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http://jds.sagepub.com Developing Regions Facing China in a Neoliberalized World
Alex E. Fernández Jilberto and Barbara Hogenboom Journal of Developing Societies 2007; 23; 305 DOI: 10.1177/0169796X0702300302 The online version of this article can be found at: http://jds.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/23/3/305
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Developing Regions Facing China in a Neoliberalized World
Alex E. Fernández Jilberto
University of Amsterdam, The Netherlands
Centre for Latin American Research and Documentation, The Netherlands
The rapid expansion of China is one of the key economic and political issues at the start of the twenty-ﬁrst century. China’s importance in South-South trade (and competition) as well as in South-South investment has already brought about many changes for developing regions, and they are likely to be extrapolated in the years to come. The growing economic position of the biggest developing country in the world implies much greater political power, affecting all other countries as well as international relations and global politics. For Asia, Africa, Latin America, the Middle East, and Eastern and Central Europe, the effects are likely to be far reaching. This article ﬁrst looks into the global expansion of China, providing an overview of some striking economic ﬁgures. It also reviews the economic development of China, explaining how its communist party has used neoliberal measures to cause an economic transformation. It then analyzes how this transformation has affected China’s role in Asia and China’s policies towards the ‘Global South’. Finally, contemporary South-South relations in the context of globalized markets are discussed. Keywords: developing countries, China, trade, investment, South-South relations
China’s rapid economic expansion has impressed the world. At the beginning of the twenty-ﬁrst century China has become the third largest importing as well as exporting country, the fourth economy in the world (after the United States, Japan and Germany), and one of the top three destinations of foreign direct investment (FDI). The ﬁgures of its increasing world export market share in the period of 1985 to 2000 show that China has proﬁted more from globalization than any other country. China achieved an average annual export growth of 4.5 per cent, while the second
Copyright © 2007 SAGE Publications www.sagepublications.com (Los Angeles, London, New Delhi and Singapore) Vol 23(3): 305–339. DOI: 10.1177/0169796X0702300302
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Journal of Developing Societies 23, 3 (2007): 305–339
and third country on this list achieved no more than 1.8 per cent (the United States) and 1.1 per cent (Korea). Its annual growth of real gross domestic product (GDP) from 1980 to 2000 was even more spectacular with an average of 10 per cent. Over this period developing countries on average only grew 3 per cent, and the average growth of the rest of Asia was 4.5 per cent (UNCTAD, 2005b, 2004, 2003, 2002b). The rapid growth of the biggest developing country in the world is currently a key economic and political issue. China’s high rate of economic expansion is based on a development model that combines a modernization of state-led economic organization and regulation with a gradual, controlled neoliberalization in which foreign transnational companies (TNCs) play a central role. China thus developed a successful model of mixing public and private roles and investment in order to achieve growth through economic integration in the world market. The government fostered industrial export policies, including tax reforms, currency devaluations and duty free imports, resulting in high productivity gains, especially in the export oriented regions in the southern provinces that could attract investment from Hong Kong and Taiwan (Houweling, 2004). Apart from the ﬁgures of its domestic product and trade, it is the 1.3 billion population of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) that reﬂects its current importance and its potential to become one of the leading economies of the world. Such an economic position is of course to translate into much greater political power, affecting all other countries as well as its international relations at the regional and global level. In the industrialized countries China is considered as the decisive factor in the process of deterritorialization of global production, which in the United States caused a loss of 15 million jobs in the industrial sector between 1995 and 2002 (Si Zoubir, 2004). In 2005, the United States trade deﬁcit with China moved beyond $200 billion, the largest trade deﬁcit of the United States with any country. While the effects of China’s rapid economic expansion can be seen around the world, analyses of these effects tend to focus on the implications for industrialized countries while neglecting the changing situation for developing countries. To Asia, Africa, Latin America, the Middle East, and Central and Eastern Europe, however, the effects are likely to be as far reaching, or even more so (see Table 1). On the one hand, being transformed into the so-called factory to the world, China’s production includes a wide spectrum of products, many of which previously formed an
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and also for FDI by TNCs. Several indicators for China. Sub-Saharan Africa. and they are likely to be extrapolated in the years to come.com by Leonardo Ramos on March 31. With the continuation of China’s average annual growth of almost 10 per cent over the last 25 years (implying its economy has become nine times larger in only one generation). Particularly for developing countries that have tried to attract foreign investment to the same sectors as China.sagepub. wood and soy beans). These changes in the terms of trade are especially positive for the many developing countries depending on the export of one or a few of these commodities. this competition harms their new export strategies. China’s growing need for natural resources forms a major opportunity for other developing countries.500 62 593 561 SSA 726 601 20 232 212 LAC 546 3.296 1. with its industrialization and growth China is turning into an important market for primary products.526 Sources: CEPAL (2005). The expansion of China has already brought about important changes for developing regions. Also considering the so-called synergies of ‘Greater China’ (China. .Fernández Jilberto and Hogenboom: Developing Regions Facing China 307 important part of the semi-industrial exports of other developing countries. On the other hand. natural rubber. 2002a). and the United States. All rights reserved. Latin America and the Caribbean. Chinese companies have started to become a source of FDI in several developing countries. the Chinese are willing to invest large amounts in sectors like oil and minerals (example: iron ore.440 121 819 1. 3 (2007): 305–339 Downloaded from http://jds. in the year 2020 a GDP of $14 billion would be reached. Macau. Taiwan and also Singapore). such as in the clothing sector. copper. ($) FDI ($ billions) Export ($ billions) Import ($ billions) 1.576 69 276 237 US 294 41. Hong Kong. which is 32 times its GDP of 1980 (UNCTAD. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. WTO (2005) and World Bank (2006). The abundance of cheap labour in China is causing competition with these countries for Western export markets. 2008 © 2007 SAGE Publications. Table 1.1 More importantly. whereas its contribution to the expanding global demand has driven up the prices of these and other primary commodities (for example. the effects on the global economy are even greater due to Hong Kong’s harbor and Journal of Developing Societies 23. nickel). 2004 China Population (millions) GDP/cap.
