had the the trader, within empire considerably, not only commerce who now the freedom of trading under one universal currency, but also for the poleis, which were 236 from for forced Athens No single to acquire all silver their own transactions. now should be assignedto a measureas influential and pervasive as the motive or consequence CoinageDecreewas designedto be; on the contrary, the various simultaneousand merging causesand objectives provide us with a better understandingof the workings of both the empire and its economy. Electrum and gold coinageswere not affected by the Coinage Decree and some of them flourished in the fifth Phokaian/Mytilenian hektai. century, such as the Kyzikene stater and the

Local gold resources could account for the coinage of

Abydos. Phokaia probably utilised her relations with the far west, as in the previous century, and supplied Mytilene under their monetary union. A fragment of the decree of the monetary union has survived concerning alloying; the inscription cannot be securely
234 Finley (1965:23). 235 Athenian coins were the most widely dispersedin the Greek World in the fifth century as shown by the surviving hoards, since Athenian coins are found in 18.8% of the total (46 of 244 from IGCH). 236 Finley (1965:23) rightly noted that such a measurewould be beneficial to all traders,Athenian and nonAthenian, although it must be noted that, firstly, the adoption of the Euro has shown how much trade can benefit from a universal currency and, secondly,benefiting non-Athenian traders is not a problem as long as Athenian tradersbenefit as well.


datedand whether this is the initial decreeor a copy is debated237M ytilene startedminting . but in hektai 485 the middle of the century a change of type was as early as electrum effected, which made the coinage correspond roughly to the types of Phokaia, although they never became identical. Possibly, at that time the monetary union was initially dates decree from the period after the Mytilenian revolt and the surviving while enacted, the alloying regulations correspondto the emergencyminting of electrum staterswith large during the revolt content copper
itself 238

The monetary union is undoubtedly a significant

development in Greek numismatic practice but can be variably interpreted economically. The simplest explanation is that of a bilateral agreementbetweenthe two poleis for reasons further any connotationsor targets. without convenience of However, such a simplistic explanation, although attractive, does not fully conform to the use and spreadof Mytilenian/Phokaian hektai. The changeof type in the Mytilenian hektai in the middle of the century marks a developmentand the correspondence of he new types with the types of Phokaia suggeststhat this development was the union agreement. Consequently,for a period of as much as half a century, the two poleis minted separately
237IG XII, 2.1.1 (Tod 112): c[----6TTt 89 ice ai] x6ki; [6:p](p6T[F-pai-10] [-5] yp&Wtat Fiqr&[v orr&kav ý iicicoXan],rcoicrt"[p]tov ga-rco.[T6v 8i KkpvavTa T6] Xpiýatov 67rMticov 9[VPCVat 6:P(POTtP]CEtCY1 VXI; 7EO%i&CFCFt' 6PXCEt; 8t[K6tGTat; U gg]ýtvvat T6t gcv ig MUTUýVat [)CkpVaVrt]TCý1; IE(XiGal;TCA;iR M[uTt%ý]vat 7EMagT(2)V bCgi &pat; gggMlt Rra1; ip R ýp 8iKaV (D(bK(Xt (D(bKat icaimlt; Ta; nk[k]Ct; T6V CLi[d(5F-W[V]* T&V aigi=)v, KF 6viai)TN i4k?60ilt iv ý4 pývv&a>av ai U Kc KaTay[pflOilt T6 Xpýctov Ktpvav ý8apkaTzpov Wxov ý(XýL16(700), OW&TOR TI[OLTO) T[6] 8uca(;Týptov 6TTt XPh (A U KC6710(p[b], filt R[ý] OLW<v> 6cRPp[6]T1JV, ý MTOL[ýflcvat, 6: Si x6ki; &vaftiN Ka1 &ý&ViN [ga]To). "RaXov Mi)TtkAvaot irp6aOe IC6011V CEUT<O>V 6 i[g U6 'Apic; 'ApXct K6kwvov, [T]apXGV,"... (and whatever) both (D](bicat 7rc8& 71c5a 7rp6Tavtq ic67rqv. in (by add of a compact writing to the stelai or erase), let it be valid. And the official responsible means cities for the alloying of the gold is to be answerable to both cities. For the official who alloys the gold at Mytilene, a majority of the judges is to come form all the magistrates at Mytilene; at Phokaia, also, a majority of the judges is to come from all the magistrates at Phokaia; and the trial is to occur within six months after the end of the year (in which the official served at Mytilene or Phokaia). If the official on trial is convicted of having wilfully lowered the quality of the alloy, let him suffer the death penalty; but if he is acquitted on the basis of not having wilfully done wrong, let the court determine whether he is to suffer or to be fined. But let the city be considered guiltless and not subject to penalty. The Mytilenians obtained by lot the minting of the coinage for the first time. The prytany after than of Kolonos (in Mytilene) inaugurates this compact, in Phokaia (the

prytany) after that of Aristarchos". On the debate,seeHeisserer(1954). ... Kraay (1976:266-7 and no982).


decided into for to reason enter a monetary union. I would suggest that the some and is behind the union connected with the main use of the hektai as unofficial reasoning denominationsof the daric.239 The main gold coinage in Asia Minor was the daric, which, however, suffered from lack of fractions. The Phokaian hektai in the late archaic-early functioned in fractions the as unofficial some periods probably and at point, classical beginning of the fifth century, Mytilene enteredthe equation by also minting hektai. The immediate be Mytilenian the the creation of a of and consequence minting would obvious be between The the two cannot poleis. effects of such competition relation competitive its is detrimental but by Consequently, to the nature, competition supplier. reconstructed the monetary union redressed the balance by merging the two coinages in a joint but in decree the the as specifies minting was not simultaneous of minting responsibility two poleis but alternated at fixed intervals, possibly every year: 'E%aXov Nlu-rtkývaot between is interpreted best The Phokaia Mytilene and as monetary union irpOcft ic6nqv. an effort to monopolise electrum currency in Asia Minor and provide the much-needed fractions of the daric. To a large extent, if not totally, the union succeededsince no other polis minted hektai and the spread of Phokaian/Mytilenian hektai, at least in the hoards, dominatesAsia Minor. More importantly, the Kyzikene stater did not penetrateefficiently in the region, as shown by the dispersal of electrum hoards (Table 3). Geographically the hoards containing Kyzikene coins are quite spreadranging from mainland Greeceto inland Asia Minor and from Lebanon to the Ukraine; however, there is a very division between Silver found itself, Kyzikos coins. mainly electrum coins are routinely south of silver and in Asia Minor, while electrum. coins are mainly found in the Black Sea area, north of
239 "They appearto have provided a local 'gold' coinage in north-west Asia Minor, and were probably rated as fractions of the Persiangold daric, of which true fractions were hardly ever minteX': Kraay (1976:262).



Apparently, Kyzlkos had relations with the poleis of Asia Minor and did not

concentrateexclusively to the Black Sea, yet only two electrum hoards are found in Asia
Minor and one in the Aegean islands. On the one hand, the explanation may be the

dominancc of the daric in Asia Mulor but, sliicc Kyzikos minted in the Phokaian standard, the hektai could easily have functioned as its fractions, as well, particularly since in practicc the Kyzikeric stater and the Persian daric, in spite of their difference in value, were considered interchangcable.
Table 3: Hoards Containing




NO 689 1638 7 8

PLACE Svetl vlas BUL Delta EGY Santol-1111 Melos

DATE 6"' 500 500-490 500-490 500-490 480 480 460 450 450 450-400 410-400 400 400-380 400-350 400-350 390 M4th M 4"' 350 350-300 340-330 335-4 332

EL Y N N N N Y N y N N Y Y Y Y Y Y N Y Y N N Y Y N

AR N Y Y Y y N Y y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N Y Y N N Y

1 168 West Asia Minor 1171 Chios 1175 West Asia Minor 1234 Apameia-myrlea 1183 Kolophon 1188 Troas 1002 Olbia 1194 Klazomenai 43 47 714 1011 Elis Peiraieus Givkovo BUL Pantikapaion

1201 Abbaitis 1012 Taman peninsula 1013 X07 726 1239 1500

Hernionassa Thracian chcr Orlovka UKR PIty0USSI Beirut

1212 Abydos

Kraay ( 1976: 262).


NO 734

PLACE loan corvin ROM 1045 Kobuleti GEO 1281 West Asla Minor Susa 1223 West Asla Minor 1233 West Asia Minor 1248 Kotiaeum

DATE 330-320 Bef325 320-300 Bef 311 5"'/4"' 4"' 4"'

EL Y y N N Y N N

AR N N y y N Y Y
insight provided by the monetary union


Beyond the practical aspects, the theoretical

important, by Phokajans the the and not only understanding since it shows is particularly the Mytilenlans of their competition and its effects but also their willingncss to redress the situation using economic rather than political or military measures. Tile Kyzikcnc stater and its fractions were the main tradc conlage in Thrace. the Propontis and the Black Sea, as well as an acceptable CUrrency in Athens and Asia Minor. The suppliers of gold to KyzIkos are most probably found in the Black Sea, in Pantikapaion, Trapezous and Phasis, since the nearest other suppliers were Macedon and the Strymon region, of which the former had a large gold coinage of its own and the later 241 The dated has been Chios domination. Athenian electrurn issue of variously was under

by scholars,while the latest opinions tend towards associating it with the Coinage Decree
242 decree's dating Since, the problerns. stylistically it with encumbering and belongs to the mid-fifth specifically the coin

century, it can be connected with the Egyptian Expedition and

243 from booty In general terms, the situation did not change there. with

dramatically in the fifth century with most of the minters relying either oil own resources or
141 Gardner ( 1920: 166) argued that Kyzikos Was Supplied by Persia not any independent sourceý although tile proposal is attractive, there is no evidence supporting it. 41 Baldwin ( 1915:44-5), Gardner ( 1920: 165): Kraay ( 1976: 242-3). 243 On the stylistic grounds, see Baldwin (1915: 44). The Egyptian Expedition lasted six years, in four and a half ol'which the Athenians and their allies were winning (Thucyclides 1.104.2). On the allies in lavour ofthe Meiggs 1972: financial 95). ( lor reasons, see expedition


lone is for Chios, the the trade of procurement precious metal; exception which possibly on procured metal for its single electrum issuethrough booty. The fourth century witnessedan increasein gold/electrum minters and although the majority of minters are found in northern Asia Minor, where Kyzikos, Lampsakos, Pergamos,Kios and Abydos mint, central and south Asia Minor are also representedwith Mytilene, Klazomenai, Phokaia and Rhodos. Kyzikos, Mytilene and Phokaia probably utilised the same links to the Black Sea and Iberia respectively as in the previous century. Abydos certainly used its own mines at Astyra, while Klazomenai could have exploited Karýikaya, as the most powerful polis in the Gulf of Smyrna. Rhodos as the main port of 244 have been from between Egypt Aegean there. The suppliers and the could supplied call of Kios and Pergamoscannot be identified. From the beginnings of coinage to the end of the classical period various poleis in Asia Minor minted in gold and electrum, and some of them, namely Kyzikos, Phokaia, Mytilene, Lampsakos and Abydos, exhibit remarkable regularity of minting. Abydos,

Smyrna and possibly Klazomenai used local gold resources,while the majority of other long-distance for had trade to to the precious metal rely on contacts and acquire minters; their coinages. The only coinage for which an irregular supply can be postulated is the mid-fifth-century electrum coinage of Chios. Electrurn and gold minting in Asia Minor depended on trade and, although it is difficult to pinpoint the trading partners, such and Mytilene evidence,as the Spartanpurchasefrom Lydia, the monetary union of Phokaia. and, more importantly, the regular large-scaleminting of poleis with no resourcesof their own, testify as to importance and volume of trade in gold/electrum betweenstates.

244 Demosthenes56.30.


However, Asia Minor representsonly one end of the spectrum,where trade is the preferred and only practical meansof acquisition; a similar solution cannot be inferred for all minters of gold/electrum in the Greek World. The best example of the other end of the spectrum is minting in Sicily and Magna Graecia. The western colonies rarely minted in gold or electrum with only sevenpoleis irregularly minting in gold in the course of three 245 centuries. In the archaic period, there were no gold or electrum coinages in Sicily and Magna Graccia, probably due to the late appearanceof coinage in the region and the influence of coinagesof mainland Greecerather than Asia Minor or Lydia. The first gold coinages in Sicily appear in the late fifth century in Syracuse, Akragas, Gela and Karnarina. The coinages of Akragas, Gela and Karnarina have been dated to immediately before the Carthaginian invasion, while that of Syracusehas been 246 both Athenian invasions. Carthaginian The weight standardand the and the connectedto denominations of these coinages are the same, all having 2-Litra, 11/3-Litraand I-Litra 247 have been designed to Both the that appear with a standard relation to silver. coins similarity of weight standardand denominationsand the time of minting suggestthat these coinages were emergency measures for the procurement of supplies and payment of mercenariesat a time of extreme pressure, similar to the gold coinage of Athens in the 248 The emergencynature of these coinagessuggestsirregular 400s. meansof acquisition,

245 by the sparserGreek settlementof Italy and Sicily as againstAsia The situation was probably accentuated (1994:1). Against seeBoardman (1994). Minor: Snodgrass 246 Akragas, Gela, Yamarina: Kraay(1976: 226,228). Syracuse:Kraay(1976: 228); Jenkins (1972:175) (1970:99). 247 Jenkins (1970:99). 249 Kraay (1976:228); Jenkins (1972:175); Holloway (1990: 135). Athenian: Thucydides 2.13.4-5 (contingency); AristophanesBatrachoi 721f (gold coinage).


local loans from temples and confiscations of property or emergency through probably taxation.

In the fourth century, the balance of power had changed in Sicily, with only Syracuse and Messana,remaining independent. Dionysios I of Syracuse introduced a bimetallic coinage of gold and silver; the gold coinage consisted of 100- and 200-Litra be have been double to calculated of equal and value respectively to the silver coins, which

250 The value of the gold coins, their readyrelation to silver and the wars decadrachm.
against Carthage suggestthat the gold coinage was used for the procurement of supplies and more importantly for the payment of mercenaries. Additionally, the secessionof minting in the reign of Dionysios II, simultaneouswith the secessionof hostilities with Carthagealso suggeststhat the gold coinage of Dionysios I was used for the payment of 25 1 The means of acquisition employed by Dionysios I are not mercenariesand supplies. certain; however, the considerableamountsof booty gained through the wars with Carthage in Dionysios Aristotle's Oikonomika as the portrayal of and numerous raids, as well as constantly devising new methods to acquire precious metal from the upper classesand the 252 in favour irregular The later gold temples, tip the scales of means of acquisition. coinages of Syracuse are connected with Timoleon's campaigns and the reign of Agathokles; Timoleon's campaign was again a time of emergency, while the coinage of

249 Confiscation of properties in Gela: Diodoros 13.93.2;possiblerelation with the Sosipolis issue:Jenkins (1970:15). 250 Kraay (1976:224,231-2); Holloway (1990: 134). 251 Kraay (1976:233). 252 Aristotle Oikonomika 1349al4-195Oa6. Although the stories are probably exaggerated, there must be a grain of truth in the various stratagemsattributed to Dionysios.


Agathokles has more in common with the coinagesof the Hellenistic kings than with that of the polis.

The gold coinages in Magna Graecia seem inextricably linked with periods of turmoil, namely the campaigns of Timoleon, Alexander the Molossian and Akrobatos, when Taras and Metapontion asked for help from mainland Greece against the Italiote 254 The emergency nature of the coinages suggests irregular local means of tribes. acquisition, similar to those employed for the late-fifth century coinages in Sicily and Athens. For the gold coinages of both Sicily and Magna Graecia, irregular means of have been due If to the themselves. of postulated emergency nature coinages acquisition the gold was acquired through loans from temples and confiscations,then initially the metal bullion have the as or as ready ornaments; the nearest gold area either entered would deposits were in northern Italy and in Iberia and Gaul; however, during the wars with Carthage,imports from Iberia are less likely due to the Phoenicianpresencethere. On the have in form been acquired in Sicily, hand, 370s the the coinage could after gold of other either through customs or, more probably, through confiscations (see Table 4, page 100). For Italy, such meansof acquisition can only be assumedfor the later coinage related to the (see first in hoards found 330s Akrobatos, the the since are after gold coinages campaignof Table 4, page 100).
Table 4: Hoardswith Cold and Electrum Coins in Sicily and Magna Graecia ms

253 The gold coinageof Tauromenion in c300 is part of the Agathoklean expansion. 254 For the dating of thesecoinagesand their relation to campaignssee:Kraay (1976: 191-2) for Timoleon, Kraay (1976: 192,195) and Jenkins(1972: 197) for Alexander the Molossian and Kraay (1976:202) for Akrobatos.


1932 1937 1943 1944 1945 1946 1950 2093 2094 2122 2124 2142 2143 2153 2158 2159 2172

Taras, Italy Tiriolo, Bruttlum, Italy Campiglia Maritinia, Etruria, Itally Rhegion, Bruttlurn, Italy Paz/ano, BRIVIL1111, Italy Cariati, Bruttium, Italy Monteparano, Calabria, Italy Catania, Sicily Sicily Avola, Sicily Avola, Sicily Selinous, Sicily Gela, Sicily Palma di Montechiaro, Sicily Sicily Buccheri, Sicily Selinous, Sicily

315 1h late 4 4' h c300 c300 c300 c300 c405 c405 c370 c360 c325 c320 c300 c300 600 late 4t"

Taras. I'lillip 11,Alexander III Lokroi Fti-LISCall Syracuse (EL) SYMCLISC (FL), Carthage (F.I. ) Syracuse (EL) Taras Akragas, Kamarina, Gela, Syracuse Akragas, Gc1a, Syracuse Syracuse, Persia Syracuse, Airiphipolls, Abydos, Lampsakos, Persia Carthage Philip 11,Alexander III, Carthage, F1,111111111111S Carthage (EL) SyraCLISC (EL) Philip 11 Carthage (EL)

Turning to silver, a quantitative approach is used to examine the possibility of the for of Collis rellilliting and the influence of the geographic distribution of "Initers on Import

the silver trade. Quantification ofaricient data, especially coins, is a method fraught \vIth
difficulties, both practical and theoretical. Practically, the lack of total output data nicans

that any restilts can be considered interim only, pending further evidence. Theoretically,
the main problem with any effort at quantification is the relation of the objects with the economy that produces them. As McClellan pointed out recently, quantification of

archaeological remains niust be shown to be representative of the real economy and not merely the result ot'survival. The production of silver coinages, due both to its relation to

the state and its overall role in the economy of a polis is definitely "a representative of real


key activities" and as such can provide economic evidenceon the economicrealities of the trade in silver.

This is an effort to quantify the production of silver coins. The samplecollected is from the collection of hoards as found in Thompson, Morkholm. & Kraay (1973). Hoards have their own problems, mainly the hoarding practices of different a statistical sample as discovery the and and areas relative volumes eras of and loss in the modem period. However, the hoardsaccountfor the vast majority of known and documentedancient coins; thus, they are the best available samplesource for coinageproduction, at least until detailed data of die sequencesbecome available. The major theoretical issue concerning the hoard evidenceis whether they representa typical of biased sample and, statistical uses of consequently,whether they retain the representativenature of the real economic activity of coinage production. The typicality of statistical samples is dependent upon their

randomness. The randomnessof the sample created by the hoards as relating to coinage production is particularly potent since hoarding depends on availability, which in turn dependson volume of production. Consequently, for the purposes of this investigation, until die-sequenceevidence becomesavailable, hoards provide the best available random sample. The mints selected fall into two categories: firstly, all poleis known to produce in as poleis silver producing areaswhere the exact ownership of the mines silver as well and the exploitation regime are unknown to us, and, secondly,all poleis that appearin more than five hoards. The count of poleis is based on the general hoard population without a metal bias, thus if a polis is found in five or more hoards irrespective of the coinage metal,
255 McClellan (1997:174).


it is included in the count. For example,Olbia is included, since Olbian coins are found in 30 hoards although only one of them is silver. The hoards consideredare those from the sixth century to 330 accordingto the dating in Thompson,Morkholm & Kraay (1973). The lower chronological limit is set in order to avoid contaminating the study with the Alexandrian mints and the wealth procured during the conquestof the PersianEmpire. The large variety of denomination and weight standardscannot be directly compared,thus the into have been translated units. One unit equals 4grs of silver, so a tetradrachm of coins l7grs equals4.25 units. Sixty-nine poleis were thus selectedand examined. Below the poleis are presented according to their geographicalposition. Group I includes the poleis of mainland Greece, the Cyclades,the Ionian Islands, Macedon and Thrace. Group 11includes the Peloponnese, the poleis of Asia Minor, the Aegean islands, the Black Sea, Cyprus and Kyrenaike. Finally, Group III includes the poleis of Italy, Sicily and the Far West.




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Of the first ten poleis, only Athens is a silver producer, which is also the only polis to have more than 10,000units. In the whole sample,only eleven possible silver producers are found of which the majority are in the bottom half of the list. These data provide us with some important insights in the world of the silver trade, primarily the levels and importance of imports for many of the poleis. The volume of coins produced by the importers is staggering. Some 51,000 units were produced by the importers, or in other words P/2times the output of Athens. This alone shows the importance of the silver trade, its large volume and value and lends credence to Xenophon's statement that exporting indication business. Another from Athens was always good of the large volume of silver imports is the large denominationsused by the major importers, such as Syracuse,Aigina and Corinth. Secondly, the issue of the export of silver in the form of coins is at least partly in form bullion If the the trade silver of were conducted mainly of coins and not resolved. then we would expect more of the producers to be prominent in the list. The situation is importers from If Athens the the the are main coin-producers. we opposite: exclude quite the calculations, Syracusealone (7,327 units) producedmore than all the producerstogether (5,314 units) and Aspendos (5,169 units) about the same total units. The first nine

importers on the list produced 33,121 units or almost the total of Athens and six times the total of all other producerstogether. The total volume of coinage from the silver producers can in no way be considered enough to supply the needs of the importers. Kraay's import Graecia Magna Sicily the that of of on poleis and particularly relied suggestion 256 The foreign coins for their coinages cannot be substantiated. relative amounts of coins

256 Kraay & Emeleus(1962:35); Williams (1997:27-8).


by importers in the general, and the poleis of Italy and Sicily particularly, are too produced large to be explained by chanceacquisition. There are three poleis from Italy/Sicily in the first 10 of the list and 12 in the first 30. The Italian/Sicilian poleis in the first 30 half total than that of Athens and 3 1/2 times that of all the other a of more accumulate producerstogether. Athens is clearly an exceptionally prolific minter, which creates the immediate query whether Athens did export silver in the form of coins. In addition to the practical problems of such a practice, which are discussedbelow, such an explanation of Athenian minting volumes disregardsthe position of Athens in the Mediterranean. Throughout the classical period, when the vast majority of Athenian coins were minted, Athens was one of the most powerful poleis in the Greek world. In addition to its political and military

prominence, Athens was also an economic giant and the Piraeus the central node in the Aegean trading lanes and one of the most important in the whole of the Mediterranean. Athens had vast needsfor cashto pay for its fleet, its campaigns,the building programsand of course its imports. In addition to such large expenses,during the fifth century the Coinage Decree testifies, as Finley rightly argued, that many of the allies used primarily Athenian coins and stopped minting their own, which was probably a consequenceof he 257 Athens, although a producer and exporter of silver, has a minting need to pay tribute. importers that to the of great such as Aigina, Corinth and Syracuse. Athens' profile akin variance with the other exporters brings into sharp relief its other common characteristics importers. large These were the great trading powers in the Mediterranean with the with large fleets and many regional and interregional connections. Under that light, the main

257 Finley (1965:23).


difference of Athens was its silver resources,which allowed it to mint prolifically without the needto secureimports of silver. The prolific minting of Athens is best explained not in in form but in its the to to silver exports of coins rather relation economic, connection in importance Greek the world. and military political In addition, the practical problems of reminting foreign coins are particularly acute in is been The have the meansa state could addressed scholarship. main problem not and foreign be found in banks foreign Stocks coins. of coins could of mainly acquire quantities foreign it have in For to coffers. state acquire coins, must accepted state a and certainly not foreign currency as payment, which contradicts one of the fundamental reasons of legal tender. The evidence suggeststhat the the surety of recognised reminting coins, 258 keep free foreign keen Moreover, the to their markets of coinages. poleis were very interregional few had the that prospect of an market: the very coinages evidence suggests Corinthian Athenian Aiginetan Pegasoi and the the turtles, the the owls, exceptions are Kyzikene staters. Other major coinages, such as the Syracusan silver and the

heklai, never achievedthat stage and remainedconfined to one Phokaian/Mytilenian bullion for implies have foreign For their to the used coinage as own mints poleis region. does however, had interregional The that the exporters also an market. evidence, of silver in interregional for Athens, exporter which any possible except market not supportan in hub its the eastern to exporter also a major commercial as silver was place addition The only instance Mediterranean. of actualreuseof foreigncoinsis overstriking,which is different from an elaborateprocessof importing and reminting. Overstrikingwas not
is best in temporary times of silver explained as a measure common practice and

258 Olbia: IosPE 1(2) BI SeaSc Min 24.1; Byzantion: Aristotle's Oikonomika 1346b24-27.


", shol-tagc.

S1111111tallcously, the

hild" of' hoarded Silver bullion. III the tol-Ill of

was III Circulation and Could tic casily procured not Only Ingots and hars, Slum that 1111111oll by states but also by Mdl%iduals. .""' The hoard dala also pro\ Ide a\ aluatile insiplit into the routes of' the silver trade.

Aniong the importers In the first 11111-1\ polcls, mckc are firom tile western Colonies,scx, ell
fro ni Grccce and 1-i\ rF e firom Asm NII110 lie \\CSI \\a's thc reg I()I) ýýit lit Ile I It N,()t-si I\ cr

large Milch halalicc" to Sollic C\tcllt tile 1111port-export Importers Oil a equation Of scale, t'01these polels since to this date there has been no explanation of the retL11-11 the CM-&IOCS cxport ofcommoditics. primarily gralli, to the Cast. 'I'lic Importers of, grollp I are nullicrolls I'llis is C\pIallied hý tile 1-clat1wly '111,111cr "I/C ofthe POICIS

but not particularly promment.

lesscr demand I'Orcoins and sill"Iller fillanclal strength. thus and
The nia, lor lilinter" III Group I are charactenscd by a tight dispersal ot'lloards In the
region, as scen in 'I ahlc 6. AiLýina, Bolotia, I'llasos alid 'I'licbcs are Characteristic examples,

espccially in comparison \\ilh Corinth or Mende.

This tight dispersal exclilplifics


Potential of' Interchanpe 01'Colliages III (lic region, Ili other ýNordsIt Shows that torelp'll Collis circulated widely \ý ithin the region and their lisc was widespread.
'Fable 6: Sil%ci- Nihilet-, %lloat-d Minter

DkIrilmlion Levant Egypt

Greece 0


1,11race Asia Minor











0 0 00 0

2 1 1

2 1() 1 0 0 1 0 1

1 5 2 0 0

6 1 4 4 37 30 4 31

55 33 32 0 31 1

1 1 1 2 1 0 2 1

68 49 42 39 38 37 37 36

Taras Kroton Gela


Kra. ty ( 1976i 12).
loards will) Incial har's and. oi Ingolsi -I 1036,1637,109,10-10,164-1,10,15,1647,1041), I'lionipson, S, Kraay ( 1973: nos 103*;. 1182,1478,1482, 165 1ý 1874,2172(Al 1), 2259.23 13). klorkholin


Corinth ACiIIIIIHIS Thasos 1 licbcs Abdera Aspendos Knidos klendc Boiotia Letc Sinope Neapoh, Kelenderis Rhodos Amphipolis AI licla Maroncia Siphnos 0 4 .1 0 1) 4 0 0 (I 0 I1 0 0 0 I 1 0 1 0 0 1 0 11 0 5 1) 0 2 11 9 2 0 1 6 I 6 8 0 0 11 0 0 2 0 0 1 0 2 0 1 s 0 5 2 s 0 4 13 3 2 6

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Lastly, tile least \0111111111olls productlOll ýlppcars to be In Oroup It.

This can be period,

largoby Pci-sian t'()i, the the the part oftlic prc\alcncc in area of coinagc explained

local lesscr demand large-voltinic Moreover. t'or the comages. an cxl)cctc(llv Which Created Minor Black Sc,, Ký/Ikene large-scale Asla the the i area ýkere stater in and colilagcs main both licAlai, Phokman (lie In clectruni. and A lin-ther prohicni is the case of' 11011-polels. It has beell arpled by Scholars that Egypt and other areas of' the castern NIC(Ilterl"llicall Imported S11% cr In tile form of' Collis

I'll-Iv from the (ireck polcls. 'I Ills '11-guillent was precipitated by tile discovery Of partlc1l
large hoards in Lgypt, many of' Atheman coms. Fgypt had no silver rcsources of' its own fiOr (frecks. llic malcrial prinic importcr silver-rich and was Import ol'silver to 1-gypt \ý&, III the Atheniall Collis in sonle It is gcncrally thought that the

llo\\C\cl-. III "pItc ot tile prc\alcIIcc of

ptuall hoards, I stIld\ of these Iloards re\cals that flic hoar&s

Table 7, lov (sec In many cascs only of spccimens ofeach varletv coills, of, Contain a wRIC
page 116). The variable natill-C of (Ilc,, c hoards raises dic question whether this was an

bi. I foreign Io import Collis lona private puhhc Ilse 1111011 01till Intent ()I' its Intentional 1111



throllull trader., and


I lie

dearth of' alIN collinlodit\

lead's to Mullet

Value, III other words. the lack ofýsikci stipplw, in I

madc , tl\ci- moic \, duatile thcrc

I Aegean. II ireccc tI transaction., rather more to( ic mt \wuld make it idi\ idua or in contrast both he h\ both (Ireeks the to prollllnL,, exchanging, thell\wuld Iml-tic". "llicc attractive 1OW-VALIC' SII\Cl- %ý Ith Ill,"ll \A(le Commodities and the 1-gyptialls bN exchallgill", thell, commodities, with 'rare, Inclal. I hat Illealls that am s1ker Collis. I-Cual-dic"S ot, prowlialicc.

t, ()I- them thall It' tllc\ W()(Ild 1'etchgood prices, traders, and Illercellarle's \\Otild '-'Cl 11101-C Used or excliangcd Iliciii in the Grcck World. Additionally, there is no reason to suppose

that the export Of S11% In the I'Orni ofcolns siticc many ingots and hars are cl, to F. gypt %%as "', I Imards. found ill I-1gyptlall

26 ' Thompson. Morkholin &, Kiaay ( 1973: No-, 1030,1637,1639,1640,1044,1645,1

(A Q, 1651


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Gold and Silver: Concluding Remarks
The presentationand discussionof the exporters of gold and silver illuminated how the geopolitical distribution of silver and silver resources influenced the development of in Greek Although the the original coinage metal was electrum, which is world. coinage mainly gold, the majority of Greek poleis from the middle of the sixth century onwards minted mainly in silver. The choice of silver, as against gold or electrum, by the majority of the Greek poleis is consistentwith the geographicaldistribution of resources. The major gold resources, mainly those of Tmolos, Gallikos, Egypt and Colchis, were outside the individual belonged in kingdoms their to polis and either majority or to tribes. chora of any The gold resourcesbelonging to the 'polis part' of the Greek World were less productive and most of them were in regions dominated by silver mines, such as the Pangaion and Siphnos. The unequal geopolitical distribution of resources is the explanation of the evolution of coinage metal use in the Greek World. The prime example is the Macedonian gold coinage of Philip 11, which is connected in the tradition with more intensive exploitation of the Pangaionmines, presumablythe gold ones. Gold and silver resourceswere invariably owned by the state, both in the Greek world and in its periphery, as the evidence for Lydia, Athens, Siphnos and Thasos testifies. The system of exploitation, however, was different between poleis and non-Greek kingdoms. As far as we can infer from the Lydo-Spartan transaction and the large reserves bullion direct its Kroisos Lydia that possessed, employed gold gold exploitation of of hand, in The Athens, the the on other as seen polis case of employed a complex resources. leasing. indirect Athens, did Lydia, through exploitation of unlike not pursue a system


262 its intervention in On the one production was not pronounced. monopoly policy and hand, the differences in policy stem from the differences in the nature of the precious metal reservesthemselves,since alluvial gold is easierto exploit and less risky than vein mining. On the other hand, financially minimum intervention in exploitation was better for the less institutions it since required complex and less bureaucracy. The mining polis, legislation ensuredprotection of the resourcesand of the state's investmentprofits. As was mentioned above, any threat to the safety of miners and mine would adversely affect the hand, On by the state the the the revenueof the statewas guaranteed state. other revenueof debtor legislation. There was no need for the state to make special laws in caseof default far-reaching legislation for state debtors already existed. It is probable since of payment that similar legislation was in force in other exporters. Athens also regulated the quality of the silver surpluses, through ownership and leasing of kaminoi. Involvement in this instanceaimed not merely to increaserevenuebut more importantly to regulate the quality of silver. For the state, this had a double purpose. Firstly, it meant that Athenian coinagewould remain of a standardhigh quality without the doubt in do for I that the mint; something not resmelting was the major consideration need in Athens the eastern Mediterranean. Secondly, the a major coinage producer as of involvement of the state in smelting had the further incentive of keeping Athenian silver in if high even quality not used for coinage. This may have been an inadvertent general of decision regarding coinage quality but eventually must have consequenceof an original been realised as an important commercial advantage of Athenian silver as an export. Although the involvement of the state is more pronounced in the smelting, because it
262 Note that throughout I am using monopoly as that of the stateagainstprivate individuals for foreign trade, rather than the idealisedmonopoly exhibited by the existenceof the emporion as arguedby Bresson (1993: 168).


directive the traditional of ultimate ownership of the resourcesof the country, the exceeds extent of involvement must have been small if effective, which would account for the lack of extensive references. The equilibrium of intervention and involvement in the silver industry in Athens was quite successful,since not only did the state get revenue from the her legal but the tender assured quality of also the investors were not hemmedin mines and by an intrusive governmental policy. The balanced policy of minimal intervention was unsuccessfulonly in caseswhere the state stopped being in possessionof the mines and could no longer guaranteetheir safety as happenedin the Dekeleian War. The disposition of surplusesis difficult to ascertainfor any of the exporters, even for Athens. It is certain that the surpluseswere disposedwidely, for otherwise there would be very few coinagesin the Greek World. For Athens, which was an exception in terms of minting, a large part of the silver produced was minted into owls. However, there must have been large amountsof silver in the handsof private individuals, which were offered to the international market as Xenophon testifies in the Poroi. In the archaic period, part of the surplus revenue acquired by the government was disposed as gifts to the citizens, as in in Athens 483. both in The Lydo-Spartan example showsthat state-toSiphnos and seen in the Greek world and were considered a viable transactions unknown were no state method of disposal. Possibly polis-to-polis transactionsalso took place but the silence of the sourceson the issueleavesthis possibility in the balance. In general, non-polis polities had a slight advantage in the disposition of surpluses due to their political profile. A

kingdom in the ancient world, since all decisions stemmed from a given individual, was dispose its better in direct both to the equipped of surpluses a as more manner, politically Lydian gifts to Delphi and Philip's monetary gifts to supportersabroad imply. The polis,


because hand, its diffused its the of other political power and public nature of on deliberation for required public similar disposition, which, however, did occur proceedings as the Siphniantreasury at Delphi shows. The form of precious metal export in the Greek World has been the object of debate issue Current in form the tends towards the opinion export of silver scholars. on of among based For Lydia, the that gold, only available evidence, of on the transaction with coins. Spartaand the gifts to sanctuaries, suggeststhat bullion was the preferred method of export. For silver, it was shown that the data of coin production in the archaic and classicalperiods do not support the argument in favour of export in the form of coins. The large amount of little by importing by the poleis and corresponding amount minted exporters silver minted in its bullion is better form Export the the that of coins and corresponding choice. shows import, not only invalidates one of the major reasonsfor minting coins, that is to provide a issue legal but disregards the tender, also of reminting expenses. secure Turning to the importers, the means of acquisition of precious metal was a major for For the majority of gold/electrum resources. many poleis without native concern Asia favoured Minor, trade the means of was probably most practical and of coinages issues implies since regularity of some regularity of supply. The transaction acquisition, between Lydia and Sparta in the mid-sixth century testifies to state-to-statetransactions being conceivable,however it cannot be safely assumedthat Lydia was the main supplier of the Asia Minor minters, since relations were strained in the early sixth century. Additionally, the regular minters, namely Kyzikos, Pbokaia and later Mytilene, were long-distance from Iberia/Gaul Black Sea trade the with supplied and probably respectively.


On the other side of the Greek World, in Sicily and Magna Graecia, minting in gold and electrum was erratic and connected with periods of emergency. For these minters be assumedto have been equally irregular, either through booty, as for supply can only Dionysios I of Syracuse,or, more commonly, through temple loans and confiscations. The between in differences Asia Minor and in Sicily and Magna Graecia are the minting main irregularity of issuesand the lack of any regular minters, as Kyzikos and Phokaia were in Asia Minor. This difference of practice has a twofold explanation. One the one hand, Sicily lacked MG totally and gold resources,and had easier easier contact with silver producers both eastand west. On the other hand, the minting of gold and electrum in Asia Minor was influenced by the numismatic practice of Lydia and later Persia, which had certainly bimetallic a system that made gold and electrurn coinages easier to accept and adopted circulate, something readily apparent by the role of Phokaian and Mytilenian hektai as unofficial smaller denominationsof the daric. Finally, the influence of first contact cannot be ignored, since in Asia Minor the first coinages were electrum under the influence of Lydian practice, while in Sicily and Magna Graecia silver was the initial metal used under the influence of mainland Greek practice. The variety of acquisition methodsemployed by different poleis and the differences in basic numismatic practice in different regions are particularly illuminating for our in Greek of numismatic practice general and specifically in the role the state understanding played. Gold coinages afford the opportunity of close study, something impractical for large due to the number of mints. There were three main categories of silver coinages gold/electrum minters: those with local resources,those without and the irregular minters. Those with local resourcescan be further divided between those with constant access,such


in Astyra, intermittent Abydos those and access, with such as Smyrna and Klazomenai in as Karýikaya. The minters without local resources,which had a regular practice, such as the poleis of Ionia in the early sixth century, many of the lessermints in the fourth and, more importantly, Kyzikos, Mytilene and Phokaia that minted regularly throughout the period, were dependentupon foreign resourcesand, consequently,on constant close contact with their suppliers. The irregular minters, which outside Asia Minor were the majority, relied upon chance means of acquisition and their use of gold/electrum coinage was limited to emergenciesthat required larger value coins. Minting in gold/electrum after the middle of the sixth century was a practice against the norm, since silver had become the dominant coinage metal in the Greek World; regular minting was even more of a rarity, since most Greek poleis reserved gold minting for emergencies,probably when all reservesof silver had been exhausted. The different practice of the regular minters in Asia Minor demands explanation. For Abydos, and probably Klazomenai in the fourth century, minting in gold local in import thinking to than preferring use resources elementary economic rather shows for However, the regular minters, particularly Kyzikos, Phokaia and Mytilene, silver. least in involved import the electrum complex processes, not of metal. The minting monetary union between Phokaia and Mytilene reveals a further level of complexity, and implies an understanding of the adverse consequences of competition and the power of monopoly, since the union affected a monopoly of the two poleis in electrum fractions, especially since those fractions had become or were becoming the unofficial smaller denominationsof the daric. Kyzikos, on the other hand, succeededin creating one of the in Greek World, the trade coinages with particular emphasison the Black Sea and major Propontis areas,whose position in Black Seatrade is best illustrated in the unique attention


263 The behaviour of the it receives in the Olbian effort to create a close monetary system. implies a good understandingof the economics of monetization and, more regular minters importantly, a rational decision to invest in the creation and maintenanceof long-distance fill in in to the regional market. order a niche contacts For silver, unlike gold, studying specific importers is a mammoth and ultimately due task, to the sheer number of silver minters and the very small number of pointless exporters. Thus, a quantification of coinage production was attempted;admittedly a brief effort at a researcharea with considerable space for ftirther study. Even so, it became obvious that the volume and value of silver trade was considerable, especially in the classical period. The relative volume of coinage produced in Sicily and Magna Graecia was considerably larger than in the rest of the Greek world. Less minting in mainland Greece,the Aegean and Asia Minor is explained by the availability of major coinagesin the area,not only the trade coinages,such as the Corinthian Pegasoi and the Athenian owls, but also the major regional coinages,such as the Boiotian and the Thasian. On the one hand, the volume of coinage production by the importers shows that the exportability of silver in On hand, importers Xenophon Poroi. the the the claimed other must as great as was have expendedconsiderableeffort and revenue to import silver. That is especially true not but Sicily/Magna Graecia the poleis of also of the great minters such as Aigina and of only Corinth. In contrast to the modem argument in favour of chance means of acquisition, level foreign the through coins, of coinage production by the importers suggests mainly being employed. Thus, trade, either directly with the exporting state or regular means through private traders must have been necessaryfor the import of such quantities of silver.

263 IosPE 1(2) BI SeaSc Min 24.1


Xenophon's testimony as to the exportability, and consequentimportability, of silver shows that there was a constant incentive for traders to transport silver from the exporters to the importers becauseof the certain profit createdby a limited supply and what seemedlike an

demand. inexhaustible


Part 2: Timber and Grain


In the previous chapters,the role of the government in the trade in precious metals was discussed,specifically, the exploitation of mineral depositsand its role in the economy of the polis and trade as the primary means of acquisition of precious metals for coinage. Precious metals accounted for a large part of trade in the Greek world in terms of value. However, in terms of volume they accountedfor a very small part of the overall traffic in the Mediterranean trading lanes. Other commodities made up the bulk of cargoes in the Greek world, mainly basemetals, wood and foodstuffs, more importantly grain. This, second, part of the thesis discusses such bulk commodities, specifically, in introduction, As the timber the commodities selected and grain. mentioned shipbuilding have intervene in to that the their trade. Wood was government would reason were such Greek in importance iron the to components of material culture, comparable primary one of for discussion The timber concentrates on shipbuilding warships, since they, and copper. like coins, were a concern of the government. The importance of naval warfare in the Greek world adds another dimension to the discussion, since the supply of timber and the in balance in the the of warships played a pivotal role of power, particularly construction hand, Grain, food Greeks Mediterranean. the the the on other was main staple of eastern throughout antiquity. For many poleis, it was the major bulk commodity in their ports and its supply a government concern, either under crisis circumstances or and markets regularly. The grain supply, unlike that of other commodities, was in many casesa matter of life or death and, thus, governments would, and did, exert considerable force to it. guarantee


The study of both commodities has a defining characteristic, which differentiates them sharply from precious metals. Both timber and grain are perishablematerials, which vastly restricts the spectrum of available evidence on their trade. Thus, discussion is limited on the information provided by the surviving literary sources and epigraphical investigation be for for Consequently, those can attempted which only poleis material. information has survived, without benefit of archaeologicalevidence, which in both cases is lack information discussion Athens. The that the of on other centres on poleis means lamentable; however, the fact that Athens was probably the greatest importer of both loss less debilitating. The types of surviving the timber and grain makes shipbuilding inscriptions, inquiry literary lead the towards other aspects of sources and evidence, intervention. involvement and government The main themes explored in the following chapters are intervention through legislation and diplomacy, both peaceful and coercive. Governments could intervene through legislation, such as creating special tax regimes for commodities or restricting the freedom of traders relating to import or export of specific commodities. Intervention through legislation targets members of the community of the polis, both citizens and foreign Governments target could statesor traders through peaceful or also resident aliens. diplomacy be diplomacy. Peaceful expressedmainly through treaties with would coercive honours foreign individuals. diplomacy incentives Coercive to or states or and states other implies the use or threat of force, such as the practice of katagein and the conquestof areas or resourcesrelevant to the production or trade of one or more commodities.


Timber: Prolegomena
In the archaic period, the Greek poleis had not yet developed public fleets but depended upon private captains and ship-owners for naval warfare, since raiding and 264 By the end of the sixth century, poleis had, or privateering were culturally accepted. fleets due development beginning to to the acquire, public of powerful and centralised were invention in the conjunction and spreading use of the trireme. The with governments invention of the trireme was particularly important in this development since its needs for larger initial expense and personnel made private ownership more complicated and
costly. 265

In the classicalperiod, on the contrary, fleets were mainly public and, although, the maintenanceof ships was often partly delegatedto private citizens, such as the trierarchs in Athens, their construction was clearly a government responsibility. The following chapters discuss timber as a commodity for both exporters and importers with particular attention Athens, in the to the the period. In chapter 4, the policies of greatest naval power paid discussed, timber shipbuilding of are mainly the Macedonians. The surviving exporters evidence on the exploitation of timber resources and the export of timber and timber products provide a unique opportunity to explore the policies of Greek non-polis polities and particularly the phenomenonof monopoly. In chapter 5, the timber supply and fleet construction of the greatest naval power in the Greek world, Athens, are discussed. The policies of Athens are explored not only on the purely trade-related levels but also on decisions, particularly during the fifth century. In chapter 6, grounds of general policy in fleet builders discussed, the classical period are major other particularly the eastern
264 Van Wees(2004:203). 265Van Wees (2004:206-7). Some navies did continue to be partly dependant on private initiative in the classical period: van Wees (2004:208).


Greeks and the Peloponnesians;of specific interest are the differences and similarities betweenthesemaritime poleis and Athens. Before continuing, some practical questions of the timber trade and ship for Greek be Estimating the timber any exact requirements examined. must construction fleet is beyond our current state of knowledge; however, generic calculations are possible.

The basis of the following estimations is the Olympias, the modern

for Athenian trireme, a generic trireme. serving as a model of an reconstruction

The hull

268 in 25 For 25 Olympias tonnes. the tonnes the wood, original weight of used weighed of logs would be approximately 50% higher; for easeof calculation 35 tonnesof wood in logs
269 Of the other wooden equipment of the trireme, the most is assumed throughout.

important was the tarros, the oar-set,which weighed 1400-2000kgsand needed2-3 tonnes logs. in of wood

Beyond the initial building of a fleet further construction annually or at regular intervals was necessaryto ensurethe maintenanceof a fleet, as testified by Themistocles' 27 1 increase fleet The Athenian build 20 the to triremes to and maintain every year proposal . due for losses Thus, 20 life to trireme weather or warfare. of a was years excluding average the maintenanceof a 200-ship fleet at least 10 new ships must have been built every year. For the Athenian fleet of 300 triremes in the PeloponnesianWar regular maintenance

266 No remains of a trireme have yet been discoveredand it is doubtful that such a discovery is possible, given the trireme's lightnessand lack of ballast: Morrison, Coates& Rankov (2000:127-8). 267 The Olympias is not an exact replica of an Athenian trireme: Morrison, Coates& Rankov (2000:267-73). 268The basic hull weighed 15 tonnes and the outrigging, seats, decks, stanchions and braces 10 tonnes: Morrison, Coates & Rankov (2000:210). The Olympias is now considered to be slightly smaller than an Athenian trireme [Morrison, Coates& Rankov (2000:267-73)]. 269 Personalconversationwith Mr. N. Koupetoris (elder), an experiencedwooden kaiki builder, at Koupetoris shipyard in Salamis,Greece. 270 Each trireme carried 200 oars, eachweighing 7-10kgs: Morrison, Coates& Rankov (2000:240). 271 Diodoros 11.43.3.


15 for larger fleet the triremes, the annual construction of while necessitated of the second half of the fourth century 18 were needed 272 Similarly, for a 90 -ship tleet, such as that of . Chios and Corinth in the Peloponnesian War, five new ships must have been built every year. 273

It is not often enough asked,where and with what resourcesfleets were built. The building of a trireme could be accomplishedeither in shipyardsnear or at the resourceareas or in local shipyards at the polis concerned. The use of naupegia at or near the resource areas implies either domination over these areas or financial transactions between poleis and foreign naupegia. Use of local naupegia implies long-haul transport of timber from the be by to the transport concerned; areas polis such could accomplished either ship resource in by Specialised do before timber the the second carriers appear sources raft. not or 274 it be in CE thus, and, must assumedthat they were not used the classical period. century The size of the averagemerchant ships has been estimatedto 120 tonnes, although all the have been date from that to the classical period are considerably smaller recovered wrecks

275 that the shipmustcarrymoreballast,especially thanthat. Carryingtimberaboard means
276 be lashed long deck. The average trireme timbers of the could only carried on since the ideally for for 17 but three triremes the could carry cunits, enough ships need merchant more ballast and compartmentalization,as well as the lack of long cargo spaces,meant that

112300 triremes in Peloponnesian War: Thucydides 2.13.349 330/29: IC; 1121627.269 and 360 in 326/5: IG 1121628.489.

triremes in 353/2: IG 112 1613.302,392


273Corinth: Thucydides 1.46. Chios: 60 in 412 (Mucydides 8.6) plus 30 lost in Sicilian Expedition (Tbucydides6.31,7.20), assumingthat half the allied fleet was Chian. 274 Meiggs (1982:338-9) argued in favour of specialisedtimber carriers used in the classical period pointing out that specialisedmarble carriers are not attested in the sources before Pliny. However, assuming that technology did not progressin the courseof antiquity is difficult to believe and specialisedcarriers cannot be placed in the classicalperiod without someevidenceof their existence. riptfully 27 , Casson(1995:456). 276 The long timbers of the trireme were about 40m long, while the average merchant ship was only c24m long (ex Marseille Bourse wreck): Casson(1995:458).


a merchantship could not practically carry as much.


Freight by raft avoided all problems

ballast but dangerous space and was a of cargo enterprisefor both ships and cargo. A large both in front back it the to turning sideways, while ships cabled and at needed stop raft 278 Both forms of transport breaking up was a constant danger in heavy or choppy seaS. entailed considerablecosts, a large number of merchantships and protection from pirates or enemies.

277 For Douglas-fir [the type of timber used in the Olympias: Coates& Moff ison (1987)] saw-logs of 10-inch diameter in the Scribner Decimal C Rule Westside scaling method (Long Log Scale), one cunit (100 cubic feet) weighs 7 tons [Log scaling determines the quantity of wood in individual logs. A formula, which 2ft) is Scribner Log Volume(bd. (0.79D 2D - 4) - L116, where D is the diameter the rule, closely estimates = inside the bark measuredin inches at the small end of the log and L is the nominal log length measuredin feet. Source:http://www. utextension. utk-edu/publications/pbfiles/Pbl650. pdf. The Westside scaling method ] A 120-ton ship could carry up to 17 is the scaling principle used in pines and firs in the Western Cascades. cunits (ideal full capacity, not practical) or 1,700 cubic feet in logs. For the Olympias 2,750 cubits (1,220m) of plank and 500 cubits (220m) of thick timbers were needed:McKee (1985:49). Note that all transport must have been in logs, since construction from ready parts is not considered probable in the period: Steffy (1985:36). 278 HP 5.8.2. For a modem example seeMeiggs (1982:337). Theophrastos


Chapter 4: The Exporters of Timber
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is a very narrow zone that produces the necessarytimber, mainly becausetriremes were preferably constructed of silver-fir or fir, which can be found in the Mediterranean only 280 in 800m Relating to Italy, Theophrastos later specifies that the areas altitude. over 28 1 Italy, Latium Corsica. Relating to Thrace, producing shipbuilding timber were south and 282 Strymon Since the the timber area as primary other sources pinpoint producer. Theophrastos was writing late in the classical period, other areas probably produced

279 TheophrastosHP 4.5.5: "It is a narrow space,which producesshipbuilding timber. In Europe, it is found in Macedon and in parts of Thrace and Italy, while in Asia, in Kilikia and in Sinope and Amisos. There is also timber in the Mysian Olympos and in Mt Ida, but not a lot. In Syria, there is cedar, and that they use for triremes".
2'0 Theophrastos HP 5.7.1-2: 'EMq gýv ou'v ical 7ccuKqicctltick6po; 6; &OL; eireiv vaunqyýc%ta- Tag Piv lap TPIAPM; =1 T& ýtaicp& nXdta WTtva noto6GI, St& KOVT6TqTa,T& R OTPUff6XQ 7[6Ktva St& T6 &Faict; * iViTTIg. 01 R MIT& 11UpiO[V U M! T&; TPIýPCI; St& T6 [th 67COP&W 9VtO1 & Kk8pOl)*CY710EVg0`UCF1, (DOlViKIJV K011 iv 9Xci ý 8' K6irpq) "In N aftuo; T6qv yap vfi(; Kdl a6K% ol Kai 801CFi 1CPCiTT(OV civat Til; =6";, yap general, silver-fir, fir and cedar are used for shipbuilding. Triremes and long ships are made of silver-fir because it is light, while the round ships are made of fir because it does not decay. Sometimes triremes are also made of fir when they cannot get silver-fir. Those in Syria and Phoenicia made them of cedar because even fir is rare. In Cyprus, they use pine, for the island has a lot and is considered better than its fir". Altitude: Meiggs (1982: 119); note that the quality of the fir is dependent on climate, temperature and soil conditions. Note that Greek botanical nomenclature was as complex as the modem one; in translations, I use silver-fir for Wril meaning abies cephalonica and abies pectinata, fir for nef)" meaning mainly pinus laricio (Corsican pine) and pine for niru; meaning pinus halepensis (Aleppo pine), following Hort (1968). 281Theophrastos BP 5.8.1: p6yiam U Kcýt 7rap& 7rokb T& iv AaTivn Tfi Kýpvq) (pacfiv FIVat- T6v yap iv Tin^ kCPPOXý ikaTMOV Kal T6V IWI T6V 7E&I)KiV(OV 71VOV&COV K"V - g6iýCOYap MLTa icdl icaWO) T6V dVat Kýpvy, 'ITOLX11C6V "they largest in Corsica; Latium the ev those TO( Tý OWV 71POq say and are most of are of very good quality, both the silver-firs and the firs - there are larger and better than the south Italian but even these are nothing compared to those of Corsica".

282 Herodotos5.23.2 on Myrkinos and Thucydides4.108.1 for Amphipolis.


in but had been by his times timber time, such as earlier overexploited shipbuilding 283 It is safe to assumethat most areaswith accessto forests of sufficient altitude Arkadia. limited large building be however, to triremes; construct a number of able would have dependent larger been the supply must on producers. The programmesor continuous in is feature Theophrastos' testimony the the of absence of any major navies most striking territories he lists as the major producers of shipbuilding timber, at least for the Greek world. The great naval powers of the Greek world are well known, Athens, Corinth,

Aigina, Chios, Mytilene, Samos, Syracuseand Rhodes. None of them, with the partial had had Corinth Mytilene, Most timber these resources. and native of poleis exceptionsof large navies in the archaicperiod as well, which probably accountsfor the depletion of their depletion fact However, the that their the naval power continued after of native resources. their native resourcesis the most powerful testimony of the effort they expendedto acquire sufficient timber for their navies. Most of the evidence of timber as an export commodity concernsthe Macedonian Kingdom. In Macedon, the king owned the forests and had control over the production and 6cW al)Tuca timber: of export


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8paXpCov d(Sq'Y(XYOV H4aaOat KG)7[Ea;, ML MPOV got 7rE'-vre rýv uRýv TOU; al'YrCov ,re
'00,710CE I 7Epa4(I(YO(lt 7EXCOV I'l '0001) ýýIOL KaTtGTIlGaV. 284




Andokides boasts that his

283 HP 5.2.1. Theophrastos 284 Andokides 2.11: "But then I imported oars to your troops in Samos,when the Four Hundred had already taken over here. For Archelaos was my family's xenos and he gave me rights to cut and export as many as I


familial ties of xenia with the Macedonian royal house were the basis of Archelaos' grant had limitations implies His that the comment and export rights. grant no of exploitation that usually limits to the exploitation and subsequentexport of silver-firs were imposed. Andokides' testimony is the only available evidence on the exploitation system employed by the Macedonians. His casemay be unique due to his special status as a royal xenos but his emphasisis on the unlimited quantity rights he was grantednot on the permission itself This implies that the Macedoniansused a controlled leasing system with exploitation and export rights granted to individuals by royal decree. Andokides as a royal xenos was probably given in addition to the export rights, which any trader could potentially receive, also exploitation rights, which could have been reservedfor Macedonian contractors only. Certainly, the direct giving of concessions as gifts to friendly individuals recalls the oriental king, loyal happened in Persian the to the subjects, such as of reward especially practice, 285 leasing directly Thernistocles. The Histiaios of a controlled and use system of cases ban king be inferred from Alexander's from by the timber on can also all sales of controlled 186 local for Mount Dysoron, while presumably allowing private uses of the woodland. However, it is possible that some of the exploitation was done directly by the king, in the by Pangaion Philip. the the mines exploitation of as samemanner If his price of five drachmai per unshavedoar at cost is truthful and allowing for an increase in prices during the war, then the trade in oars must have been particularly

lucrative,since outfitting a new trireme could cost 1000drachmaior more. Oars were

five drachmai, higher because I did imported I those them to at a oars, and price of at a not sell want wished. price than they cost me". 5 The Achaemenidpolicy in this matter was similar to that of earlier oriental empires,such as the neoAssyrians: Falles (1984:212) for large-scalegifts of land to loyal supporters. 286 Hammond (1988:383, lines 25-6):, rhv 86 [U]Tjvrhv iv Au[cy6p]cot ýaftva rOxiv, "and the timber on Dysoron, let no-one sell".


mainly made of silver-fir and their cutting and preparationrequired considerableskill: 8t' o ical raq
K67ra; 41ýOYTCG a(PatpdY 71CIP6YTat

' icaO I'va ical ojtaX6q- cav yap ouT(og

6(patp6ow, ic;Xup6g 6 icconc&, i&v 8ý napaU&4coat icat ph ica-raun6atv 6pojo)q, &(yocvýq&&0); 7EX117hY&P OU"T(Dq, 8'
287 6Rpat'pFGtG.

Theophrastosclearly states that oar-making

labour, least in initial the at stagesafter cutting the tree; note particularly neededspecialist the use of a medical parallel, nXilyh against dqatpccTt;. That such operationsare apparently best done in situ in the forest, combined with Andokides' testimony that he was able to transport unshavedoars to Samos,suggeststhat there was a pool of expert oar-makersin Macedon. Whether these people were in the employ of the king cannot be ascertained; however since the kings imposed limits on the exploitation and export, it is a viable possibility that their main meansof control were the expert woodcutters and foresters,who in any attempt at exploitation. necessary were The Macedonian kings gave rights of export not only to individuals but also to did Athens: Perdikkas with as poleis,

ýXcyaycvEacro Eap gE

dated AOC[VaLO]. The inscriptionrecordingthe treaty is too fragmentary to be securely
289 440s-413 Notably the treaty provides exclusive long Perdikkas, beyond the reign of . export rights to Athens, although the provision refers only to oars. Perdikkasdoes not grant leasing but, Athenians under a controlled system, probably were of exploitation some rights Andokides' Both testimony and the treaty with Perdikkas show the such rights. granted importance of the oar trade in the period. In addition, to regular wear and tear, which the
287 TheophrastosHP 5.1.7: "For this reasonthose who shavethe wood try to take out each layer smooth and if they take it out like that the oar will be strong, if however they take it out roughly and with by itself because be being layer, then the the than oar will weak, one one a wound, the other an operation". more 288 IG 1389.31: "And I will not export [oa]rs [to anyone] but an Athe[nian]". 289 Borza (1987:44) argued in favour of a date after 424 but any suggestionis as valid as another. See further page 158.


Olympias trials showed resulted in frequent breakages, warfare also accountedfor the need 290 for a constantsupply of oars. One of the tactics of trireme warfare was disabling the ship by breaking the oars on the one side, which necessitatedthe existenceof reservesbeyond 291 key Under these the perineos at staging areas and neoria, and thus, a regular supply. circumstances,it is not surprising that major importers, such as Athens, desired a monopoly of supply or that the Macedonian kings would consider such as a major concessionto an ally. In the early fourth century, Amyntas provided export rights to the Chalcidian League for all timber and related products: i4aycoyý 8'
&FT(j) K(A nt'G"q ic(A 4UXwv, l

U tkaTL'VCOV, I o"Tt a' [t Pq' T61 Kotv6v RaVTCOV,Val)71117111gt'[t(OV 7EXýV P'LK08ORtCFTIJPLCOP & TCOt ý4ay(Orj'v, KOWCA)tKUI TOI')TO)VI CILV ciucOwag Aýtvwat


7rpiv E'41ayFtv, TFXF-'ovTctq Ta


l Ta yvypagpE-'v[a]. ical Td)v allcov


8E dv ical 8tajjot)7(, )7flv, TeXtovatv

ky Maice8ovolqical XCLX'Kt8P-f)ICFt Kai za ,rE),

292 Maicz8ocrtvýIcjXakKt5ECOV.

The treaty was

probably concluded in 391, after Amyntas had managedwith Thessalian and Chalcidian help to regain his throne from the usurper Argaios, who was supportedby the Illyrians. 293 The treaty was possibly the repayment to the Chalkidians for taking care of part of Macedonian territory in the preceding years after Amyntas' request. Of particular interest is the care, even in such hard times, provided by the Macedonian kings to the exploitation keep insistence, the terms treaty, to their even under of an and exclusive export silver-fir of
290 Morrison, Coates& Rankov (2000:240). 291 Morrison & Coates(1996:368-9). 292 Tod I 11: "Let there be import of pitch and timber, all types of timber for building, and for building ships except for silver-fir, as the koinon wants. And for those let there be export to the koinon, having informed Amyntas before the export, paying the taxes that have been agreed. And for the others let there be export and transport, paying the taxes, both for the Chalkidians from Macedonia and for the Macedonians from the Chalkidians". 293 Diodoros 14.92.34; Hammond (1979:174-5).


its interest Of is that in both treatiesonly export rights are export. equal some control over granted; neither Athens nor the Chalkidians are allowed to exploit directly the Macedonian forests. The policy adopted by the Macedonian kings was not a closed monopoly policy like that pursued for gold.294 The Macedonians apparently employed a controlled lease hand, both king total the the which, on one allowed almost control of regime, exploitation for large the the need export, and, on other, avoided numbers of public and production bureaucracy. and employees The Macedonian insistenceon keeping strict control over exploitation rights, even iv is in kings: Cypriot the the the similar policy exports, reflected of when surrendering

Oga PaaLWq, Klkrpyyoýv ot')ic iccýl CT(xgvov a'[tapiv qpoývrcq r%ttsi)6ýtcvot, 89 ical 6t6:




Cyprus was not one of the major timber producers but had

in island is from trade timber the attested since the early archaic suitable reserves and 296 like had both kings Cypriot Macedonians The the control over exploitation and period. high Cypriot The quality mountain pine, which apparently reserveswere of very export. by fir for the Persians during the Persian triremes and was utilised was as good as 297 island. domination of the The south Italian producers, Sybaris/Thourioi, Kroton and Kaulonia, also probably little is known if Very export. on exploitation, not about the exploitation placed restrictions but these the only surviving evidence suggests arrangements of poleis regime and export

294 On this seepage48. 295 TheophrastosUP 5.8.1: "In Cyprus, the kings did not cut down timber because, on the one hand, they took and husbandedit, and, on the other, it was difficult to transport". care 296 Raaflaub(2004:205).
Theophrastos IF 5.7.1: oi S' iv Mnp(p niTt)N- Tabqv y&p ý VýGN EXQ Ka 801CF-i Mal TTr. KpCiTTOW for island has a lot and is considered better than its fir". Persian ships Cyprus, "In the they pine, use n6K%, built in Cyprus: Diodoros 14.39.1.


that foreign states neededpermission to exploit the resourcesand possibly to import as
well. 298

The hypothesis of strict control over timber like that of the Macedonians andthe

Cypriots is not supportedby the evidenceregarding exploitation and trade policies in polis government. The need for permission, however, suggeststhat some limitations were imposedupon the timber trade. Beyond timber and related products, warshipswere also considereda commodity in the Greek world: oit R Kopt'vOtot,
AOTIV(XLOI(Yt 81801D(Yt 8C0[t&OtGt

FILKOM VE(X9, M010Cyt 299


=080gMt: 7[CVTCL8pL'xXlioi)g

8copcýv yap e-'vT(-pvog(p ov

IK 1

E4ýv 8olDvat.

In the early fifth century, the Corinthians

sold 20 ships to the Athenians. Herodotos clearly narrates this incident as a political gesturenot a financial transaction. However, both his lack of comment on the notion of the sale of warships and the Corinthian law testify that such sales were not considered exceptional. Herodotos commentsand explains only the nominal price, implying that if the

incident had been then the the normal one, would not be worthy of comment. price
Similarly, the Corinthian law does not prohibit the sale of warships but only their offer as a gift. The existence of such a law paints an amazing picture of normality with warships being considereditems of trade, even as early as the beginning of the fifth century. Further, it provides a rare glimpse of the status of warships as a commercial commodity and the disposal in known their a of ship constructor. regulation

298Diodoros 14.42 on Dionysios of Syracuseneeding permission from the south Italian poleis. Note that permission may only be relevant to exploitation, since Dionysios sent his own woodcutters to south Italy (UoT6pcov). Seefurther page 186. 299 Herodotos 6.89: "The Corinthians were at the time close friends to the Athenians and agreedto give them by law they could not gift them outrighf'. twenty ships, at a price of five drachmai each,because


Chapter 5: Timber for Athens
The greatest naval power in the Greek world in the classical period was Athens. The Athenian fleet was the largest Greek fleet for most of the period, although the allied Peloponnesianfleet in 405 and the Syracusanunder Dionysios were close seconds. Athens had no native resources of shipbuilding timber' and, thus, had to acquire all timber and related products from foreign sources. The first referenceto the Athenian fleet has already beendiscussedaboverelating to 300 buying 20 Corinthian in fifth The first recorded instance the of ships the early century. of building is at the late 480s:
II TIpLcrTp-'uac,




E'-q IMP&






CF(pt RPOGýXOS pTak),. wv


Acti)PEL'Ol), t[tEaOV



5P(XXgag: TOTE 06pt(TTOKXEýq

&,VE-'YV(0aC A07JVCtL0I); Tý;

I 8tCttpECFIO; TCtUTqg 71al)a(X[IEV0I)q


rouTcov Tctiv XpilgaTcov

7[OITI(YaCFO(lt8tllKOCYL'ag Eq TO'V 710)XIIOV, T6V 7rpo'; AiytVT'ITag
ýq q E'CYO)GC CR)CYT&,

), E-f(OV.






'EUASa, TfIv aVayic6coaq
iq HOV

OaXaCYCYLOI); yevicy0atAOijva[01)ý.al St EqT6 gtV
8i ov'To) Tq- 'EUA8t
iyEVowo. 301


The exact number of ships built is debated,based on a

302 in 100 AthPol. Unfortunately, neither of the sources the ships variant account of

300 Herodotos6.89 and page 147. 301 Herodotos 7.144: "Another proposal of Thernistocles before this one managed to be shown best for the polis. When the Athenians had a lot of money in the public treasury,which came from the mines of Laurion, they were going to distribute it among themselvesto the amount of ten drachnwi each. Then Thernistocles; persuadedthe Athenians not to go through with the distribution but instead to use the money to build 200 ships for the war, the one against Aigina. It was that war that then saved Hellas because it made the Athenians go to sea. The ships were not used for the purpose they were built but were there when Hellas neededthem7'. 302 [Aristotle] AthPol 22.7: kap(lw S' in! Tukot; iva-uxqyýaaTo Tptýpct; klcaT6v,&60TOO va1)MjYo1)PtVO1L) Papp6pou;, "Receiving the money on this T(; )V &=6v plav, a% ivaup,6X1jaav iv EaXapIvt 7rp6qTo1bq


for building it Until the timber the this provenance of used program. recently, mentions fleet Salamis that the accepted was built with Macedonian timber, based on was generally Herodotos' praise of Alexander I of Macedon and theproxenia he receivedby Athens.303 However, as Meiggs pointed out, the Persianswould not allow the export of large 304 from Herodotos' praise of timber their to their vassal state enemies. quantities of Alexander may be a personalopinion of the historian, while the grant ofproxenia may have been related to other services,possibly the supply of oars, which were an easier cargo to transport clandestinely, or something totally unrelated to timber, such as espionage. However, given Herodotos' favourablc stancetowards Macedon,which after all medised,it is surprising that he does not mention such a major service to the Athenians as providing

the timberfor the fleet.
Meiggs argued strongly in favour of south Italy being the main supplier, based, on the one hand, on the implausibility of the suggestion that Persia allowed the export of timber from Macedon, and, on the other, on the evidence that Themistocles had special 305 Italy. The suggestion that the Persians were deceived by the relations with south fleet lack Aigina the tool total of new as a against of purpose presupposes a ostensible 306 behalf Persian Such lack of foresight is deemedimplausible Empire. foresight on of the by the Myrkinos affair, where the Persians are shown alert to the potential of the Thracomacedoniantimber resourceslong before Xerxes' expedition.307 The episode may be an instance of Herodotos' hindsight colouring events but equally it may be an
purpose, he built 100 triremes, each one of the 100 building one. With these, they fought the naval battle in ". Salamisagainstthe barbarians. 303 Herodotos 8.136.1 Wallace (1970:199). 304 Meiggs (1982:123f). 305 Meiggs (1982:124-5). 306 Johnson(1927:202); Borza (1987:42). 307 Herodotos 5.23.2. Borza (1987:35).


apology as to why Macedoniantimber was not made available to the Greeks. underhanded The presenceof a Krotonian ship at the battle of Salamis also indicates a south Italian 308 Sila forest Kroton Neto. was one of the outlets of the via the river connection,since The discussionraises the question why Herodotos failed to mention the supplier of 309 ". he for fleet "the Hellas The solution to the mystery the timber considered saviour of may lie in the later Athenian settlement in Thurii, the other outlet of the Sila forest. Herodotos was, according to tradition, one of the settlers there and a possible rivalry between the two cities, Thurii and Kroton, may account for Herodotos' avoidance of the south Italian contribution to the fleet, particularly since Thurii was a supplier of timber for Athens in second half of the fifth century.310 Equally, however, Herodotos may have because the timber there was no single supplier to provenanceof either neglected mention or simply becausehe thought it an unimportant detail. The south Italian solution has several practical problems, some of which it shares lack lack As Meiggs the three time, major problems were of suppliers. noted, of other with bypassed inadequate based lack Meiggs the time of expertise. problem of on and seasoning later evidence: Mirum apud antiquos primo Punico bello classem Duilli imperatoris ab diebus XL V die CCXX Hieronem LX regem naves effectas navigavisse,contra vero arbore tradit L. Piso; secundoquoque Punico Scipionis classisXL die a secure navigavit. Tantum 311 Pliny representsa Romantradition, which in tempestivitasetiam rapida celeritatepollet.

308Meiggs (1982: 354). 309Herodotos 7.139. 310IG 13387.101.

311 Pliny NH 16.74: "It is a remarkable fact that in old days in the first Punic War the fleet commandedby Duilius was on the water within 60 days after the timber left the tree, while, according to the account of Lucius Piso, the 220 ships that fought against king I-Iiero were built in 45 days; also in the secondPunic War Scipio's fleet sailed on the 40thday after the timber had been felled. So effective is prompt action even in the hurry of an emergency" [Text and translation from Rackham(2000)]. Meiggs (1982:125).


is not encountered in Greek classical history, and there is a distinct possibility of exaggeration. In the classical period, considerabletime was allowed for ship construction, thus, it is surprising that such a building effort left no trace in Herodotos, when the lesser 312 in 435-3 by Corinthians ThucydideS. was mentioned effort of the Hurried construction is further complicatedby the lack of seasoned timber, since for 100 ships 3,500 tonnes of timber would be needed. The problems created by unseasoned timber were known in antiquity but Meiggs suggestedthat the narrownessof the Salamis 313 insignificant. Not only is there a tradition of these ships strait made any such problems being light and agile, which precludes any possibility of unseasoned timber used, but also the battle of Arternision was fought in open waters, where any problems in construction 314 immediately be Lastly, expert personnel is needed for trireme apparent. would construction, which Meiggs supposesthat Athens attained through attracting craftsmen from an existing pool of expertise in mainland Greeceand the islands, as Dionysios did in 315 in fourth Syracuse the century. Yet, Thucydides' clear statementthat the trireme was not the warship of choice before Xerxes' expedition makes the availability of such a pool of expertisedoubtful, especially since the majority of fleets at Salamiswere of triremes, thus, 316 building by implying a seriesof programmes various poleis at the sametime.

312 Thucydides 1.31.1. 313 Livy 29.1.14; Vegetius 4.36. Meiggs (1982:126).

Plutarch Kimon 12.2: 6ppijacv apor, anb KviSou rcaI TptOgi0l) TPIaKOGiat; TPIýPFECYI, ICP6; [tiV T&XO; 6M' 6116 OCPICFTOKXiOI); &PtCTTCE &PXýg KCýI IECPICVY(J)7fiV "he launched from Knidos and KCtTCCFKCA)(I(Fýt6Vat;, Triopion 300 triremes, which were specially constructed for speed and lightness by Themistocles". Meiggs (1972: 76) argued that these triremes were newly built triremes, not those used in Salamis; against see Morrison & Williams (1968: 161-3) and Blamire (1989: 140).

315 Meiggs (1982:122) basedon Diodoros 14.41.3; however, Dionysios attracted experts from all disciplines of weapon construction. "' Tliucydides 1.14.2-3;Herodotos 8.45-8.


The solution to the above problems is that the Athenian triremes were built in the resource areas. Meiggs rightly aguesthat the solution to the mystery of the Salamis fleet lies in the west not the Aegean. At the time, the only poleis with large trireme fleets outside the PersianEmpire were Corcyra, the Sicilian poleis and presumably Corinth, all in 317 areas with native resources. The Athenians could easily have obtained triremes from more than one area, spreading the needs for seasonedtimber and expertise over several naupegia from Corcyra, or Epidamnos, to Kroton, Kaulonia and the Sicilian cities. The reliance of the Athenians on foreign ship suppliers is testified by the 20 ships they bought from the Corinthians a few years earlier. The end of the PersianWars spelled the beginning of a new era for the Greek world is Athens The Pentekontaefla the to road empire. walked one of the most shadowy as in history important. The Athenians maintained a the classical and yet one of most periods large fleet throughout the period and probably increasedits numbers to reach 300 war-fit triremes in 43 1.318 At least one major building program was executed during the Pentekontaetiaafter the loss of part of the fleet in the Egyptian Expedition.319Since Kimon four years later was able to mount another expedition against Cyprus, in the period 454-50 the Athenians must have rebuilt their fleet to sufficient strength.

Many of the Athenian and allied actions in the period can be connected with brief Thucydides' is is timber. and particularly account and not resources very selective

317 Tbucydides 1.14.2. 318 Thucydides 2.13.8-9 specifically refers to war-fit triremes (nXo)iýtouq), not the total fleet in the Athenian neorion. Judging from the fourth century epimeletai accounts,the formal strength of the fleet included non-fit ships as well: Gabrielsen(1994:127-9). 319According to modem calculations of this hotly debated issue between 100 and 230 Athenian and allied ships were lost in Egypt: Thucydides 1.104,1.109-10. Meiggs (1972: 107-8); Holladay (1989); Westlake (1969:66-8); Homblower (1991:177). 320 Thucydides 1.112.


intended to "give an abridged history of the period hut is more restricted., he aims to describe the growth ofA thenianpower... we can add that he surely aims to give particular 321 Spartans '. The first act of the Delian coverage to those eventswhich most alarmed the League was the capture of Eion on the Strymon, which was still held by the Persians (476).322 However, the andrapodismos of the inhabitants and the resettlement of the site its importance. its Athenians Eion Strymon testify to the the was gatehouse of with and its deposits precious metal and shipbuilding timber reserves,a site comparable with valley in importance to Amphipolis.323 At the same time, Skyros was captured and resettled, another clearly strategic operation since the island commandedthe naval routes to both 324 Greece Hellespont. The next actions of the Athenians against Karystos and the northern 325 did involve Naxos not resettlement. The major event of the 460s was the revolt of and Thasos, motivated solely by economic reasons,specifically its domination of the precious 326 deposits and the poleis on the mainland opposite. The Thasian settlements,most metal importantly Neapolis, had later a reputation as naupegia of note, and Athens securedtheir 327 fifth Simultaneously with the Thasian revolt, the century. support throughout the Athenians tried to settle Ennea Hodoi, the later Amphipolis, but the settlement ended in

32 ' Homblower (1991:133). 322 Thucydides 1.98.1. 323 8L hc TfIq Ht6voq, ýv ai)Tol cIXov igx6ptov Eion as Athenian emporion: Thucydides 4.102.3: 6)pýLCDvTo in! TCp aT6gaTt-rolb noTagof)intOaMacytov, "They also came out of Eion, where they had an empopionon the mount of the river next to the sea". Control of both Amphipolis and Eion secured domination over the Strymon and the resourcesof the interior, especially if one took care, as the Athenians did, to build the long 4.102.3. Tliucydides Amphipolis: of walls 324 Thucydides 1.98.2. The Sporadeswere good pirate bases,for example Halonessosin the fourth century 7). (Demosthenes 325 Thucydides 1.98.3-4. 326 Thucydides 1.100.1-2. 327 NaUpegia:Strabo 7.F33,7. F36. Support for Athens: IG J3101.


disaster at the hands of the Thracian tribes.328The intended size, timing and placement of the settlementtestify to the intention of the Athenians in the 460s to acquire full domination Thracians Thasos The Strymon the the show that they exploited of and reactions valley. of the resources of the area and that these played a significant role in their respective hand, kill birds Athenians The the tried to two one remove one stone; on with economies. both dominate for Laurion the the other, and acquire gold resources,and, on competition timber supply and the naupegia. The next event narratedby Thucydides is the Ithome affair, where the settlementof 329 in Athens interest. Sometime is in Naupaktos the the rebels previous years, of particular had taken over Naupaktos,a strategicposition without peer dominating both the Corinthian Gulf and the north-south route of the Ionian Sea,as well as a naupegion of note with access 330 local to resources. Probably the Athenians were planning a settlementthere to control the resources and put pressure on the Peloponnesians,especially the Corinthians. The helots, however, were a better solution since they were certain to oppose any Spartanplan 331 if In handy base Athens the their arose. of operations need a provided with alliance and 450s, the Athenians made two expeditions to Cyprus, the disastrousEgyptian Expedition Thessaly War in Peloponnesian fought First to the and making expeditions and Akarnania.112 Of particular interest are the expeditions to Cyprus with its large copper dominion lost brief 440s, Athenians In their the the timber over reserves. resourcesand

328 Tliucydides 1.100.3. Note that I am retaining the traditional chronology of the beginning of the revolt being earlier than the attempt of colonising Ennea Hodoi, as seen in both Thucydides and Diodoros (11.70), against Rainey (2004:220). 329 Thucydides 1.102.1-3. 330 Ephoros FGrH lIa7OFl2l (Strabo 9.4.7). 33 1Athenian alliance with Naupaktos: Pritchett (1995:69-72). For the Messenianscertain to opposeSparta at 12.63.5. in Diodoros the turn, parallel see every 332 Thucydides 1.103-12.