Russia (by André Mommen). In 2003. and Latin America (by us). South-South trade (commodities and manufactures) and economic cooperation ‘reaching a critical mass’. In Africa. three from China and one from Taiwan (UNCTAD.sagepub. The G20 caused the failure of the WTO’s Cancun summit of 2003. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. ﬁve were from Hong Kong. particularly China. the Middle East (by Gouda Abdel-Khalek and Karima Korayem). stressing its position as a developing country and seeking new South-South alliances. another ﬁve from Singapore. and Singapore as a centre of high technology and qualiﬁed services. 2005a: 7). Brazil and Russia in the G20. Thomas Lindblad).308 Journal of Developing Societies 23. Within this new context. shaped by three interlinked trends: the increasing share of developing countries in world trade. in order to secure its access to primary goods and consolidate its export markets. In international politics China has recently come to represent itself more prominently. China has strengthened its strategic economic relations by establishing cooperation forums and business councils. ‘new challenges for many countries’ (UNCTAD. of the 25 largest non-ﬁnancial TNCs from developing countries (ranked by foreign assets). Latin America and the Middle East. but they are also posing. has been much faster that in the developed countries … the growth dynamics in China and other Asian economies have positive effects’. All rights reserved. In the UNCTAD this is qualiﬁed as the ‘new geography of trade’. This article on China’s global economic expansion and the effects on developing countries and transition economies serves as an introduction to the two special issues of Journal of Developing Societies(JDS) on the ‘China effect’ on developing regions (numbers 3 and 4 of volume 23) with case studies on Africa (by Piet Konings). such as its aligning with countries like India. . Indonesia (by J. and the changing context of North-South interdependence and terms of engagement. It has started to play a more visible role since its membership of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001. 2005b: iii–v). The rapid growth of China and some other (emerging) economies in the East and the South is creating a new global economic outlook for developing countries. 3 (2007): 305–339 commercial potency. Taiwan’s technological potential (for example: it being the world’s largest producer of notebooks). In this contribution we start with some facts and ﬁgures that illuminate what is Downloaded from http://jds. as a ‘new growth pole in the world economy’ China has a major impact on developing regions: ‘the most important reason for the rapid growth of South-South trade is that output growth in some large developing countries. forcing industrialized countries to take developing countries’ interests more seriously. 2008 © 2007 SAGE Publications.com by Leonardo Ramos on March 31.
2008 © 2007 SAGE Publications.9 to 5.0 to 5. 2005).8 per cent and its imports from 1. And this trend is ongoing.com by Leonardo Ramos on March 31. as the steep increase of metal prices since 2004 shows. China has become a central place for production. many of which originate from other developing countries. In 2004 China consumed 40 per cent of the world’s coal. All rights reserved. This massive Chinese demand has contributed to rising commodity prices. With its rapid economic growth and expanding export production. Only then can we analyze the role of China in Asia and China’s South-South policies. such as iron ore.4 per cent (UNCTAD. and China in its new role as foreign investor. its success in attracting FDI. and on the sectors and actors within them. 2005b: 133). . the increase of Chinese exports. China’s share in world trade increased more than ﬁve-fold: its exports rose from 0. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 3 (2007): 305–339 Downloaded from http://jds. which are all heavily tied up to China’s role as ‘the factory to the world’. 25 per cent of the nickel. China has become the world’s largest importer of several important commodities. This is followed by an overview of the twentieth century economic development of China. Here we brieﬂy review the main trends of China’s economic expansion that have a global impact: its growing import of commodities. the International Monetary Fund (IMF) metal price index rose by 26 per cent (another 7 per cent increase was expected for 2006). Between 1980 and 2003. and Japan’s industrialization after World War II (Morrison and Brown-Humes. this contributed to an overall 29 per cent increase (in dollar terms) of the IMF commodities and energy prices index in 2005. China has become a major consumer of natural resources and commodities. As analyzed in the other articles in these special issues. China is ‘Going Global’ Over the past few years.sagepub. including the introduction of market socialism. the world has become aware of the importance of China’s ongoing expansion. This process is Journal of Developing Societies 23. varies widely. In 2005. import and export. the development of the West of the United States at the end of that century. investment.Fernández Jilberto and Hogenboom: Developing Regions Facing China 309 meant with the global expansion of China. and 14 per cent of the aluminium. With energy prices rising 39 per cent. By way of conclusion we discuss the meaning of the new South-South relations in the context of contemporary globalization. the process of China’s neoliberalization and the ongoing political cohesion of its state-party system. The effects on the global system can be compared to those of the English industrial revolution in the second half of the nineteenth century. the ‘China effect’ on developing regions and countries.
. this development is of major concern in industrialized countries. 2006: 54–63). 3 (2007): 305–339 evidently beneﬁcial to the exporting developing countries. Oil consumption by countries and regions.310 Journal of Developing Societies 23. Due to the economic and political importance of energy. The Chinese contribution to rising world demand and prices of oil and other hydrocarbons deserves special attention. The metal price level in 2006. but also a result of the notorious lack of energy efﬁciency in the production processes that take place in China. as they had suffered from years of low world prices and related worsening terms of trade. While the former accounts for 45 per cent of the oil imported by China. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. is about twice as high as the average price level of the 1980s and 1990s (IMF. only after the United States (see Figure 1). Since 2003. This is partly because of its enormous economic activity. for instance. 2005). 2008 © 2007 SAGE Publications. Only two decades ago the largest oil exporter of East Asia. 29 per cent comes from Africa (Zweig and Jianhai.com by Leonardo Ramos on March 31. on the contrary. China is nowadays importing massive amounts of oil. Internationally. Chinese demand and investment. Downloaded from http://jds. it is the second largest consumer of energy. All rights reserved. 2004 (percentages) Source: World Bank (2005). Africa has become an important source for its oil import. After the Middle East. China is the world’s second largest oil importing country and responsible for 31 per cent of the global growth of oil demand. and rising world market energy prices have been an economic Figure 1. To developing countries with large reserves of hydrocarbons.sagepub.