Boiotia in the battle of Koroneia and had to put down the Euboian revolt.


The poleis of

Euboia were penalised but not harshly treated, except for Histiaia that suffered by Athenians. Histiaia commandedthe entranceto both and resettlement andrapodismos
the Pagasetic Gulf and the Eurippos strait and, thus, gave the Athenians control over the 334 harbours Pagasai Stylis. Athenian interest in Thessaly was seen major of the area, and also in the First Peloponnesian War, since Thessaly, in addition to its resources of grain and timber, was the gateway to the north from the Peloponnese, as Brasidas used it in the 420S.335

The last events in Thucydides account are the Thirty Years Peaceand the revolts of Samosand Byzantion.336A few years later, in 437, the Athenians finally managedto settle Amphipolis on the Strymon. The importance of Amphipolis to Athenian timber supply is illustrated by the reaction to its loss:

Tý; Ag(ptxo4w; o[ AOilvalot F-'q pEya
ýv (ý(PExtgoq 415kcov Tp- V(11)IEIJYIIGL[t())V

oTt il RoXIg




7rPOGO' 8



The text is often considered evidence of timber import

from Amphipolis to Athens basedon the interpretation ofpompi as 'import'. 338Pomp6 in this case,however, is better interpreted as 'conveyance/escort',since Amphipolis is not the

333 'Ibucydides 1.1134. 334Stylis is still one of the best moorings in the area and was until the early 1980s a convenient port for loading and repairs by the Greek merchant marine. Volos, ancient Pagasai,remains one of the most used and trusted harboursin Greece. 335Thucydides 4.78. Note also the reasoning for the settlement of Herakleia as guarding the passage northwardsand Euboia (Thucydides3.92.4). Thessaliantimber reserves:Meiggs (1982:128). 336 Thucydides 1.115-6. 337Thucydides 4.108: "The loss of Amphipolis brought great fear to the Athenians, since the polis was particularly helpffil to them for the conveyanceof shipbuilding timber and revenue". 338 Smith (1930): "The Athenians were greatly alarmed by the capture of Amphipolis. The chief reason was that the city was useful to them for the importation of timber for shipbuilding and for the revenue it produced7.


339 from 'sending' would take place. Geographically, Amphipolis dominated where the port lake Prasiasand its exit to the Strymon, thus, controlled the flow of timber down the river to the coast; it was ideally suited for pompi, conveyance/escort. The Athenian actions during the Pentekontaetia,random as they may seem at first intimately follow a pattern connectedwith resourcesand particularly timber. The glance, pattern is best illustrated by the Athenian settlementsin Eion, Amphipolis, Skyros, Histiaia and Naupaktos. Four of the five settlements can be connected to timber resources and Of have Athens timber course, not all expeditions connections, since was an naupegia. imperial power with political, military and economic concerns and it would be shortsighted to assign one motive to all actions during such a long and volatile period. The settlementsare clearly connected with timber and naupegia and similar connections are valid for the shattering of Thasian control over Neapolis and the other emporia on the Strymon coast. Athens concentratedits efforts on Thrace not Macedon, the greatesttimber producer in northern Greece, due to valid strategic reasons. Macedon was a centralised large be to and experienced army; any expedition was sure met with a with a state from favourite battlefield, far Athenians' the the sea. In Thrace, on the effort concerted did hand, dominate Athens the area piecemeal,since the Thasiansand the could and other Thracian tribes did not cooperate. Further, as Meiggs rightly pointed out, allianceswith the Macedonianswere almost impossible to sustain long-term, since foreign policy changed with each holder of the throne, as is best illustrated by the different policies towards Athens 340 in Archelaos Peloponnesian War. Further south, the settlementsat the of Perdikkas and Histiaia and Naupaktos were mainly pre-emptive controls on potentially hostile poleis in
339 LSJ s.v. icýpw 111. Pompý as conveyance/escort: 340 Meiggs (1982:126).


the Dorian part of the mainland. In addition, Kimon's insistenceto dominate Cyprus is also 341 to timber. partly connected Another suggestion connecting naupegia and timber reserves outside Athens has been made by Unz concerning the tribute imbalance. Unz suggested that part of the tribute was paid not in money but in ships, based on Plutarch's comment on Kimon's behaviour Rrýv towards the allies that wanted to avoid military service: KL'ýVOV

tVaVTL'(XV 680'Vtv Tý

PL'av pE'v ou'Sevi TCovTXXýwov
(YTPaTEVC(YOCEt icai valb;

npoo-ýyc, Xpýgwra U ka[tpavcov


Blamire argued convincingly

343 is in in detail Thucydides. It has been suggested that the authentic, spite of not appearing that the allies were given the choice of either selling their ships to the Athenians or 344 for it is difficult believe However, to them that the Athenians ones. new exchanging freely for to that they the the allies old ships money or provide would means prefer would to revolt. Further, the Rhodian contribution in the Sicilian Expedition testifies that the 345 had Unz's ingenious solution to the tribute imbalance is tribute-paying allies warships. further is Athens there since and connects with allied no reasonto naupegia, probably right included in 1/600' Athena to the that payment aparche services or ships. The suppose

341See page 146.

342 UnZ (1985:36). Plutarch Kimon 11.2: "Kimon walked the opposite road in his generalship, committing violence against none of the Greeks and taking money and empty ships from those who did not want to serve". 343 Blamire (1989:137). 344 Blackman (1969:189-90); Meritt et al (1939-1953: 3.246,250). 345 Thucydides 6.43.1; note, however, that thesewere pentekonters,so possibly some of the allies even in the end of the fifth century had still not converted their fleet to triremes.


contribution of ships, rather than troops and ships, to Athens by the allies is mentioned also 346 in Diodoros again in relation to Kimon's generalship. From the PeloponnesianWar, treaties and proxenia decreesrelating to oar supplies and building in foreign naupegia survive. During the war, especially after 413, Athens engagedin various large shipbuilding programs. In the Archidamian War, most building was confined to maintenance,while the unexpectedwindfall of 60 ships at Pylos certainly 347 fleet Athenian size. The Sicilian Disaster spelleda large shipbuilding program and aided the various lossesin the Ionian War meant that ships were built throughout the decadeuntil Aigospotamoi.

Most of the evidence concerns the import of oars, starting with the treaty with 349 AOP-[vaio]. [KCEI As mentioned earlier, Perdikkas: Cdcro C&[tgý 06UVa KO]Kýa;CXCF6LyEV the treaty cannot be securely dated beyond the long reign of Perdikkas (440s-413) and in favour in late date 420s, a date in the 430s is equally Borza the argued of a although
possible. 350 Borza's suggestion that the treaty also provided for timber supplies, although

impossible to disprove due to the fragmentary state of the inscription, cannot be found or 351 in lines. plausibly restored the surviving The theme of oar supply, again from Macedon, continues with Andokides' 352 Andokides' position is interesting, since Athens clearly depended upon testimony.
346Diodoros 11.60.5: Rap& 89 T6V &it ICPOCFTIOCPLV(J)V 01)[196LXCOV 1rPOCFXaP(5R&VOq T6V VOLý;bel RX&V 71ý411GG cTT6kov,"and from the constantly added allies, he received ships, and thus increased the fleet ftifther".

347 Thucydides4.16.3,4.23.1. 348In the Sicilian Expedition as many as 170 Athenian ships lost: Thucydidcs 6.43,7.16,7.60. Athenian lossesin the period 412405 reached 305 ships: Thucydides 8.20,8.34,8.42,8.91,8.102,8.104; Xenophon Hellenika 1.5.14,1.6.17,1.6.23,1.6.34,2.1.28. 349 IG 1389.31: "And I will not allow [anyone] but an Athe[nian] to export [oa]rs". 350 Borza (1987:44).
35 1 Borza (1987: 44). 352Andokides 2.11.


have in in its for Samos 411 for Oar Athenians the traders must oar supply. supply private been particularly problematic since the regular supply lines stopped in Athens where the did Athenians in The not rely only on the goodwill of traders or the control. oligarchs were honours import by incentives but the traders to testified to given oars, as provided odd exile to Phanosthenes and Antiochides:



... ....

'Av], rtoXi8ct



H I; 10 .............. ..... .....

".... TO']V 8FVOV

X 10 ]OPOE; 19 ..... ..... -It[ ......... .......






14 .......


K(xO6E7EF-]p Kai

h[ono; au-Oý, ical

av (pat'vf:, ratl 'AOqvaiov

o' 8F, [to]; ho; acot noUo

not[6gevo; Tb;

iKa]TOCFTO &noMcrov [T6]; k[ot7c6v, [ica]t icr6EyjovTaq Ko]7Ef-': KORUL; aTEXFq T16'KO aq X&ptv T6


geyaYOV [c&7EO8OVTOV TOiql TPI]CP07EOIOiq, K[cýtj hot Tpteponotot
i&V 86[OVTCEt CL6Tov

[ ......

12 ......


(jo)[TtO]tVTOV P[Okci

T6 VCt[1)7[P-]YtOV, Mil


Tp]dýOVTC; CYT]P(XTCYO'l Xp6cFOo[v


&7co8t8j6V]TCq TýV TCTCty[t&[CV] Kal T& TF-]TaYPEV[a ...... 9

11 K CLI
6. .. ];

ho[t Kai




TPIEP07EOtO[i; ]To ho


TO[ .........


... ..
]1[ ....


10 X .......... ........ ...





&ya76v,r[otv 11 ............ ............
C81a]KOVCCF(ITC[V .............
24 ...........

7 ]aopat, baxw[hm ...
] 1(20)1....

'AvTtoXi8cv Kal (DotvooO&Icv oTt



11 "lao


7[pl)T6LVFr, Cna[Moat Te
hov av

CK]KXE(Yi[CE ...............




..... .....


------ -4 w----


6TOi; Mo 8c heuptcrOat Ka]ll c6cpyeTa; cv[at c'&vayp6tqcrat IrPOXCFEE'VOg ak6q KCEJ

ip 'AO[cvaiov U 'AO&v[aiov- &vayp6(p(; Ull,,,,ovTat 7Eap6: a.... EV (;Tg]4t Cl')Cpyfta; (xt ....
7r6)£t TÖVypaýgC(TýU TF-g]ßoýxgvacatl vacat 0.111
[ ..... ------10 ..... ]l [____, re]V ßol[CV... 6 ]1(30)[-

ho avalyp(x(p(TaTo ypapganb; T6]8<&> (pat[ytaga
]t R T6g [ a ]I ------.... .... (32a) 1[--. ]V--I--aT&--1(35r-tKa--I[--.

hore; Po?, ]cg iv aT[act XiOtIvet
Iov--I [--.. Iva-353 .

353 Phanosthenes]... [the] demos Athenians andthe others IG 13182: to [Ant]iochides to the that of an[d ... ... ...


The inscription comprisesof two decrees,of which the first is too fragmentary for be is the to attempted and second also fragmentary but can be partially restored. restoration The second decree falls in the period 420-405 according to letter forms and if the honoured is the general of 407/6 then it must surely fall before that year, Phanosthenes 354 is issues debated Phanosthcnes The treated two as a non-citizen. main are the since circumstancesunder which the decreewas passedand, thus, its date and what type of tax the hekatostewas. The datesproposed are c420,420-15 and after 410; all three basedon 355 for interpretation hekatoste. Athens Athenian need for the need of oars and the of the oars has been variously connectedto a break in relations with Macedon, the preparations for the Sicilian Expedition and the Ionian War. Athenian relations with Macedon were if is but dated 420s Perdikkas throughout the the treaty to the period and with not volatile from be decisive factor for dating Macedon then the supply cannot considered a earlier, honours to Phanosthenes. Any connection with specific expeditions, either the Sicilian Expedition or the Ionian War, disregardsthe fact that Athenian need for oars was a constant factor throughout the classical period. Assuming that Athens would have a policy of in ignores times that oars were as much in constantdemandas traders only of crisis enticing heightened fourth in Times the need but such circumstances the century. of war were grain in for fleet Athenian the the fifth century. The accession of than peace more common
the Athenians... [alway]s and now he, and [as it appears]. As [the demos of Athens], who has the grea[test respect for those importing o]ars [a]nd, thus, desiresto return [their] service, [let them have ateleia from the heflatoste tax [for t]he oarsthey bring to [the trie]ropoioi and the trieropoioi... [pu]t in the na[upe]gion. And if they con[sider him the str]ategoi oug[ht to t]ell the [boule and giv]e the appoint[ed] pric[e], and the [naupegoi must give the] trieropoi[oi those ap]pointed [Antiochides and] Phanosthenes the ... ... for tflansporti [ng]... [and] hellenotamiai must for they broug[ht]... ho[nour Antiochides and Phanosthenes ... ... take [it to the prytaneis] ... [ek]klesi[a]... [o]ther ... 3-4vv... hon[our them and inscribe them as proxenoi a]nd le[the them be] euergetai. [Find what else they w]ant from the Athe[nians. Inscribe the on ste]le as ... in by Ath[enians [the [th]e boul[e] the the grammateus of the] boule vacat the city of euergetai ... ... de[cree hou]Ie [inscribe to the] the of on a ston]este[le] ...... grammateus 354 Walbank (1978:3234) on the letterforms and Kirchner (1901-3:14083) on Phanosthenes. 355 C420: Mattingly (1966: 198-201),420-15: Walbank (1978:323) and after 410: Meritt (1945:130-2).


Archelaos in 413 probably made supply easier for Athens, since Archelaos did not share Perdikkas' anti-Athenian prejudices, although Athenian feelings may have taken long to be soothed after Perdikkas' behaviour. McDonald's argument on the language and spirit of the decreeas comparedto decreesbefore the Sicilian Disaster is attempting a comparison between different types of intervention.356 A comparison between a treaty between states and an incentive to private individuals cannot be successfully argued, since the means of communication and the aims of the respective actions are different. Interstate relations encompassa variety of factors and concerns which cannot be applied to the relations between a governmentand private individuals or groups. The other issue of debate, the nature of the hekatoste, dependsupon the variant interpretations of the hekatoste as an import-export tax or a transit/harbour tax and is imposition import-export in 414/3 to all harbours in the 5% tax to the the of related 357 in imposed lieu Firstly, 5% the tax since of tribute, there is no reason to was empire. it included did Piraeus, Athens the that since not pay tribute. Secondly, the 5% suppose tax and the existence of other import-export taxes in the harbours of the empire are not mutually exclusive, since poleis still neededincome. Finally, McDonald's note that a tax is not necessarilyan import-export tax is absolutelyjustified. However, his argumentthat the hekatoste in the Phanosthenesdecree is a harbour or transit tax is very difficult to

358 hand, On the one an ateleia from a transit tax is totally irrelevantto the substantiate.
issues involved in the decree, since the traders are honoured for the import of oars. McDonald implies that the ateleia is an empty honour and that "Athens hoPed to encourage

356 McDonald (1981:145-6). 357 Thucydides 7.28.4. 358 McDonald (1981:1424).


359 keeping her financial losses import However, if the to a minimum". while such hekatoste is a transit tax, then the grant of ateleia would encouragetransit not imports, interests in Athenian is this case. On the other hand, if the hekatoste against which patently is a harbour tax, then the argument is stronger, although McDonald does not seem to differentiate the two. However, the provisions of lines 8-13 do not support this

interpretations, since the officials involved are the naupegoi, the lrieropoioi and the harbour them to the the of connected none administration of or the emporion. strategoi, The initial problem with the interpretation of the decree is that a change of subject is decree, boule in the the middle of a proxenia where, presumably, encouragesthe assumed 360 demos to confer honours and ateleia from the hekatoste to those importing oars. in lines I and 13-4 respectively, However, the referencesto Antiochides and Phanosthenes hiatus bracket indicate that our perception of the structure of the this perceived which decreeis skewed. Lines 5-7 are instrumental in this casesince they have been assumedto advice the demos, when they can as easily be interpreted as an explanation of the demos' indicate in lines Thus, 8-13 the procedurethrough which the the awarding ateleia. motives decree has been interpreted be including The the end of can granted. as a rider ateleia Antiochides the associates of and Phanosthenes,who are granted names of several 361 is hiatus idea If to the the also party grant. of a ateleia euergesiaand are presumably decree is the theme the then of clearly discernible. A group of traders, headed abandoned, by Phanosthenes and Antiochides, are provided with a large financial incentive to continue their services to the Athenian fleet and the decree stipulates the procedure through which
359 McDonald (1981:144). 360McDonald (1981:141): "In the second decree, after a reference to Antiochides and Phanosthenes, the demos is instructed to encourageand thank those who import ship's oars by exempting them from the one ercent tax". 4 61SeeWalbank (1978:313-24) on the various fragmentsand the rider.


the incentive will be granted practically. The provisions of the ateleia are more in concert with an import-export tax, specifically as in line 12 the issue of price is considered. The level of import-export taxes in Athens in the period cannot be securely ascertained,since 362 Possibly the tax the first definite mention is dated to 401, when it is a pentekoste. increasedafter the PeloponnesianWar to help state finances. It is equally possible that different tax provision as a general incentive to traders supplies were under a military during the war. If such was the case,then the provisions of the decree are even clearer. The group of traders honoured are provided with an incentive specific to thern, which is the ateleia so complicated. If this was a general ateleia to all importers of why explains have it been imposed in the emporion directly upon import. The decree then would oars provides for special status of this particular group and thus the administering of the ateleia falls to the officials acceptingthe oars and ultimately with the boule through the strategoi. The last and most interesting piece of evidence is the infamous Archelaos decree,a horribly fragmentary inscription but with clues tantalisingly tempting to the restorer. This is a very interesting document but extreme caution is necessary,since this is a classic case of history from squarebrackets. The inscription includes two documents,firstly, a decree detailing emergencyfinance measuresto enablethe successfulcompletion of ships built in foreign naupegia, and, secondly, a proxenia decreerelating to servicesconnectedto timber both honorary The have not survived and most of the the names of oars. archon and and the provisions of both decreesneed heavy restoration. The original restoration by Wilhelm datedthe inscription to 411/10 and connectedthe proxenia decreewith the Pydna affair. 363

362 Andokides 1.133. 363 Wilhelm (19224: 122-71).


An alternative restoration by Meritt dated it to 407/6 and this version has been by included in the scholars and accepted widely
1CCEL TO]t 8epor AiccE[R(IIVT'Lg EIEPI)TaVm)c,
364: [ g8o Poket E CV xC ; reýt epigraphic corpora









7rO[L'E]CFtV TOV [VEI,,, OV 5aVCLUat


Tpa]Tf: 'y6; C;


ger&. rl[f: lptrjkF-o;


71(XP]A TOV j: r[O]Vj

OVTov al[7EO8C'KTOV TO!;

Axo8owov h6 8' 8avEil[croutv, av vawrcy]olýMay][L&Oq 70" bli TI(io)[LV 7EXEPO(YtV Tov

af)To]ig 7ra), tv hot Tptl[cpoirotoL'- r6; 8E
veov h]og TAXtam hot Ci7EOCFj[TcAAvTov ho[tl &

s' ' E' gi, LE0 (3TP(ITF-710u'

ýGCLY'1[GÜOV Irposoa, Lag F'g Tä ÖltlcctaTEptovE(YaYOVTOV* TEG 8]ý



To tilt




M; vc[oj,ý, v, av hot vai)7rvyoi]
crTakoatv hoq raXta]Ta

Ey MctK&Sovtaq


rEv PokEv


ho7io; l [av

[CFTPCETIA (pl))AXCFO(YCE (pj)]XajCE'V bri JoVj]()CV hel AOEvaýc IM! KaL7EI[4pOOOCYt KOýLiýUat



MV H' Ttg [tt 710EGEt] MITA TalDTa, 6TEXI[CV PI)PL'a; ýXO]OVTt 7rpOTOt Kai

htcpbq 8paXpa;au', r6lv




VaIDV 8ovat


9810xCFE: v Tot


öE, got.

U Ap X£ D'ag




äVlý 90[TIV EV Tot 7rPOCYÜCV 01 XP]Q yE Ep
I iq ' IVF


7EF-p! AOP-voti]oq


TC EK7QXj')jCF(XVTCEq V(11)7[qO';





To hai)T]6




Xalül]üt ical Konictý Kütil [äUct

ApX0, häcrov töcovTo 7r(Ipl] au'To äyctOa, F-7rütl[tv'aütt E at hog

364 Meritt's

original restoration retained the connection with Pydna: Meritt (1932: 110-5). Dc Sanctis' Pydna to the the chronology of relating affair and the plausibility of an event four years old being criticisms honoured in conjunction to the first decree [de Sanctis (1935: 209)] caused Meritt to eschew the restoration of Pydna in line 28 [Meritt (1936: 246-52)]. Since then, although Meritt's restoration has been widely followed, there have been various versions; Meiggs and Lewis preferred to leave the missing parts of lines 28 and 29 blank [Meiggs & Lewis (1988: 277-80)], while the editors of IG 13 preferred to return to Meritt's 1932 restoration retaining the connection with Pydna [IG 13117].


hOT]t 8uvaTat [icaL a'yaOI[ov, rcal tivO' ov ov],rt av8pLayaOotj apo0upt 7rotev ÖXIVI, 89110V TäVAOF-Vai TäV TE 7C0 35)[Kal Eg 7EO41 tCYTE-'ý" L] OVävaypägaal[t a



alýTäVKaL7ra-uSaý 7upoX(: ip-vo]ý
365 .

KOti C[lý&PIYET(Ig


K[Cti bEtjgEXC(YO(, t (1f),roV -]

It is not certainwhether the two decreesrelate to the sameincident. The assumption that they do is implied by the fact that both restorers were inclined to read Pydna as the missing neorion in line 28. Even Meritt, after de Sanctis' rightful objection to Pydna, merely left the name unrestored without attempting to include another neorion in the equation. Yet the relation of the two decreesis not immediately apparent, since the first decree does not mention where the ships are being built considering it known or obvious, to name the neorion in question. The specific naming while the second finds it necessary of the neorion implies that the two events are not directly related, or at least not as closely as commonly assumed. The main reason why Pydna was restored by both Wilhelm and Meritt was that the stratopedon in line 29 implies a connection with a military operation. Except the Pydna campaign in 411/10, the only other major operation we know of in northern Greeceis the quelling of the oligarchic revolt in Thasos. The main staging areaof the Athenians in that incident was Neapolis on the mainland. The assistanceof the
365 The version used here is Meritt (1936): "[It seemedgood to the Boule and th]e demos [what Alkibiades proposed,at the prytany ofl Akama[ntis], when [Phe]lleus was [gr]am[m]a[teus, Antigenes was archon] and [Siby]rtio[s] was [e]pista[tes]. [For the] bui[ld]ing of the shi[ps], [lend to the gen]erals, [fro]m the existing [apodektafl of the [money ofl Pe[rikles, for the naupe]goi. What they [lend to be given back to them by the trieropoioL The geneflals to disp[atch] quickly [those sele]ctedto sail for t[he completion of the ships.] If be to they accu[sedwith treason at the c]ourts and the [generalsto be accusedabout n]ot complying. are not [The boule is to ta]ke care [of t]he sending of the shi[ps, those that the naupegoi] in Macedonia se[nd], so [that they are sent quick]est to Athens and c[rewed there] for the best dispatch of the g[uarding army to lon]ia. [If someonedoes not act] according to theseprovisions, then he ow(es 10,000 drachmai] as sacredmoney to Ath[ena. Those who co]me first or are first to se[nd a ship are to be given moriey], as it se[emsbest to the demos. Archelaos] has been [a good man towards the Athe]nians, [in the p]ast [and in the present]. He too[k care] of the [naupegoi who] sai[led out] and sent them [to the neorion in ......... ] and also [put them up in that] camp an[d gave them timber] and oars and [whatever other] goods [they asked] of him. Pra[ise Archelaos for be]ing a good man [and willing to do wha]tever go[od] he can [and thus he has benefifled the demos Atheni]ans. Inscrib[e [and him and his children on a ston]e [stele in the polis as a the the of polis [euergetes, him take care and of and proxeno]s --]".


Neapolitans to Athens in that affair is testified by the Athenian honours to Neapolis in 4097.366Neapolis in addition to being in a good strategicposition to attack Thasoswas also a naupegion of note: 7rap& Ckap= aLT6 Tb METOV,

Y. Tpl)[t6vog ica Aarilv6)v 7c6), tg Nc&7ro)aq ical

7168iaKal kigVTIVKdl 71OTag0bg Kdl V(11)71ýyla Kdl Xpl)(76CE
mxpotpldýovmt 6q <<Adrov 6cy(xO6v>> ical <<6: yctO6v

&(P' 01) Kal %I)(Yt-rExfi e'XOV, ,

367 Epigraphically, the 6: restoration of Neapolis is valid, since the form Mai yaOi6aq>>.

H6Av appears in contemporary inscriptions, and, historically, the use of Neapolis as naupegion for the Athenians is not improbable given the Athenian presence in the area 368 460s. The journey of the naupegoi would fall either during the suppressionof since the the oligarchic revolution or immediately afterwards. The slight delay of the honours to Archelaos is paralleled by the seconddecreehonouring the Neapolitans and best explained by the unwillingness of the Athenians to extend honours without considerable positive action from the Macedonians. Their experiencesof Perdikkas' double-dealingsduring the last 30 years must have surely taken its toll in the relations with the new king. Such

help decree, Perdikkas' by first the action would entail active as presupposed not positive is decree As Archelaos the service of conveyance. mentioned above a small was merely firmly history from squarebrackets and thus every caution is necessaryin dealing with the information it provides. The decreeas restoredby Meritt is evidence of the building of ships outside Athens in a naupegion in northern Greece. Such building has been considered an extraordinary

IG 367 "On the coastof the Strymonandthe polis of Daton,Neapolis, Strabo7a.1.36.2-6: andDatonitself, there andgreatgold mines,at the extentthat the proverbsays are fertile fields anda lakeandrivers andnaupegia 'Rich Daton'asin 'Richesto therich"'. 368 The dativeMat MXet as foundin IG 13101 fits thenine-lettergapin Meritt's restoration.The iolas take in the survivinglines. ascommon on thestoichedon, up on space

13 101.


by inability brought the about of Athens to provide secureconveyanceof timber measure from the north to the Piraeus during the Ionian War.369 However, the problem of secure but fourth Ionian War to the throughout the confined century. was not persisted conveyance Additionally, the decreeis dated at a time when Athens enjoyed a temporary supremacyin the Aegean after Kyzikos and before Notion. Thus, the circumstancesof the Archelaos decreeare more in line with those of the Athenian Empire before the Sicilian Expedition that with later periods when Athenian domination of the Aegean and the north was contestedor absent. War testifies as to the Athenian policy Another incident earlier in the Peloponnesian foreign foreign Sicilian During timber the reserves and use of naupegia. concerning Expedition, the Athenians had amasseda quantity of timber in Kaulonia, which was burnt
by their enemies: TC( RAM K(A TCOVTE 7[XOLO)VE7nTI)XOUCFCtt 8tE'(POFIpaV KCE'L 4VXa
)V. 370

C"I Tý Kai)),wvtaTt8t ICaTEKai)oav, AOilvctfotq ýv ýaqta eTolga q Tolq vai)" yq


37 1 fir Sagra San forest River. Thucydides is vague as to Bruno via the was the outlet of the the intentions of the Athenians concerning this timber, particularly as to whether it was seasonedfor transport to Athens. The intentions of the Athenians concerning the south Italian and Sicilian timber reserves are revealed earlier in Alkibiades' speech to the
Spartans: ej 8j F-tF- T(If)TCE il 7rpoXCOPIIC; T1811 Tý 110,07COMIMP 7EaVTCETj ICCEITA 7EXCL'(J) ,




Tkkýwov, ,rCov



PapPapo-0; p, cTO(OGattCVOt IWIL IpIlpa;

bm Kcd aXXoi); T(:)v

369 Meiggs (1982:128). 370 Thucydides 7.25.2: "And chancing upon those ships, they destroyed many and burned the shipbuilding timber in the territory of Kaulonia, which was ready for the Athenians". 371 Meiggs (1982:354).


fIII-et ojloxo,







ITCOU'a; 5,90ova. 40m EXOVCFq; Týq vaumirloagevot,



The Athenians never achievedthe

build but by forth Alkibiades to they of course a matter apparently considered ambitions set triremes in local naupegia in the resourceareasafter the conquestof a new area. Putting all be interpreted Graecia Athenian Magna Sicily as an ambitious under control can and of Ionian its to those the of circumstances comparable a set of extraordinary success and plan, War when Athenian control of the Aegean was threatened by a Peloponnesian fleet. Simultaneously, however, imperial control over the western Greeks was not truly more Greece Propontis, Aegean, Asia Minor, the the than and northern over control extraordinary interpretation had A Athenians the of the relation of viable already achieved. which Athenian actions during the empire and timber must also include the use of allied naupegia for the Athenian fleet. 8e The Sicilian Disaster also appearsto have spurred a shipbuilding program: ogcoq
6; EI'K T6V U7[aPX6VT(OV

i86KFt XPýV(lt ýth

iV6t66vctt,6CXX6: Kal Val)TtK6v, 7COtPaCFKCV6LýFCFOat
Kcý Xpýpcaa, K(A T& T(2)v 4pV[t6tXo)v i;

O"of: v

(XV 8,6vomat



373 The implies 4pýtxoptaaýttvoi); Et')Potav. 6ca? &%ctavnotdcfflat, iccA R6L%taTa use of rhv

how Athenians itself, be in Athens the the considered model which could of construction built their fleet. However, the situation in Athens at the time was one of intense panic
TOU; by fear of widespreadallied revolt: characterised agiatv iv6pýov T(ý vcn)TtKq) bEt To'v rIFtpctte& TE


2: 11CEMag ROXCýLiOb;




TE Kall


372 Thucydides 6.90.3: "If thesematters were successful,either in their entirety or in the most part we planned by bringing here the whole force of Greeks who had joined us from there, and to to attack the Peloponnese hire many barbarians,both Iberians and others from there who are truly the best in battle of the barbariansof the presentday. Further we would build many triremes beyond our own, since Italy has abundanttimber". 373 Thucydides 8.1.3: "But as things were, it seemedto them that must not give in but to preparea navy, bring in timber from wherever they could, and money, and securethe allies, especially Euboia".


IIIII Kpomloaviag,





T6TP. k Kai





KaT& KP&TO; ý811 KCA E'K 7ý;
a6TC)V 67EOCFTavTa;. 374


E'7EIKCi(3E(: FOCtt,Kal TOI')q

4vVpdXov; mp6v Im'

If the policy of the Athenians during the

empire was to build their fleets in Athens, then it is surprising that they did not have regular supply lines. If however, the opposite was true, that the Athenians relied upon their dominion of foreign and allied resourcesand naupegia for their fleet, then the implied lack of suppliesand the need for fast and imperative action are explained. The battle of Aigospotamoi deprived the Athenians of both their fleet and their empire. The fourth century was a different era and Athens, while remaining one of the major players, never regained the prominence of the fifth century. However, the fleet remained its greatest advantageand, after 378, the largest in the Aegean. In the 370s, Athens got timber from

Xoy[ýogat,CYKOIEFt, E'(Pll,
O'l-fOVT(It, Mklb8ý7[01)

K(A Tctf)Ta.




A071VCC-LOt TA 4ý)Xa




wogda vcubq noujoacfflat. LicavOL


Here Jasonof Pherai contemplates the stepsto

supremacy and Xenophon of Athens reveals the superstructure of naval dominion. Whether Xenophon representsa specifically Athenian perspective or a general Greek idea of how to achievenaval power cannot be ascertained. Either way, however, the implication is that dominion over timber resourcesis a necessarystep to achieving naval power. The timing of Jason's comment is particularly significant since at roughly the same time the

374 Thucydides 8.1.2: "They thought the navy of their enemiesin Sicily would immediately sail against the Piraeus, and they must hold, and that their enemieshere would double their efforts both by land and by sea, and the allies would go over to them". 375 Xenophon Hellenika 6.1.11: "And consider thesepoints as well, he said, to see whether my thoughts are reasonable. Having Macedon, from where the Athenians get timber, we will certainly be able to build more ships than thenf'.


376 The provisions of the Athenians had concluded a treaty with Amyntas of Macedon. treaty have not survived but assuming that some were related to timber or oars is valid. Surely, the renewed opening up of Macedonian timber supplies to the Athenians was a recent event, since a few years earlier the Athenians had a definite anti-Macedonian stance 377 in their support for Olynthos againstAmyntas and the Spartans. The only other literary referenceto shipbuilding timber comes from the end of our
danýxvoavm, Alexander: the accession of rCpy&,p r6v roTs Enlzq; vceo; period after


Oat a[TCL(FOat vai)RyTIcyac; Rtxpa cinokwktvat,
T6 F-vOib; &8ov

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0'), L'YOV VCFTCPOV KCtL Tptllp&tq:




vtlcp(f) -

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e 8ý VEv AOývljat z'(TTt olý y6(p yl e'LnCLv co;
Kctl lEOPP(OOEVdCFKO[t4og&(j)V,

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40ý, Wv, T(ý)v [toyl;



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icaolci.r(Igevi. 1, au,

kv EVraiüüa (, povo, a'g(1 TE val)nqpýcrEcyoat icat irkýqp('O'acGoat vý xtg£Vt
TCLIL;KOtVCt7L;%LO%OYL'at; 8tctp'%tEvov

[T(ý 7EPO&tplj[tE'V(f)], &






Demosthenes 17 is not a genuine

376IG le 102.

377 Xenophon Hellenika 5.2.15 and Diodoros 15.19 on the alliance between Sparta and Amyntas; Hornblower (1991b:206). 378 Demosthenes17.27-8: "When the men who sailed in with the ship, whom you should have immediately destroyedalong with their ship, and asked to build small ships in your harbours, was it not obvious that they schemednot to enter the harbour but to be inside it from the start? And if we tolerate small ships, then a bit later we will tolerate triremes, and if in the beginning a few, then later many. And no-one can claim that there is abundantshipbuilding timber in Athens, when we import it with difficulty and from great distance, while there is none in Macedon, where it is cheap for all who want it. But they planned to build and crew them here, although it is stipulated in the common agreementthat such is not allowed, and they assumedthat they in do be to this and always greaterquantity". able would


Demosthenicwork, as recognisedsince antiquity and supported by stylometric evidence; however, it is a genuine fourth-century creation by a member of the anti-Macedonianparty, 379 have been delivered before The HypereideS. the Theban revolt, speech must possibly internal is between Alexander and to the treaty references, and only evidence of a according the Greeksbefore the destruction of Thebes,possibly in the convention at the Isthmos after 380 death The speechprovides incontrovertible evidence of the import of timber to Philip's . Athens for the building of warships. Simultaneously, however, it provides equally

incontrovertible evidence that building warships in foreign naupegia was such a common occurrenceto guaranteea provision in the treaty between Alexander and the Greek poleis. Possibly, the clausewas deliberately inserted against Athenian interests and practice, since Athens was the major naval threat to Macedon. For the fourth century, our information on the Athenian navy is supplementedby the accountsof the epimeletai tou neoriou, a seriesof inscriptions spanningthe period 377322.381Unfortunately, the accountscontain only sparsereferencesto timber, naupegia or for building the the triremes, since were not officials responsible epimeletai shipbuilding, 382 fell jurisdiction. is There their the redesigning or repair of ships under only one although
reference to naupegia in the inscriptions: mpa TpTlpilq, ýtj OVOPA E-'C; Ttv BoýOeta,

ApXcvTfL6oi) EPYOV-1("')

l Eic rCov Til4yovacovi TCLUTTIV qpLEPTOVI XapakapOVTC;

379Milne (2000: 205-6). 380Vince (1954: 463). 391ICi 1121604-32.

382IG 1121612.145-217. There is considerable debate over these architektones, since it is apparent in the inscriptions that these people were not the officials mentioned in AIhPoI 46.1, see Jordan (1972:53-4) and Gabrielsen(1994:133).





The inscription is dated to 357/6 and the building of the Boetheia

to 358/7.


The location of the Telegoneia naupegia is unknown, although it is a fair

inference that they were in Attika. However, Telegonos was not an Attic hero, nor is the imply known Athenian Telegoneia Possibly the the names. naupegia name attestedamong hero but had Torone, the connection which only a mythological with not a connectionwith 385 in by Timotheos had harbours Torone was conquered with maritime opportunities. also 364 but had probably been lost to Athens by 357.386One of the architektones who were if him Toronean, Pamphilos connect with possibly a we and was also naupegoi was named is is in found Athens, the also a other who while architekton naupegos named a gravestone 387 in The connections are Amyntas, a name most common the peri-Macedonian area. tentative but it is possible that Torone was used by Athens in the 360s as a naupegion and its loss spelledthe migration of shipbuilders from there to Athens, either voluntarily or not. The only other relevant reference is to the import of unshaved oars in the early 320s: 'rappoU'qEal
Ax TeTplipsig, : ArI. 388

I oVCq Aijga8ij;

b1i j 8E OijCF(Iv F-LCYC7rPLaTO, icaTctpyac;

VTt'K E01);


Demades was a prominent politician in the 330s and the

320s; it is uncertain whether his purchase of unshaved oars was done in an official capacity

383 IG 1121611.127-33:"Another trireme, with the name Boetheia, a work of Archeneides; this one we took over half-built from the Telegoneia [naupegfla, we ... 99. 384 1611.21). Archonship of Kephisodotos(IG 112 3'5 Livy 45.30.4. 386 Capture: Diodoros 15.81.6;lost by 357: Isokrates7.9. 387 Pamphilos: IG 1121612.156,164,172,176,184. Gravestone:IG 11210454. Amyntas: IG 1121612.202, 207. The name Amyntas is most common in northern Greeceand Thrace; there are 42 known in the Aegean area (LGPN Vol. 1), 27 in Attika (Vol. 2), 24 in the Peloponneseand the West (Vol. 3a) 90 in central Greece, in Greece [information 3b) 100 (Vol. 4) from statistical service of in (Vol. Thessaly northern and mainly www.]. 388 1: "15 Oar setsfor the letrereis, which Demadesbought and where shavedin the archon 1629.348-5 IG 112 year of Antikles".