3 (2007): 305–339 Downloaded from http://jds. Much of this South-South trade seems to be concentrated in East Asia. All rights reserved. as part of EastAsian production sharing. but also ranks third globally.Fernández Jilberto and Hogenboom: Developing Regions Facing China 311 blessing. vol.2 From 1985 to 2000. With the cheaper labour of Chinese workers these inputs are then further assembled into products that are exported to the United States and Europe. such as soy from Latin America. and in 2004 FDI to China was $61 billion. which functions as China’s transhipment port. The share of TNCs in Chinese exports rose from 9 to 50 per cent between 1989 and 2001 and the exports by these companies are for 90 per cent manufactured goods such as machinery and equipment. after the United States and the United Kingdom with $96 billion and $80 billion respectively. China’s massive imports are closely related to the remarkable growth of export production in China. China imports large quantities of manufactures and agricultural products from developing countries. whereas the share of high technology products rose from 3 to 22 per cent. The socalled triangular trade involves China importing intermediate products from more advanced economies such as Japan and South Korea. 23. however. FDI (implying the entry and expansion of transnational companies) in China has been crucial for the growth and modernization of exports. Next to its imports of fuels. as the case-studies on the Middle East and on Russia show (in Journal of Developing Societies. There Journal of Developing Societies 23. A large share of these imports serves as input for ‘the factory to the world’. but the ﬁgures are somewhat misleading since they include the large trade ﬂows between China and Hong Kong (China). large quantities of agricultural raw materials and food for the Chinese market arrive from other parts of the world.sagepub. FDI inﬂows rose from $2 billion to $41 billion. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. China’s rise and the resultant shifting global power relations have also given occasion to complex new negotiations. no. in 2004 China replaced the United States as Japan’s main trade partner (UNCTAD. minerals and metals. manufactures from these countries arrive in Hong Kong for further assembling or manufacturing in China. Thereby China is not only the biggest developing country recipient of FDI. As a result. Together with high levels of public investment. From 1985 to 2000 the value of Chinese exports increased from $26 billion to $249 billion. Politically.com by Leonardo Ramos on March 31. 2005b: 130–41). and to the attraction of enormous ﬂows of FDI. Similarly. . In the period from 1985 to 2000 the share of primary products and resource-based manufactures decreased from 49 to 12 per cent. 4). Transnational Companies (TNCs) have played a key role in the expanding Chinese production for the world market and even more so in the changing composition of Chinese exports. In reality. 2008 © 2007 SAGE Publications.
seven were Chinese: CITIC Group (no.sagepub.com by Leonardo Ramos on March 31. China State Construction Engineering Corporation (no. Regional distribution of net FDI inﬂows in Africa. While China is a big shark in the sea of foreign capital. Note: * annual averages. Apart from US and European companies. Taiwan and Singapore (UNCTAD. All rights reserved. 5). many developing countries are proﬁting from the fact that Chinese investments abroad have grown substantially. Of the top 50 non-ﬁnancial TNCs from developing countries in 2004. 85 per cent in automatic data-processing machines. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. Hong Kong. Japan. 8). . 2002b: 161–66. and 96 per cent in mobile phones (all in 2000). in China there are a large number of TNCs originating from Asia. Latin America and China. which includes competition in FDI (see Figure 2) as well as export markets. China’s FDI in developing countries is primarily driven by its growing demand for natural resources.312 Journal of Developing Societies 23. For other developing countries China is thus a competitor in export manufacturing. ‘the future “spaces” open for the development of industrial exports in a liberalized world in which PRC is pre-empting many markets for products that developing countries can export’ (Lall and Weiss. reaching $11 billion in 2004. as elsewhere. 2005a: 2–3). China Ocean Shipping Co. Figure 2. 2008 © 2007 SAGE Publications. In Latin America. mainly South Korea. Downloaded from http://jds. 19). (no. 3 (2007): 305–339 is also a large FDI component in technology intensive products: 91 per cent in electronic circuits. 2004: 23). Asia. 1990–2004 (in billions of US dollars) Source: CEPAL (2005). the issue of China’s expansion is also about.
developing countries that compete with China in export manufacturing have seen trade and investment being negatively affected by China’s success. 2006: 283. Deng Xiaoping systematically criticized the centralist economic policies of Mao that had caused low productivity in the industrial Journal of Developing Societies 23. Sinochem Corporation (no.4 per cent. for developing countries China’s success in the globalized markets has several faces. 2005b: 133.5 to 5. 1989). Their rise is the result of the government’s determination to create China’s own ‘global champions’. In addition. however. and Chinese investments have all been economically beneﬁcial. while China increased its share of world exports from 0. the rising world market prices. 24). For developing countries that depend on the export of a small number of commodities.and medium-sized companies.8 per cent between 1980 and 2003. 1995: 30–31). All rights reserved. have equally risen and China has become the leading importing country in South-South trade (UNCTAD. which are internationally competitive while operating under state control (The Economist.0 per cent. The repudiation of the ‘cultural revolution’ was turned into an ideological and political instru-ment to justify and legitimate the following 30 years of neoliberal restructuring. 47).Fernández Jilberto and Hogenboom: Developing Regions Facing China 313 China National Petroleum Corporation (no. Only CITIC is majority-owned by the Chinese state. . Conversely. ‘Market Socialism’ and Anti-hegemonism The economic miracle of ‘market socialism’ has been the result of the structural transformations that started in 1978 under Deng Xiaoping at the time that China was economically devastated by the ‘cultural revolution’ (1966–76) of Mao Zedong (Falkenheim. Latin America’s share decreased from 5. During the tumultuous 1970s. cheap Chinese imports have been hurting local manufacturing companies that produced for the internal market. but most of the other Chinese TNCs are also controlled by the state. 28). this diversiﬁcation of export markets. 44) and China National Offshore Oil Corporation (no.sagepub. especially small. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 2008 © 2007 SAGE Publications.9 to 2. China has deﬁnitely won the race against other countries of the South. and Africa’s share fell dramatically from 5.com by Leonardo Ramos on March 31. Criticism of the process of economic reform of the stateparty has been labelled as ‘counter-revolutionary’ regression that impedes the modernization and the globalization of China’s economy. TCL Corporation (no. This is a noticeable change compared to the list for 1993 that did not contain a single Chinese company (UNCTAD. 141). With regard to merchandise trade.9 to 5. 3 (2007): 305–339 Downloaded from http://jds. 2005: 67). China’s imports. Taken together.