389 figure. The expensewas certainly considerable, the gift of a prominent public or merely 390 fifteen drachmai. 10,000 Demadeswas a member tetreric tarroi would cost around since of the pro-Macedonian party and had close personal relations with leading figures in Alexander's court and possibly Alexander himself 391 Possibly these oars are part of a transaction similar to that described by Andokides in 411, where an Athenian uses his to acquire oar supplies for his city. personalrelations with Macedonians, The previous two episodesare the only direct evidencerelating to shipbuilding and the timber trade in the epimeletai accounts; however, two further issuescan be indirectly related to the building of the Athenian fleet. Firstly, a captured ship whose name has not 392 is Eudikos. The assignationof a specific ship, which the work of survived mentioned as has been captured from an enemy fleet, to a known shipbuilder, begs the question of how the epimeletai knew. The issue is further complicated by the fact that Eudikos can be 393 Athenian Possibly, the captured triakontoros two other ships. restored as shipwright of had the name of its shipwright written on the woodwork; that would make it unique among it is imagine Alternatively, difficult Athenian naupegia building to ships. since captured ships for Athens' enemies, the triakontoros was built in a foreign naupegion, which acceptedequally Athenian and other orders.

like Phokion: Arrian 1.10.3-5; Plutarch Demosthenes 23.2,28.2, Phokion 26.2-3' Friendship with Alexander: Plutarch Demosthenes 23.6 Diodoros 18.1.1; Demosthenes 18.285. (PouXzuoptv(ov U -tCav 'AOIjVCd(OV Kal 8tairopo-6vtow, 6 Aijg6L8TlqXap6v 7cbncr&), avra nap& T6v 6: v8p6v 6POX&MGF IrpCO06CFEIV PaCtXk(l); 61tip aýT6V, CITCTfi (PWq& KaI 8cýcyccfflat To1B CITFS 11CFT615(OV, 7[POCYSOKCOV 6MICp VOVTa (P6VOU "as the Athenians were considering and carrying on, Eýpý(FEIV KCKOpccrRkvov, jIWT6V Demades after having accepted a bribe of five talents from the men, he agreed to become an ambassador and beg the king on their behalf, either trusting on their friendship or considering that he, like a lion, would be sated of slaughter".

389 A gap in Demades' official careerin 329-6 meanshe could be one of the epimeletai: Develin (1989:717). 390 9,975 drachmai to be exact at 665 drachmal per tqrros as in IG 112 1629.684.
391 Pro-Macedonian

392IG 1121629.145-6: [TpiaK6vT]opN aiXp6XwTo; EMKou 9py-, "a captured triakontoros a ......... ......... work of Eudikos".
393IG 1121628.145,1631.22.


Secondly, none of the makers/buildas of trit-enies is ever graced with a demolic. Possibly, the majority of nciul)egoi were metics, that, however, is a surprise since by the been have fourth there the century should a long tradition of shipbuilding in middle of Attica, if we assume that the triremes of the Athenian fleet were being built there since the early fifth century. It' we take this one-step further and look into the names of the

becomes The the even more interesting. StUdy of naming pattcrns and situation naupcwoi, is difficrent field, an mainly of' names in cras and areas still unexplored commonality i not because the ma' tile Lexicon ql'Greck Po-sonal Almnes, is Oil alICICIlt M1111CS, jor reSOLII-Ce Consequently, fýoni name commonality major any argument Litilising suffers complete. yet between lack the the to of a study of relation problems, mainly relating methodological population c1ciisitics, Survival, cxcavation and inscriptional pattcrils and name survival. Acknowledging the above limitations, a study of nanic commonality of nuipegoi and

The affords valuable insights. only correction to the raw sample in this w-chileklones still by 11) 'A The reduction Is tile smallest Athenian (Vol. the the reduction of sample study is possible, as a basic comparison between volumes 11(Attika) and II la (Peloponnese, western Greece, Sicily, Magna Graecia) ofthe LGPN suggests.;94

;94L(JI'N figures according to %'olunie (area): Areas Volume I 11 Ilia Illb Aegean islands, Cyprus, Kyrenaike Attika Peloponnese, western Greece, Sicily, Magna Graecia central Greece

Total People 66489 62361 43261 43456

Men Only 60249 56619 36848 38752


43456 38752 Macedon, Thrace, northern Black Sea 1V The diflerence between the ligures ot'volunies 11and II la is close to ', ofthe Attic sample. A basic ofterritory comparison ofestiniated populations \01h results hiased in ta\our ot'Attika, using a niere IWý(', Linder grain cultj\ation, Coluniella's lower yields and the highest consuniption rates, the estimated population ofthe Peloponnese and Sicily is 7 11,000 people, more than twice the pro.jected. population ot'Attika in tile fourth century (on this see further page 2 11). Without considering western Greece and Magna ( iraccia, double individuals in by is have ý, Attic The I Ila than the the niore inost sample. correction should volume biases the results towards Attika. certainly and conservative


The sample used is 57 nanies of i7tiitpcWoi and archilckl0l7e.y mentioned in the demonstrates flIC fOllOWMg table the commonality of the naupegoi and ICCOLIlItS, epitnelclai 395: LGPN volume architektones names according to

Magna Graccia (Illb) Central Greece (IV) Macedon, Thrace, northern Black Sea *Onenameis foundequallyin thetwo areas

4 I or 2*

Attika is well represented in the surviving names but interestingly most of' the Cyprus found Vol. 1, Acgean the Islands, and the Kyrenaike. In names are commonly It is

surprising that after a supposed 150 years of ship construction in Attika, still 61% of The ilck lones other areas. implication is that narnes more common in are and -ch ul tumpegoi being Athens, Athens, large the took and in of place outside spite part of ship construction a , Greek Aegean, the the the in world. not greatest nmil)egioti was greatest naval power in
The timber policy of Athens in the classical period was quite complcx and depended

level, both Athens diplomacy. On the employed peaceful and coercive interstate on mainly diplomacy. the latter mainly during its empire. The main aspect of Athenian policy during the fifth century was the domination over resource areas and foreign noupegiu. In tile

beginning of the classical period, Atliciis, not yet a rrilýjor naval power, did not hesitate to engage in a diplomatic and economic transaction with Corinth lor the procurenmit of sh'Ps. Its naval ascendancy during the Persian Wars and its consequent leadership of the Delian

League made timber supply and ship construction a twkjor government concern. The
39S There are 59 names mentioned but two are not used, since tile only Lissios in the II WN database is the one in the accounts and the name I iegesios cannot he entered in the search I'Linction.


did have Athens its fleet into that the to translated not resources maintain policy realisation as early as 476, when Eion was capturedand resettled. Probably in those early years of the Delian League, the main concern was that the major timber resourcesin the Aegean area in Persian Asia Empire Minor, Thrace and Macedon. the the grasp of northern within were The lessonof Salamis was not easily forgotten when Athens had to turn to the west, away from its natural allies in the Aegeanand Ionia, to build its fleet. In the Pentekontaetia, concern with timber slowly but inexorably turned into an invasion in fear from home to the especially as moved an eastern closer obsession, Peloponneseand the allies. Many Athenian actions during the period, particularly the capture and resettlement pattern, show a singular drive to dominate foreign timber resourcesand naupegia, not only for own use but also to deny them to potential enemies. Although it is not possible to identify securely where Athenian ships were built in the Pentekontaetia,the Athenian actions and later evidence of building in the resource areas local Athens than that allied used rather naupegia. suggest The PeloponnesianWar provides evidence of building ships in foreign naupegia, mainly in the Archelaos decree. Interestingly, all evidenceof imports concernsoars rather than timber, which is difficult to explain if Athens preferred to construct triremes in Attika. The last three decadesof the fifth century provide most evidence of intervention in the timber trade. Athens relied mainly on coercive diplomacy in taking over timber producing but forms intervention other of and were also employed. naupegia areas Peaceful

diplomacy is testified by the treaty with Perdikkas and the proxenia given to Archelaos. Further, Athens legislated to extend honours, privileges and incentives to private traders as decree. by Phanosthenes Probably, Athens also provided general incentives to the shown


traders to import oars through a lowering of taxation but the special treatment accordedto Antiochides and their associatesshows that Athens was willing and able to Phanosthenes, install complex administrative proceduresto secureis oar supply on a personal level. The fourth century was a different era in fleet-building since imperial accessto the lost. However, both the Athenian obsessionwith Amphipolis, which resource areaswas persisted throughout the century, and the treaty with Alexander suggestthat the basis of policy had not truly changedfrom the previous century, even if its scopehad. Athens still tried coercive diplomacy to securetimber and the servicesof foreign naupegia. The treaty with Amyntas of Macedon shows that peaceful measureshad not gone out of favour in Athens, although the ascendancyof Macedon and the Athenian defeat in the Social War madeAthens operatein a changedenvironment. Even so, the scantevidenceon timber and shipbuilding in the epimeletai accountstestifies that Athenian interest in and use of foreign resourcesand naupegia did not dissipate in the fourth century.


Chapter 6: Fleets outside Athens
Athens was not the only naval power in the Greek world, yet for very few others has any information on shipbuilding survived. Major naval powers such as Aigina, Chios, Samosand Corcyra,have left no record of their timber and shipbuilding arrangements. For however, little information has poleis, some survived, which exhibits both differences other and similarities to Athenian policy. Corinth was the greatest naval power in the Peloponneseand probably the first ft built in Greek KopivOtot XiYOVTat triremes the were world: where 7rpCA)Tot place
t7yf)TaTCE T010 Vf)V



vauq, KaL


iv KopL'vOcp


Til; 'EUA8o; vai)n-qyilOlv(xt. (paL'V&'rctt




Wtýaa; vai)nil, y6; V(11D;

k1l 81 E'CFT! ig TE(YCF(Xpa;: RaXtMa TptCLICO(Yta TýV TCXMTýV TOO&
la[LL'Ot; ýXOCV. 396


The Corinthianshad access to timber

in resources the mountains of Corinthia and Arkadia and apparently had developed enough 397 in building As the of the new type of warships to export shipbuilders. expertise mentioned earlier, Corinth had legislation pertaining to the sale of warships implying 398 in local Corinth the construction was one of the poleis that contributed naupegia. regular in the Greek fleet in the Persian Wars and it continued to support a large fleet during the Pentekontaetia. In the battle of Aktion in 435, however, the Corinthians lost a large part of their fleet, which led to a large shipbuilding program in the next two years:T6v 8' &tai)T6v
396 Thucydides 1.13: "It is said that the Corinthians were the first in arranging ships in the modem way, and it was in Corinth that the first triremes in Greece were built. It also seems that Ameinokles, a Corinthian shipwright, made four ships for the Samians. And there have been more than 300 years to the end of this war that Ameinokles went to the Samians". 397 In my reading of the text, Ameinokles built triremes for the Samians,agreeing with Morrison, Coates & Rankov(2000: 38). On the oppositeview that Ameinokles built pentekontersseevan Wees(2004:207, n2l). 398 6.89 and page 147. Herodotos;


T6V "T& 7[6LVTCL

TýV Val)[LOEXiaV Ka
E', Val)nllyObVTo


(pýPOWEq KovptvOtot 6pyin^

T6V 7Ep6G

dTfiq 'aoi) rIF), oiro VVII

ICP(lTtOTa 7rapecriccu6iýovTo'E& icat

Te e"ic vcC)vcYT6Xov,

6, yFt'povTcg lical Týq c"cUilq

' EU68o;


399 ptoO(2) 7[CiOOVTcq.

These ships were probably built in Corinth itself, although some may have been built in Ambrakia, since the Ambrakiotes executeda smaller building program at the sametime.400 The provenanceof the timber for the ships built in Corinth is not certain, since the hostility of Corcyra probably stoppedany shipmentsfrom the Adriatic or northwest Greece. Meiggs local in but it is had in favour Arkadia, these of reserves uncertain whether already argued 401 in late fourth becomeoverexploited as they were the century. Legon in an effort to explain the Megarian decreeargued in favour of imports from Macedon. That argumentis basedupon the twin assumptionsthat Corinth had no accessto 402 be hostile. Athenians Both assumptionsare Aegean the and that the would covertly difficult to substantiate since at the same period Corinth had very close relations with Potidaia and the Athenians sent to help the Corcyraeansin the battle of Sybota were under 403 Corinth at all CoStS. However, the events after express orders to avoid aggravating Sybota are difficult to explain, not only the Megarian decree but more importantly the

399 Thucydides 1.31.1: "The year after the battle and the one afterwards, the Corinthians in their anger over the war with the Corcyracansbuilt and preparedas well as possible a fleet of ships, recruiting rowers from the Peloponnese and the rest of Greeceenticing them with high pay". 400The force contributed by Ambrakia in the battle of Sybota was more than thrice the number of ships contributed in the battle of Action, which may imply a shipbuilding program: at Action 8 ships (Thucydides 1.27.2),in Sybota27 (Thucydides 1.46.1). 401 Meiggs (1982:130). On the problem with the falling quality of Arkadian timber, see: TheophrastosHP 5.2.1. 4" Legon (1973) for the argumentýLegon (1973: 170) on the inability of the Corinthians to trade in the Aegean. 403 KoptvOfot;, ýv gý i7tiLKtpKUp(lv 7EV(j)(Yt KCCL Thucydides 1.45.3: npoelnov 8i a&rcýL;ýtý va-uýwXCiv
ý0"(Ytv 6cnopaiveiv ý iq TCOV &FiV(J)V TI XO)PL(J)V: OUTO) U MOV)CIV KaT& 86V%UV. U 7EPOCUEOV VIDUE T05

ZVEM for V)MV "And fight Corinthians they them to the they Ta; warned crnov&ig, not were sailing unless [Lý Corcyra or for any of their villages and were about to disembark. Otherwise to stop them as they can. They were warned thus so that the treaty would not be broken".


decree, break in Megarian Potidaia. Athenian relations the the the of affair and combination 404 in Perdikkas the spaceof one year. Athenian foreign policy was complex but if it is with assumed that the Athenian decision to ally with Corcyra had the aim of using the Corcyraeanfleet as a check on Corinthian naval power in the Ionian Seaand the Corinthian Gulf, possibly with the use of Naupaktos as a staging area, then the Corcyraeandefeat and the loss of a large part of its fleet at Sybota effectively negated Athenian policy. The alliance with Corcyra, was effected at the same time as the Corinthian shipbuilding Corinthians had help Possibly the the managed, maybe with of Megara, to program. likely be from in Greece; that the northern case most candidate oars supplies would acquire that were easierto transport covertly and were essentialin close trireme fighting. The best harbours Macedonian The and apparently speciality. of silver-fir were a nearest oars were but had links Corinth, Potidaia Athenian strong allies with possibly strong enough were all to risk displeasingthe Athenians. The scenario is tentative but does explain the swift and in Athenians. Megarian Firstly, they the trading the Aegean, of attacked actions mysterious thus limiting any possibility of last minute supplies entering the Peloponnesefor the war that by 432 must surely have been looming at the horizon. Secondly, they neutralised Potidaia, the only polis with strong Peloponnesianties and an important strategic position in the Chalcidice. Thirdly, they supported a pretenderto the Macedonian throne, someone in his become Athens have been instrumental to and stay an ally, since would certainly its The Perdikkas, the three the of operations most risky was one against since accession.

404Note that I am interpreting the Megarian decree as something recent and current in 432. as seems to be implied by Thucydides 1.67.4 (ft Xtgtvo)v Ts elprycaOat TCjv jv -rý A011vatCO v 61 Pxý ical Tfj 'rTtkflq y op Li; ,qA( napA rAq cynovM;, "They were excluded from the harbours of the Athenian Empire and of the agora in Attika, in spite of the treaty"), 1.42.2 and Hornblower (1991: 86).


failure would alienatethe Macedonians,which in fact it did.405If the treaty with Perdikkas, which provided a monopoly of oars to Athens, was in force at the time, the Athenian reaction becomes more understandable, since Perdikkas had already been shown untrustworthy. All scenarios linking events beyond the information provided by our highly of course speculativebut, in this case,the scenario, speculativeas it is, sourcesare believable for like a explanation what otherwise seems a series of foreign policy provides blunders that succeeded only in creating enemies and cementing the Peloponnesian have been for Athens trying the opposite. should when alliance, Mytilene was a major naval power in the eastern Aegean and Asia Minor in the archaic period and one of the ship-contributing allies of the Delian League. Mytilene fj from local in its 8tavota Taq Te citkkaq timber resources ical 7'lv av'TCov acquired peraia:
AOilvcCLot AicTaLag M-OTt%IIVUL'WV 01)ýtEE'Va;, ag vEpopEvcov clXov, lCa), 71POTEPOV 7rOXI; Tag
EXMOEPOIDV, KCtl 7raVT(J)V vaf)q R6XtCYTCt TýV AVT(xv8pov: Kai KpaTI)V6gCVOt CE6Tq'V Týq 16TI; TF, Y&P

00tt, 4ý)XWV ulEapxoVTO)V IJV 7rOtdL(; al)TOOFEV F-VICOPLa




'q8[co; an' Q
Aio), tKA


Opp(Opevot Tq'v


AE'-(Ypov (XVKaK(t)crptV Kai T& e'yyib;016(;


ýXF. Lfp4)


The Mytilenians had dominion over the

Aktaies poleis, which were not their colonies as the use of vF, [t%t&cov shows. The Aktaies poleis included Antandros whose dependencyAspaneoswas later called the
ýXmgtov of

407 Possibly the Mytilenians sometime in the archaic period had Ida and had shipyards.

405 Thucydides 1.57.2-3. 406 Thucydides 4.52: "And their plan was to free the other poleis, those called Aktaies, which the Athenians had and were formerly dominated by Mytilene, and especially Antandros. And having achievedthat to build is is Mt Ida timber there there since and ships, near, and make other preparationseasily. Further, from many there to attack Lesbos,which is near, and take over the small Aiolian poleis on the mainland". 407 Strabo 13.1.51; Inventory ofArchaic and Classical GreekPoleis s.v. Antandros.


taken over this area, maybe with an eye to its timber resources,which then would have been considerableif by the late fourth century there were still available reservesin spite of regular exploitation. The Athenians, after the Mytilenian revolt, took over these poleis including Adramytion on the other side of the gulf, thus totally cutting off Mytilene from 408 Ida. Taking over these poleis not only secured that Mytilene the timber resourcesof would not becomea threat again in the future but also provided the Athenians with control over the resourcesof Ida and the naupegia in the gulf of Adramytion. The Aktaies poleis enjoyed a peculiar status, as attestedlater in the Peloponnesian War:
SE 7ravr'L (Dapvapaýoq

I% TCp TCov ric), o7EOVVIJCYL'COV (:rTpctTp-i)gctTi





[dTI fiffi)[ICIV



P(ICFLk'rj);, E

a EO); v



cFcoa ý1, tgaTtov

T' E'8ct)Kcv




81)0! V RIIVOIV,






Ctq Yýq. 7MPC[OCtXCtTTL,

K(A cru-yKaxEaaq





TpaTIjyOVq C;

lCaL Tptilpapxol)q



o(xt TptTip6t;




E' Kamm


Xpi'lgctTot Te 8t6oibq KaL v'kilv


9f Pa

ý(OV. 409

Pharnabazos clearly considers Ida part of the Persian domain. The situation

in be paralleled the Myrkinos affair, where the resourcesof the area are part of the can king loyal Persian to the a supporter/govemorbut are consideredto be part of concessionof


Thucydides 3.50.3: naptkapov 89 icOt ric iv rý ý7czip(j xokicypara oi Wqvcdot 6acov MuTailvalot ýXfJICOUOV L(TTEPOV Wilvaiwv, "the Athenians also took over all the little poleis on the 6CP&TOW, 1Cd1 mainland which the Mytilenians had hold over, and these afterwards obeyed the Athenians". Athenians taking over Adramytion: Strabo 13.1.51. 409 Xenophon Hellenika 1.1.24-5: "Phamabazosasked all of the Peloponnesiansand their allies not to lose heart over pieces of wood, becausethere are many in the demesneof the king, as long as they were healthy. And he gave them each a cloak and rations for two months, and gave weaponsto the sailors and set them to he his And called the strategoi of the poleis and the trierarchs and told them to build triremes in coast. guard Antandros, as many as they had lost, and gave them money and permission to take timber from Ida".


4 10 domain. king's Neither Thucydides nor Xenophon mentions any significant change the in the Persianattitude towards thesepoleis, although the absenceof the Athenian fleet may have altered the balance of power after the Sicilian Expedition. The Aktaies poleis

for had from Great King through the the the concession resource secured a probably island The Mytilene the to the their relationship with gave access resource. and satrapy, Mytilenian reliance on its peraia for timber and naupegia servesas a model for the timber Chios Samos. Aegean, the the of eastern particularly and other naval powers of supply
The Peloponnesian League during the Peloponnesian War executed several

shipbuilding programmes both in local and foreign territories.

The main instance of

building from local resources occurs after the Sicilian Expedition: Acticc8aql6vtot R
7rp6cyTa4tv raiq n6kccytv hcaTo'v vF-(, )v Tilq vaumlytaq enotouwo, Kai EM)TOt; [teV


Botw,roiq 2rMe icaI



U (DCOKEbCFI e"Ta4av, 'APK&CFt & Kai







7rMe K(A 8ka,





U Kai Tpotýijviot; MCYCtpCbCFt
7[aPCCFKCV6ýOVTO 6q 60bg 7rp6;






TE a"kka

T6 e'(Xp C'46MOt


11 .4

The construction of these

100 ships is indicative of the Peloponnesian League, since every maritime member is diffusion diffusion Such of construction created a program. shipbuilding a small appointed local league. The that the the expectation state of resources of reflecting of expenses is in division be the and the very small number of ships used evidence resourceswould build. have Additionally, diffusion building to the provided such of allies would most of
410 Herodotos5.23.2. Similar to someextent to the royal monopoly of timber resourcesdocumentedfor the & (1990: 11 Assyria: Lafranchi Parpola Sargon xxv, nos334). of of reign 41 1Thucydides 8.3.2: "The Spartansorderedthe poleis to build 100 ships; they and the Boiotians were to build 25 each, the Phokians and the Lokrians 15 and the Corinthians also 15, while the Arkadians, Pelleneansand Sikyonians 10 and the Megarians, Troizenians, Epidaurians and Hermionians also 10. Further, they made all in to the the spring". continue war preparations necessary other


for the speedycompletion of the ships, since most of the poleis would have to build only three or four. The local timber resourcesand the fmancial power of the leaguewere not enough for large shipbuilding programs,which accountsfor the other building programs of the league, when they got a foothold in the resource areas of northern Greece and Asia Minor. In 424, after the capture of Amphipolis, Brasidas started to build ships in the
CFTPCETtaV TC 7rpOGCE7[0(; TEWtV Strymon area: 6U tq Týv Actlcc8aigovaEytE[tCVOg
KaLIII11 allTOg EV Vý ITPI)gOVt Val)7EqyLaV 'rPMPCOV


7ECtPEECKeudýETo.These ships were


but immediate Brasidas' completed employ of never probably

the Strymon. resources

shows not only the available resourcesand expertise in the area, which had until then been dominated by Athens, but also the readinessof other powers to utilise conquered timber reservesand naupegia immediately upon their acquisition. The readiness of the Peloponnesians to utilise foreign timber resources and in fleet Peloponnesian is the text to the the evident referring rebuilding of also naupegia after the battle of Kyzikos above. Xenophon names the naupegion used: Antandros
AvTav8py). (vai)mjyCL(TOat, rptqpet; E'-v The expertise and seasoned timber necessary were

in least Syracusan the the area, since ships at available were completed within one readily year.

Peloponnesianshipbuilding during the Ionian War followed the same model, as is testified by the shipbuilding in Ephesosunder Lysander in 406: yevo[tevoq6' & 'EyF-'crcp,

412Thucydides 4.108.6: "Then he (Brasidas) sent to Sparta asking them to send an army quickly and was himself starting to build ships on the Strymon". "" Xenophon Hellenika 1.2.12.Morrison, Coates& Rankov (2000:88).


KCti TýV




brqltýtfa;, 81A E'-ocat T6cG

TOTE 1%1)7rpct)gK(A Ktvsl)vrlbol)cyav




1% 11 8ý Ai)8Lag 7ccpuccVpEvij; CtTF, Týq


414 Meiggs &CL TPITIP(J)V KCETaCFKCUaGagCVo;. argued that the TA (POPTIly6t, K(A Val)7MYiCEV

timber in this casewas imported from other Asia Minor areas.


Vv%ile that is certainly a

had local in Ephesos the grove of Ortygia and accessto the some resources possibility, Mesogis Mountains via the river Cayster, since the Peloponnesians were supportedby the local satrap,Kyros.

An episode from the beginning of the PeloponnesianWar shows that the Spartans were fully cognizant of the need to utilise foreign resources and naupegia: ica'l

i4 'Imkia; pev 7rpo; Tatq amou t)napXouc; at;
KaT& li&y&Oo;

iml IticeXia;,

roig -r6occiwov

vott); e7rcT6tXOij notciaOat

T6v n6Xco)v,

ig T6v 7rdvTa 6cptOgo'v


6tpy6ptOV lCal


T& TF. C"CUCE 110-UX6ý0VTa; 417


'AOTlvaioi); 8r. Xopkvou; pt6c vql cico; aV 'r(16'ra7rap(lGKCUCKY0fi. That is the most it in building it the classical period and, although was never realised, program ambitious
414 Plutarch Lysander 3.2-3: "When he reachedEphesosand found the city well disposedto him and willing to becomea Spartanally, although at the time it was in a sorry state and was in dangerof becoming barbarian of the intermarriages,since it had becomesurroundedby Lydia and the and adopting Persiancustomsbecause King's generalswere often camped there. Lysander made camp there, called all the merchant ships to port there and startedto build triremes". 415 Meiggs (1982:358).
416 Strabo 14.1.20: 157[tp Týq O(XMTTIJ; i(; T! MI. ý 'OPTU71(l, 8ta7EPC7Ci; LD, (YN MXVT05=ýq U%, K-UnapiTTGU

R6 KiyVio; noTag6;, "Overlooking the sea is also Ortygia, a magnificent grove U Tý; ir),6=%. 5tappCL most of all. Further the river Kegchrios passesthrough". of all kinds of trees,of cypresses 417 Thucydides 2.7.2-3: "The Spartansrequestedfrom their allies in Italy and Sicily to build ships according to the size of their poleis, to reach a total number of 500, and prepare money contributions, while otherwise to stay quite and acceptno more than one Athenian ship in their harbours until all preparationswere complete". On the interpretation of the 500 ships, seeHornblower (1991:244).


shows the capabilities of the resourcesand naupegia of Magna Graecia and Sicily. The Spartansobviously realised that a strong navy was fundamental to bringing Athens to its knees and possibly tried to emulate the Athenian policy regarding building in the resource areas. Of course, the Athenians had already found out that the securest way of accomplishingthis was to have direct control over the resourceareas,while the leaguewas dependentupon the goodwill of independentallies. Since all the Peloponnesianexamplesdate to times of war, in times of peace ships may have beenbuilt only at local naupegia. However, the order to build ships in Sicily and Magna Graecia and the position of the foreign naupegia utilised show that employing foreign naupegia was a common course of action. Both Amphipolis and Antandros must have been used before since there was both seasonedtimber and expertise available. It would be surprising if both Athens and Mytilene that dominated these areas before the had ignored them. Simultaneouslythe examplesof building in the resource Peloponnesians areas, and particularly that of Brasidas in Amphipolis, presupposecontrol of the area. Thus, it would be surprising if in times of peace control of a resource area did not mean utilizing its resources. For the western Greeks there is evidence of import of timber to Syracuse and building of ships in the importer:


-rFTpTlpctg ical 7ccvqpucA aOqij,
aKOVO)v 'Yap 0 AtovucFto; EV





7rpCL')TO);, E'(77ECU86 KaTa





00q & XCEPCýV 6' [tF&YF, Tý; TCtYV VCCOV KCITCECKEDý;. %tv T60 aivý4ý(Tat 7160. 'Xllg, V ýg[Mtq TOU'g PiV d; %OTOgCOV TCOVU,



T6 ICUT& Týv A'LTVIJV OPO; O(7EE(YTMýZ,, yE[tov Kaf


6CU'VoUg Tobg xpovol)q

710%1)Tcxof)g Emq;

TCK(l! RCU";,

II ITaXL'ctv 81 TI[tL'CYCt;CL; TqV T01b;



ýLiV Ta






TOV; U7LllpET(X; 7rpo; T6 Ta; KCLL %IIIIaa

Jxo 6C7EaycCFOat KCET' T O*XF-8i(X;


1; 'ra; r, .

:, )PCLKObCra;.418

Dionysios both imported timber and used local resourcesin Aitna. The need for permission his Dionysios to the own woodcutters sent resources, since exploitation of probably refers to Italy, rather than export. Further, Diodoros makes clear that the reason for such largedesire Syracuse in importer building Dionysios' to import to the set as equal was and scale Corinth in shipbuilding records.

418 Diodoros 14.42: "He also started to build tetrereis and pentereis, being the first to invent the building of these ships. Dionysios had heard that the first triremes were built in Corinth, he was eager to build ships of increased size in the city they (i. e. the Corinthians) had founded. Gaining permission from Italy to export timber, he sent half the woodcutters to Mt Aitna, since it had in thosetimes great silver-firs and firs, and the bring he Italy. There half teams to the timber to the sea, and sent ships and sailors to to made ready other Syracuse". to the as possible quickly as rafts escort


Timber: Concluding


Naval warfare played a major role in the archaic and classicalperiods. Building and maintaining warships was a state prerogative. Most of the major naval statesin the Greek World did not have vast local resourcesof shipbuilding timber. Thus, a naval state had to acquire the necessaryquantities of timber for its fleet on its own account. Shipbuilding timber was not a widely available commodity in the Greek World. As Theophrastosnotes, only few areaswere in possessionof forested areaswith the required timber types. The main producers were Macedon, the Strymon region in Thrace, Mt Ida, the hinterlands of Sinope and Amisos and Latium, Corsica and Magna Graecia in Italy. Of particular interest is that the great naval powers of the Greek world were situated in other areas, which their use of the resourcesof the main producers. necessitated Timber, like metals, was considered a resource of the country, thus, the reserves by in by The the them. polis or polity control of exploitation regime employed were owned the timber producers cannot be fully reconstructed. However, in the best known case,that it Macedon, appears that all control of the resource rested with the king using a of controlled leasing system. In territories under Persiandomination however, such as Mt Ida, the ownership and exploitation regime was more layered as shown by Pharnabazos'

belonged Ida to the King but apparently the timber that of was also availableto assertion
nearby poleis such as Antandros. In reservesunder control of poleis, a leasing systemwas probably employed but limitations on exploitation were in place, as Dionysios' need for permission in the caseof the south Italian poleis shows. Export was also regulatedby the producing poleis and polities as exemplified in the Macedonian treaties with Athens and the Chalcidian league. The Macedoniansprovided


but it limited by directly to export poleis was of exploitation, rights which was controlled by the king. All the evidence concerning timber producers, both poleis and kingdoms, limitations being imposed towards on exploitation and subsequentexport. Timber points deposits, resource, unlike precious metal a renewable and consequently was was husbandable. The limitations on exploitation betray a common policy among timber producers, probably aiming at securing future revenues. Such long-term policies,

especially for the volatile Macedonian kings, might not seem probable but the evidence suggests that the producers of timber had the foresight and economic rationality to recognisethe need for future revenueand securethe meansof it. Ships were also items of trade in the he Greek world as early as the beginning of the fifth century as Herodotos and the Corinthian law testify. Turning to the importers most of the great naval powers of the classicalperiod, most importantly Athens, had need of foreign timber resourcesfor their fleets. It has generally been assumedthat Athens, and other naval powers, imported timber from the resourceareas to local naupegia. However, there is little evidencesupporting such large imports of timber local in naupegia. For Athens, the majority of the evidence suggeststhat and construction the Athenians, particularly during the fifth-century Empire, preferred to use diplomacy and acquire control of the resource areas themselves in order to facilitate construction of warships in naupegia in the resourceareas. Imports during the fifth century appearto have been limited to oars, while for actual ship construction Athens expended much effort to dominate the Strymon area. In the fourth century, at least until the advent of Macedon, Athens again tried to control the resource areas and appears to have utilised foreign naupegia for ship construction.


The other importers, according to the little surviving evidence, also tried to dominate the resource areas and then utilise the naupegia there, as seen in the case of Brasidas in Amphipolis. Additionally they utilised both local naupegia according to the resourcesavailable and placed orders for ships to be constructedin friendly naupegia, such War. order to the Sicilian cities in the beginning of the Peloponnesian as the Peloponnesian The revealed tendency of both Athens and other poleis to construct ships outside their own chorai, albeit usually in a controlled resourcearea,throws considerabledoubt on the extent of the timber trade in the Greek world, at least that relating to warship construction. The difficulties of transporting timber at long distancesby ship discussedat the beginning of the chapter help to explain the policy of naval powers. Further, since for hegemony, timber was a most necessary aspirations of naval with power or poleis commodity needinga constant and securesupply, the solution of trying to dominate foreign hand the areas on one solved problems of transport, while on the other created a resource losing threat of control of naupegia and resources, as Athens feared after the constant Sicilian disaster. Governmental intervention in the timber trade was quite pronounced in the items, such as oars, which were imported both through diplomatic ties with exporters incentives to traders. However, the most important steps taken by through providing and naval poleis for securing their timber supply was to eliminate trade as an option to the extent of their ability, since eliminating trade also eliminated most security threats to their timber supply and also provided them with a steady supply of the commodity with very little need of dependingon forces beyond their control.


Grain: Prolegomena
Grain, mainly wheat and barley, was the main staple in Greek diet, as well as the 41 9 in bulk Greek The trade of grain was a major political concern, trade main commodity . at least for those poleis with a permanent,or usual, deficiency of local supply. Thus, grain is the most helpful example in researchingthe intervention-involvement equilibrium of the government as regulator of trade. Since grain has attracted much attention from The

scholarship, issues already covered sufficiently will be merely summarised.

availability and variety of evidence available on grain provides us with a unique different importers to the compare policies opportunity of and the responses of the following The chapters discuss the role of the government in the grain trade, exporters. illuminated by legislation. as especially Chapter 7 discusses the exporters of grain, Chapter 8

distribution their geographic and their commercial policies. particularly

discusses the most important and well-known importer, Athens, concentratingon its import legislation discusses Chapter 9 the trade. on grain needsand other importers of grain for has information survived, mainly the quantities of grain imported. which Before continuing, it is necessaryto examine briefly the cultivation conditions in the Mediterranean,as they had a direct impact on the production of, and trade in, grain. The climate of the region is diverse but generally characterisedby large variability of fluctuate the to causes crop yields which widely from year to year, at times up to rainfall, 50%.420 The other main climatic feature of the Mediterranean,particularly of its northern diversity is a systemic of weather patterns on a local scale caused by the coastline, land, the the famous microclimates, which have been recognisedas mountainousprofile of
9 Foxhall (2003:76). 41 420 Gallant (1989.395); Osborne(1987:32-3,45).


42 1 feature Mediterranean The microclimates are one of the weather since antiquity. of a main causesof the regime of estate fragmentation common in the Greek world and the 422 The mountainous landscape of the region has the added modern Mediterranean. consequencethat in most areas only a fraction of the land, between 20 and 30%, is 423 large irrigation. The agricultural part of that needs terracing and cultivable and conditions in the Mediterraneanresult in lower yield ratios than in other parts of Europe or in the Near East. Cereal crops, especially wheat, are particularly vulnerable to rainfall changesand climatic variability, thus, creating a never-ending cycle of local shortages, which in turn result in increasedlocal needsfor grain imports.

421 Aristotle Meleorologika 2.4. 422 Gallant (1991:41-5) for a discussionof the surveysof land properties in Greece. 423 Angel (1972:88).


Chapter 7. - The Exporters of Grain
The main grain-exporting areasin the archaic and classicalperiods are found in the periphery of the Greek world, in the Black Sea, Egypt and the west. Most of these areas dominated by Greeks, had in there the archaic period; the phenomenon settled who were has become the basis of the debate on the reason and aims of Greek settlement abroad, particularly in the Black Sea. The issue discussedis how far settlement in the Black Sea, and Naukratis in Egypt, was influenced by the needsof poleis in mainland Greeceand Asia Minor for imported grain. There is no direct evidence of import of grain in the archaic period; since, however, the Mediterraneanclimate did not changesignificantly throughout antiquity, shortagesdue to weather variability must have been as common in the archaic in the classical. they as were period The possibility of imports in the archaic period is discussedfor eachproducing area in following issue in However, the the trade the sections. main of possibility of separately in be in terms must addressedbefore continuing with the archaic period general grain individual accounts. The paucity of archaic sourcesmakes evidence on specific items of trade very difficult to acquire. Thus, it is particularly fortunate that there is specific in trade agricultural produce, specifically grain, from the early archaic period. evidenceon Hesiod in the Erga kai Hemerai devotesalmost 80 lines to advice about sailing and Gamsey have Morris disapproves Hesiod trade. that and argued of sailing and seabome trade, but the text suggeststhat trade for profit was common in the period:
ýg=PL'IJV V'T' 051V En' F.

I Oug6v Poukilat accuppova Tptyaq




6q' Tot RETpa

Iv O(xXAcrmj;, I Tt i)(pkoiaPoto 7ro), ou'TeTt vai)TtXt'il; acaoyicypývo; ouTF.


424 V11COV.

(06TF, divorced from he freely Hesiod was as the sea, which admits




vTlCov), as he was from the countryside.


The distanceof the poet

his is it trade the view of the outsider and, of perception particularly valuable, since makes thus, better placed to inform us of the common view of trade among contemporaries,than a more expert but engagedopinion, which could be easily accusedof bias. Hesiod connects trade with profit and advises in favour of maximising profits at every venture: vý' 6XL'nv

aLvetv,ýwyakij 8'




Even when advising against spring sailing for reasonsof safety, Hesiod provides us is it his information that the that the prospect of makes contemporariestake the wealth with
increased risks during spring: OlUoq 6' F-Laptv6q 7rEXcTat nk6oq AVOP(0'71OtCTtV Tl[tOq 5ý T6


, aKPOTaTq,


ýCFTtOotkaacya: daptv6q 8'a'ppaT6q
Ep(ý Ob[t(ý I(cX(Xpt(Y[t&O; &FTM

8' OU'TOq

6oq. ou' ptv Z'ywyc rtDzrat 7r),

If CELV11ýtl:016 ybp



' '' ' ' OPCOIEOI go1)Crlv QE av cl tspp, uýI crl V'0 ()to: VI) Kctt Th

X cpjFI()[TctYäp




ci ,


427 & ECYTIOaVF-IV PF. T& K15ga(YtV. Hesiod's views

and the spacehe devotes

424 HeSiod WD 645-8: "And if you desire to turn your silly heart to trading with the thought of escapingdebts and sad hunger, then I will guide you to the ways of the roaring sea though I know nothing of sailing or ships". Garrisey& Morris (1989:100). 425 On Hesiod's view of the countryside, seeOsborne(1987: 18). 426 Hesiod WD 643-5: "Admire a small ship but put your cargo in a large one, for the greater the cargo the if be the winds withhold their bad gales". your profit, greater will 427 Hesiod WD 680-7: "Another seasonfor men to sail is in spring when a man first seesthe leavesas large as the footprint of a crow on the top branch of a fig tree, then the seascan be sailed and this is the spring sailing do it, for I does Personally, not recommend my soul not like it. Sailing then is hurried and you will season. in ignorance But their men sail then since the soul of cowardly mortals desireswealth. misfortune. avoid not Yet it is terrible to die in the waves".


in the Erga to advice about trading agricultural produce clearly imply that such trade was a common feature of seventh century society, simultaneouswith the great waves of Greek settlement abroad .