neoliberalization was compatible with China’s political regime in which the state-party forms the political arena for civil society and for the Chinese economic actors. As the GDP growth of these zones was as high as 35 per cent per year. This facilitated the complete political rehabilitation of Deng Xiaoping. involving special incentives to foreign investors. He was exiled to the province of Jiangxi where he worked in a factory and as caretaker of a school.com by Leonardo Ramos on March 31. The successes of his foreign policy were not only the re-establishing of relations with Russia and the other republics of the ex-USSR. The results were enormous. Deng Xiaoping initiated the process of the ‘four modernizations’ and this modernization of education and science. from 1984 onwards many more zones were opened up to FDI (World Bank. the ‘Gang of Four’ headed by the wife of Mao prevented him from replacing Zhou. tax breaks and ﬂexible labour regulation. industry. after the death of Prime Minister Zhou Enlai. Previously. 3 (2007): 305–339 and agricultural sectors. and the conservation of strategic relations with the United States. Hua Goufeng. and infrastructure and the legal framework were improved. agriculture. with high investment and growth rates. Hong Kong (like Macau) has since then been a special administrative region of China. In his new position of power. In 1976.sagepub. yet without being expelled from the party. 2005: 167). two systems’. Under the banner of ‘one country. of the party and of the political regime of the state-party. In 1980. Domestic companies were encouraged to link up with TNCs. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. . The aim was to achieve economic liberalization that would contribute to the preservation of the power of the state. such as duty exemptions. and defence opened the way for implementing ‘market socialism’. For Deng. Foreign investment was to play an important role in the creation of the socialist market economy. who again took up both the posts of Vice-Prime Minister and Vice-President of the Central Military Commission. All rights reserved. during Richard Nixon’s Downloaded from http://jds. His ‘political re-education’ permitted him to be reincorporated in the party in 1973. 2008 © 2007 SAGE Publications. but the political and economic chaos and the death of Mao that same year allowed the bureaucracy of the armed forces to eliminate the ‘Gang of Four’ and the red guards that had lead the ‘cultural revolution’. four special economic zones were designated along the Chinese coast. but in particular the negotiations with the United Kingdom about Hong Kong that resulted in the transfer of Hong Kong’s sovereignity to the PRC in 1997. and started to gradually weaken the role of Mao’s successor.314 Journal of Developing Societies 23. Therefore Deng was punished with ‘political re-education’ as dictated by the leaders of the ‘cultural revolution’.
When considering the population that was represented. 2000). All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 2008 © 2007 SAGE Publications.Fernández Jilberto and Hogenboom: Developing Regions Facing China 315 visit to China in 1972. With the return of Deng Xiaoping to the political arena. In the 1950s. among who was Zhou Enlai for China.com by Leonardo Ramos on March 31. With the ‘cultural revolution’. but in the 1960s this approach changed signiﬁcantly due to China’s repudiation of the deStalinization process in the Soviet Union (initiated in 1956) and later on China’s disapproval of the détente or ‘policy of peaceful coexistence’ of Russia’s President Khrushchev. Because of this approach China maintained a position of Journal of Developing Societies 23. China had initially sought to diminish its international diplomatic isolation since its participation in the Korea war (1951–53) by improving diplomatic and political relations with the new independent states and with the anti-colonial movements for national liberation and independence in the old European colonies in Asia and Africa.sagepub. colonial and imperialist oppression (Chen. promoting military and logistic support for a large part of the liberation movements that strived towards national independence and an end to colonialism and imperialist domination in Asia. This Chinese policy competed with the ideological inﬂuence of the USSR in these continents and supported the concept of the people’s war. Along these lines China participated in the Conference of Bandung in 1955. 1972). according to which the peasants of the Third World had to unite into revolutionary sectors and participate in the guerrilla wars against capitalist. In the 1950s. The Conference of Bandung signalized the major global rebellion of African and Asian forces against European colonialism during the Cold War. China’s Third World policy assumed an extremely ideological nature. with the signing of the Shanghai Communiqué the United States had already recognized that Taiwan territorially belongs to China (Lasater. . this conference was of even greater importance than the Conference of Versailles in 1919 or of Yalta in 1945 (Lacouture. China decided in the late 1970s to subordinate its international policy to the strategy of opening up to the global market and to abandon its Third World policies that had been initiated with the foundation of the People’s Republic in 1949. At that time this was a very important international meeting for the participating countries and their representatives. The Soviet support to India in the war with China in 1962 fed the Chinese-Soviet tensions and accentuated the fear that ‘peaceful coexistence’ would bring harm to the Chinese revolution. China had followed a policy of conciliation as expressed in the afﬁrmation of Zhou Enlai that the ‘revolution cannot be exported’. 2005). 3 (2007): 305–339 Downloaded from http://jds. Africa and Latin America. especially China’s nuclear military development.
. Second. China’s Neoliberalization What started as a gradual global move from socialist to capitalist economic measures in the late 1970s. This instrumental conception of international politics and global capitalism had two direct consequences for China’s foreign policy. In this development China resembled the processes of Downloaded from http://jds. 1989: 57). Economic development was central to Deng’s pragmatic approach: ‘the practice is the only criterion of the truth’ and ‘development represents the ultimate truth’ (Falkenheim. its international opening was overall directed towards the United States. The party abandoned the Leninist conceptualization of global capitalism in favour of a new deﬁnition based on the idea of a struggle against international ‘hegemonism’. 2008 © 2007 SAGE Publications. First.sagepub.316 Journal of Developing Societies 23. and to a gradual reduction of its development assistance and political and ﬁnancial support for anti-colonial and national liberation movements. in domestic politics and within the Chinese Communist Party. which permitted China to overcome its lag in economic and technological development. All rights reserved. In the context of the Cold War. resulted in neoliberal reforms of various capitalist models. even though this organization permitted developing countries to implement their international demands in favour of independent economic development. the Sino-Soviet polemic was China’s main instrument to slowly achieve a political and economic understanding favourable to Beijing. the regime of Deng Xiaoping was willing to coexist with ‘American hegemonism’ in South-East Asia (in virtue of which the United States could continue its arms sales to Taiwan). The Chinese criticism against the Soviet’s ‘revisionism’ and ‘social imperialism’ facilitated a rapprochement to the United States. which obviously included the USSR. Meanwhile. In return. A similar attitude was held by China towards the ‘Group of 77’ that was the basis of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) and strived for the creation of the New International Economic Order (NIEO). the adoption of a pro-Western policy softened the ideological hostility towards imperialism in the Chinese Communist Party.com by Leonardo Ramos on March 31. freedom from colonialism and non-alignment in the Soviet-US conﬂict. The implementation of this new strategy against ‘hegemonism’ contributed to Beijing’s abandoning of some of its allies in the Third World. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 3 (2007): 305–339 distance towards the Organization of Non-Aligned Countries. Deng Xiaoping sought for consensus between the members of the party’s bureaucracy to replace Mao’s ideological extremism based on class struggle by economic pragmatism.
As we have argued elsewhere. stimulate consumption. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. it slowly commenced to govern according to policies of structural adjustment similar to those known in Third World countries in the 1980s (Fernández Jilberto and Mommen. 2001). The reform of state companies.com by Leonardo Ramos on March 31. The second phase of economic reforms that started in 1984 was the structural reaction to the inﬂation crisis. or implementing structural adjustment policies Journal of Developing Societies 23. The debate then centred around the dilemma of either radically reforming the property system and privatizing public enterprises. 3 (2007): 305–339 Downloaded from http://jds. China’s economic reforms of the ﬁrst phase (1978–84) accentuated the restructuring of agriculture in order to increase this sector’s prices and productivity. All rights reserved. the global spreading of neoliberal ideology and policies during the last two decades of the twentieth century gave way to fundamental changes of national economies. both capitalist and socialist regimes have gradually taken the shape of neoliberal regimes. As the Chinese state renounced its traditional monopolies in the industrial and commercial sector. the economic chaos and the social instability that reigned in China in the early 1980s as a result of previous economic policies (Lin and Zhu. develop local industries. 1996). Yet imbued with neoliberal thought. resources traditionally belonging to the state were transferred to the market and the private sector. governance and politics around the world. and introduce market mechanisms so as to reduce the inequalities between the rural and urban regions. The triumph of capitalism that went with the end of the Cold War was largely captured by the neoliberal current. 2004: 16). In this context. Fernández Jilberto and Hogenboom. resulting in the reform of various capitalist models. social) and existing policies. Transfers between companies as well as mergers and bankruptcies radically changed the production relations and gave room for the rise of the private sector. which became more independent in their operations. largely irrespective of the type of party or coalition in government (Demmers. political. This does not imply that the diversity of regional and national economic models has been fully erased. Characterized by the decentralization of economic policies and the redistribution of income. was the main objective at the beginning of this second phase. Starting in 1984 a second phase began. in the economy. since national programmes of neoliberalization have been partly shaped by historical circumstances (economic.sagepub.Fernández Jilberto and Hogenboom: Developing Regions Facing China 317 economic restructuring in numerous other developing countries. . 2008 © 2007 SAGE Publications. which has been considered as decisive in the implementation of China’s market economy. the regulation of labour relations is no longer part of the absolute control of the state.
licences and quota regimes in the sectors considered as strategic. . as has also happened with some of the other policies of partial liberalization. 1995). 3 (2007): 305–339 accompanied by a partial liberalization of the system of ﬁxed prices.com by Leonardo Ramos on March 31. All rights reserved. the Chinese government announced the termination of this pricing system and the acceleration of economic deregulation (Li. in a limited manner. To stimulate exports. 2002). For this purpose. the system became an important source of corruption of state ofﬁcials (Hui. economic inequalities deepened between social groups functioning in the planned sector of ﬁxed prices and those working in the deregulated sector of the economy. 1997). This new price system implied that the prices of capital goods were ﬁxed by the Plan of the centralized economy.318 Journal of Developing Societies 23. In the transport sector the limitations to the participation of foreign capital are to be eliminated. However. The deregulation of imports has been aimed at enhancing the industrial export sector that is concentrated in the coastal area and that ‘dynamizes’ China’s foreign trade through international business operations based on sub-contracts with transnational enterprises and assembly industries (Lemoine.sagepub. to foreign investment. while transnational enterprises are to be authorized to participate in wholesale and retail trade and to commercialize local or imported products. The average level of import taxes was gradually reduced from 43 per cent in 1992 to 17 per cent in 2002 (Lemoine. The general opening of China’s internal market and the enhancement of its export sector along the coast since 1980. Quotas and licences for industrial imports have been lowered. import rights have been liberalized for all products destined for subsequent re-exportation and for the industrial sectors of assembly. while its ﬁxed prices system was partially liberalized to improve the competitiveness of exports (Mckinnon. in the preceding decennium China had signiﬁcantly reduced its import barriers and economic protection. In 1988. The service sector has also been opened. These reductions have been accompanied by the parallel application of selective protectionism with more rights of importation. In addition. The latter option triumphed and was turned into the double price system (or dual-track pricing system) in which monetary policies became the main instrument to inﬂuence currency rates. 2002). 1999). and only limited quotas have been maintained for the import of agricultural products. authorizing and ﬁscally Downloaded from http://jds. while the prices of consumer goods were established by the market. 2008 © 2007 SAGE Publications. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. The signing by China in December 2001 of the protocols for entry into the WTO consolidated its policies of economic liberalization.
although in the latter sector TNCs are not allowed to control more than half of total capital (DeWoskin. countries like Malaysia. The ﬁnancial sector is also submitted to further liberalization of operations in local currency. between 1980 and 2000 private investment as a share of GDP almost doubled in China (World Bank. Moreover. For example.com by Leonardo Ramos on March 31. Hungary. Shares of developing countries’ manufactures. for other developing countries this implies more competition with cheap Chinese products (see Figure 3). which is harming their national industries. 3 (2007): 305–339 Downloaded from http://jds. since 2005 China beneﬁts Figure 3. 2005: 2). 2001). Thailand. Poland.Fernández Jilberto and Hogenboom: Developing Regions Facing China 319 favouring FDI. 2008 © 2007 SAGE Publications.sagepub. . Turkey and Argentina have been forced to reduce their import tariffs on products like textiles and leather. UNCTAD (2002a). 1990s Sources: ILO (2004). All rights reserved. Journal of Developing Societies 23. These foreign investments have been channelled towards the sector of export industries and the sectors of import substitution such as cars and telecom materials. As a result of the improvements in its investment climate. While entry into the WTO allows China to beneﬁt from the status of ‘most favoured nation’ (which is regularly granted to the member countries). has been extremely successful. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. yet with some limitations.
Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. In China. The enormous and rapid economic progress of China is a result of strong economic management by its political elite. Fernández Jilberto and Hogenboom. nor democratization or an end to socialist discourse. All rights reserved. rather than the conditionality of the IMF and the World Bank it were changing internal views that gave way to radical policy changes. 3 (2007): 305–339 from the gradual elimination of import quota on Chinese products at the European and United States markets in which it is competing with many developing countries. Import liberalization and FDI are beneﬁcial in a similar sense for the further restructuring of China’s industrial export sector. . and contribute to the economic concentration and competitiveness in the internal market. it needs to be stressed that China’s neoliberalization differs from those of most other countries for several political reasons. 2004: 16).320 Journal of Developing Societies 23. we have stated that a shift of regime is more than a new economic model. thereby affecting the social welfare and economic security of citizens. Compared with Downloaded from http://jds. The Chinese stability based on the political cohesion of the state-party system contrasts with the chaos provoked by the political and economic reforms made in the last phase of the USSR’s existence. Internally. In a previous publication on neoliberal restructuring and politics in developing countries and transition economies. the United States and East Asia (Demmers. the Chinese state uses these temporary export limitations in the global economy to press for a deepening of its neoliberalization policies.sagepub. 2008 © 2007 SAGE Publications. Inadequacy of Economic and Political Regime? While after an overview of China’s neoliberalization process one may agree with the idea to rename the CCP into Chinese Capitalist Party (Mahbubani.com by Leonardo Ramos on March 31. 2005). Other interesting differences are that these economic reforms did not imply a weakening of the state apparatus. and that it also encompasses a change in government: It implies the use of a different set of rules and practices regulating the access to power and the making of authoritative decisions. Many of the dramatic transitions from communism or authoritarian populism were caused by rising popular discontent and the former rulers’ inability to make their economies competitive with those of Western Europe. although until 2008 members of the WTO may use protectionist measures against Chinese textiles in case they destabilize their markets.