Consequently, any discussion of the archaic grain trade and its

influence on settlement abroad must fall against this background of the commonality of trading in agricultural produce for profit. Grain was, and still is, one of the principal crops of the Black Sea,since the climate and rainfall, especially in the north and west coasts,are well suited to cereal cultivation. Most information concerning grain production in the region comes from the Bosporan Kingdom, the modem Crimea, which had two main emporia, Pantikapaion and 429 The other major exporter was probably the west coast, mainly Dacia, which Theodosia . was a large producer in the Roman period; the nearest Greek settlementswere Tomis and
KallatiS. 430

Tradition dates the first settlements in the eighth century but the archaeological

43 1 has later dates for foundations. debate foundation The the suggested most on of evidence
these settlements centres on their role as grain producers for poleis in Asia Minor. Roebuck, followed most recently by Boardman,argued in favour of settlementin the region as an effort to alleviate the grain needsof the Ionian cities, particularly
MiletoS. 432


soon challenged Roebuck's position, arguing against grain exports from the Black Sea

428 Wallinga (1993:4). Against Gamsey& Morris (1989:100). 429 On Theodosia as empofion in the Bosporan Kingdom, seeDemosthenes20.32. Possibly, Phanagoriawas Bill (1926). Bosporan emporion: a also 430Glodariu (1976); I-End (1998:140). Coin of Trajan depicting Dacia holding child with ears of grain: BMC. 960v/RIC 621v. Boardman (1999:247) mentions the wheat-growing region of Dobrudja as a reason for the Greek settlementof the area. 43 ' For foundation datesfrom pottery evidence seeTsetskhladze(1994), although Graham (1997:250) is right in that Tsetskhladzebelittles the literary evidencetoo much. 432 Roebuck (1959: 129); Huxley (1966:68); Solonev (1998:211); Boardman (1999:244).


433 Recently, Tsetskhladze brought before the late sixth century at the earliest. a more political angle into the debate,eliminating grain as a reason for settlement altogether, and identifying insteadpolitical pressurefrom Lydia and Persiaon the Asia Minor poleis as the 434 Sea Black settlement. primary motive of the For a region as large and rich in resources as the Black Sea, such broad categorization of settlement motives greatly restricts the study of settlements,as a recent 435 has Assuming that settlements in the Black Sea were official pointed out. work colonizing ventures, as Roebuck did, disregards the powerful element of individual mobility in the archaic period and tries, not very successfully,to impose later colonization models on archaic settlementabroad. The later ties of peripheral settlementswith poleis in the core of the Greek world are not necessarilyevidenceof similar ties in the archaic period or indeed of official support to a settlementbefore its foundation. The debateon the nature of Greek settlement abroad rages among modern scholars, with recent studies moving determinedly beyond the traditional explanationsof overpopulation, land hunger or hunt for in high to tune more composite reasons era of with an personal mobility, resources, 436 geographicand social, and volatile political and social circumstances. A closed model is impossible to encompass all settlements,especially one basedon a specific reason or motive for leaving one's polis; flexibility is necessarywhen studying such a diverse and variable phenomenon as archaic settlement abroad. Tsetskhladze's model of political pressure certainly fits Phokaian actions in the sixth century, but the implies concentratedpolitical will and organised settlement as early as the seventh model
433Noonan (1973).

434 Tsetskhladze(1994:124). 435 Vinogradov & Kryzickij (1995:85-6). 436 Seemainly Osborne (1998), followed most recently by Hall (2007:93-117, especially 114-7).


is difficult to substantiate. The prosperity of the Ionian poleis and which very century, Herodotos' account of Lydian aggressiondo not suggestthat large political pressurewas 437 felt by the lonians before the Persianonslaught. Roebuck's model of widespreadneed for imports of grain into Ionia in the middle archaic period, although attractive, presupposes lack land, is by and cultivable overpopulation of which emphatically rejected widespread 438 date. the archaeologicalevidenceto Noonan's argumentagainsttrade in grain before the early fifth century, however, is 439 imported large Greek in difficult Black The to the substantiate. of wares number equally Sea settlements,some of them dating before the middle of the sixth century, suggeststhat trade between the Pontic Greeks and the Aegean or Asia Minor existed from early in the

440 foundation The agriculturalcharacterof the majority of archaicchora settlements' .
imported found in Olbia/Berezan the there, the combined with wares area settlements importance in the economy of the that produce was certainly of major agricultural suggests 44 1 Further, the evidence of trade contacts between Greeks and natives in the region. Olbia/Berezanarea as early as the late seventhcentury suggestthat, since it was one of the 442 been item have Tsetskhladze's an of trade. main products of the area, grain could suggestionthat any grain exports from the Black Seaoriginated in the chorai of the poleis certainly has merit but it is impossible to rule out exports of native grain, since trade with 443 Grain, along with other commodities, certainly played a role in the the tribes existed.

437See page 88.

438 Foxhall (2003:77). 439 Noonan (1973:234-5,238-9,241)using Herodotos7.147.2. 440 Noonan (1973:237-8,240); Kryzhytskyy & Krapivina (2003:515); Vinogradov & Kryzickij (1995:85-9). 441 Kryzhytskyy & Krapivin.a.(2003:513,528). 442 Vinogradov & Kryzickij (1995:85,87). 443 Tsetskhladze(1994:124).


in Sea, but it is impossible Black the to argue successfully settlements of archaic economies that the quest for grain, and grain only, was the defining reasonfor settlement. Turning to the classical period, exports of grain from the Black Sea are recorded as iv 'ApMq) 480: C6v y&p 0 ---ýp4ijq early as
8tClC7[X&VTa 'EXXýCFROVTOV, TO'V iq Te Alytvav
't8pF. 7rkoict hc Tob rI6vToi)





Although Herodotos does not elaborateon the exact provenanceof the grain, most of the evidence on export in the classical period relates to the Bosporan Kingdon-4 so it is a fair inference that grain probably came from the northern Black Sea. The most interesting factor of Bosporan grain exports is the evidence of a specific export policy for grain dynasty. by Spartokid the adopted A major issue is the ownerships of surplusesin the Bosporus and the role of the in it Since is valid to assume grain was an agricultural product, government production. that the bulk of surpluseswere privately owned. However, some grain was certainly in by dynasty, hands; Spartokid. Leukon, to the the gift of grain a member of provided public Athens in a time of crisis shows that the Kingdom had considerable surpluses at its disposal:

Rapa 7racrtvavOpco7rotqyEvogt-q;ov povov u[ttv

c; LTov a7r&YTst4v,







445 Possibly the npocureptyevEcOat. surpluses came from taxes

446 dodekate in in Athenian islands. Although to the the taxes similar grain, of most payable

444Herodotos 7.147: "When Xerxes was in Abydos, he saw ships carrying grain from the Pontus, passing through the Hellespont, headedto Aigina and the Peloponnese'. 445 Demosthenes20.33: "But in the year before last, when there was famine among all peoples,not only did he send you enough grain, but in fact (he sent) so much that Kallisthenes had an extra fifteen talents of silver to disposeof'. 446 SEG 36.146.6,seefurther page 23 1.


the classicalperiod were paid in coin, the Athenian grain-tax law of 374/3 shows that taxes 447 known. The influence of the government in the production of grain would kind in were have been minimal, since in areaswere grain crops flourished, there was no need for the governmentto impose or encourageits production, as the great demand for grain elsewhere in lucrative it The the of government production was to protect the crop. main role made a land and crops from the ravagesof war, as damagingcrops was one of the main elementsof warfare in our period.

The Spartokids, however, intervened considerably in exports, where the evidence had importers. Spartokids development The to the attract of a consistent policy suggests StA from Athens: taxes to oiý yixp [tOVOv r6 r6v export extendedan ateleia
otTov eXciv i0xia-rov TolbTo -f' LYVcrat, allA 8t& To' Kuptov ovTa T6v T07rov Tof), rov








60; lb[td; TOlb;

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The ateleia of the Spartokids, was extendedto all merchantscarrying grain to

Athens. Since commercial policies are thought to have been confined to the necessary imports of exceptional poleis, like Athens, the Bosporan ateleia has been considered a 450 unique exceptionto the rule of non-intervention. As long as the evidence was confined to Athens, the Spartokid ateleia was justifiably categorisedas a unique exception but the discovery of a more elaborateparallel [af)Tolb different light Athenian Acx5mv Mytilene the throws on ical o[ na-t5c; a ateleia: at

27-8). Stroud(1998: 44'Destruction (1987: (1998: 13);Hanson 49-55). Possibly warfare: of crops:Osborne as a form of economic 1224). vanWees(2004: 449 20.31: "Not only doesthat areaproduce Demosthenes muchgrainbut alsoLeukon,who controlstrade,has decreed to thosetransporting to Athensandthat thosewho sail to you shallhave that no tax is to be imposed ladine'. , of ority V50 n (1977: 117). Austin & Vidal-Naquet







KCt'L [6VVqlCOj(T]TýV



Sk[ICCt R,Upt618COV __

The Mytilenian decree refers to two modes of

reduction, a 'simple 1/60th' on wheat and an archeion of 1/90th,possibly up to certain amount of medimnoi. The reduction to 1/60'heffectively halved the export dues for the Mytilenians in the Bosporan Kingdom, since the regular export tax was a triakoste. The reduction to 1/90this more complicated due to the provision of an archeion. The usual meaning of archeion, administrative building or archive, does not apply here, since its juxtaposition with the exekosteclearly implies that the enenekostewas a tax.452 Either is has a specialisedmeaning or the stonecutter's mistake, possibly for archaion, archeion 453 it is Although the unclear, is undoubted that Leukon enenekosteprovision capital. offered an elaboratetax reduction to the Mytilenians. Reduction of taxes would have been especially welcome by traders, since the 454 had highest known in A Kingdom Bosporan the the period, a triakoste. rate of taxation imply Demosthenes' to the tax that the triakoste applied of reference may reading close levied it is to the and not on other goods, since explained as nap' export of grain was only
a&rolb airov E4c'tyovTa;. In any case, contrary to the common assumption that accepts

for imports the only of exceptional poleis, the parallel cases policies necessary commercial dues by in Spartokids the the the suggest of existence of a export policy grain of reduction Bosporus.

451 IG XII(2)3: "Leukon and [his] sons gave to the [Myt]ilenians a t[ax on wheat] of a simple 1/60'hand an archeion of [1/90thUn]til 10[0,000---452 LSJ s.v. apXeioy I 453 LSJ s.v. &pXalovV 454IG V(I) 1421.1 from Kyparissia in the Peloponnese for a pentekoste; Aristophanes Sphekes 658; Xenophon AthPol 1.17 for the hekaloste;Andokides 2.11 for the pentekostein Athens.


Policy implies not only consistencyof measures,which is apparent in the case of the Spartokids,but also a reason or rationale leading to its adoption. The reasonsfor the Spartokid.policy are found in the main characteristicsof the product itself. Theophrastos notes two main characteristics of Black Sea; firstly, that it was harvested later than in
mainland Greece: apoTepei yap Tai; ("Opat; Ta
455 " ýX, 7E to Cr IV ,rpl, aK OVr(I tt&XjCFT(y,TI 0ý 7COXX(2) . .
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The late harvest in the Black Sea is readily

contrastedwith the earlier harvest in Egypt, the other great exporter in the Mediterranean: 8c' K(Il Atct(pkpzt
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Consequently,by the time Pontic wheat reachedthe importing markets, demandwould not be at its peak, since local, as well as other imported, grain would have been on sale already for as long as two months. The second feature of Black Sea grain noted by Theophrastos is its lightness:
[&V Koi)(p6TaTOq Ol)V 6; MEW; Ci7CFiV 0 rIOVTIK6g* pCtpf)TCPOq R T6)V Cig ThV MOCE

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455TheophrastosHP 8.2.10: "Those of Athens are only about thirty days, or not much more, earlier than thosein the Hellespont". 456 TheophrastosBF 8.2.7: "As to the development(of the plant) there are also differencesfrom place to place and from climate to climate. Thus, in some soils the crop is quicker, most obviously in Egypt. There barley is reapedin six months and wheat in seven,while in Greecebarley is reaped in sevenmonths in some places and in most areasin the eighth month, and wheat takes even longer". Note that the earliest time, 6 months, bulk harvest. the to the not of aparchai refers


ýgqoivuccc 7r&O'

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Pontic wheat was not only

lighter than the products of other exporters, but also of local producers in Greece, Asia Minor and the Aegean. The lightness of Pontic grain meant that the consumer, given a choice, would prefer other grains, since he would get more wheat per measure,one of the drawbacksof measuringby volume not weight. Reduction of dues provided a powerful incentive to traders, offsetting the natural disadvantages of Bosporan grain and making it competitive in the market. The loss of a few talents of dues would be equalised by the increase in total sales and, thus, wealth entering the Kingdom, as well as by the increasein traffic resulting in increaseddues from imports.458The further incentive of priority of lading provided to Athens targetsthe natural commercial disadvantageof the Black Sea, where early winter and storms threatened to 459 Dardanelles The weather was a particularly important factor trap ships north of the . when competing with Egypt, which had the advantageof continued shipping throughout the 460Priority of lading was a small bonus comparedto the ateleia but one presupposing year. by Spartokids. the traders their of and priorities understanding a good Cyprus probably was an exporter of grain, at least in good years. The only evidence of Cypriot exports is Andokides' referenceto grain from the island reaching Athens: -rd6c
O"Tt i PoiAogat <8ý> vuvi )g&q ct6c'vat, at


457TheophrastosHP 8.4.5: "The lightest (of all wheats) is that of the Pontus, while the heaviest of those imported into Greeceis the Sicilian. Yet even heavier is the Boiotian. That is proven becausethe athletesin Boiotia eat merely one and a half choinikes, while when they come to Athens they eat two and a half easily. The Lakonian wheat is also lighf'. 458The dues for 400,000 medimnoi (Demosthenes20.31-3) would be six talents and 3,600 drachmai at 3 drachmai per medimnos (half the subsidized price in Athens, according to IG 1121672.287),while the total Of dues for import 200 the talents. the course, of the original cargo would be paid as usual, reach would sales the Spartokid reduction referring exclusively to the grain export.
4" Demosthenes 35.13. 4'0 Demosthenes 56.30.


ir, & ), Mapoi) Uica, Iletpat& ciatv 6giv -m"ETape; at oindli icaI r6v

ýýOixytv &vaXOctcrCOv

46 1 Although Cyprus &Op6at ot') 7roXb1")CFTCPOV. probably served as an entrep6t for Egyptian implication. does Andokides Rhodes, in the such not provide any capacity as same grain, Thus, grain exports from Cyprus probably reached Athens and possibly other areas in the core of the Greek world.

The Phoenician cities were known as producers and exporters of fine flour 462 Whether such grain products were exported to the Greek world is a matter (semidalis). Sidon, honours Strato but Athenian the to of which guaranteepreferential of conjecture treatment to Sidonian traders, imply a regular trade route between Athens and the 463 been have Phoeniciancities, where grain could a commodity. The largest exporter of grain in the southernMediterranean in the classical period in For the extensive commercial contacts Egypt. the the grain role of archaic period, was between Greeks and Egyptians, particularly in the foundation of Naukratis, has been 464 because it Greek Naukratis was settlement, not only a unique was acceptedas Vital. its but because territory the centralised state also of a powerful sovereign situated within foundation and official status was the product of shared Greek and Egyptian initiative.

The extent of the grain trade from Egypt in the archaic period cannot be securely attested, is in imports It for to is direct the there valid any archaic polis. evidence of need no since large in from Egypt the classical period; the that the not as as exports were grain assume

461 Andokides 2.21: "1 ask you to consider this, that the coming grain ships, which are even now entering the Peiraieus,are 14, and the remainderwill arrive from Cyprus not long afterwards". 462 Athenaios 1.28a. 463 IG 112141.29-36(RO 21). Note that it is possible that the specific referenceto traders in this casemay be in Phoenician if traders' the they continued the same systemas that to the guilds of cities, existence attributed of earlier periods [Kuhrt (1997:407)]. 464 Austin & Vidal-Naquet (1977:69). 465 Herodotos2.178.


Egyptian imports were high-value, mainly silver. Although grain probably made up the bulk of cargoesfrom Egypt to the Greek world, the value return probably dependedupon luxury items and gold.

The Persianconquestof Egypt in the late sixth century adversely affected the grain trade between Greeks and Egyptians, as is implied by the evidence on grain imports from Egypt, which are confined to the periods of Egyptian revolt from Persia. As Meiggs rightly in Egypt the to the to the mid-fifth century owed allies' willingness send expedition noted, much to the memory of the lucrative trade betweenthe Greeksand an independentEgypt in 467 Psammetichos'gift of grain to Athens in the 440s clearly implies that the archaicperiod. 468 for Athenian importS. the expedition was the prospectof grain motive part of the Unfortunately, information on the system of export in Egypt is confined to the beginning of the Hellenistic period, after Egypt had been conqueredby Alexander III: Lva



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466See page 90.

467 Meiggs (1972:95). 468 Plutarch Perikles 37.4; Scholia AristophanesSphekes718.


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The career of Kleomenes, governor of Egypt under Alexander, was rife with economic machinations according to the Aristotelian tradition, rivalling even those of 470 Syracuse. The scheme described in Demosthenesaimed at creating a Dionysios of importing in Egypt the markets. Firstly, Kleomenes and manipulating monopoly of grain bought up the Egyptian surpluses and fixed the export price higher than previously. Secondly, he created a network of agents to transport and sell grain in the Greek world. Lastly, further agents were situated at the importing emporia from where they Egyptian thus to their the grain grain prices, guiding associates prevailing communicated only to emporia with the highest prices. Kleomenes' grains scheme reveals that the majority of surpluses in Egypt at the time were in private hands, since Kleomenes had to buy them up (7rakryicaRýxUo)v). Probably some surpluseswere public, since Psammetichoscould send grain to Athens in the mid-fifth century. Kleomenes' actions during the 320s famine apparently found no favour with Greek merchantsand importing poleis. His scheme,although unique, reveals that the machinery necessary for a full interventionist policy existed, or could be in Greek the world. constructed, The reaction of the Athenians shows that the main

"'9 Demosthenes56.7-9: "So that you are not ignorant of the facts, (let me tell you that) these men were operatives and collaborators of Kleomenes, the governor of Egypt. That man, from the moment he became by buying Greeks, has to the all the evils against city, and as many your many well other worked governor, done by him by its him. fixing Some of them sent the cargoes this these was and men with price, and grain from Egypt, others sailed them around the emporia and others yet stayedhere and distributed the dispatched cargoes. Moreover, the oneswho stayedhere would send letters with the existing prices to those who sailed, so that if grain were dear for you, then they would bring it here, but if its price fell, then they would sail to another emporion. This was the main reason, men of the jury, why the price of grain rose, becauseof such letters and collusions". "" Aristotle Oikonomika 1352al8-b25.


obstacle to the widespread use of direct and pervasive intervention was the lack of direct the to take on part of govermuents such willingness and hostile action. The reason for the unwillingness of governments to adopt policies aiming at monopoly like that of Kleomenes is that they are not sustainablelong-term for a commodity with a supply as diffused as that of grain. In other words, a schemeas Kleomenes' could work only under famine conditions, since under normal circumstancesthe importers would be receiving grain from a variety of exporters. The last grain exporter of note in the southern Mediterranean was the Kyrenaike, 47 1 Egypt North Africa. The only the remarkable productivity of which shared with from is famous Kyrene the of grain exports gift of grain to the Greek poleis during evidence 472 famine. 320s The gift, however, presupposessome previous contacts between the Kyrene and the recipients, since, as Leukon's gift to Athens implies, such gifts were usually 473 extendedto existing trading partners. The main grain producers in the western Greek world were Sicily and Magna Graecia, which exported gain to mainland Greece as early as the PeloponnesianWar.474 had need for Possibly Sicilian grain reachedmainland Greeceearlier, since the Peloponnese imported grain as early as 480, and Sicily had closer relations with the Peloponnesians than 475 Sea. In the fourth century, Sicilian grain reached Athens as well; while the Black the grain related themes on the coinage of Sicilian and Italian cities suggestthat the western

471Herodotos 4.158. 472Tod 196.

473 20.31. Demosthenes 474 Thucydides 3.86.4. 475 Herodotos 7.147; Foxhall (1998:302).


476 important Greeksconsideredgrain one of their most products. The coast of the Adriatic late in but imports Greece the to of evidence mainland appears was another grain exporter infesting Probably the region had an adverseeffect on the total the pirates classicalperiod. 477 Greece Aegean. Adriatic and the grain reaching volume of In mainland Greece,the only areasmentionedas exportersof grain are Thessalyand 478 least in fourth Both the Epiros. century. certainly produced and exported grain, at However, their inclusion in the Kyrenean gift of the 320s reveals that, unlike other
small. Epirote Thessalian the and surpluseswere very exporters, 479

Except for minor exporters, such as Thessaly and Epiros, exporters of gain were in Greek The the the position of the majority of exporters as of world. periphery situated fierce debate has long to on the role of grain as a trade given rise a and settlements archaic Sea, in Black Egyptian the settlements, abroad, west and settlement particularly commodity in inter-polis inter-region trade that the and possibly certainly suggest sources archaic while is in in the the archaic abroad archaic of grain settlement period, role grain existed impossible to estimate. Settlement abroad had a variety of motives specific to individual casesbut in general terms, as long as surplusesof any commodity and the corresponding is in for import trade that commodity probable even if it were not part of the existed, need decision of settlement. original

476Demosthenes 56.9. Coinages: BMC Leontini (all coins), BMC Segesta nos 36-9, BMC Syracuse nos 15861,208,224-5, BMC Metaponturn (all coins). 477IG 1121629.217-227 (RO 2 1). Even if the colony is a measure against a specific crisis of excessive piracy in the region [Gamsey (1988: 158)], the Athenian reaction of founding a colony rather than merely increasing the protection of convoys shows that at the time they considered the Adriatic an important supplier. Bresson (1993: 177) is right in that the foundation is part of the general tendency of the Athenians and other to ensure the safety of the main trade routes. 478Thessaly: Xenophon Hellenika 6.1.11,5.4.56-7. Epiros: Lykourgos Leokrates 26. 4'9 Thessaly: Tod 196.8,25; Epiros: Tod 196.10.


For the classical period, the picture becomes clearer as the evidence of exports appearsin the written and epigraphical sources. Of particular interest are the export policy of the Spartokids and the grain monopoly created by Kleomenes of Egypt in the fourth century. Both cases suggest considerable intervention in the export of grain by

if different under circumstances and with different ultimate aims. The governments in two exporters raises the question of why the other grain export policies existence of have had to no specific policies. The answer lies in the nature of our exporters appear information is by the trade on grain provided speechesdelivered in sources, as most Athenian courts. In the grain-related speeches, only Kleomenes' schemesurvives because it is relevant to the specifics of the speaker's argument. The Bosporan policy is known through an unrelated speech and an inscription, which highlights that the nature of our bias import towards creates a policy. Probably other exportershad adoptedpolicies sources but, ftirther discoveries, to thesewill remain unknown to pending epigraphic relating grain


Chapter 8: Grain for Athens
Athens was the largest polls in the Greek World in the classical perlod and imported -ypt, the Black Sea and Sicily. Morc information on grain from various suppliers, mainly F, Ithe imports of Athens has survived than for all other poleis together, and aniong it the rarest of all types of information: a number. Demosthenes in his speech Agaitisi Leplhie.,; says that Athens imported 400,000 inedinmoi per annum fi-oni the Bosporus: Qi TOMW 7[(Xp'
z: KUVOU OkA-)I-)I (,X(PlKVOUPf"V(xl (5t1 101) [U)J)ttiký 7[Fpi TUTUP(MOYC UM. 48M It should be noted

at the outset that Demosthenes is arguing in favour of Leukon being a ilia lor benefactor, conseclucritly, IIC WOLIldplay down or omit anything that detracts from this point. These

400,000 medimnoi conle, according to Demosthenes, from the Crimean Bosporus only, not from the whole oftlic Black Sea as some scholars have argued 48' Athens may well have .

Well. from Sea Black other regions as imported grain

Garnsey has argued that Demosthenes refers to a bad year for local crops, and thus a 40 However, Demosthenes specifically mentions a bad year later in year of extra imports.

the passage, and there mentions that LeLikonrespondedto this crisis by sending a large gift
4 IlellS. At of grain to Later Kyrene was to do something similar, not. just to Athens but to a

4111 ' Demosthenes 20.3 1: "Now from there we import 400,000 me(fillmoi". "" Sallares ( 199 1:33 1-2), Whitby ( 1998: 123), 1larris (2003: 3).
4X, 2 For example from Romania, which is an important producer ot'wheat in the region, although there is no evidence in my knowledge suggesting grain imports from Tomis or Kallatis. Note that Romania in spite of heirw almost 3 times smaller than the Ukraine produces on average almost half the wheat that Ukraine

produces, according to the data 1rom FAOSTAT (note particularly the relative yields):
Year 2005 2004 Romania Production (Mt) 7,027,000 7,812,428 Romania Area (Ha) 2,462,000 2,291,650 Romania Yield (Hg/Ha) 28,542 34,091 Ukraine Production (Mt) 18,700,000 17,520,200 Ukraine Area (Have) 6,570,000 5,533,700 Ukraine Yield (Hg/Ha) 28,463 31,661

Garnsey ( 1988:97).
Ix I \111C xj)(inupt)(Tiv ouoktuý nup, X(TIV (Avop(07[01ý YEVO[It Iu 011) [IOVOV II)ýIlv iWax I I X71k (TVAIN, "BlIt in the year before last, when there was famine aniong all peoples, not only did MTOV IKUVOV he send you enough grain, but also... ". Demosthenes 20.33:


485 implication is import kingdonIS. 400,000 The that the and of medimnoi of poleis variety 486 was common, not a crisis response. While it is possible that Demosthenesis lying or trying to mislead his audience, it seems unlikely that the Athenians were so ignorant of their grain supply that such an debated in the ekklesia figures the grain supply was would passunnoticed; exaggerationof had Athenians the the at some point majority of once every prytany, so presumably 487 discussions heard Demosthenes' in them. these reference to the or about participated imports that the to the was not scale of grain sitophylakes may seem suggest accountsof his been bolster have but is likely knowledge to to a rhetorical ploy more common beyond his in by the that of the general that matter went expertise showing argument 488 imported Demosthenes the In amount of grain accuratelyreports all probability, public. in a normal year, or at least not an extraordinary one. Demosthenes'claim that the Black Sea provided half of the total grain imports of Athens is a different matter. Gomme thought that Demosthenes was simply lying and that 489 larger. Since Demostheneswas not debating the the amount of non-Pontic grain was import of grain but trying to present Leukon as a major benefactor, it certainly suited his in imported from Bosporus the the to relation that argument exaggerate proportion of grain

485Tod 196.

486Whitby (1998: 124-5) rightly notes that the amount of grain stopped by Philip 11 of Macedon in the Hellespont supportssuch large amountsbeing imported from the Black Sea. 487 Aristotle AthPol 43.4. 488 Demosthenes as a politician was expectedto have intimate knowledge of the grain supply, the matter being Aristotle 18.301, Xenophon Rhetoric 1360al2; Demosthenes the of political education: necessities one of Memorabilia 3.6.13. 489 Gomme (1933:32).


imported from other areas;note that he appealsonly to 'likelihood' (cIKOTcoq) on this point,

hIk . of theSit Op ya es not the records


In order to arrive at a credible estimate of import volumes, we can try to assess the extent of local production, population size and diet requirements.Scholarsattempting this have reachedwidely different conclusions,since each variable has a wide range of possible values, which produces exponential differences in the combined result of the calculation. Uncertainty is unavoidable; all that is possible is to caution that any individual estimate may be far off the mark and to estimateboth minimal and maximum values. The size of Athenian population has been debated among scholars for more than 1 49 Hansen, using as the basis for his 150 years, and no two estimates are the same . estimation political participation requirements,has offered a very convincing argument that 492 in fourth Athenian 30,000 That the citizens at more than century. puts the numbers of including imply fourth-century total a citizen population, women and children, of would 120-150,000. This roughly correspondsto Sallares' top estimate of the maximum number

493 figuresarean estimate but his methodis based feed. Hansen's that Attika could on wellfigures for demographic comprehensive political participation and on evidence, established based incomplete for is figures than more reliable other estimates on military and as such 494 The number of slaves and metics cannot be securely estimated; Hansen manpower.

490 For the necessityof considering careftilly which statementsin the orators are provided with supporting evidence,seeHarris (2003:8). 491 (1984); Sallares(1991:79); Hansen(1985). Beloch (1923); Gomme (1933); Ruschenbusch 492 Hansen (1985:68). The latest work on Athenian population [Hansen (2006:19-60)] upholds these figures in favour new arguments of them. presents and 493 Sallares(1991:79) at highest yield. 494Figures from military manpower are the least helpful since they are by nature incomplete, since they representonly those of hoplite or higher income, thus requiring ftirther guesswork as to the number of nonhoplites. Although Athenian hoplite numbers must have included at least somethetes [van Wees(2001)], the rest of the non-hoplite population cannot be estimated securely, even if we try to combine army and navy


between between 33,000 46,000 that the and of slaves and number of metics estimates 66,000 and 93'000.495 The variablesused are the following. (a) 150,000: a minimum estimate based on what Attika could feed from its

496 by figure for it is Osbome the total population. as the adopted own resources; (b) 200,000: Hansen's minimum population of Athens in the fourth century;

497 feed from its Garnsey's maximum number of people which Attika could own resources. (c) (d) 250,000: this is Hansen's"probable" estimatefor the fourth century.499 300,000: used here as a conservative maximum, Hansen's "probable"

estimatefor 43 1.499 The dietary requirements of this population are another disputed point, with being diets Mediterranean compared with the ancient various ethnographic studies of testimonies. The best treatment of ancient dietary requirementsof grain is that of Foxhall 500 Dietary studies in mid-20th century CE Crete found that the projected Forbes. and four 167kg/year/person the or medimnoi of of consumers was requirement cereal average included in its however diet barley5o); (4.8 that potatoes, ancient equivalent since of wheat

figures, since any estimation basedon navy numbers is easily doubted becauseof the use of slavesand hired rowers, as for example in the caseof Aigina [Hansen(2006:12)]. "" Hansen(1988:11-2) againstWhitehead(1977:97-8) who estimated20-25,000 and Osborne(1987:46), who estimated20,000 for metics and slaves. 496 Sallares(1991:60); Osborne(1987:99); (1988:137). 497Hansen (1988:12); Garnsey (1988:90). Note that Garnsey is leaving a very small margin in his calculations for the type of evidencewe have; a mere 50,000 betweenminimum and maximum. 498 Hansen(1988:12). 499 Hansen (1988:26). A calculated maximum for the fifth century with 60,000 male citizens and maximum is fourth 409,000 do figure for I for the this century, people. not use a ceiling and slaves as metics numbers better, in keep figures lower be it to the towards the order end of the spectrum. statistically would although 500 Foxhall & Forbes(1982). "I am using a wheat: barley ratio of 1:1.2 according to Foxhall & Forbes (1982).


502 have been Foxhall and Forbes using both the more prominent. grain or pulses would ancient testimonies on grain requirements and modern data have proposed an average 503 (6.3 barley). 212kg/year/person 5.3 The or medimnoi of wheat of requirement of sources,on the other hand, offer a conveniencerule of one choinix of wheat per personper day, thus, 7.3 medimnoilyearlperson(292kg or 8.7 medimnoi of barley, 345kg).504 On the extreme end of the spectrum, studies of grain requirements in post-World War 11 rural Anatolia suggest an average actual consumption of 300kg/year/person of wheat or 7.5 505 medimnoi. Note that consumptionestimatesare not helpful in calculating grain imports farmer since, as was shown by ethnographicstudies,the amountsstored by the subsistence and bought by the average purchaser are governed by convenience rules not exact 506 calculationsof consumption. The variables used are the following507: (a) 4.8 medimnoi: a minimum consumption figure, based on ethnographic

508 from Greece. modem studies (b) (C) person/day. Moving from consumption to production, there are two variables to consider: the land in Attika and the yield of the crop. The amount of cultivated with grain amount of
502 Allbaugh (1953:106-8). 503 Foxhall & Forbes(1982:55,73). 504 Foxhall & Forbes(1982:60). 505 11illman(1973:229). 506 Allbaugh (1953:107). 507 Note that the barley variables are used since the production will also be calculated in barley. 308 Allbaugh (1953:98).

6.3 medimnoi: the figure proposedby Foxhall and Forbes. 8.7 medimnoi: a maximum figure based on the for I choinixl


been land in has Attika variously calculated from 17% to 50%, while calculations cultivable of land under cereal cultivation have also fluctuated dependingon whether biennial fallow is considerednormal or extraordinary practice.'09 Jarde calculated the cultivable area to
27% and the land under cereal cultivation to 10%, assuming a general practice of biennial falloW. 510 Sallares argued in favour of 30% cultivable and 15% under grain cultivation, following Garnsey in his rejection of biennial falloW. 511 Osborne and Garnsey have argued in favour of 35-40% cultivable land with as much as 25% under grain cultivation. 512 The

land fluctuated in have Pollen the cultivated with cereals ancient of world. counts amount in in Metapontion the mid-fourth century that multi-crop agriculture was replaced shown by monoculture of cereals, which could suggest a wide-spread change in the patterns of land use in the Greek World. 513 The variables used for the cultivated areaare the following.
(a) 10%= 240km2=24000ha: a minimum figure for grain cultivation;

Jarde's estimation.
(b) Sallares' estimation based on modem data 15%=360km2=36000ha:

from Attika; Garnsey'sminimum estimation.514 (c) land. 20%=480km2=48000ha: a maximum figure basedon 40% cultivable

509 1 am using Gamsey's 2400kM2 for the total land of Attika. 17% in French (1964: 176); 50% in Osborne (1985:225). Foxhall (1992:156) has argued in favour of 50% of Attika being dedicated to agricultural and pastoral pursuits, which is a considerablybetter estimatefor total land use. 510 Jarde(1925:49-52,142-3). 511 Sallares(1991:309-13); Gamsey (1988:93-4) argued rightly against the widespreaduse of biennial fallow in favour of the modem Greek rotation of suitable crops. 512 Osborne(1987:46); Gamsey(1988:92,102); Whitby (1998: 104). 513 Carter (2005:26). 514 Sallares(1991:79); Gamsey(1985:72).


Crop yields are the other variable to consideron the total grain production of Attika. The only yields founding the sourcesare Columella's relating to production in Italy, which 515 barley. for 425-530kg/ha Estimations of cereal yields in modern scholarship use are data from Greece, higher than those of modern which are considerably comparative 516 The use of modern yields has been rightly suspectedsince Ruschenbusch Columella. noted not only the substantial increase in yields after the introduction of fertilisers in the 517 but half 1930s also the evolution of grains over a period of two and a millennia. Unfortunately, the only figure of ancient Athenian production, the aparchai of 329/8, cannot be effectively used as a control, since there is no information on whether 329/8 was bad it is debatable honest the and whether average or year since aparchai represent good, a 518 In for the total to an production. addition above, amount of seed stored next of estimates th from figures. be deducted have kept I 1/8 the that the assumed seed was of total year must 519 light is better in halving Columella's figure sowing since poor soils. production, The variablesused for the crop yields are the following: (a) barley yield (b) 16.5 medimnoilha(530 kg/ha): Columella's higher barley yield 13.2 medimnoilha (425 kg/ha): a minimum estimate; Columella's lower

515 Van Wees (2001:49) on the use of Columella's figures. Note that the recently revealed lightness of north Aegeanyields [Stroud (1998:55)] makes Columella's figures more believable. 516 Gallant (1991:77). 517 (1988:141-53). Ruschenbusch 5's Gamsey (1988:99-100,1998: 185-7) and Sallares (1991:394) have argued in favour of 329/8 being a bad nar but the issuecannotbe resolved without further evidence. 9 On Columella's sowing rate see van Wees (2001:49). 1/8 is considerably lower than seed ratios in prefertiliser modem Greece:Jameson(1978: 129); Sanders(1984:262). Light sowing being better for poor soils: HP 8.6.2; Gallant (1991:46-9). Theophrastos



19.6 me(limnoillia (630 kg/ha): pre-tertiliser average barley yield in 20"'

century Attlka and Bojotia. 24.7 methinnoillia Attlka.

(793 kg/ha): maximum barley yield of 20"' century

To arrive to an estimate of possible import quantities the above variables will be combined:
Table 8: Barlcý Constimption ol'Altika According to Population and Dief Variables

Medimnoi/ People 150000 200000 250000 300000

4.8 720000 960000 1200000 1440000

6.3 945000 1260000 1575000 1890000

8.7 1305000 1740000 2175000 2610000

'Fable 9: Barleý Production of At tika Subtracted Medimnoi/ Hectares 24000 36000 48000 13.2 277200 415800 554400 16.5 346500 519750 693000 19.6

According to Land Cultivation and Yield Variables, Seed 24.7 518700 778050 1037400

411600 617400 823200

Table 10: Conibined estimations Production/ Consumption 720000 960000 1200000 1305000 1440000 1740000 2175000 277200 -442800 -682800 -922800 -1027800 -1162800 -1462800 -1897800




ti dug



nmx inia






346500 -373500 -613500 -853500 -958500 -1093500 -1393500 -1828500

411600 -308400 -548400 -788400 -893400 -1028400 -1328400 -1763400

518700 -201300 "1300 -681300 -786300 -921300 0221300 d656300

554400 465600 405600 -645600 450600 085600 d185600 4620600


823200 103200 -136800 -376800 -481800 -616800 -916800 -1351800

1037400 317400 77400 -162600 -267600 -402600 -702600 -1137600

-27000 -267000 -507000 -612000 -747000 -1047000 -1482000

ý10Van Wees (2001: 49) based on Ruschenbusch ( 1988). 5" Gallant (1991: 77).