sagepub. which culminated in China’s membership of the WTO in 2001. The acceleration and deepening of China’s neoliberalism as of 1989 has been possible because of the combination of direct intervention of the state in the process of economic reform. it is remarkable that there has not been a collapse of China’s political regime (Lin. the key to China’s stability is in establishing neoliberal economic restructuring without reform or opening of the political regime. Contrary to the Maoist state that maintained its coercive function of central planning and that legitimized social inequalities as a temporary stage in China’s development while holding social equalitarianism as Journal of Developing Societies 23. . or the difference with the ex-USSR and Eastern Europe. The failed attempts for political opening by the students’ protest movements that represented vast social sectors and resulted in the bloody repression of Tiananmen in 1989 have been explained by the incapacity of this movement to comprehend the real nature of the Chinese state. and this political stability. and monetary policy was important in this process (Cabane and Tchistiakova. and as such. as the start of a political crisis with unforeseeable consequences. as a result of which authoritarian neoliberalism was replaced by populist neoliberalism (Demmers. 2002). 2001). 3 (2007): 305–339 Downloaded from http://jds. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. In reality. The state-party has thus eliminated the necessity of partial political liberalization as was faced by the neoliberal dictatorships of Latin America after the economic restructuring of the 1980s. The social protests of 1989 and especially those of the Tiananmen Square were considered in the West as the ﬁrst symptom of the inadequacy of the market economy and the political regime of the state-party. All rights reserved. the protests opened the possibility of relegitimizing the hegemony of the state-party as a starting point for further acceleration of the neoliberal reforms. Although the economic reforms and privatizations have created a strata of private entrepreneurs. 2001). however. The implementation of neoliberal policies in China is largely the result of the economic intervention and political decisions of the state. Fernández Jilberto and Hogenboom. they do not possess political initiative or the capacity to initiate social or economic action independent from the state.com by Leonardo Ramos on March 31. 2008 © 2007 SAGE Publications. Despite the Tiananmen protests of 1989. While the economic growth and political cohesion that have accompanied China’s neoliberalization may revive academic debates about the models of economic opening up of developing countries. China has shown a stability of the state-party’s power stemming from its capacity to ideologically renovate itself by and through substituting the model of a centrally planned economy with neoliberal policies.Fernández Jilberto and Hogenboom: Developing Regions Facing China 321 the ex-USSR and Eastern Europe.
3 (2007): 305–339 the hegemonic ideology. Woo and Duncan.sagepub. in particular the urban employment crisis following from attempts to improve the productivity and to control the accelerated growth that threatened to ‘heat’ the economy. This reduction of industrial employment in the period coincided with the massive privatization of the state-owned enterprises. 2008 © 2007 SAGE Publications. The protest movement of 1989 was socially more broad and subtle than simply denouncing the monopolist socialism of the state. the neoliberal Chinese state preserves these inequalities in virtue of the legitimacy of income inequality as an important tool for China’s internationalized private sector. The movement had demands that implied the establishing of a renovated socialism with social protection by the state rather than an anti-socialist and pro-liberal democracy agenda. which strengthen the old political order. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 2001). 2005). these reforms have aggravated the problems that cause social discontent. such as the Kanghua Company and the Sitong Company. All rights reserved. Since Tiananmen. social protests have noticeably reduced and the neoliberal discourse of the Chinese regime has consolidated its hegemony. This criticism is thus directed at the establishing of the new reformist Chinese capital that directly depends on the old political order and on the rise of new economic group.322 Journal of Developing Societies 23. while being accompanied by more reforms to consolidate the market economy (Hu. the number of salaried workers in the urban industrial sector decreased from 66 to 44 million. The view in the West of these social protests as being a neoliberal. Downloaded from http://jds. which was legalized by new legal arrangements. the Chinese government implemented a reform of the system of ﬁxed prices and accelerated economic reforms in the south of country.com by Leonardo Ramos on March 31. democratic demand against tyranny and for political liberty ignored the complexity of the new scenario of social and political relations that China’s neoliberal transformations have caused with the creation of a market economy and the effects of decentralization and the privatization of wealth (Huang. 2002). while employment in the privatized state enterprises decreased from 113 million to 86 million (CEPII. and thus a fundamental source of economic development. Shortly after the Tiananmen Square protests. . Social equality and democratization were primarily to be achieved through the better access to consumption goods for broad sectors of the population (Hui. In the 1990s. especially the rural entrepreneurial ventures known as township enterprises (see Figure 4). Between 1995 and 1999. The protestors criticized the absence of mechanisms of democratic control on the conﬁscation of national resources by the state or transnational private capital. Song and Zhang. 1999).
And due to the population growth in 10 years there will be an extra 130 million Chinese people competing for jobs in agriculture or industry Journal of Developing Societies 23. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. partly as a result of the exigencies of structural adjustment of the WTO. This will form an important source for a reduction of unemployment in China. At the same time. China’s economic liberalization may aggravate unemployment. . 1985–2002 (percentages) 323 Source: IDB (2004). In the agricultural sector alone. Additionally. and correspond to the pattern of international competitiveness of the majority of developing countries. These sectors are intensive in the use of manual labour.5 per cent but. Ownership of township enterprises in China. in this capital and technologically intensive industrial sector. its competition with foreign products can beneﬁt from the immense potential of its national market.com by Leonardo Ramos on March 31. 2002). The deepened globalization of the Chinese economy is strengthening its specialization in those industrial sectors in which it possesses major competitiveness and comparative advantages.sagepub. in reality. and according to estimations China may come to occupy 40 per cent of the global textiles market. which employs 340 million people. which ofﬁcially is 3. such as textiles. All rights reserved. at least 10 million jobs could be lost due to the sector’s restructuring (Hui. 3 (2007): 305–339 Downloaded from http://jds. In this sector China has demonstrated that its commercial expansion was successful in the production of both intermediary articles (ﬁbres and fabrics) and terminated articles (cloths). 2008 © 2007 SAGE Publications.Fernández Jilberto and Hogenboom: Developing Regions Facing China Figure 4. It is difﬁcult to predict what ongoing neoliberalization will do to employment in China. might be around 10 per cent or more.
China’s Role in Asia In its strategy ﬁnding economic associations. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. China actively participates in the Asia-Paciﬁc Economic Cooperation (APEC) that integrates 21 countries with 2. Two other regional initiatives are linked to ASEAN: the East Asian Community. consisting of the ASEAN with China. with as much as 79 per cent in 2004.324 Journal of Developing Societies 23. from a labour perspective. The agreement that came into effect on 20 July 2005 will in 2010 result in a fully operational free trade zone. Lately.2 trillion. among several other things. This zone encompasses 1. China’s transition to a market economy does not differ substantially from the models applied in other developing countries or transition economies: unemployment.3 The APEC members jointly represent almost 60 per cent of the world’s GDP and 50 per cent of international trade. It is nevertheless of interest that China and India have approached one another and are trying to settle border conﬂicts in order to improve their bilateral relations. and China might soon become India’s largest trade partner by switching places with the United States. China is inspired by ‘models of open regionalism’ (Carl. consisting of 10 countries. In the Downloaded from http://jds.sagepub. and in its participation in institutions like the Paciﬁc Economic Cooperation Council (Díaz Vázquez. These two initiatives are forums for cooperation in which. free trade is discussed. and the East Asia Summit (EAS). announced in April 2005 a strategic partnership for peace and economic cooperation. and total trade of $1. Fernández Jilberto and Hogenboom. . Yet its main regionalization step has been the Free Trade Agreement of China and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). the Arab World and Latin America.com by Leonardo Ramos on March 31. All rights reserved. In addition. jointly representing one-third of the world’s population.5 billion inhabitants along the Paciﬁc. 2003). This can be witnessed in its creation of regional business forums for Africa. bilateral trade between India and China has been rapidly increasing. precarious labour and informal employment are structural components of economic neoliberalization. 2001. The two countries. which will be discussed further along. 2000). which includes all the former countries plus India. However. the plans for East-Asian free trade (of the ASEAN Plus Three) and for pan-Asian free trade (by the EAS) are competing and still to be decided on. a combined GDP of $2 trillion. 2008 © 2007 SAGE Publications.8 billion people. 3 (2007): 305–339 (Yao. In sum. Australia and New Zealand. 1997). Japan and South Korea (also known as ASEAN Plus Three).
With this last matter China also aims at weakening Japan.3 per cent in 2003. South Korea.sagepub. the combined share of Indonesia. 2008 © 2007 SAGE Publications. and the less developed countries like Malaysia. and particularly. Vietnam and Indonesia (Carl. Thailand. 2004). 2005: 25). and in 1995 even moved beyond 50 per cent (Golub. The changing balance of regional power in East Asia is broadly linked to the consequences of the end of the Cold War. Singapore and Thailand remained stable at 4. thereby strengthening the economic regionalization. and moreover to transform Asia into a zone of mediation between the United States and China. and to achieve in 2020 the complete liberalization of the APEC economies (Matus. the United States absorbed one-third of the Japanese exports. the Philippines. Shortly before the Plaza Accords came into effect. Malaysia. 2001). to the politics of Ronald Reagan towards Japan.4 per cent (Shameen and Balfour. All rights reserved. to China’s economic restructuring. This unintended outcome contributed to Asia’s Journal of Developing Societies 23. while interregional Asian trade had increased from 32 to 44 per cent. With the Plaza Accords of 1985 the United States forced Japan to revalue the yen with 50 per cent in order to stimulate US exports to the region and to reduce Japan’s industrial competitiveness in the North American market. The regional ‘China Effect’ differs between the most developed countries like Japan. The strategy of ‘open regionalism’ as implemented by China is to construct a regional and global political economy that reduces its dependency of the North American market. It disputes the regional hegemony of Japan based on an economic regionalization that has led to superficial industrialization instead of profound modernization of the economies of South-East Asia. . 3 (2007): 305–339 Downloaded from http://jds. Taiwan and Singapore. but only a few years later (at the beginning of the 1990s) Japanese exports to the United States had fallen to 27 per cent. The Plaza Accords thus strengthened the competitiveness of the Chinese economy in the region by reorganizing the regional division of labour in East Asia around the manufacturing capacity of Japan. there are new challenges for national industrialization policies due to Chinese export competition (see Lindblad’s article in this special issue).com by Leonardo Ramos on March 31. In the case of Indonesia. This gave way to the relocalization of exports and investments of Japanese manufacturing industry to Southeast and East Asia. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution.Fernández Jilberto and Hogenboom: Developing Regions Facing China 325 ﬁrst 10 years of its existence it has even generated 70 per cent of global economic growth. to generate more control over its vulnerability to global ﬁnancial crises. While China’s share of global manufactured exports rose from 2. 2003). APEC’s objective is to liberalize the markets of the group’s most developed countries by the year 2010.2 per cent in 1994 to 5.
However. One reason for this is the competition between China and Japan as the region’s leading countries (Park and Wang. Although the Japanese economy has started to grow again. and eroded its ‘single market dependence’ with respect to the United States that had existed between 1950 and 1980. China. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 2008 © 2007 SAGE Publications. The severity of the crisis came to many as a surprise and a shock.com by Leonardo Ramos on March 31. All together. including a Japan-China arrangement. In the late 1990s. 2003). which has effectively helped to impose the opening of numerous developing countries and transition economies to the global economy.326 Journal of Developing Societies 23. Although some bilateral swap arrangements have been established between several of the 13 countries. and thereby to United States capital. . The IMF imposed policy conditions that were not suited to the speciﬁcities of Asia’s ﬁnancial problems and insufﬁcient to stabilize the markets.sagepub. the CMI is moving ahead quite slowly. 3 (2007): 305–339 growing economic success at the global market. The United States’ opposition stemmed from the fear that such a fund would create an autonomous monetary system for Asia that would be a rival to the IMF and would deprive the United States of one of its main instruments of global hegemony. Jomo. Japan proposed the creation of an Asian Monetary Fund (AMF) that would allow for regional ﬁnancial cooperation and policy coordination. in the regional power balance Japan Downloaded from http://jds. 2003). The next shock was that the international support was weak and misguided. with the Chiang Mai Initiative (CMI). South Korea and the ASEAN countries revived the idea of the AMF. the United States was unwilling to ﬁnancially support the Asian countries in crisis. Added to this was the frustration of many Asians that it had been United States-led IMF conditions for liberalization of the ﬁnancial policies of Asian governments that eased the outﬂow of capital and thereby deepened the crisis (cf. 1998). Meanwhile. The irony for the United States was that its attempts to regionalize the Asian economy with Japan as a pivot. All rights reserved. has turned out to favour the regionalization of the Chinese economy (Pottier. this encouraged regional Asian cooperation. In 2000. This Initiative involves a regional scheme for ﬁnancial cooperation involving a system of swap arrangements. Japan. it was the East-Asian ﬁnancial crisis of 1997–98 that brought about new views on global relations and changes in Asian relations. the European Union and the IMF prevented its realization. and that could provide ﬁnancial liquidity necessary to confront currency crises in the region. the objection of the United States. which sharply contrasted with the immediate support of the United States Treasury to its neighbour and NAFTA-partner Mexico during the Peso crisis in 1995.