Table 3 is the presentation of tile combinations for minima and maxima and presents the range of' possible estimations of efficiency/cleficiency. The una lority of

local NAIR negative in 11LIMbers Indicating insufficiency of production and, combinations consequently, need for grain imports. The method of variables cannot produce a specific figure beyond an average of'projected need. Tile average import needed would be 936,000 barley, of or, since the imported grain was mainly wheat, 780,000 medininoi. medininoi Fluctuations would be normal firom year to year and it is possible that III some years the

be but balance Attika to the mininium imports of WOUld enough guarantee of production have large Of Athens that to most import implies in years would quantities. probability
fits 400,000 fact Demosthenes' that the quite well with the average of methimioi is interest be happenstance but even so provides us with a control, since may simply imports. which
the figures arc not widely disparate. Ail average import of 800,000 medinmoi of wheat

between foreign 100,000 200,000 fled that people were with and grain. -File would mean highlight large-scale tile the probability regular of variables and average of combination by for Athenians Athens the the and a reason apparent anxiety of concerning imports grain their grain supply.
Athens was clearly deficicrit in local grain and had considerable need for imports,

legislation laws There the trade. in its on relating to grain are seven which was expressed

the grain trade from Athens. Isager and Hansenhave provided the most concise treatment five of them and the sources they appear in: -Finalýv the grain trade was regithiled of
through legislalion. Aniong lhe hill'S On glVin tht'. /bIlOwing have been transmilted lo us.- (1) is. 1bl-biddell 10 export (111.1, crop except o1h,cs (Plutarch Solon 24): (2) it is lorbiddell to


purchase more than 50 phormoi of grain at a time (Lysias 22.6); (3) it is a capital offence for persons resident in Athens to ship grain to harbours other than the Piraeus 34.37,35.50; Lykourgos 1.27); (4) any grain ship touching in at the harbour (Demosthenes least 213of her cargo and may re-export a maximum Piraeus is to the required unload at of (5) for (AthPol 514); it isforbidden 113 persons resident in Athens to extenda maritime of loan unless the ship under contract conveys grain to the Piraeus (Demosthenes 522 The overwhelming concern of these laws with the import of grain 35.51,56 6,56 11) pp. has been the basis of the argument that governmentalintervention in trade was exclusively import the of grain. Combined with the unique position of Athens as the concernedwith in has importer idea Greek World, the this to the that of grain given rise greatest in intervention limited imports trade to the was grain of extraordinary governmental importers. A close examination of these laws will show that the issue is not as

it first seems at as glance. straightforward The legislation in Athens has been criticized by Moses Finley, as not interventionist 523 enough. As Austin says, the state refrained from creating its own trading mechanisms, 524 is in instead be doing This Athens to manipulate existing ones. what can seen preferring the above laws; using the existing forms of trade and networks and suiting them to her own Athens In other words, used the networks of trade and the Piraeus' supreme purposes. her. bound to to to transport entrep6t make and as an native metic merchants grain position U Law I refers to Solonian legislation and is reported exclusively by Plutarch: rCov
,ytv%tE'vcov 8taOcatv Dmiou 4E'voi)G 7rp6q p'vov 8(J)KF. 46[YEIV k(b), um: E, V, a5kkoc 6' F, ical

522 Isager & Hansen(1975:28-9). 523 Finley (1985:199-200). 524 Austin (1985:210).



'4(xy'vT(i)v rd)v E0





0 TOf)TOV 7repttXcov T6v vottov. Sig T6811VOCTIOV. K(A 7[p(.!)TOg 0(40)V -ECFTIV a7nOaVOI); 71(XVTF)ZOG ý4ayCOA I %E'YOVTaq TObq OU KCEICFVK(OV

ou'ic av

oiýv Tiq i)yýcratTO

T6 7EcEkat6v

t4dyovm; II%II EV5611CV15ý1UOV TOVq a7EFtpilTo, ICaL TO (PaLVf:tV


525 The IV. (yulco(p avT c

law by based his Gagarin, Michael the was proved who argument on the of authenticity 526 it it belonged legal and on the way expresses procedure. mention of the axon to which Gamseybelieves that this law was "an ad hoc measureissuedin the context of afood crisis been landowners had by that the unscrupulous shortage aggravated who were sending and 527 higher Gamsey follows the general scholarly their grain abroad in search of prices". idea that this law is grain-related and any explanation, as crisis-measureor just as a general 528 it in law on exports, seeksto explain terms of grain. However, since the Athenian population in the 590s is impossible to plausibly be later based the considerable grain needs can only on reconstruct, postulating insufficiency of local production in the classical period. It is highly unlikely that Athens in the early sixth century had already exceeded the population of 650,000 that could be 529 if law it is local Further, from targeted this then production surprising grain, sustained .
525 Plutarch Solon 24: "Of the produce,he allowed only oil to be available to foreigners, while he stoppedthe export of all others. And he ordered the archon to pronounce cursesagainst those exporting, under pain of fund. law is found it is difficult drachmai And in first Thus, 100 to this to the the public not axon. paying believe those who claim that in the past even the export of figs was banned, and that the revelation of those who exported them came to be called sykophantein". Note that the numbering of the laws in the following discussionsis not that of Isager & Hansen(1975). 526 Gagarin (2006:267). Stanley (1999:230) also argued in favour of the authenticity of the law basedon the type of penalties imposed. For the general problems with the authenticity of Solonian legislation, see Harris 290). J2006: 21Garnsey(1988:75). 52' For example see Ehrenberg (1973:73); Isager & Hansen (1975); Jeffery (1976:92); Jameson(1983:11); Austin & Vidal-Naquet (1977:69). Gamsey(1988: 107) is right in pointing out that the law does not imply an in Athens. cereals of shortage absolute 529 Gamsey(1988: 109), againstRhodes(1981:95-6).


530 is in ban Selymbria. Unless Attika in the 590s that gain not mentioned,as the export of is envisioned as deficient not only in grain but also in all other agricultural products, then a ban is but inhibitive export not only senseless also general of growth. Instead of postulating a cunningly disguised grain law, the Solonian legislation it law. be Solon's 'economic' measures,as reportedby considered as appears, should an oil Plutarch, appear singularly oriented towards manufacture, which can be explained by 531 Oil in the Greek world Solon's perspective, as an occasional trader, on the econoMy. was a multifaceted commodity that had a variety of uses, many of them not food related. Good oil could be a major export item as a luxury food product and also as perfume. Of all Athenian agricultural products, oil was the most diverse and the one with the potential to become a major luxury export. The ban on exports of all agricultural products should be legislation but as an encouragement towards greaterproduction of oil seennot as a negative 532 industry in As Stanley showed, the adoption of Athens. and creating an oil-related Corinthian pottery types in this period signifies a turn of Athenian industry towards 533 bathing be legislation. Solonian it be Neither to oils, which can related and can perfume by Athenians land, the to the the an effort as control who consumed considered produce of by Sallares, in ban that since case a simple general would suffice without any as suggested mention
of oil. 534

Moreover, an export ban on agricultural products was bound to


530 Aristotle Oikonomika 2.2.17. 531 Plutarch Solon 22.1,24.2. On Solon's perspectiveon the economy, seevan Raalte (2005:81-2). 532 Murray (1980:46). 533 Stanley(1999:249). 534 Sallares(1991:304-9); Schaps(2004: 169).


Such a ban with the exceptional push for olive cultivation is extremely interventionist. That such was possible and acceptablein the early sixth century is very interesting since such amountsof intervention would barely seemcredible in fourth-century Athens. On the other side of the coin, such extreme intervention is a sign of immaturity.535 The fact that such an export ban was abandoned(I would assumequickly) is expected, since to concentrateon only one product closesall avenuesfor growth and evolution. The main reasonwhy Stanley and Garnseyhave arguedin favour of the law targeting grain is its in Solon's debt to the socio-economic place reforms alleviate and poverty crisis perceived 536 in Athens by providing cheap grain and other agricultural products to the populace. Possiblythe law had this effect to someextent, at least on a short-term basis, but equally its industries have helped the poor oil production related would also of and encouragement escapethe vicious circle of land-related debt by opening other avenuesof income in trade and manufacture. 6PAC) p6vov Law 11fixes the profit margin of retail grain dealers:8civ y&p ct6-robq I
7rWWv, rtRt(O, rEPOV. 537

The speakerdoes not specify the measurethe law applies to but later

in the same speech, he applies it to the medimnos (viOv 5' MoTe Tqq af)Tqq ýgcpaq
brCO, %ObV 5payjtý



"wovoultevot), where the lack of an

538 explanationto the audiencesuggeststhat application to the medimnoswas common. The intervention of the government in this instance is clearly in the interest of the consumer,

535 For the oppositeview seeDescat (1993: 155). 536 Stanley(1999:232); Garnsey(1988:75-6). 537 Lysias 22.8: "they can increasethe price only by an obol". 538 Lysias 22.12: "Yet they increased the price by a drachma several times in one day, as if they had been buying together one medimnosat a time'.


for in be in time the the the allowing changes at same market, which would reflected while price paid by the sitopolai to the emporoi. Law III is mentioned only in Lysias Against the Graindealers (22) and its provisions and meaning have long been debated. The speakerquotes the law twice in the
speech: ouroicpwat &V 6TI g0l, EL OgO), OYF, -Lg7EW(0 GLTOV CTUg7lPL'CLCYOat 7rCVTq'ICOVT(X (POP[tdOV,

f vo[toq 0

Tipig 46vut E, icrXcv'ct and
T(OV EV Tý 7rOXt

7rapFaXOgFoa y6cpV'[CLv

T6v vo'gov,


Et Lj7[ayoppu,

70XL'G) GILTOV 7rCvTqicovTa

(pop[t(Ayv amovelcrOat, with slightly

different wording each time, which has created contention on the exact meaning of the
/mvcoveiam words crugnpictcOat 539 Traditionally, and phormos. the law has been

interpreted as forbidding any individual to buy in bulk more than 50 phormoi of grain, thus 540 in legislation, bulk-buying loophole Athenian which would allow cartels. opening a Figueira, however, conclusively showed that the meaning of augnpiao0at /orowoveicOat law forbade thus that the the creation of a cartel, showing any effort to comer encompasses

the market.


The phormos, whose size is unknown, is presented as a measure familiar to the based is in The the often equated modem scholarship with phorrnos medimnos audience. 542 in In the Attic Aristophanes' Ekklesiazousai. stelai and on a comparison of prices the Attic stela!, the phormos costs six drachmai while in the Ekklesiazousai the medimnos drachmai, is by drop in three which explained a prices after the end of the costs
539 Lysias 22.5-6: "Answer me then, do you not confess that you bought together more than 50 phor7noi of grain, which the law orders not to do?'!-"For our part we bring before you the law, which bans anyonein the city to buy together more than 50 phonnoi of grain". ... McDowell (1978: 157); Seager(1966:173-6). 1Figueira (1986:153-5). 54 342Pritchett & Pippin (1956:194-5); Johnston (1997:81); Figueira (1986:156); Seager (1966:175); Whitby (1998: 120).


543 War. However, the equation is not as simple, since in 414 Athens was Peloponnesian in Aegean, 392 control of the Hellespont and the Aegean sea the the while mistress of still laneshad been lost; thus, a drop in prices would be surprising. A secondproblem with the equationis that the stelai record an auction price, which could have beenadversely affected by the quality of the wheat and the religious undertonesof the Hermokopidai affair, while Aristophanes refers to the contemporary market price. Using these prices, the phonnos must have been at least twice as large as the medimnos. Further arguments against the equationare the clear distinction betweenthe medimnosand the phormos in the speechand the impossibility of cornering the market successfully with such small quantities, as 544 In other texts, phormos is usually interpreted as a basket, Figueira showed conclusively. wickerwork or mat, while in the two texts specifically referring to grain the meaning is not 545 large is In Hesiod, transport vessel enoughto hold a bad year's phormos used as a clear. in it is in Aristophanes a measureof wheat an otherwise unintelligible joke that crop, while 546 fail Scholia to explain. the Since the phormos and the medimnoswere not equaL the question of the size of the be becomes Although helpful, I believe that texts other may not paramount. phormos Lysias 22 holds the answer to our query. The speakeraccusesthe sitopolai of increasing

ýl 543 I TTU [111111 IG 13421.139: POV (Popp6[ý] ; Aristophanes Ekklesiazousai 547-8 (using the price of a
&TiC4 15VXPýV ýW i4 &rATjCFiC[; hekteus to calculate the medimnos): oloO' ou'v 6=ýXOXCICU! a nOPCOV FA11(ptvai, "Do you know that you have made us lose a hekteus of wheat, which I should have bought with the pay of the Assembly? ". 5" Lysias 22.12: vf)v 8' &L'OTCTq; CLVTqg II[LEPq VEOMV 8paVý, TIýLlcýnCPOV, RffiýLVOV (ýCFJEEP IC(XTA by increased drachma if had been in day, "Yet they the times they a price several one as o1)v(j)voi)jt&vot, buying together one medimnos at a time"; Figueira (1986: 157-8).

545Mat: Aristophanes Plutos 542; Clothes: Herodotos 3.98.4, Pausanias 10.29.8; Basket (siege): Aeneias Tacticus 32.2, Herodotos 8.71.2. Unbelpfulnessof the other sources:Figueira (1986:155-9). 546 Hesiod WD 473-82, note that Hesiod knows the medimnosas a measure: Hesiod F278 (Strabo 14.1.27): 6LTap YC[ttStpvo;. Aristophanes 7hesmophoriazousai811-3, by unintelligible I mean that there is no [UTPOV be inferred from it. ofjokes can and a variety clear meaning


the price dramatically during a day's trade, referring to Law II above: 71CPt(PaVCC;TCETOV
,reicgtlptov oTt yci58owat: EXpýv


yo'cp (n')TOI')q, F-ILICEP Vg(OV

EVPKa E7EpaTTov TauTa,
Ö GDVE0)vilgtvog

Tfl; gctLvEcyoat
i7tiltILE: VÜV 8'

au, Týý









1'g'P(Iý 1E







Scholars who equate the phormos with the medimnos have

law however, broke the speaker never the the that one-obol as well; sitopolai suggested accuses them on that account, nor does his argument run along those
lineS. 548


large is bought that the a quantity of grain, they should since sitopolai speaker'sargument have kept the sameprice until all the grain had been sold; on the contrary, they acted as if they had not bought a large quantity but very small quantities, thus increasing the price but is (8paXtiý) frequency it The the the not on profit on emphasis was exacted constantly. implications (EE'VLOTe the ijýttpaq) and, consequently, on on the quantity of grain TýGav'TýG
(C'OGREP ICCETA RffiýIVOV bought MV(OV01O[=Ot).

If the speakerrefers to profit per phormos,

then the only way for the price of the phonnos to increaseby a drachma, if one is buying by the medimnos, is for the two quantities, the drachma and phormos as against the obol be in direct in be for to to the the correlation; other words, six phonnos medimnos, and law drachma is If the the six obols. equalled phormos six medimnoi, medimnoi, as one limited acquisition to 300 medimnoi, or 12 tonnes of wheat; a quantity not large enough to keep busy but for few days. to the one enough a market sitopoles comer

1,17 Lysias 22.12: "This is the most potent evidence of their lies: if they were doing this for your benefit, then they should be selling at the sameprice for many days until what they had bought together was sold out. Yet they increasedthe price by a drachma sometimeson the same day, as if they had been buying together one medimnosat a time". "' Explanation in Lamb (1943:498, note a).


Law IV covers specifically the import of grain and restricts the commercial ventures open to
U TCov Athenian citizens and metics: vollOW TC( EGXaTa EICITLgta 7EPOTE011KOTCOV, EL

549 AOqvilcytv d; ignoptov. ATTuc6v The meaning akkoot not atqyquetev q T6 ,rt; oiKCov and the intent of the law is clear: no Athenian or metic is to transport grain to any other but Athenian; Athens the regulated closely the activities of merchants with emporion formal ties to her. Jamesonargued that this law is a commercial version of katagein, "bringing grain ships to harbour", and he is right to highlight the shared element of 550 law in both katagein. it is However, and our compulsion at opposite sidesof compulsion the spectrum,since one targets exclusively local and the other exclusively foreign emporoi. No polis could successfully regulate the activities of foreign emporoi for any length of time, thus, the occasional need for katagein, an extremely hostile form of intervention. Athenian legislation, on the other hand, stayed firmly within the prerogative of the polis in its regulating own citizens and metics. Law V has been interpreted by Isager and Hansen, followed by Garnsey, as from Athens: the of grain re-export regulating
crtTuc6v F'p7roptov 8uo [tipil Ta Toibg Epicop0l);

I% TO F-Lq


551 Yet ct; T6 a'cyTu lCogr _tV.

the law itself mentions neither particulars on re-export nor obligates unloading of fixed did in decide that the traders to the sitikon merely of prescribing grain which sell quantities,
549Demosthenes 34.37: "And the laws have prescribed the severest penalties, if a man living in Athens transports grain to any other emporlon than the Athenian". Also referred to in Lykourgos Leokrates 27: &V&PCq,ical 7Ecp'L To6T(ov oi lbptTepot v6pot TA; iaX6tTa; Ttp(, )p(a; 6p[ýGualv, i&v Tt; Aoqvaýov Kaft0t, CO ý eo; i)[ti!;, "And yet, men, on these matters your laws prescribe the greatest penalties, jWkoat not atqyýý, if an Athenian transports grain anywhere but to you". Both passages refer to the same law, note the consistent use of LiXloat not.

"0 Jameson(1983:11). 551 Aristotle AthPol 51.4:"to compel the traders to take two thirds of the grain that reachesthe grain emporion to the astu". Gamsey(1988: 140); Garland (1987:89).


emporion in the Peiraieus, two-thirds should be transported to be sold in the astu, i. e. in the 552 Athens Piraeus. The state considered the Peiraieus the to the as opposed port of city of 553 domains, by dole. This law is, the placement of the as shown and the astu separate therefore, only a regulation of domestic trade. There is nothing to suggest that re-export in illegal Athens. or restricted was Foreign traders, who were not covered by Law IV,

investigate is Athens by freedom the the and market conditions, as shown at stop could deigma by Thieves' decide Harbour the to those the stopping at visit and whether enjoyed &TalbOa 71xzfOl)g to unload any of their cargo at leisure: Kai T6 JtLVRXO1OV ("OP116t T) nE-'VTC
ýgEpa;, i17--, KUL ELKOCFIV OUTOt R 7CEPWRaTOM EV UP &LygaTt Up TJgF,TP, E CO 554


In addition,

there must have been official re-export of grain when public surpluseswere available, as Whitby argued for the case of Kallisthenes' sale of grain sent by Leukon of the Bosporus.

Law V1 is quoted in Demosthenes35.51 and has attracted two interpretations by modern scholars:
Acticphou'rouToul, OU TOLVUV TaUTCE [IOVOV, (b MpCq 8tKaCFraL', 8F.Wbt E'760 7raCFXO) U710

AA C'(?


ano(YTCPCLCFOat Xcopiq Tof)





c' LG





CL ýUl pot

110 1)yypa(pý

TOUTOU; ýPoýoet T1 ) 7EP6; ILGTe




O'TI Ciq T6V



XpýgaTa Kai n6cktvAOývaýc.


T1 iaTiv, AO1JVaLCOV t 8macrraf, c'oq e6wriq v6pov Xakenoq TIM, " T6v axxOat not Clt ilv5pc; .1

AOývaýc, ý xpýga'ra 8avFL'(Tqdq a%XO Tt ýRnOPWVý T6 A011MCOV,Olat ýTJPNXI 71EPL

552 Whitby (1998:121,05). 553 34.37. Demosthenes 554 Demosthenes35.28:"And the ship was anchored there for more than 25 days, and thesepeople wandered deigma". your around 555 20.33; Whitby (1998: 125). Demosthenes


TOUTO)v EucrLv, wý

FE u0 LV ör-Ivai. ävayvo)ot 8' '' al ical gEya), gäU0V ct,Töv alöToiý -rävv' liov,


Mpog. [ta0o)atv.

apyvptoV U ýý E4CLVatMODvat
g-q8FVL', glIft



guoticoumov AOq'vTlat covrCov

&YV OV'TOt Kt')PtOi CiCYtV, dq Vaf)V IITt;

av ýtý [LeulýIaýav
SE Ttq &6(ý

AotjvotýF ical


Tä YVYP(Xýtýt£-'VCt 7rFpi



7rapo%c TalbTa, dvat

Tq'v (pa(ytv Ical Týv anoypwpýv

'rof) apyopLol)

II Tou; 7rpoq


q AOý qv aýc, pil8t ExMp i! XXoc;F- 7rot ý


0 aV



TouTou K98r, [tL'a.


Isager and Hansen, followed by Jameson,Harris and most recently by Morley, excise the phrase
"KCti TaU(I


ai)TCov"considering the law

557 imports. Garnsey and others include the phrase considering the law dedicatedto grain dedicated to imports in general, with possibly a special consideration for grain.558 Both interpretationshave problems and an analysis of this law is necessary to arrive at a solution.

556 35.50-1: "These, men of the jury, are not the only evils I have suffered from this Lakritos. If Demosthenes he had his way not only would I be robbed of my money but also I would be in the greatestdanger,if only the had for I I to that these the men not come rescue witnessing with my gave money a voyage to made contract the Pontos and back to Athens. You know, men of the jury, that the law is harsh, if an Athenian transports if but he lends money for another emporion than the Athenian and what the Athens, or grain anywhere penaltiesfor such crimes are and how large and severethey are. Better read aloud the law, so that they know it exactly. Law. It is not allowed for any of the Athenians, the metics living in Athens, or their dependants, to lend money on a ship, which will not bring grain to Athens and the other things written about each of these. If someonepersists in lending, then let any information and an account of the money be submitted to the let be And the trial the and ship. no admitted about the money, if someonelends as with grain epimeletai, " money for anothertrip than to Athens, nor any magistrateto admit such a case. " Jameson(1983:11): "ResidentsofAthens only made maritime loansfor voyagesbringing grain to Athene'; Harris (2003:7): "There was a law that made it illegal for any Athenian or metic to engage in transporting grain to any port besidesAthens or to make a loan for such a trading voyage"; Morley (2007:71): 'Tost Imperial Athens sought to control the activities of grain traders by restricting their freedom of choice, insisting that anyonewho borrowed money in Athens to buy grain had to bring their cargoback to Athene'. "' Garnsey (1988: 13940): "Any voyage made by a transport vessel that wasfinanced by a maritime loan his by Athenian, in resident alien or one povwr (typically a slave) had to issue in the import of an negotiated


The law is quoted not in the text of the speechbut in the citation. The vast majority do not include the citations, while this speechincludes all citations, of surviving speeches depositions, immediately and which creates the suspicion of a later, possibly agreements Hellenistic, insertion. The referencein the speechitself appearsto be to two distinct laws,
loans. first law, AOilvaL'O)V The "EaV to transport the to of grain and other relating one Tt;


' 'o-q 11 AOývaýr", has the same meaning and phrasing as Law IV 7rot criq yq

discussedabove. The second law refers specifically to lending with no referenceeither to 559 in grain or to.ships, which are mentionedonly the citation. Isager and Hansen's interpretation has the further problem of limiting investment to imports of grain only. Such limitation of investment is contradicted in the speechitself in defendant, is have Lakritos, bring to to the to Athens Koan wine and said promised which fish, he have if it would not claimed was clearly illegal, or if he had, his which salted have it illegal. noted as accuser would Instead, the accuser argues merely on the

implausibility of the claim becauseKoan wine is not usually imported to Athens via the Pontus. Moreover, a law barring investment in other commodities would clearly disregard the considerableneedsof Athens for other imports, most importantly metals, since it would
Athens". Austin & Vidal-Naquet (1977: 116) argued that the law applied to grain, particularly necessities, Bonner (1923: 198); Whitby (1998: 121). carrying grain; ships srecificallyto 59 5ý The second law is also known from Demosthenes56.6,56.11, especially in §11 where the speaker ýgCt; i=18ý &aC70'1j7[UVO1 TAXIaTa Kai bruMptOa T6 it Law IV: TJ) to the contrasts 7CYov6;, specifically 61[yavaKTo-OVTCg, 6kil; bnPOIUXý;, RPOO-f. ]PCV T06TCP TCO 6ipXtTtKTovt OTLOV CiXOg, KaL Tý; irptiyliaTt & ýgCov 6, Sioptcrag&(OV Talt; auvOýKat; 6aco; ý vaib; tvj8ag6a& KaTaiEXcf)aFTat iyica),ofmc; n StappýSýv in! 6poXoyiat; 8avFia6vT(ov rakat; ral; Kai T6 61*ptov, ý AOýva;, ýpi; iv inloyiq iX; V eig Viv , ýJACI; To!; 6); apa KCKOMOVýKagCV Tqq CF1T1l'Yia; Tý; XiYEIV, t), Pol)X011601; aiTtdo0at Kal Kai Otnev KaTa),
gi; Týv T68ov, akol U 005N ýOXXOVTýV Vaf)V qlCCFUGt KaTaKoptiýOVTCq cý T6 ibgiTcpov ign6ptov Ci; 8

found happened, immediately "And as we out what we were surprised and went to as soon cruvcyp6cyavTo, this instigator of the whole scheme. And we questionedhim angrily as to how, when we had stipulated in the
contract agreement, transport brought that the ship should he dared to leave grain not sail anywhere but to Athens, us open to the suspicions We complained that to Rhodos. emporion". the money to that according that we had been part of the of any willing accusers, in spite of the contract, him and his partner, had not and we had lent

of the the ship

to your


imports investment impede Athenians the sphere outside of and generally all such place imports but those of grain. The second interpretation avoids both the above problems since import is not legally confined to grain. However, it createsa law concerned exclusively with imports and criminalising export loans. The exclusive regulation of imports is basedpartly on the
text of the law as cited and partly on the phrase "ý Xpq[tara 8avdia-9 cig aXXo Tt ý[vr6ptov

has been AOilvaicov". The the already problem with using citation mentioned. The r6 eckko has been interpreted loan for "cig Epwptov" as making a u a trading voyage phrase "to the Athenian emporion", thus denoting exclusively imports; similar to the same in 34.37. Demosthenes construction

However, the dq construction can also be

interpreted as in Demosthenes34.42: Mtp
(1j)T6q 81CLP(IPTUPET(It, KE4ý)(J)V T&q 8L'Ka;


E'L'V(lt TAq



AOýý(Ttvicai dqT6 Aoilvat(ovE'p7ro'PtOV,

ICCEiOl') ýto'VOV Tcov

AOýVljmv,AXA ical Oka a-v

T6 Affilvaicov ipr6ptov in The meaning of ci 1;

this case is clearly "for the Athenian emporion" in the senseof "concerning the Athenian be for further law there the that the would no need since otherwise explanation emporion",
11 C(V E-'VTjTal EVCKa 'f (akk& Athenian to the ical O'ca emporion covers voyages
TOf) 71%0f) TOD

560Demosthenes 34.37: al Ta& inpa4&v, 6 jcv8p&q Sucao-raf, obcCovptv AOývilatv, 6orq; V ak(ý yuvauc6; 606k r(ov, F! Tt; obcCovAOývqatv Auoat not Kal na(5cov, TCovU v6p(ov TA ýo-XaTa fttTigta 7rpoT&Oqic6, i ATTtK6v ý pn6ptov, "And he did these things, men of the jury, while he was resident at ci; r6 &t&v (Ytrqyý(; Athens, having here a wife and children, although the laws prescribe the severest penalties if someone living in Athens transports grain to any other emporion than the Attic".

561 34.42: "The law itself declareswhich are the admissible cases,specifying that the emporikai Demosthenes dikai are to be on the contractsmade at Athens and for the Athenian emporion, and not only those at Athens but also thosemade on accountof a voyage to Athens".




This interpretation of the Cig construction is preferable since there is clear

loans for outward journeys were made in Athens with no accusation that one-way evidence instances in illegality. There three the speeches are where outward only (kep6akoug) of loans are made, of which one is certainly by an Athenian resident and as such would fall 563 law. Possibly the law allowed lending on outward squarelyunder the provisions of the if loan for double However, there the was an existing voyage. such a only voyages loans loans it be the the confuse on ship on cargo, could would with where provision in be that the the to conducted on a specific ship agreement return voyage was stipulated but it was not illegal to take another ship back even if otherwise stipulated in the have it illegal 34.39 if in Demosthenes the would were speaker made the point. agreement; I suggestthat the law cited in Demosthenes35.51 is the creation of a Hellenistic laws in into the tried to the two combine mentioned preceding paragraph one. scholar who The secondlaw is neither a grain nor an import law but a general finance law covering both imports and exports and restricting the activities of Athenian lenders to trading ventures Athens' touch emporion, as opposed to trading ventures taking place entirely on which in had be to a where many necessary commodities precaution polis a wise abroad, imported. The general nature of the law connects it more closely with the law governing the admissibility of the emporikai dikai than with grain or other commodity-oriented legislation. Like the emporikai dikai admissibility clause, the lending law accepts both imports and exports and firmly puts the locus of Athenian trade in the emporion itself This law is direct intervention into the basis of commercial exploits, capital, and provides clear
362 in LSJs.v. ci; IV.2. This meaning of eir,is covered

563 Demosthenes 34.8 (two loans) and 35.22. Lampis is certainly a resident (Demosthenes 34.36) and Antipatros of Kition could also be one if we connect Agora XVII 521 (tombstone of an Antipatros of Kition) Antipatros. our with


boundarieson commercial investment in Athens. Loans provided a large part of the capital here in Greek Athens is seenharnessingthe financial power of the trade world and needsof its populace,citizen and metic, into a tight circle centred on the Peiraieus.The inclusion of long loans Athenian in they the types the as as were connected with of emporion all legislation shows that the government not only did not hesitateto intervene as pervasively had harness hidden but the to the sophistication recognise and also power of as possible finance. Money, unlike cargoesof grain or landed property, is invisible and unidentifiable invisible investor difficult identify the to making can generate more wealth, which wealth, it. in Investors could the only sign of appearance of wealth was an era when securely remain invisible to the government and the public, yet without them commercial ventures less Athenian be The and successful. government not only observed and numerous would harnessed it. hidden investor but the this power of also recognised Law VII is a recently discovered law that regulates the collection of two taxes, a dodekateand apentekoste, in the Athenian cleruchies in the north Aegean.

The law, as

Stroud convincingly argued, changesthe nature of these taxes from cash to kind.


in beginning is law "o"=; the the the stated clearly of av IrG)t reorganisation of purpose 41't ivr6t 811PCot (Aro; icow6e' and like the aparchai Eleusis it aims to make available some

566 decided by The the to the subsidised, at a price, presumably assembly. public surpluses dodekate has been debated, both the the tou and since these of pentekoste sitou nature exact taxes are otherwise unknown. The dodekate has been argued to be either a tax on

564SEG 36.146. For the edifio princeps and detailed discussion of the law and its provisions, see Stroud (1998). 565 Stroud (1998:79).
566SEG 36.146.56: "In order that there may be grain for the people in the public domain" [translation from 6; 6 8igVOI) iK6tCFTOIU Stroud (1998: 9)]. IG 11' 1672.287 (Eleusinian aparchai): RPA&TOW E4 5PCtXg6VT6 gF, 6ýgN 9=4EV, "sold at a price of six drachmai per medinmos according to the orders of the demos".


567 islands. Harris rightly notes that a tax through the production or a tax on transit shipping in is Greek however, the world; since our knowledge of the tax unknown on production is limited in Athens, polis, very or any and the statuswas the cleruchieswas special, system the possibility must not be discounted. The text of the law itself suggestsstrongly that Stroud's interpretation is correct, since the specification of the meridai according to the 168 In other words, transit shipping barley and wheat measuressuggestsknown quantities. cannot be securely quantified, since it depends on the number and type of cargoes transiting, thus the law's specification of meridai would be impractical. Further, if the tax law in the to that the same then tax transit specify expect on grain, one would a were law locale by for the the the merely specifies of the pentekoste adding sito; yet manneras dodekate without any mention of its type. Additionally, Harris' argument that the

Athenianswould impose such a transit tax on grain in the islands in order to encouragethe import of grain there does not conform with the information provided by IG 1121672, 569 islands had it is considerable grain production of their own. clear that the where Concerningthe pentekostementioned in the law, Stroud is certainly justified to suggestthat it was an import-export tax, similar to that levied in Athens, and since the islands exported from Athens in it the to tax the cleruchies, export presumably a on grain reality grain, was itself 570 That the pentekostewas levied in the islands is testified by the provision of the

167 Production: Stroud (1998:32). Transit: Harris (1999:271-2).
568SEG 36.146.8-10: AU gCfA; iK[&]GTq 90Tal ICUTaOcytot gt&gWt, 7EU[P6]VOV &CET6V, KP106VR (medimnoi), barley" 500 100 400 "each consist measures of of will of wheat and portion 'ECTPaK6GtOt, translation from Stroud (1998: 9)].

69Harris (1999:272): "The difference betweenthe rates chargedby the two taxes also makes good sensefrom it by in islands local for to their the the sell market encouraged merchants grain of view: an economicpoint by imports discourages from for (2%) lower to them their and re-exporting other ports rate cargoes charging a for (8Y3%)". Harris' for Piraeus, higher transhipment the argument would certainly rate work a charging levied. tax transit was a similar probably where 570 Stroud (1998:38).


law itself, where the transport of the grain to the Piraeuson the tax-farmer's own risk and 571 Aiakeion transportto the the subsequent are specified. The law proves the existenceof taxes in kind and that considerableamountsof grain is dedicated from the there cleruchies, since a pentekosteof grain, which was were exported such as to allow for collection in kind. The conversion of both taxes from cash to kind Athenians disaster 376 the the the after anxiety of near of and partly their partly reflects Athenian territory was an exporter of grain and as such could that part of realisation 572 dodekate both intervene The that the surpluses. grain shows could public polis provide in the production processthrough taxation and it also provides a framework for the way the from Additionally, surpluses acquired public a commodity produced privately. exporters the inclusion of a specific clauseenabling the assemblyto fix the price of grain shows that fixing was not outside either the prerogative or the willingness of the government. price The fixing of price in this case,as Harris rightly notes, was designedto keep prices low in 573 Similar price fixing of grain can be observed both in the the peak pre-harvest period. 574 during fixing in Price 329/8 the the was and actions of crisis. of sitonai aparchai sale but legislation fixing there the to grain crisis measures or public was not confined merely in (Law 11). The trade to one retail obol profit per medimnos one profit margin of grain but it did fix in Athenian did law the of grain market a permanent price not establish obol the profit margins so that prices would not climb artificially. The intervention of the

but in in in ordinary grain on surpluses government prices was pronounced not only public retail.
571 SEG 36.146.10-5.For the oppositeview, that the pentekosteis the import tax in Athens itself, seeHarris (1999:271). 572 376: Xenophon Hellenika 5.4.60-1; Stroud (1998: 119-20). 573 Harris (2003:7).
574Demosthenes 20.33; 1(3 1121672.287.


Athenian intervention was not limited to legislation but covered other areasof the grain trade. Firstly, the Athenians offered incentives to both private foreign traders to bring grain to Athens and to exporters to prefer exporting to Athens. The honours given to the S75 On the Spartokids and to their envoys testify of the Athenian incentives to exporters. other hand, there are various examples of honours to private traders, mainly from the last 576 quarterof the century. Many of thesehonours coincide with the crisis of the 320s, which shows that the government was particularly cognizant of the effect a widespread crisis could have on the normal flows of trade. Normally, the size of Athenian needs for grain would be an adequatelure for many traders but in widespreadcrisis less distant ports would offer equally high profits. Thus, Athens provided in those times incentives for traders to import grain. The dikai emporikai were also within this sphereof incentives, since, unlike other poleis, Athens offered equality of accessandjudgement to foreign traders as well as a quick procedureallowing them to be ready to sail with the start of the season. Athens was the largest polis in the Greek world and the greatest importer of grain. The combination of population, consumption and production variables showed clearly that Athens regularly imported large quantities of grain. The Athenian government intervened in imports legislation. Several laws regulated the import and through mainly considerably dissemination of grain in Athens targeting mainly Athenian citizens and metics. The intervention of the government was pervasive in most aspectsof import, including prices interesting Possibly laws discussed the the margins. most of profit was Law VI, which and be law, trade/finance to a general not one exclusively related to the grain trade. was shown The law targetednot a specific commodity but the backboneof Athenian trade, capital, and

IG 212. 576 112 IG 360,400,407-9,416,479.



restricted lending to trading venturesrelating to the Athenian emporion. Both the breadth and aim of the law shows the rationality and sophistication of Athenian intervention in trade generally; it was not confined to one specific commodity or dictated by the pressure of necessity.


Chapter 9: Grain Beyond Athens
For the other known or inferred importers, information is scarce,particularly when little has For Athens. the to majority, surviving concerning their grain needs compared beyond a reference that they imported. All known importers are situated in Greece, the Aegean and Asia Minor, which reveals a definite periphery-core relationship in the grain trade. To the extent of the available evidence, the same model of examination used for Athens is used for the other importers as well.
The Peloponnese grew grain of its own, mainly in Lakonia, Messenia and Elis, and there was probably some production in the Argolis. It also imported gain from the Black

577 Exact population figures for any polis or area in the Greek World Egypt. Sicily Sea, and in Peloponnese, but knowledge the beyond the of poleis number merely present our are higher than in any other area in the Greek World with the possible exception of Boiotia, land high density that and agricultural a scarcer was relatively population must mean resource. 578

Corinth was probably the greatest importer in the Peloponneseand it is valid to destined imports Peloponnese large to the that as going were mentioned a part of assume for it. 579 Corinth has not attracted as much scholarly attention as Athens and, thus, the limited. its The most recent grain production are population and of available variables its known is including based 70,000 Corinthian slaves, upon population calculation of 580 land is from 30% The total as of of cereals estimated a cultivation military strength.

577 Herodotos 7.147.2; Thucydides 3.86.4; Diodoros 14.79. 378 Note that here poleis is used generically not politically-, the number is 121 according to Hansen& Nielsen (2004). 579 Herodotos7.147.2; Thucydides 3.86.4; Lykourgos Leokrates 26. "0 Salmon (1984:168).


10%, 12.5% and 15'ýý,, making 9,000,11,250 and 13,500 hectares respectively. Since it is not known whether tile Corinthians cultivatcd more wheat or barley, the safest option ol' barley is preferred, using Colurriella's lower (13.2 medimnoillia) and Lipper (16


barley yields, as well as the barley yield of modern Corinthla (22.1 ie 27 estimation made LISII)gthese data, all are negative, showing that The average need for import was

medilnnoil a).-sxl 0t

Corinth suffered fi-om a regular local insufficiency.

289,005 inedininoi ofbarley or 240,837 of wheat.
Table 11: Barlcý Consumption ol'Corinth According to Population and Diet Variebles

Medimnoi/ People 70000

4.6 322000

6.3 441000

8.7 609000 According to Land (Ativation 22.1 174037.5 217546.8 261056.2 and Yield Variables, Seed

Table 12: BarleN Product ion of' ('orinth Subtracted Medimnoi/ Hectares 9000 11250 13500 13.2 103950 129937.5 155925 16 126000 157500 189000

Table 13: Combined Variables for ('orinth Consumption/ Production 103950 126000 174037 129937 157500 217546 155925 189000 261056 322000 -218050 -196000 -147963 -192063 -164500 -104454 -166075 -133000 -60944 441000 -337050 -315000 -266963 -311063 -283500 -223454 -285075 -252000 -179944 609000 -505050 -483000 -434963 -479063 -451500 -391454 -453075 -420000 -347944

but it had it Megara is not among the poleis mentioned as importers ill dIC SOUrces dependent Aigina, to that of polls as a upon trade for its prosperity. The reputation, similar

511 On the modern yield, seeGallant (1991:77).


most recent estimation calculated tile population of Megara at 40,000 people including known based on its military strength. slaves, 'riie cultivable area of Megara has been

the terrain the estimated as a mere 21% of tile total 470kni2 due to the raggedness of and I
making poverty of the soil, the CStIIIIItIO11SUsed are 10%, 12.5% and 15'ý/O ",1 As 1500 hectares respectively. 5, with Corinth, 1000,1250 and has

the cereal preference of the Megarians

barley thus, estimations are preferred, while due to the lack of modern yield survived, not data kom the Megarld, only tile barley yields of Columella are used. Of tile 18 estimations

data, the above all are negative, thus showing that Mcgara suffered from a made using
local of production. regular insufficiency barley 206,642 or ofwlicat. medimnoi of
Table 14: Barle. %Consumption ol'Nlegara According to Pop"lation and Diet Varichles

The average need for import was 248,031

Medimnoi/ People 40000

4.8 192000

6.3 252000
of Megara

8.7 348000
According to Land Cultivation and Yield Variables, Seed

Table 15: Barleý Production Subtracted

Medimnoi/ Hectares 1000 1250 1500

13.2 11550 14437.5 17325

16 14000 17500 21000

"2 Legon (1981: 168-9). ý" Legon (1981: 23).


Aigina kvas In its owil wily as excClitiolial

a polls as Athens and one of the earliest

., known i 111porterS.


Aigma certainly imported grain in the early classical period, and

but the archaic, aftcr its conquest by Athens, Its population and Importance In possibly decreased, thus, probably in the fourth century its imports were small, if aily. The

has been Aignia by based of variously estimated modern mainly on its population scholars, fi-oni ranging a niMMILIFY)of' 13,000 to a maximum of 45,000 people strength, naval here 13,000, The Kalcyk's estimation, POPUlatIOII are slaves. CStIMations used including 20,000, which has been recently suogestcd by Hansen, and 35,000, FlgLleiraIS 111111111luill 11 "-ý The fi-om Figuen-a's 40'/o total cultivable is estimated CUltIVatIOII ol'cereals estimation. land and allowing Im intense cultivation duc to the small size of the island the variables arc 15%, 1W/0and 2WI/o,making 1288,1546 and 1718 hectares respectIve Iy. ý"" Since the cereaI preference oftlic Aiginctans lias not survived, barley estimations are preferred, and due to 11-C Used. Of the 54

the lack of modern yield data, the barley yields of Columella

data, the madc above all are negative, thus showing that Aigina suffered using estimations
from a regUlat- insufficiency of local prodLiCt]011. The average need for imports was

130,216 incelimnoi of barley or 108,513 of wheat.
I-able 17: Barley Consumption of Aigina According to Population and Diet Variebles Medimnoi/ 4.8 6.3 8.7

People 13000 20000 35000

62400 96000 168000

81900 126000 220500
of Aigina

113100 174000 304500
According to Land Cultivation anti Vield Variables, Seed

Table 18: Barley Subtracted




ý" Herodotos7.147.2. ix- Kalcyk (1996: 320); Figueira ( 1981:39), 1lansen (2006: 12).
Figucira ( 198 1:23).


Hectares 1288 1546 1718

14876.4 17856.3 19842.9

18032 21644 24052
for Aigina 113100 -98224 -95244 -93258 -95068 -91456 -89048 96000 -81124 -78144 -76158 -77968 -74356 -71948 126000 -111124 -108144 -106158 -107968 -104356 -101948 174000 -159124 -156144 -154158 -155968 -152356 -149948 168000 -153124 -150144 -148158 -149968 -146356 -143948 220500 -205624 -202644 -200658 -202468 -198856 -196448 304500 -289624 -286644 -284658 -286468 -282856 -280448

19: ('ornbined 62400 -47524 -44544 -42558 -44368 -40756 -38348

Consumption/ Production 14876 17856 19842 18032 21644 24052

81900 -67024 -64044 -62058 -63868 -60256 -57848

The Aegean islands were probably

the most vulticrable

area in the Greek world


terms of grain short, jority of the islands ages, owing to the relatively small siz of tj e 111,1 _e1 largest Andros Cyclades. the the the the island is second poverty of soil, especially in and land, like Nit Cyclades that of the other Islands in the region, is 'lot the its cultivable in

Andrians The to probably imported grain regularly in the crops. suitcd grain particularly SX7 late fiourth half A to traders. the importing offered incentives of century and second
fourth-century decree from Arkesine oil Amorgos honouring importers of grain suggests that this Cycladic island also imported gram, at least in the second half of' the fourth century. The north Aegean islands were larger and more fertile than the Cyclades but also by large larger Mytilene, testified their populations, navies. as and possibly the supported by Lesbos, Thucydides throughout the testified classical period, of Imported as whole 5") War Bosporan discussed during the Peloponnesian tax reduction and the earher.

IG X 11(5). 714. IG X 11(7). 11. Thucydides 3.2.2ý IG XII(2). 3, see further page 199.


Probably the Mytilemans importcd in cxcess of 100,000 ineektimoi annually, ifthe urcheion in the Bosporaii reduction reters to Inc(limnoi.

SamosWas also all Importer of grain, on the evidence of honours It provided to
590 Samian in 1 Fhe Naukratis Egypt suggest that the main tradcrs. relations with importing but have for Mediterranean, the the easily come could island was in south supplies supplier 591 Sea, Mytilene. The population of Samos has been from the Black as to i1eighbOUring 47estimated to 50,000 Including hased on the island's slaves, military , ') strellgtll. -ý The

land from 30', % on the island, in addition to the cultivable cereals is estimated of cultivation OIN,, I 12.5%0 50km'; the the and measured about variables used are which of peiwiu, whole 593 Since the cereal preference hectares 15%, making 9680,10850 and 12020 respectively. lack due has baricy Samians the to of the are preferred, and cstimations not survived, of COILImella Of barley 18 data, the the estimations inadc are used. of yields yield modern Samos fi-om data, thus that the a regular suffered showing above all are negative, using
insufficiency local production. of The average need for imports was 19 1,391 meditpitioi of

barley or 159,492 of wheat.
Table 20: Barley Consumption Medimnoi/ 4.8 of Samos According 6.3 8.7 to Population and Diet Variables

People 50000
Table 21: Subtracted


of Samos

According to Land Cultivation and Yield Variables, Seed


Medimnoi/ Hectares 9680 10850

13.2 111804 125317.5

16 135520 151900


McCabe, Samos 36.

ý91 2.178.3. Heroclotos i92 Shipley ( 1997:15). i93 For the importance ot'the pci-ifia of'Samos in times of' shortage and the cultivation regime there in the 97). Hellenistic period seeOsborne( 1987:





Table 22: Conibined Variables for Sanios Consumption/ Production 111804 125317 138831 135520 151900 168280 240000 -128196 -114683 -101169 -104480 -88100 -71720 315000 -203196 -189683 -176169 -179480 -163100 -146720 435000 -323196 -309683 -296169 -299480 -283100 -266720

Teos was a stliall polis in Asia Minor but particularly important in this dISCUSS1011, legislation has its on grain imports survived. The inscription dates the imports to the since fifth doubtful flic Fifth that that ofthe century and it a polis imported is nuddle in would not continue importing in the I'Mirth-, the regular suppliers are unknown. Geographically the

Black Sea is the better candidate but Teos' place as one of the founders of Naukratis in the
IIt archaic 01is, period makes Egypt the niost likely candidate because of past rela 1 . 594

Teos legislated
ý(Tdyf, GOCR : fi Tý)(Vljt :ý

on its grain supply
ýIIJXCIVýt fi :

6(mý ýý yýv : Týv Tijbjv

i)ot : (5iTov : : Kj(oý.
:ý ý(Taxkvrot :

K(-ITI& 06ýaamlv

ý7[1-lpojv KUT,

ý"' &vo)Oroiij : 6c7r6W)(TOat : K(A ui)(6v : Kut yi"Xoý : -[6 Ký'vo. The law of Teos is part of the decree, which has attracted much attention among scholars. 'Tile well-known imprecations inscription is dated to tile first half of the fitill 596 The exact Content of tile century.

debatable, as is its genre. The obvious religious aspect, or the seemingly is inscription depending has labelled the provisions either as "curses" or as one on viewpoint, religious 10 [is". I111precat It is certain that the inscription is not a law, or at least an obviously

Herodotos2.178.2. 595 McCabe Teos. 261: "Whoever in (lie land ol'Teos stops grain firom being imported by seaor land, by trick or device, or when imported forcesthe price up, let him perish, him and his fiamily". ý" Meiggs & Lewis ( 1988: 66).



597 law is found in Athens. The "curses" theory as other poleis, most usually recognisable has been attacked in recent years in favour of the "imprecations" one; but either way there seemsno reason to supposethat the inscription is a decree or law. However, without an inscription of different format from the same period, we cannot argue that this is not the format that legislation took in Teos at the time. Indeed the only roughly contemporary inscription is again one in the sameformat, and this seemsmore of a law or decreeof some sort rather than a religious observance. The second inscription refers mainly to political offences, revolution among them, but the inclusion of trial procedures in both Teos and 598 legal feel first inscription. The last clause of the Abdera creates more of a than the imprecations inscriptions, relating to defacing the inscription itself, can find a parallel in other Greek laws where part of the law is that no one should propose a law or decree 599 it has been law as voted. changingthe Concerning the context, as opposedto format, the inscription contains a variety of The them to one of relating commerce. others regard poisons, tyranny and only clauses, itory first is The Tean teff two, that the one concerning on attack respectively. military less last than the the two, which concern military one on grain, seem serious and poisons & imprecations Meiggs Lewis Bravo that the matters. argued against are the and political large landowners in Teos time the crisis and specifically a when grain result of a particular hoarded grain and exported it outside the city in spite of the crisis at home.600 Jameson drought Bravo, Artaxerxes the considering a at reign of with as the pivotal event that agreed

597 Thomas (1996:28); Jeffery (1976:226). 198 Loukopoulou & Parissaki (2004:307-8). 599 23.62; Halikarnassos:Nomima 1.19.32-41;Argos: Nomima 1.110.5-9;Lokris: M&L Athens: Demosthenes 13.7; Harris (2006:313). " Bravo (1983:23) against Meiggs & Lewis (1988:65).


601 law. Gamsey Tean & Morris have followed Bravo's suggestion and the produced it Solonian law in Plutarch's Athens mentioned above (page 218), to create combined with 602 being basis imprecation. image the the of a specific crisis of the The use of Solon's law is a double-edgedknife. The employment of cursesin sixthlegal formula is Athens than that the shows nothing more archaic and not unique to century Teos. Teos continued to have problems with its grain supply at the end of the fourth 603 its fourth deals Lebedos. In Teos the after synoikismos with century, with the century, is by imprecations. differently Its synoikismos and than the what very envisaged problem the changing face of the Greek World gave it the power to make demandsof the king and to make specific provisions to its merchants. The parallels between the development in Athens and Teos are obvious. Both poleis have grown in the time between the two legislations and become more powerful which is reflected in their measures. Instead of a bases which one explanation on another, an evolutionary process of argument, cyclical legislation is better. There are two problems with these arguments. Firstly, if one aceeptsthat the grain imprecation is the result of a particular incident rather than a general and recurring be held for imprecations the the then same should other as well. problem, Thus, an

be become his desired term to tyrant tried to a should assumed who and extend aisymnetes for in to the polis, used poison against the create an artificial crisis and order of office, individuals. he impeded imports In the and against addition, gain people as a whole

601 Jameson(1983:12) citing Strabo The problem with dating from Strabo is obvious and it would inscription later dating than commonly accepted. the slightly mean 602 Gamsey& Morris (1989:103). 603 McCabe Teos 59; note that I am accepting the restoration of grain rather than produce in this inscription, seeBresson(1993).


help device, betrayed in defensive forts the some and of eventually with some possibly Tean territory to enemies,either other Greeks or barbarians,not to mention at some point managing to recruit the help of bandits in his plans. A man that at the end failed in his his but attempt convinced the Teans that imprecations against such an machinations incident were necessary and had to be proclaimed at three different festivals. This may not be impossible, after all the history of humankind has preserved circumstances and actions that verge on the ridiculous. However, given the obvious

disparity of the offences it may be more acceptableto move in another direction. Instead of Teans, that to this the commended complicated affair resolution or even worse a set some different affairs, to supposea more mundane set of circumstanceswhere a variety of of imprecations are written on one stone. The poison clause may seem frivolous but if it is had laws Athenians homicide, for that the complicated some rather on as acceptable by inanimate illegality homicide Teans the the object, why should not ensure and example disposing for last The two clauses of a rather easier method of one's enemies. punishment itself, both for defence the the constitution country measures and quite mundane. are As to the grain clause the variety of possibilities covered by it points towards by device", inscription legislation; land, "By trick the sea or or says and while general it in (even the translation) shows the range of available possibilities to generality of poetic threatenthe grain supply of the city. Although it is possible that this a reaction to a specific legislation in tune with a concurring problem than with the seems of more generality crisis, 604 the unique set of circumstances. In this, I agree with Garnsey's interpretation: "such both have been deleterious deleterious judged to the common and must and conduct I

604 Detailed legislation is considereda necessityof law by Aristotle (AMPol 9.2; Rhetoric 1354a3Off).


605 ". In the Aristotelian treatise Oikonomika 11,short-term food-shortagesor community dealt famines with stratagemsand short-term solutions not general legislation are even plannedto cover every possible eventuality. The secondproblem with Bravo's argument, and Garnsey's as well, is that they do not follow the text closely. Both works emphasizethe export of existing reserves(procured through hoarding) by some nobles or large landowners. Nevertheless, the text of the imprecation does not suggestsuch, on the contrary, it refers specifically to import of grain (c;!Tov : Eaaycaft). Much like the Athenian law on the transport of grain, which is

generaland a reaction not to a specific crisis but rather to an inherent and chronic weakness imprecation from different the the though the covers same polis, ground a starting point. of The Athenians legislated positively, restricting their tradersto a single possible destination, legislated Teans the negatively, forbidding their citizens any obstacle to the grain while

This, if nothing else, highlights the great difference between Athens and any other least insignificant small or at a polis as and relatively as Teos. This has been polis, highlighted by Jamesonwho is amazedat "the Tean reliance on curses while Athens was 606 her had pp. Athens Yet Athenian muscular control enough or metic traders to establishing least its import, if did they part of course at of not place profit above their guarantee 607 Gallant proposed that the law reflects the power individuals to of wealthy polis. 608 food The is debatable. One the one supplies. of such purpose a manipulation manipulate band, it may have a political motive, for example to subvert the

605Garnsey (1988: 76). 606Jameson (1983: 12). 607Schaps (2004: 122-3). 6011 Gallant (1989: 408).


by elite means of a prolonged engineeredfood shortage. constitution/government/existing On the other hand, the purpose of the manipulation may have been simply to make grain
'O' is in inscription itself (T) the : av(oOeouj). EaaXOEVTa prices rise, as mentioned

Teos with its small population, must have dependedon foreign traders a lot more than Athens, thus, forced dependon people who have no true ties to her and as such could in but be any way restricted only encouraged. Thus, it can only legislate negatively not towards the people that she can control or influence, her own citizens or metics, with the impede in to the communal not supply any way. After all, Teos can do little else, warning be interesting it know imposed to taxation would what sort of was on imports and although for large Athens the seas ruled a part of the classical period and, except for the exports. late fourth it had century, and a navy that through provision of convoys for merchant early 610 in ships could pressuremerchants ways that other poleis could not. Ephesoswas one of the most prosperous and important poleis in Ionia, rivalling Miletos. The only evidence of the import of grain comes from the very end of our period 61 1 does Ephesos,unlike other Ionian (302/1) and unfortunately not mention the supplier. in in had Naukratis the archaicperiod. the establishment of no part poleis, Klazomenai is one of the few cities that had a regular and regulated grain supply from abroad. In an inscription, dated to 387/6, regarding the relations betweenAthens and Klazomenai, the import of grain is mentioned specifically: TColt 7rolkeco]v
crtutyWowat Kkaýogt[vtot, (Dcoicaag Kai XL'10 Kai 1][tUpVllg, ClVat F-'VCFItOV80V alý[Toj;


"0 Gamsey& Whittaker (1983:4). 611 lEph 1452.

(1988: 76 n 17). Gamsey


"' inscription bringing is The ?, that the suggests E(; of grain recurrent and 7r4]v. T6; tg6ajq in between has by Gamsey the question. poleis proposed an alternative regulated spondai by it (food-crisis). the connecting provision with cases of sitodeia explanation of

Presumably he is using the mention of sitodeia in Klazomenai in the Oikonomika:
K), aýogtviot

Uat6v 8' tv atTo5&t'q ovre; XpTIgaT(I)V TF.allOPOINTS; EVII(PLCYaVTO, nap' of;
Tfi 71 ' )£t ,0E 7cl T' l«p:

i510)TCOV, sctvpicr(lt Tcov



uToý cTctt 8ý 7rOX1bý oir

0 Kütp7tog







U pa0cocagevot nkola






ýICC GITOq, 1)71009'"g TOlq OEV,

'(EVOPE-'Vllg Tqq TOD E'XaL'Ol) TtpTlg.


There is nothing to suggest that the provision in the treaty is connected with the On Oikonomika described by Oikonomika. the the the contrary, extraordinary episode (dq Klazomenians the their there that got grain T&. common practice on where was a show
I Epopta, 6'O&v a&rol; ýKc (Y! Toq). The extraordinariness of the situation in the Oikonomika

dependson the fact that since this is a sitodeia, the governmenthad to take direct measures but from further Smyrna The the grain east, meansprobably oil. mention of mortgaging both Chios and Phokaia were well-known maritime poleis.
Akanthos is a case in point not because it imports grain as such, but as to where

from it imports. That Akanthos, as a polis in the Chalcidice (and this holds for all poleis in is best for is imported the other crops, region suited since grain expected, the region),

IG le 28: "On the poleis from which the Klazomeniansare brought grain, Phokaia, Chios and Smyrna, it is into harbours". to the they that to the are sail spondai according 613 Gamsey& Morris (1989:103); Gamsey(1988:72); Garnsey& Whittaker (1983:4). 614Aristotle Oikonomika 1348bl7-23: "The Klazomenians at a time of sitodeia, when they had no money, had being individuals lend it interest there many to the that who oil should with city; all private they voted leased from borrowing, land. in Thus they them to the their ships where they and sent emporia crops olive brought grain providing as collateral the price of the oil".


61 5 in the there The only poleis cashed mainly olives and vines, and on these cropS. 616 imports Akanthos Pontic One would consider it more to the to of refers grain. reference logical to find the supplier for Akanthos, and the Chalcidice, in Macedon or Thrace, both in regions well supplied grain. On the other hand, there is a distinct possibility that the political situation at the time meant that relations with either region were strainedand, thus, the needfor Pontic grain. Methone is the recipient of a grant by Athens of regulated import of grain from the 617 in 420S. Sea The Methone decreesare very important for our understandingof Black the the interventionist attitude of imperial Athens in the trade relations of the allies. Bonner has arguedthat the decreesuggeststhat Methone usually imported its grain from Macedon but due to the troubles betweenAthens and Macedon at the time (becauseof the campaigns 618 decree However, itself Brasidas) the alternative supplier an was necessary. gives no of indeed information On fact towards that the the that or any clue conclusion. contrary, such it specifically mentions that the provisions are to hold for Methone, in spite of any other is in the that this allies affecting general, shows supposedto be a permanent resolution

of the Methoneans. solutionto theproblems
The Methone case illuminates the role of the otherwise shadowy "third player" in the grain trade specifically, and Greek trade in general. Normally any transaction has a beginning, the exporter, and a destination,the importer, with a large road betweenthem, the traders. Geographyand politics often conspire to impose a third pole in these transactions,

'15 The Chalcidice was famous for its wines, as for examples those of Mende and Scione (Demosthenes 35.10).
616Demosthenes 34.36. 617IG J361.

Bonner (1923:196).


the polis/kingdom.controlling an important part of the transport route. Some geographical areasare particularly suited to play such a role: Gibraltar, Panama,the Rio Grante, Suez Bosporan the of course, strait and the Hellespont. Controlling such areas invests a and, inordinate power over any transaction,since it controls the transport lanes. In the with state Greek World, such control sites created important poleis, both strategically and economically. In the Methone case,the important "third player" is Athens, which by that time had dominated the poleis of the Bosporus and the Hellespont and imposed its control lanes between the the Black Sea and the Aegean. Methone, as an importer, shipping over was not only obliged to create whichever necessarylinks to the exporters but also to gain the support of Athens, as the controlling power in the Hellespont. Other poleis must also have had the sameaim, although evidence on them has not survived, not only with Athens but also with whichever other polis controlled the straits. From Athens' point of view, control of the Hellespont not only provided security for her own imports but also was a powerful political weapon, since she could at any time cut off supply to any enemy, rival or revolting ally.
Selymbria is mentioned as affecting a ban on grain exports at a time of shortage.619

Since the ban continued unabated after the end of the shortage, deficiency in grain must have beena common occurrence. Selymbria and her reactionsare those of a small importer that occasionally neededno imports. The known importers are found in the core of the Greek world and although the level of surviving evidence is low as compared to Athens both the number and the size of importing poleis is indicative of the needsfor grain in Greece,the Aegean and Asia Minor

`9 Aristotle Oikonomika 2.1348b25.


The importers are not exclusively large poleis with known maritime activity, such as Corinth, Aigina or Samos, but include small and insignificant poleis, such as Teos, Methone and Selymbria. In the majority of cases,only single referencesto imports have in but be the the cases where projected consumption/production equilibrium can survived insufficiency the estimations suggest regular of local production, which implies estimated, that the rare referencesin the sourcesare merely the tip of an iceberg of large scale regular imports. More importantly in the few caseswhere more information has survived, mainly through epigraphical survivals, small poleis are seen legislating and establishing close imported to their exporters and entrep6ts with guarantee supplies. The Tean relationships legislation thrown into sharp relief the Athenian legislation, while the evidence from Mytilene, Klazomenai and Methone betray the political intervention at intergovernmental level that small poleis could exert. Although nothing as pervasive and encompassingas Law VI of Athens has survived for the other importers, the overall picture relating to grain illuminates a complexity of intervention, legislative and diplomatic, which belies the in intervention trade. of governmental rarity supposed


Grain: Concluding Remarks
Grain was one of the most important commodities in the Greek trade lanes as the food for'almost Scholarship the the two centuries of majority of population. staple main has concentratedon the trade in grain, spurred by the numerous referencesin the sources. Its importance in the Greek diet and the common shortagesdue to climate made grain one in likely the to play a role. the which state was commodities most of The exporters of grain were not numerous and the majority of them situated in the in Greek World, the the Black Sea,North Africa and Sicily. In the Black Sea, periphery of the only known exporter was the Bosporan Kingdom in the Crimea, but other poleis, Tomis and Kallatis being the most probable candidates,also exported. In North Africa, grain was from Egypt, although Kyrene also had considerablesurpluses. In the exported primarily Sicily Mediterranean, was the main exporter, although the exact exporting poleis western identified. debates is be One the these the of regarding securely major poleis cannot in Although between their the trade, certainly and settlement archaic period. grain relation known interregional level, from least inter-polis the seventh was at at and possibly at it is impossible by Hesiod, to argue successfully that the poleis of the testified as century Black Sea and Naukratis were founded with the express purpose of providing grain for does in in Greece Asia Minor. However that that trade not mean grain was and poleis between Greek in the the and peripheral settlements core of world, period archaic absent had from Sea Naukratis both Black the that the and suggests settlements since evidence bulk form The grain, of export was generally considerablegrain production and surpluses. have been is it in it is There transported that could no evidence of sacks. possible although



for flour, forms, in example and the practicalities of sea-transportmade other export other

The majority of grain surpluseswere privately owned, although some grain was hands. in The system of aparchai, which was effected even in nonpublic certainly disposable the state with some surplusesevery year. The gifts provided exporters,provided by exporters to importers in times of crisis, such as those of Psammetichosand Leukon to Athens and that of Kyrene to several poleis, show that exporting states had considerable had Possibly in taxes some exporters surpluses. payable grain, similar to the public

islands. Atheniandodekate the of
The influence of the state in the production of grain must have been minimal. The importers lucrative induced the and made shortages existence of many grain a crop, weather intervention in from The the major state production. main role of the state no needed which in influencing production was one of its major aims by default: to protect the land from the in involved disposing The of the surpluses,as the policy of the state was of war. ravages Spartokids on making their grain attractive to importers shows. The Spartokids exhibit a disadvantages lateness harvest the their of natural of grain, of understanding sophisticated The Athens lightness towards specific export policies of product. and Mytilene show a and in intervention The the through tax of grain, marketing mainly of reductions. consistency differences in the trade policy of the Spartokids towards Athens and Mytilene show an importance importers different to their the according commercial statusof understandingof Lowering they the export taxes and providing priority of needed. of grain amount and lading gave Crimean grain the edgeit neededagainstother exporters,mainly Egypt.


At the other end of the Mediterranean,the actions of Kleomenesof Egypt show that the apparatusfor maximum intervention in disposing of marketablesurplusesexisted in the Greek World. However, the reactions of the Athenians towards such intervention and

manipulation of the existing trade networks show that such tactics were not welcome, at least among the importers. The case of Kleomenes is exceptional, since the polis, as an institution, would not put forward such measuresdue to their long-term unsustainability. The exporting statesare observeddisposing of surplusesin a variety of ways according to incentives In to to their importers, they also, in times of addition providing circumstance. directly. them gifts of with grain crisis, provided The importers, on the other hand, were numerous in the core of the Greek World, Asia Minor Aegean, in Greece, locus for the thus and providing a convenient mainly traders. For the majority of those nothing beyond who they were and in some caseswho they imported from is known. For others, with Athens as the prime example, it is possible to make a rough calculation of their grain imports. I adopted a system of variables rather than a specific estimation becauseproduction and consumption can not have been static is fact, from in In to the two static centuries. neither year of year especially a period over Mediterranean, where the microclimatic environment encouragesdiversity of production figures. The variable system incorporatesvarious figures for population, cultivated arable land, diet requirementsand yield figures as proposedby modern scholarsand mentioned in is Under the this adopting static calculation, as problems of a the sources. system most of usual among modem works, are avoided. For Athens, which is the greater importer in our period, it was shown conclusively large import it had least, fourth to in in quantities of grain. the that most years, century at


Unlike other modem calculations, which have argued either for or against self-sufficiency by adopting specific consumption and production figures, with the use of variables the be if to the can adapted specifications of any given year, such becomes calculations available. For other importers for which consumption and production estimations are possible, such as Corinth, Aigina, Megara and Samos,it was calculated that they regularly suffered from insufficiency of local production and, thus, had to import annually. The legislation on the import of grain shows that the importers were anxious to disposal their to ensuretheir supply. The main example is Athens, means at every employ legislation import. Athenian policy regarding the the covered most aspects of grain where the exporters was to provide them with gifts and honours, such as to the Spartokids and their envoys and possibly Strato of Sidon. Most of Athenian effort, however, was directed towards private traders, particularly those resident in Attika. The legislation on grain

import local for dissemination to traders the grain and provided safeguards of coerced imported grain, including a flexible fixing of market prices. Of greatest interest, however, is that Athenian legislation also regulated lending capital affecting not only grain but all imports, both thus, exhibiting a high-level of intervention in and exports commodities,

For Teos, the only other polis known to have grain import legislation, the situation is different. Teos had more detailed legislation than Athens but it had less scope

between differences by The indicative the taken the two measures are poleis economically. both larger differences their politically and economically. Athens was a known and of fleet, a powerful with even at its weakest, a commercial hub of respectedpolitical power the Aegean world and had a large resident population of traders, citizen and metic. Thus,


Athenian legislation approaches traders from a position of strength and reachedbeyond the Piraeus. Teos, on the contrary, a small and insignificant city in Asia Minor, can only imports from its inhibition Tean the of own citizens, grain commercial population prohibit being less than necessaryto provide sufficient imported grain. The different policies lack by institutionalised "coherent the the the were not reflection of of a poleis employed 620 depended but Athens developedwhat we term an framework7' on the power of the polis. institutionalised framework becauseit had the power to impose it not becausethe idea itself in lacking other poleis. was

620 Gallant (1989:406).




Researching trade in archaic and classical Greece is a multifaceted endeavour characterisednot only by the variability of sourcesand material but also by a multitude of theoretical and methodological debates. The aim of this work has been to explore and discuss the role of the government in foreign trade. The currently prevailing opinion intervention to exceptional circumstances scholars relegates modern governmental among imports the of extraordinary poleis like Athens. Through the study of four necessary and commodities, gold, silver, shipbuilding timber and grain, in whose trade the government was most likely to play a role, the existence,extent and type of intervention were explored. Gold and silver were the main metals used for precious coinage, which as a state initiative made governmentsresponsible for the procurement of metal. Shipbuilding timber was of interest in to the classical period where with poleis naval aspirations especially particular by built Lastly, foodstuff the the and owned state. grain were was major staple of navies the Greeks and as the climatic, geographic and demographic conditions in the Mediterranean made grain shortagescommon, many poleis had a vested interest in the grain trade. The survival rate of evidence from the ancient world is low, thus, it is almost impossible to identify precisely the role of the government in any given commodity or, four However, the to trade. the of any particular polis or polity as policy study of similarly, likely to play a role provides a mosaic of the most where government was commodities information on governmentalintervention and involvement in trade, wbich in turn provides a more complete picture of the government as a regulator of trade. In conclusion, the discussion four be from information the the examination and of commodities will strandsof fully. in the the to together government more explore role of an effort woven


Distribution of Rcsources

To begin, the geographicaldistribution of the exportersof the four commodities will be discussed. The main exporters of gold in the Greek world are found in the Thracomacedonianregion, Lydia, the south-eastemshores of the Black Sea and Egypt. The main exporters of silver are found also in the Thracomacedonian region, the Black Sea being difference Athens. that the Iberia; the one with gold of major exporters was main and Shipbuilding timber was found in quantity only in specific regions around the Mediterranean with the main reserves in the Thracomacedonian region, northern Asia Minor, the southern littoral of the Black Sea and Magna Graecia. Grain was produced throughout the Greek world but large-scaleproduction with adequatesurpluseswas mainly found in the Black Sea,Egypt and Sicily and Magna Graecia. With the partial exception of silver, the geographic distribution of the main importance in highlights important the these of areas commodities peripheral producers of the Greek world. Largely the geographical position of the resource areas conforms to a being Greece Euboia, Peloponnese, the the and central core with model core-periphery Greek Asia islands Minor. The Aegean the the on and south-eastem periphery, with along Greek Asia in Minor, Hellespont, divided is the hand, the two with northern zones other Thracomacedonianregion, north-westem Greece, Sicily and Magna Graecia in the inner in Sea Black Mediterranean Asia Minor, the the Africa, and western oriental zone and north distribution This of necessaryresourcesestablishedthe patterns of geographic the outer. its for it impossible to in Greek the material culture core sustain the was trade world, since between the Thus, the periphery was core and the of products exchange periphery. without forced to the produce exchange core was consequently, and, necessity an unavoidable
by for the the periphery. goods provided articles


Form of Traded Commodities

There was no uniform standardof export in the Greek World, as commodities were forms in For is little to there according necessity and various convenience. gold, exported however, form included the that transactions of export, which, suggests on most evidence

bullion, asLydia probablyexported to Sparta.Further,the emergency natureof manygold in the Greekworld, which were minted probablyfrom local reserves mainly of coinages
dedications, bullion. For that transactions temple also suggests most and were of plate form hand, is debated tile the of export widely other among scholarsand currently on silver, the majority opinion tends towards coins being the main form of export. The evidence of however, in form that the shows presented, export quantities of silver of coins must minting have been little, since the relatively small amounts of coins produced by the exporters, as

by importers, large in bullion that the state production numerous suggest export was against morewidespread.
Timber for warships is generally supposedto have been exported as raw timber from the exportersto the importers; however, the majority of the evidenceof exports relates

from Macedonto the Atheniansin to oars, mainly unshavcd, as Andokidestransported between implies. Perdikkas for Athenians Import Samos the treaty timber the and and of the actualconstruction of warships,however,is attestedin only very few cases, someof
them exceptionally motivated, as the case of Dionysios of Syracuse, or under very
in last decades Athens fourth the the as century, when circumstances, of constrained

is hand, in Greek On hadbecome there Macedon the other particularlyprominent politics.
in timber was of warships areas where shipbuilding construction of evidence considerable

locally availablc,which ncgatedall nccd for the cxport of raw timbcr to the naval statcs, in Building for the and that areaswas more economical resource rcpairs. needed except 260

easier in terms of construction, since the resource areas had not only an abundanceof timber but also the expertise necessary. In most cases, such shipbuilding areas were brought under the control of the naval powers through military intervention and conquest. Grain, lastly, was exported mainly in bulk, since the commodity in other forms, such flour or bread, was particularly vulnerable to mildew and rot during long-distance transport by in have been both Transport the extra cost of grain containers must minimal, since ship. be for the cargo-space would prohibitive to most traders. need extra and The non-uniformity of standardsof export and the variety of different forms that a in be trade the Greek world could support variability that exported show commodity could of commodity types and forms. Particularly the case of timber, where export of raw finished in favour and export of of conquest products, shows that material was eschewed considerationof practicality and easeof transport played a major role in conditions of trade in the Greek world. Similarly, the case of precious metal export in the form of bullion rather than coins suggeststhat cost and expense variables played a role in the form of export of commodities.
Ownership of Commodities

A major issue in any economy is the ownership and control of surpluses, since direct in disposition the their state a more gave role and a governmentalcontrol of surpluses firmer hand in regulating the trade of a commodity. A range of resources,such as mines and forests, belongedto the state under all circumstances. For gold, the information relates to Lydia, a non-Greek kingdom, where the Spartantransaction with Kroisos and the large by kings kings bullion Lydian Lydian the that the owned exploited the suggest of amounts in directly, directly king Persian the similar mines and resources manner as gold exploited


quarries. Further, the little information surviving on the Macedonian exploitation of the Pangaion and Lake Prasias mines also implies direct exploitation of the resource. The system employed by Persia is also one of direct exploitation, although the King made concessionsto public bodies, such as governors and poleis, as is seen in the cases of Histiaios in Myrkinos, Pythios and the Aktaies poleis. The situation was different for silver, where the evidencerelates to Athens, a polis that apparently had ownership of the underground resourcesof the country but control of the surpluseswas widely diffused using leasing. With leasing, the Athenian state spread the surpluses through the population and the policy of minimum intervention in the production and control of silver surpluses gave incentive to private trading, although through the profits from the leases,and possibly from the kaminoi, the polis had control of a considerablepart of surpluses. It must be noted here that since Athens was radically democratic, it is possible that oligarchic governments employed less diffused systems of exploitation. With timber, attention focuseson the other political side of the Greek World, from democratic Athens to autocratic Macedon. The Macedonian kings employed a system of exploitation betweenthe close monopoly of the Lydians and the diffiised exploitation of the Athenians using a controlled exploitation system, which simultaneously afforded them greater control over the exploitation of their timber resources. The details of the kingdoms have Cypriot the of regime not survived but it appears that exploitation in arrangements were place there as well. Monopoly arrangementsare known monopolic


for the Greek kingdoms in other commodities as well, such as the silphium monopoly in Kyrene.

Andokides' testimony and the insistence of the Macedonian kings in not granting exploitation rights to foreign states, even when surrendering exclusive export rights, suggest that the kings preferred to keep exploitation under close personal control. It is possible that some of the timber surpluses were directly exploited by the king, on the oriental model, but, since Macedon did not have a fleet, the degree of direct exploitation lease-like been have The procedure shows the middle politicosmall. existenceof a must economic ground held by the autocratic regimes of the Greek World betweenthe polis and the oriental kingships. The leasing procedure employed by the Macedonian kings is different from that employed in Athens, since in Athens leasing is open and conducted under a specific set of rules, while in Macedon leasing depends on the king. It is a

concession,which may be withdrawn or extended according to the king's wishes rather a like laws Athens. The is at system or a public auction similar, albeit on a set of specific by king Persian individual the the to to scale, concessions awarded poleis and smaller in assumesthe right to exploit governors, as seen the case of Mt Ida, where Pharnabazos freely the reserve,since it is owned by the King, while simultaneouslythe Greek poleis also had rights of exploitation. The similarities with the oriental practice do not stop there as Andokides testifies, since providing concessionsas gifts to xenoi was an oriental custom, in is found like Possibly, the timber those of Magna poleis with resources, not polis. which Graecia, also kept close control over exploitation, even if not as close as that of Macedon, as suggestedby Dionysios asking permission to exploit the south Italian reserves. The

1Aristotle Fragmenta Varia 8.44.528;Anaxandridas F4.1. 62


difference in the attitude between the oriental kingdom and the polis is significant; while has no qualms about exploiting the resourcein the name of the king in spite of Pharnabazos to nearbypoleis, it is difficult to imagine the Athenian state sendingpublic any concessions slavesto mine someextra silver in a leasedmine in a caseof emergency. Turning to grain, the situation is much different from the other commodities, since by nature grain presupposes a more diffused ownership, since its cultivation was largely in the hands of private individuals; something especially true in the polis, where public and temple estates were leased to private individuals. There were surpluses owned and

controlled by the polis through the aparchai and, wherever existing, through taxes payable in gain but these were small in comparison to the large deposits in private hands. As the in Egypt Kleomenes the exporting countries show, surpluses of of while public policies larger, an effective control of the surplusesof the country meant dealing were considerably mainly with privately owned grain. The uniform practice in the Greek world was for the state to own the resourcesof the country, in other words the resourcesthat did not dependupon human agency, mainly metals, oxides and forest timber. However, the exploitation of resourcesand the control of the state over the surplusesdiffered considerably among types of polity. The oriental and Greek kingdoms exploited their resourcesdirectly and through direct personal concessions to their subjects, either private individuals or public bodies. The polis, on the other hand, in the exploitation of the Athenian silver mines, preferred to diffuse the as exemplified surpluses to the population through leasing. The practice between polis and kingdom, oriental and Greek, appears to diverge sharply in the employment of monopoly by the kingdom, a practice unattestedin the world of the polis.


Role of Government in Production of Commodities

The interest of the exporter in a commodity can be expressedthrough exerting influence on its production. Unfortunately, for gold any influence exerted by the exporting information be detected, the since cannot majority of refers to archaic stateson production Lydia, which employed a system of direct exploitation, where any measuresdesigned to increase productivity were probably handled within the court, thus leaving no trace for hand, intervened in Macedon, Philip the the production of certainly on other of posterity. the Pangaion gold mines and succeededthrough investment in installations to increase

The influence of the government on Athenian silver production was minimal and hand, legislated On the the to protect one state centred on safety and quality control. for from thus the providing a safe environment malicious actions, miners and mining in keeping Laurion their production stable the paramount which was mines, exploitation of imposed by hand, increasing. On the government through the the control quality other and its leasing and regulation of kaminoi enhancedthe marketability of silver both in Athens high quality not only assuredthe mining prospector the uniform and outside; guaranteed but for him his to profit. more extensive opportunities silver also provided of marketability Profit is one of the greatestincentives for increasedproduction. The influence of the government on production is also evident in timber exporters. Macedon is the best-known example of a state regulating production; the Macedonian kings kept production of timber in their forests as their personal mandate. Andokides' boast that his royal xenos allowed him to cut down as many trees as he wished, implies the normal in for king in limit Macedon the surviving the to was such exploitation; similarly practice


treaties with foreign states,while the Macedonian kings gave rights of export, they never relinquished control of exploitation. In principle, the Macedonians employed the same reasoningas the Athenians, although temperedby the differences in their respectiveexports and political realities. Both regulated production with an eye for the protection of both differences in The their policies result from the difference, on resource and productivity. the one hand, betweena democracyand an autocracyand, on the other, on the fundamental differences between timber and silver. Thus, where a democracy legislated, the

Macedonian autocracy simply kept production in the hands of the king, and, more importantly, where Athens could only protect productivity as long as silver was available, the Macedonianscould protect productivity indefinitely, as timber is a renewable resource as long as exploitation does not exceedre-growth. The modem example of the excessive deforestation internationally Amazon the the the subsequent and reserves, exploitation of downward the testify to the the of produce spiral marketability enforced sanctions on losing Macedonians by The avoided a precious resource affected a non-husbandingpolicy. through direct control and limited exploitation, similar to that of the Cypriot kings who also limited production. Both Cyprus and Macedon were metallurgical centres,thus protection of valuable timber resourceswas a major internal concern,since metallurgy has a voracious appetite for fuel, which can easily lead to denudationand over-exploitation. Grain was a difficult commodity to influence directly, since the majority of arable land and its surpluseswere in private hands. However, grain was a commodity of universal interest in the Greek world and surpluses eagerly desired by traders, especially in the known exporters. Thus, the influence of the government in production needed to be


on protecting production through avoiding war or at least limiting minimal and concentrates the ravagesof attacking armies. The role of the government in the production of commodities differed according to type of commodity and type of polity. Commodities whose ownership was private, such as grain, were influenced by the state very little, since the resources,in the caseof grain arable land, were privately owned. Governments played a bigger role in the production of by from the state. In the case of such commodities, resources owned commodities influence on production differed according to type of polity. The extent of intervention and involvement of the government in production, as in exploitation, was heavier in the Greek in lighter kingdoms the polis. and considerably and oriental
Role of Government in Export of Commodities

Disposition of available surpluseswas also of interest to poleis and polities; here intervention became more pronounced and various means of disposition were employed, including direct transactionswith other states. In an autocratic easternstate like Lydia, the disposition of surpluseswas squarely in the hands of the king and his court, meaning that the vast majority of surpluseswere state-owned,which influenced greatly their disposition. The transaction with Sparta shows that the Lydian kings traded directly with other states; Herodotos' lack of comment suggests that such transactionswere not unique and the earlier kingdoms Eastern from Near Israel the suggeststhe same. If gold were and examples in Spartans in free Lydia, then the to conditions one would expect market available widely have been in the market, not the palace, negotiating on their sale. Such direct trade with direct for foreign the trade traders as well and the right climate with other states creates both delegation Greek Spartan Kroisos towards the temples show and various actions of


that the Lydian kings considered gift giving a valid method of disposing their precious metal; a practice with important political connotations,as is testified by the reaction of the Spartansto Kroisos' call for help later. The sameappearsto be the casealso for the Greek kingdoms, as seenin the accusationof bribery of Greek politicians by Philip 11. Turning to the poleis and the evidence from silver, the situation is quite different. Athens did not prefer direct exploitation and the leasing systemmeant that large parts of the surplusesended in private hands. The large scale of minting in Athens suggeststhat the state disposeda great part of its own surplusesin coinage, although other uses, including temple dedications, must also have been prevalent. The surplusesin the hands of private citizens found their way into the market, as the Poroi suggests,where they were available to foreign traders and states,as well as into coinageproduction through the openness of the is direct between but, It trade that states existed possible unfortunately, minting procedure. there is no evidence of such transactions. Furthermore, it was traditional, at least in the be distributed for to the the to the citizenry, as in of state of surpluses archaic period, part Siphnos,where again they reachedthe open market. The case of timber again exemplifies the middle status of the Greek autocratic states. In Macedon, the king had absolute control of the disposition of timber surpluses,as Perdikkas' treaty with Athens shows; the king treated with other states for exclusive disposition of surpluses. Amyntas' treaty with the Chalkidians is more pervasive, since there not only oars but also all types of timber are included although the Chalkidians do not attain exclusivity like the Athenians a few decadesearlier. In addition, the Macedonian kings also dealt with private traders, granting them limited rights of export, as is shown by Andokides' export of Macedonian oars in the reign of Archelaos. The variety of


in by disposition its illuminate Macedon the the timber employed of surpluses mechanisms limitations be imposed. The the that to a and on export could government choicesavailable difference in disposition is also evidence of the control of production exercised by the Macedonians,since it shows how both exploitation and disposition were under the direct difference king. Athenian The the treaty concerning miltos with the the with of control illuminating in is Keos this case, since the polis could only control particularly of poleis 622 like by direct Macedonians. the arrangement export through shipping, not The variety of options available to the state in disposing of surpluses is more Grain in the exporters, unlike those of shipbuilding timber and caseof grain. pronounced for intervention had their thus, the products, and, of the more competition precious metals, by for is the the the shows care shown and simultaneously state government more obvious, be land. Unfortunately, the the practices of polis governments cannot principal exports of fully reconstructed, since the evidence relates mainly to the Greek kingdoms. The

incentives importers Spartokids made arrangements their to make their grain offering with in differences Athens Mytilene The their towards traders. to policy and attractive more different for had Bosporan. the they that of markets grain and an acute understanding show

into incentives, from how far full the the cut revenue which of state of realisation a
do into Spartokids be Further, the taken. enter monopolic arrangements, not could customs, in however, by incentives, instead to are practice exercised offer which, private preferring traders. On the other hand, the actions of Kleomenes of Egypt show that the necessary increase impose it to to using governmental revenues, a monopoly on grain, mechanisms

1128.124: i4dyctv ip nkoicot(O[t&v 'AOqvaiot 6no5egcouiv,iv allwt] U nXoi(otP118evi, IG vCtUov & &UM &&CYTOU'r0i; i&V ipyaý%L&OU; M [TaMVTOI) U 7EX06t Tt; VCEUKXýPOt; TOb]q 6Pok6v ' ToO TCWv i46y[ilt, 9voXovcivat ], "it will be exported in a ship which the Athenianswill designateand in no other .. ship, the transportprice will be an obol per eachtalent to the naukleroi who work; if someoneexports in another ship, let him be guilty... ".


existed. That such methodswere not common among poleis was the result of the networks of trade in the Greek World. Kleomenes could employ such tactics mainly becauseof the famine besetting the poleis at the time. However, under normal circumstances, the

exporting states had to rely on incentives rather than monopoly, since traders would not bear the brunt of excess custom when prices were not extraordinarily high and cheaper grain could have beenobtained elsewhere. The difference in policy betweenthe Spartokids and Kleomenes is the difference between the market under normal conditions and in times of widespreadshortage. In times of widespreadcrisis, the exporting statescould intervene more forcefully and increase their revenue from exports, while in times of plenty the importers had to be attracted and products made desirable through incentives. The differences in intervention are the exporting equivalent of katagein, when the statebecomes more forceful in times of crisis with relative impunity. The evidence on the disposition of surpluses refers mainly to the affairs of the limited kingdoms Greek only evidence available on the polis. with oriental and The

evidence from gold, timber and grain suggests that the Greek kingdoms intervened considerably in the export of commodities through direct trade, treaties with other states

and incentivesto statesand their affiliated traders. Someof the kingdom arrangements but timber andKleomenes' as in the caseof Macedonian weremonopolistic, gain scheme, the Spartokid policy of providing incentives to important importers shows that the kingdomscould have sustained the non-monopolistic export policies. Simultaneously, in the policiesof the Spartokids differences andKleomenes showhow Greekgovernments
adapted their policies according to the circumstances of the market on specific commodities. Again, as in exploitation, the polis adopted more devolved methods of


disposition of surplusesthrough the use of private individuals and releaseof large part of the surplusesin the market.
Role of Government in the Import of Commodities

Turning to imports, firstly the known stateswith a regular or permanentshortagein be briefly presented. The identification of all polis and polities with each commodity will in impossible information is task, an since shortages each commodity such rarely survives in the sources. However, for each commodity it was attempted to identify as many importers as possiblewithin the framework of the available sourcesand material evidence. For gold, the states with a regular need and shortage were the majority of poleis minting gold and electrum coinages; the poleis examined in this work were those of Asia Minor and Sicily/Magna Graecia, since in those areas gold and electrum coinages were more common than in mainland Greece and the Aegean. In Asia Minor, the known importers were Chios, Ephesos,Miletos, Phokaia, Samos, Teos, Halikarnassos,Kyzikos, Mytilene, Rhodos, Pergamos and Kios. The majority of these minters needed regular imports to sustaintheir minting; the exceptions were few, such as Chios in the middle of the fifth century. Moreover, some poleis, such as Kyzikos, Phokaia and Mytilene minted in throughout the period considerablevolume. In Sicily and Magna Graecia, continuously the situation was different with most gold coinagesbeing a reaction in times of crisis, with the only exception being the late fifth- early fourth-century gold coinage of Dionysios of Syracuse. Gold minting in Sicily outside Syracusewas confined to the late fifth century in Akragas, Gela and Karnarina in connection with the Carthaginian invasion and in Magna Graecia,to Taras and Metapontion, chronologically connected to the mainland Greek to the colonies againstnative revolts. assistance


Silver was the main coinage metal in the Greek World from the late sixth century onwards; the large number of poleis minting in silver makes any attempt to identify the importers superfluous. All poleis minting silver coins, except for the few poleis with silver mines in their territories, were importers. The comparative study of the minters according to coins found in hoards showed conclusively that the poleis without resourceswere the for both Athens, except which produced silver and minted it in most prolific minters, in hoards five The 69 than times showed that the of appearing more quantity. study poleis in in Sicily Italy to those more relation mainland Greece,the Aegean and minted poleis of in for Asia Minor. The minting an area with no native resources such prolific reason and last did 'international' coinages,such as the Greek the the that not use western world was Athenian owls, the Kyzikene staters and the Persian darics, which dominated the markets large in Greek the the eastern part of of coins world. and provided a surplus Many poleis had permanentshortagesin shipbuilding timber, since many poleis had considerable navies and the sources indicate that suitable timber could be found only in limited areas. Unfortunately, the only polis for which precise fleet sizes survive is Athens, fourth importing for For there the other century. part of poleis, the only aids even only and in literary infrequent, fleets in the to the suspect, references and possibly sources used are in fleet Greek World The the throughout the classical greatest engagements. various naval 300 fleets The Athenian, the ships. which often surpassed other major were the period was Chian, the Mytilenian, the Samian, the Rhodian, the Corinthian, the Corcyraean and the Syracusan. The precisenumber of stateswith regular or permanentshortagesof grain cannot be identified. For many poleis, shortagescan be identified through inscriptional evidence but


in very few casescan theseshortagesbe identified as permanentor regular, such as Teos in the fifth century and Mytilene in the fourth. For a number of other poleis regular shortages can be inferred in mentions of imports in the literary sources. In very few cases,where the has been in the poleis question estimated, a comparison between the population of in the population grain and the production of the polis shows whether estimated needsof the poleis were regularly deficient in grain. The identified poleis that had regular or Corinth, Aigina, Andros, Athens, Megara, Mytilene, of grain were permanent shortages Arkesine in Amorgos, Samos, Teos, Ephesos, Klazomenai, Akanthos in the Chalcidice, Methone and Selymbria. The importers often intervened in the trade of commodities in order to ensureand safeguardthe regularity of their imports. The different meansemployed to ensureimports contain different degreesof intervention in trade, from forceful coercion of exporters to incentives and honours;offered to traders. For some commodities there is sufficient by importing degree different the the the to means employed states and pinpoint evidence however, infer from intervention In we can only cases, enforced. other probability the of how successfulthey were. meansemployed and For gold, the two case studies present two very different pictures of the means of import employed by the poleis. In the sixth century, the Spartanimport from Lydia setsthe background for any further discussion. The Spartanspreferred to import directly in a stateto-state transaction,without intermediaries; this import is extraordinary, since the Spartans had no regular need for gold. That even under extraordinary circumstances,trade was the preferred means of transaction and specifically direct public import is illuminating on the meanspreferred by the polis. For the majority of Asia Minor minters, in the sixth century


and later, which had a permanent shortage of gold for their coinages, the exact means employed to ensureimport have not survived. In specific cases,such as that of Chios in the fifth century, chancemeans of acquisition in the form of booty were probably employed. However, for most of the minters in a Asia Minor a more peaceful and less risky solution was preferable, implying trade as the primary meansof aequisition. The other side of the coin is amply illustrated in the secondcase study, in the gold minting in Sicily and Magna Graecia. The gold coinagesthere, with the possible exception of the coinageof Dionysios I of Syracuse,were crisis measuresin times of war, most probably aimed at the payment of supplies and mercenaries. Under critical circumstances, the Greek poleis tended to requisition material through force, either violent, such as booty, or coercive within the loans from did in last Athens temples, taxation the and such as extraordinary as polis, years of the Pelopomesian War. For silver, the lack evidenceon the importers is problematical. Scholarly opinion in the last few decadeshas tended to argue in favour of relatively insecureand chancemeans of import for the poleis, translated into the theory of acquiring existing coinages for reminting. The large scale minting by poleis with no silver resources of their own

combined with the small scale of the coinages of most silver producers points towards a different solution. The various finds in hoards of silver ingots and bars testify as to the in bullion. Furthermore, the evidence on entry of foreign trade of existenceand viability had in the the theory that contradicts state a ready supply of foreign coinage coins any polis in its coffers, since money-changingwas widespread, and in some casesmandatory, and such functions were the province of private banks not the state. In addition, Xenophon's

that export of silver was bound to bring profits to traders,since silver had a statement


constant demandand high prices shows that trade in bullion was not only common but also advisable financially. The specific meansof ensuring imports by the statesare not certain, since very little evidencehas survived. Xenophon points towards private traders being part does but, he the transaction of understandably, not provide further specifics, since his theme its import. the the and export of commodity, concerns production not Shipbuilding timber was a necessarycommodity for most naval poleis in the Greek World, especially those with large navies. It has been generally assumedthat poleis with in build imported from to the timber warships their own shipyards. resource areas navies However, the only specific evidenceof import of timber for shipbuilding from the resource areas to an importer dates from the end of the classical period, when circumstanceshad changed dramatically due to the advent of Macedon. On the other hand, there is

considerableevidence of shipbuilding in or near the resource areas,mainly from the fifth in in Amphipolis and the Peloponnesians Antandros, Brasidas The Lesbian exiles century. in battle Kyzikos the to the resource areasto the use, naupegia or planned of used, after build their fleets. Additionally, the evidenceon imports of timber products for shipbuilding lack in the treaty betweenAthens timber; to especially a of references, such refers oars not imported if for in is Perdikkas, timber the quantities necessary shipbuilding was odd, and for building a fleet. The evidence, as it standsnow, points towards shipbuilding occurring in naupegia in the resource areas, not towards large-scale import of timber to presumed importance importers. in The lent the the of naupegia in resource areas even naupegia to these areas. Athens is the prime example of a naval power trying to more consequence in in The Athenian the Pentekontaetia a regular supply of ships. a role securing efforts play in the Thracomacedonianarea are largely the story of Athenian timber and ship supply.


There are two parallel matters that Athens was concernedwith: the ships themselvesand special supplies, such as oars. For the ships, Athens preferred extreme intervention in the form of violent coercion of the exporters through conquestand forced settlement of areas, such as Amphipolis and Eion. In addition to ensuring her own supply, Athens made considerableefforts to limit or cut off the supply of her rivals and revolting allies, as is seen in the conquestand settling of Messenianhelots in Naupaktos cut off Corinthian accessto the naupegia of the area and the outlets of the Aitolian mountains and in the sundering of Mytilenian domination of the Aktaies poleis after the Mytilenian revolt, cutting off Mytilenian accessto the naupegia and resourcesof Mt Ida. On the other hand, Athens also tried to securethe import of special timber supplies, such as oars. The best oars came from Macedon, which Athens could not violently coerce in the same way as the poleis in the Strymon area. The size and population of the Macedoniankingdom made it impossible for a naval polis, even one as big as Athens, to conquer the resource areas or their outlets. Even so, the dominion of imperial Athens on the poleis of the Chalcidice and those of the southernThermaic Gulf meant that Macedon was at a permanentdisadvantage-againstthe internal Aegean. Furthermore, the the weaknessesof the Macedonian royal mistress of house, and of monarchy as a constitution, gave Athens multiple opportunities to oblige the Macedonian kings into providing her with special timber supplies. The treaty with Perdikkas shows how deep Athens could cut into the Macedonian oar trade, since Athens managedto securea monopoly of import. Athens was not always the all-powerful partner as is shown by the honours accordedto Archelaos. The ability of the Macedonian king to renege on treaties and deals with little to lose meant that Athens also had to attract the private traders of special timber supplies. Although Andokides may have had no further


incentive than his patriotism for providing oars to the Athenian fleet in Samos,the same was certainly not true for other traders, such as Phanosthenes. Specific economic incentives, such as ateleia from the hekaloste,were powerful reasonsfor private traders to provide Athens with her necessary supplies. Athens was not unique in the means employed to ensure her ship and timber products supply, since other poleis followed similar patternsof intervention. Mytilene, one of the primary naval powers in the Aegean, had under its control the outlets of Ida and the important in Gulf Adramytion. Thasos, in fifth the the an of naval power early naupegia century in the Thracian Sea, had under its control the Strymon area and was willing to defend its prerogativesthere forcefully, as is testified by the Thasian revolt. Such coercive measures,mainly through colonisation rather than outright conquest, are apparent in the sourcesfor poleis other than Athens. The same is not true of more peaceful solutions and treaties, which can only be identified if the inscription recording them has survived and been excavated. The treaty between Amyntas of Macedon and the Chalcidian confederacy shows that other poleis, or political units, could coerce the exporters into providing Beyond import that, clues in the sourcesalso violent conquest. without extendedrights of provide relatively wide niches to assumeother roles played by the polis in ensuring its timber imports. For example, that Dionysios of Syracuse needed permission to import south Italian timber shows that in this case direct public import between poleis was available. The role played by the polis in ensuring its grain imports is subtly different from that of other commodities; the main reason for this difference has already been mentioned above relating to production. Since the bulk of production was in private hands, the


importing statewas obliged to play a role in relation not only to the exporter but also to the trading networks in the Greek World. Direct public trade occurs in several instancesin the sources but it is limited to times of crisis, although not necessarily famines; thus, Psammetichosand Leukon gifted grain to Athens in the 450s and the mid-fourth century respectively and Kyrene provided gifts of grain to a variety of Greek states in the 320s. Similarly, during crises, many poleis with an extraordinary shortage at the time intervened forcefully in the grain trade of their general area, as is testified by the various instancesof katagein, the forceful detainment of grain ships destined to other poleis. Under normal circumstances,the importers preferred more pervasive but less forceful measures. On the one hand, they offered incentives and honours to the exporters, as is shown by the honours in fourth by kings Athens Bosporan the to the century. accorded On the other hand, as a direct consequence of the private characterof the majority importers influence took the trade, to a variety of measures and and of grain production intervention legislation, The their traders. of such means main was as seen constrain own in Athens and Teos. Both in Athens and Teos, two very different polcis in terms of legislated to constrain its traders as to the import of the state political and economic power, import to In Athens, obliged not citizens and metics were grain to any other port but grain. the Athenian, while in Teos citizens, and presumably metics, were obliged not to divert imports from the polis. grain As was mentioned above, the differences between the

by different the their the two poleis were result of employed political and measures economic positions in the Greek World, since Athens was a powerful polis with many citizen and metic traders, while Teos was a small polis without the luck of having a large contingent of local traders. Athens regulated further on its grain import by outlawing cartels


and cornering the market, as well as by regulating maximum profit on imported grain sales. Both pieces of legislation testify to the existence of the notion of just price in the ancient 623 flour bread. Finley's the and regulation of retail prices of world and complement suggestionthat just price was a medieval concept cannot be proven since not only does the evidence from Athens suggest that the notion existed in the ancient world but also the just further that suggest price was a mercantile and consumer condemnationsof monopoly



Of most interest is the Athenian legislation regulating the finance of foreign trading forcefully is intervening in the hidden backbone of in Athens this case seen ventures. overseas trade, lending capital, by regulating the available ventures investors based in Athens could participate in. Against the common opinion of scholarson the matter, it was shown that this piece of legislation regulated not merely grain imports, or indeed any imports, but both imports and exports from the Athenian emporion. Such intervention on the part of a polis state is particularly illuminating, since it pervades every aspect of Athenian trading, while, simultaneously,being within the peaceful prerogative of the polis. This piece of legislation testifies both to the power the polis could yield in terms of intervention in foreign trade and to the economic sophistication of the legislators, who finance. invisible harnessed the of power recognisedand
Models of Governmental Intervention/Involvement in Trade

Thirty-fivc years ago, Moses Finley devoted a whole chapter of his Ancient Economy to the interaction between state and economy in the ancient world. A very small

623 [Aristotle] AlhPol 51.3. 624 Finley (1999: 170). Condemnationsof monopoly: Demosthenes56.7-9; Aristotle Politics 1259a5-33(two cases).


part of that chapter discussedthe role of the state in foreign trade and concluded that ancient states, Greek and Roman, intervened only limitedly and occasionally, mainly in connection with
crisiS. 625

This view has become the orthodoxy on the subject and further

investigation in the role of governmentshas been virtually non-existent. Even in works that touch upon the subject and the evidence relating to governmental intervention, Finley's 626 intervention has been the guiding principle. view of occasionaland exceptional The aim of this work has been to explore the role of the state in foreign trade in the archaic and classical periods. In effect, this can be expressedin one simple question: did Greek governmentsintervene in trade, and, if so, how? From the above presentationof the various methods and circumstancesof governmental involvement and intervention in the

in the Greekworld both wereinvolved it is evidentthat governments tradeof commodities,
did intervened in importantly, More trade. governments and not confine their involvement and intervention to extreme and exceptional circumstances. On the contrary, governments in the Greek world had both the ability and the will to play a role in the trade of commodities, both in imports and in exports. Since non-intervention by governments is considered a major sign of the primitive economy, then it follows that intervention and involvement by governmentsdenotesa non627 primitive economy. Under thesecircumstances,the conclusion is forced upon us that the current view of the state as a non-intervening entity in the Greek economy is wrong. Yet, the issue is not closed since the role played by the government differed according to the
625 Finley (1985: 155). 626 Most examplesof this practice relate to the trade in grain, given the natural pre-occupationof the our Athenian sourceswith the matter. On the Tean law on grain: Bravo (1983:23); Jameson(1983:12); Garnsey& Morris (1989:103). On the Solonian ban of exports: Gamsey (1988:75); Jameson(1983:11); Austin & VidalNaquet (1977:69). 627 Finley (1985: 154-5); Austin & Vidal-Naquet (1977: 112).


type of state, the period and the specific requirements of the commodity in question. A government in the Greek World and its fringes had a wide available spectrum of intervention in the trade, importing or exporting, of commodities. Different types of poleis and polities used different parts of the spectrum,although sometimesoverlapping.


ýý 914






CL x


tj) Cýs ti) 0


The oriental kingdoms, such as Lydia, Persia or Alexandrian Egypt, intervened heavily in the exploitation and trading of their resources. Unfortunately, no evidence on their import policies has survived. The oriental kingdoms not only owned their resources but also exploited them directly, thus, gaining control of the vast majority of surpluses. Similar direct intervention is exhibited in the disposition of surpluses by oriental states, since the only attestedmeansof disposition are through direct trade with other states and gifts. However, it is probable that the oriental kingdoms also cateredto the needsof private traders for products to reach the open market. The system followed by oriental stateswas in by to the times as resources state, clearly monopolistic and at not owned even extended the grain schemeof Kleomenesof Egypt. Greek in the world. had their counterparts The autocratic regimes of the orient but system mixed a employed their had Greek kingdoms also resources These ownership of in the the as direct resources, of exploitation of exploitation and control. They exercised limitations of case of gold, but also allowed private exploitation under a closed system in legislation, timber. king by directly than as the rather controlled The system of

involved both since though differed from concessions, the that even polis, of exploitation in disposition the kingdoms as seen the product of the retained control of exploitation and the treaties between the Macedonian king and Athens and the Chalcidian League. Additionally, both in Macedon and in the Cypriot kingdoms, the safety and quality of resourceswas considered an important issue and was ensured through the control of the king. The concessionsof the Greek kingdoms can be paralleled to the oriental, albeit in a smaller scale; where the oriental kingdoms provided poleis and governors with concession to resources,the Greek kingdoms provided these to private individuals. In the disposition


of surpluses,the Greek kingdoms again exhibited a mixed system. They preferred direct trade but through treaty agreementsrather than arbitrarily and also provided marketable surplusesto private traders. There is a definite tendency towards monopoly arrangements, as is also seen in the monopoly of silphium in Kyrene. In the case of grain, where in surpluseswere mainly private hands,the kingdoms, as seenin the caseof the Spartokids, did make arrangements in disposition of surpluses,including direct disposition through gift. Very little information on the import policies of the Greek kingdoms; for their arrangements with poleis, it appears that they utilised the existing trading networks, with the exporting governments,as in the although with the aid of treaties or arrangements caseof Amyntas and the Chalkidians and Athens and the Spartokids. The polis had some few common characteristics with the systems of the above categories, most importantly that of ownership of resources. Beyond that, however, the devolved system of control and exploitation, mainly through an exhibited a strongly polis by in lack leasing Leasing the the characterised polis was of exploitation open system. issues, disposition beyond basic the of non-control safety a policy of control of the private legislative through the open procedure. In some cases,the polis concession surplusesand imposed limitations on exploitation, as the poleis of south Italy did with timber, but probably this was an issue dictated by the nature of transaction, since Dionysios was not a individual but foreign The government. polis also ensuredthe safety and quality a private but legislation its like Macedon, through not through direct control. of resources, Disposition of surpluseswas also widely diffused. The polis allowed private individuals not only to control but also to dispose of surpluses freely. More importantly, it kept only part of the surplusesas its own, so its powers of disposition were fewer. Public surpluses


were mainly disposed of within the state, either through direct gifts to the populace or through state finances and projects such as coinage. Exceptionally, the polis could dispose of public surplusesas gifts to other states, as Kyrene did, but such actions are observed only under exceptional circumstances. Lastly, the polis as exporter provided incentives to importers and through them to private traders to achieve disposition of surpluses, both private and public. The polis intervened in imports considerably more pervasively than other states. When necessary the polis did engagein direct imports, mainly when dealing with statesthat Even direct then, the polis preferred to operate arrangements. and preferred monopoly through treaties, since treaties provided the framework for private traders to accessthe is best exhibited by the trading The the on networks polis reliance of monopolic markets. the incentives provided to foreign traders whenever import was necessary and by the imports. local In legislation towards traders specific addition, aimed at guiding coercive the poleis provided incentives to the exporters,mainly through honours. The polis, however, was not always peaceful in its dealings. Thus, especially in times of crisis, chance and often violent meansof acquisition were used against both the local population and foreign traders or states. Such actions are, on the home front, the imposition of extraordinary taxes and the borrowing from temples and, in the foreign front, the use of katagein and acquiring booty. The amount of intervention that the polis had at its disposal was to someextent dependenton its political and military power, not on economic factors. Thus, some poleis, when they had the ability, engaged on conquest or violent disposable Such is thus, the acquiring an outlook areas, surpluses. of resource colonisation


exhibited by Athens throughout the classical period and especially during the fifth-century empire. The differences in intervention and involvement of the three types of polity prominent in the Greek World have createdthree interlocking models, since all three types of polity were in constant contact with each other and the economic realities of the Mediterranean required frequent and extensive exchange between them. A major issue immediately apparent is the applicability of the models to other types of polity and other conunodities. The first, and probably the least likely to be answered,is the place of tribal organisations in this interlocking mosaic of intervention. In the borders of the Greek World, tribal organisationswere the normal "polity" the Greek poleis and kingdoms had to interact with. Many of the resources,especially in the Black Sea, Sicily, Magna Graecia in by Illyria, the territories tribes. The similar situation in traditional controlled and were Thrace provides a model for the interaction between tribes and other polities, mainly the by lack Athens The the Thracian tribes of the Strymon against of concerted effort polis. between highlights Thasos the them. Simultaneously the antagonistic relationship and incursion in the 460s shows that at least Athenian the tribes the against powerful reaction of some tribal organisationswere very much aware of the economic and political importance of their resources, something further testified by the extensive tribal coinages. The situation in Thrace, however, may not be directly comparableto other regions, especially the Black Sea, where relations between natives and Greeks seem to have been more integrative as shown by the integration of Greek trade centres in the native settlementsof Colchis.


In the samevein, it would be particularly illuminating t know more about the type of intervention and policy of the polis towards the Phoenician city-kingdoms. The

Phoenicianswere a major trading power in the Mediterranean in the period and were in in but in Greeks, the eastern the the only western also not constant contact with Mediterranean. The interaction between Greeks, Phoenicians and natives in Iberia was but between in the the polis and the to and gold relations silver relation explored Phoenicians outside the Carthaginian sphere of influence were not necessarily the same. The Athenian honours and privileges granted to Strato of Sidon in the fourth century both Greek Macedon and the the towards the autocratic regimes, attitude exhibit aspectsof Spartokids. However, the inclusion of privileges granted to Sidonian traders in the same decreecan be explained in two very different fashions. On the one hand, the peculiar polity by Greeks, least the Phoenician the the recognised was readily or at city-kingdom of Athenians, and, thus, privileges to citizens had to be granted semi-independentlyof those to the king, maybe as an effort to avoid the implication of a direct clientship relationship. The second issue relating to state intervention is the applicability of the models to important. On hand, less the the existing resources that one universally were commodities if important its asset, even they are not precious metals, shipbuilding of a state are most timber or cereals. As such, we would expect, given the above conclusions on the intervention in exports, the state - polis, Greek or oriental kingdom - to provide for them in the same or similar fashion to that exhibited for gold, silver, timber and grain. Definitive but issue the this this are outside scopeof work other casestestify to similar conclusionson policies and pressuresby and on the exporters. For example,Thasos legislated in order to safeguardthe quality of its wine by regulating the timing of acceptablesale of grapesin the


pre-harvestseasonand by outlawing the import of foreign wines in its territory (due to the fear of diluting Thasian wines with inferior vintages and of the sale of foreign wines in 628 In the same vein, the case of Kean miltos testifies to considerable Thasian amphoras). intervention by the importers, in this case Athens, to create a monopoly of exchange, similar to that exhibited by both Athens and the Chalcidian League in their agreements with Macedon on timber.

One of the most apparentissueshighlighted by this work is that information differs according to geographicalarea. The surviving evidenceof the oriental kingdoms is almost information the to exports, while on the polis mainly relates to exclusively confined imports. The Greek kingdoms provide information both on imports and on exports but that becomes larger. is The situation even more apparent when on exports considerably juxtaposing the importers and exporters of each commodity. As was mentioned above the exporters are in their majority in the outer layers of the Greek World or its fringes, while the importers are almost invariably in Greece,the Aegean and Asia Minor. Of course, the but to commodity change according parameters even so, the pattern specific geographical This the the exception of silver. geographic distribution can be partial remains samewith in in trade the commodities and of particular a variety of other issues, enlightening including settlement abroad. In addition to any such information, the geographic

distribution also provides a clue as to distribution of information on trade that has survived. It is generally acceptedthat the majority of literary works and artefacts from the archaic have laws dictate However, the that in classical not survived. of probability and periods addition to lucky survivals, the most common elementsare more likely to survive than the
628IG XII, Supplement 347. 629IG 1121128.


rarer. In other words, since the majority of importers was in the geographical area of Greece, the Aegean and Asia Minor, import information from the states in these area will be more likely to survive. Similarly the further out from this centre the more information on exports. Simultaneously, this situation has been further aggravated by the

archaeological attention paid to Greece, the Aegean and Asia Minor, which makes the discovery of information in this areamore likely. Lastly, and probably most importantly, the disparity of intervention betweenpolities and particularly the limited intervention exhibited by the polis in comparison wit the Greek and oriental kingdoms must be explained. Moses Finley rightly noted that Greek stateshad

630 Although it has been shown that the polis "infinite room for state intervention".
intervened and involved itself in trade considerably more than Finley suggested,the extent of such intervention and involvement was less than that of other contemporary polities. Finley, in what has been the standardtreatment of the subject for 35 years, suggestedthat the explanation of the phenomenonlies in the difference between "economic policy" and "unintended economic consequences" exhibiting the Greeks' conceptual lack of an 63 1 Finley's explanation not only does not fit the available evidence 66economyig. as is in the the polis seen involving itself and intervening presented previous chapters,where in trade but also disregardsa major historical concern. The polis did not exist in a vacuum but was one of three main polity types that were in constant contact for centuries. A conceptual lack is not a sustainable argument when it applies only to a specifically delimited part of a civilisation. In other words, if the Greeks lacked economic

understandingwhich led to a lack of rational and specific intervention then not only should
630 Finley (1999: 155). 63 1Finley (1999: 155,164).


the existing cases of polis intervention not exist but also the Greek kingdoms, not to mention the oriental, should not exhibit any greater or lesser intervention than the polis. The explanation of this phenomenon and the differences in intervention between the polis and other polities lies not in Finley's "conceptual lack" nor, as he rightly noted, in theories of public and private sphere demarcation but rather in the political and communal nature of 632 itself the polis .

The polis, democratic or oligarchic, was a community of individuals and never lost this defining characteristic throughout the period. Other types of polity, and particularly the Greek and oriental kingdoms, were more like modern statesthan the Greek polis, since there was a definite division between government, centring on the person of the king, and if be defined the In the the the even people people, can only as a state was people. polis, division between Thus, there the clear no was government and segment of population. in Even because the the oligarchic states,the government people. government was people included assemblies of the people and the ruling councils were more inclusive of the populace than a king's court or a modem parliament. The only possibility of a polis is is divorced tyranny, the the when under government a polis state modern resembling from the people becauseof the domination of a given individual. Consequently, the polis could not control all exploitation of resources and importantly, More the polis did not want such a the subsequently available surpluses. control either of the resourcesor of the surpluses,since such control would immediately in Even the tyrant. thus, and, create possibility of a oligarchic poleis such a controller mean different factions be the not achieved, since control could ensured that there was enough

632 Finley (1999: 155).


fear of tyranny to avoid placing such power in the hands of one individual or a small group of them. Legislation, especially early laws, testifies to the anxiety of the Greeks in controlling and limiting the power of individuals and groups, as is seen mainly in the 633 laws limiting From the available the power of magistrates. various penalising and spectrum of intervention possibilities, the polis chose what it could use, as the kingdoms, with their different political and ideological structure, chosetheirs. When the polis played a more forceful role in trade and used heavy intervention, such intervention is invariably linked to crisis, power or both. Thus, even the smallest and weakest polis, when famine threatened, would employ katagein to bring in grain. Similarly, when a polis achievedpower, military and political, it could forcefully colonise or outright conquerthe resourceareasof the commodity it needed,such as Athens did with the Strymon region. Often a polis in power is also a polis in crisis or threatenedby crisis, such as Athens during the empire when shipbuilding timber was a necessityfor keeping its power over the allies. Under regular circumstances, the polis preferred pervasive intervention in trade without being heavy handed. The main instruments of the polis were legislation and incentives. Incentives were aimed at foreign states and traders in order to attract trading internally Legislation either as a protection mechanism for the partners. was aimed resources,for exports, or as a framework of conduct for traders, for imports. The most interesting feature of the role played by the polis, as against Greek and oriental kingdoms, is the effort of the system to target private traders. The current primitivist orthodoxy, as discussedin the introduction to this work, relegatestraders to the fringes of polis society,

Haffis (2006).


becauseof the large number of metics and xenoi involved in trade and the condemnatory attitude of the philosophical sources towards manual workers and traders. Although the philosophical sourcesportray traders and manufacturers as socially inferior, the evidence on the part of state intervention shows that governments were particularly interested in attracting traders to their harbours and do not betray an attitude of perceived social inferiority. Further, the reasonwhy the polis never took the obvious step of more pervasive intervention by creating a merchant navy beholden exclusively to it, is that such a move would place too much power in the hands of a small group of people and also that even Athens, with its large population, did not have all the traders it needed to trade all its necessary imports and available exports. The social position of traders in the polis is outside the scope of this work and largely irrelevant to the issue at hand. Whether traders were acceptablein the symposiaof the upper echelonsof society is immaterial to their role in the economy of the polis and to the behaviour of the polis as an institution towards them. Traders may have been despisedby the Athenian aristocrats and even by ordinary citizens; but in due their trade was clearly to their to their status, necessity occupation or either it is least, by At the the evident that the polis was interested in very polis. recognised traders and recognisedtheir power over its economy. However, since the polis was a polity basedon community rather than government, the importance of traders in its survival, and more importantly the extensive use of

incentives to individualsaswell ascommunities of traders, createa definitechasmbetween
is ideal. Notably, this chasm not so much the product of the differences practice and

between modem theory and ancient evidence but rather that between the ancient
philosophical perspective on trade and traders and the hard evidence of ancient oratory and


inscriptions.634 The chasm has been artificially widened by the insistence of the current primitivist theories on the ancient economy to concentrateupon a limited elite moralising is both found in The easy solution obvious and some philosophical writings. perspective easily called upon, in other words to reject the philosophical evidence as an upper class blanket however, Such solutions, moralising perspective. are as suspiciousas utopian and imposing economic models from other erasand areason the Greek World. The divergence between reality and philosophy on Greek trade can be as illuminating as it is confusing. Morality, conventional or upper class,and economic reality on the ground can be divergent. The didactic nature of Greek philosophy meant that moral criticism of "unnaturar' economic pursuits was as valid as providing practical advice for individuals and poleis to increase their revenue or come out of crisis with equally "unnatural" means. Expecting the Greeks to be consistent between ideal and practice is idealising a culture and a society as flawed as any other. No one would consider valid the belief in Christianity idealised Byzantine that religious and pious since medieval argument it. In a the the concerned actually societies practiced or papal administration poverty, definite did beliefs the stop existence of a not upper-lower class similar vein, communist practical divide in the countries that practiced communism. The amount of intervention in the trade of commodities, both exports and imports, Greeks intervention the that the types show were cognizant of the employed of and incentives laws Providing the trade. to ameliorate their of and world economic situation of the weaknesses of a primary export, as the Spartokids did, shows that the Greeks in their the trading networks the economic and strengths of position weaknesses understood

634 For a similar sentiment,seeSamuel(1983:7).


of the Mediterranean and that they had the economic basis for bettering their position. Similarly, providing incentives to foreign traders and statesin conjunction with delineating the operations of local traders shows that the polis realised fully the power of the trading networks in the Mediterraneanand the laws of supply and demand. The polis never created Adam Smith nor indeed could it. It was, however, a

complex economic unit existing in a volatile geographical area with extensive trading networks. The polis did not invent a scienceof economicsnor did it codify the laws of the economy; that was to be delayed until the modem period. It did however recognise the interlocking nature of the economic networks in the Mediterranean and invented in sufficient and rational ways to use and interact with them viably. The polis never played the samerole in trade as a modern state does. That however was not the result of a lack of understanding of economic laws or the lack of intervention options but rather the itself. The the the amount, types and pervasiveness polis of consequence of political nature its interest indicator is intervention in trade the and understandingof of clear a of of polis trade as an economic force.


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