As a result China intensiﬁed its strategy of globalizing and regionalizing its economy as expressed in its entry into the WTO and its active policies to negotiate free trade agreements. According to vice-minister of Commerce Wei Jianguo. it is ‘a corner stone of the Chinese foreign policy’. China joined the G20 of developing countries that pushed for more fairness in the opening of markets. 2005). China supports initiatives for the ‘Global South’ such as the ‘new geography of trade’. China’s South-South Policies The rapidly changing economic position of China is affecting its global policies too. their joint efforts led to the failure of the WTO’s Cancun summit in 2003. China has become more active and vocal in South-South and global politics. In reality. 2008 © 2007 SAGE Publications. such as those with Japan and South Korea. the only gesture of Chinese ‘good will’ towards developing countries and especially to Latin America was the decision not to devalue its currency. which would have deteriorated the competitiveness of these economies vis-à-vis China even more. 3 (2007): 305–339 Downloaded from http://jds. this gesture was as instrumental as the rest of China’s international policies since Deng Xiaoping. During the Asian crisis. China has also become a promoter of South-South cooperation. and Tokyo has become more reluctant to cooperate in regional structures that would exclude the United States (Wang. China has a partnership with UNDP in the South-South Cooperation project.com by Leonardo Ramos on March 31. All rights reserved. .sagepub. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. especially since its acceptance as member of the WTO in 2001. While the East-Asian ﬁnancial crisis of 1997–98 gravely affected many developing economies in and outside Asia.4 Since July 2004. however. Through the G77 (ofﬁcially labelled ‘Group of 77 plus China’ or ‘G77 and China’).Fernández Jilberto and Hogenboom: Developing Regions Facing China 327 is gradually losing its dominant position. to China it manifested for the ﬁrst time the issue of its economic security and its possible fragility when facing a global ﬁnancial crisis. intended to serve future negotiations on global and bilateral trade as well as China’s access to Third World sources of energy. Although China’s role has been less visible than that of countries like Brazil and India. This concept was proposed by leaders of developing countries at the UNCTAD session in 2004 in Sao Paulo to increase South-South trade by means of a reduction of tariffs among developing countries and to start a third round of the Global System of Trade Preferences among Developing Countries (GSTP). the United States has been pushing Japan and China further apart. In addition. Two years after entering the WTO. in which China replaced Journal of Developing Societies 23.
Since the late 1970s.sagepub. and that there is a ‘need for a more aggressive and innovative ﬁnancing strategy for SSC. A system of intensiﬁed economic SouthSouth relations with a large dose of pragmatism has been implemented at the bilateral and multilateral level. among other things. it started to establish friendly relations with countries regardless of their social systems or ideologies. this project. the Arab World and Latin America. After China began to open its economy. . All rights reserved. China has intensiﬁed its cooperation with Africa. and in the 1980s prepared its joining of the World Bank and the IMF.com by Leonardo Ramos on March 31. as shown in the shift away from grants and interest-free loans to joint ventures and trade. China is not Downloaded from http://jds. partly through active regional business policies. stimulates private enterprises to take the lead in South-South cooperation. including private sector funding’. The central objective of China’s current policy is securing its access to the natural resources and commodities that are necessary to maintain the dynamism of its economy. Since the beginning of the twenty-ﬁrst century. Relations with developing countries became largely based on mutual economic beneﬁt. This principle of ‘complementarity’ is applied in China’s strategy of establishing economic cooperation and free trade associations. economic and development assistance relations. director of UNDP’s Special Unit for SouthSouth Cooperation states that ‘special emphasis should be on building inclusive public-private partnership and triangular cooperation’. Interestingly. Yiping Zhou. Part of it is performed by the participation of Chinese conglomerates in developing regions. while offering its internal market as export destination to developing countries.5 This new attitude on South-South cooperation is an example of the general trend of a profound ‘de-Maoization’ of China’s political. While a model of South-South relations that enhances the globalization of its economy has replaced China’s ‘Third Worldism’. Apart from its intensiﬁed Asian relations.328 Journal of Developing Societies 23. 2008 © 2007 SAGE Publications. 3 (2007): 305–339 Japan as key donor (from 1999 to 2004). based on traditional principles of transnational enterprises yet with a more pronounced role of the state in their transnationalization process. It has institutionalized these relations through new councils and forums – something quite different from its support for liberation movements in the 1960s. China has been promoting SouthSouth trade. China’s ‘trade-not-aid’ policy has been further expanded. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. China’s need for natural resources and commodities has given way to an accelerated de-ideologization of its links to developing countries.
and building goodwill by trade relations. and the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence as a foundation of China’s international relations since the 1980s. mutual beneﬁt. As access to foreign resources is vital for China’s continued economic growth (and social and political stability). … China refuses to join any military alliance or engage in any arms race. While this seems true for the local politics of countries with which China is doing business. They all refer to ‘peaceful development’. First. Due to this lack of political conditions. In the words of Deputy Foreign Minister Zhou Wenzhong.‘In conclusion. Senegal. its new South-South relations rather reveal that China is hardly interested in politics or civil society. A stable. forgiving national debt and helping to build infrastructure. Second. but also to the world as a whole. According to Zweig and Jianghai (2005). ‘business is business. implying no recognition of Taiwan. China’s international approach is not socialist either. 2008 © 2007 SAGE Publications. many new exploration and supply agreements on energy and other commodities have been signed by state-controlled Chinese companies and foreign states. ‘China stands for a new security concept that features mutual trust. Deputy Minister of the International Department of China. China’s peaceful development is a blessing not only to China. there is always one crucial political ‘string’ attached: support for its One China Policy. Liberia and Chad ended their diplomatic relations with Taiwan in order to deepen relations with China.sagepub. stability and common development of the world’. ‘peace and development’. China is ‘courting the governments of these states aggressively’. We try to separate politics from business’ (in Zweig and Jianhai. For instance. Peacefulness is stressed in the Chinese policy documents for bilateral and multilateral development relations with Africa.com by Leonardo Ramos on March 31. equality and cooperation. in this process there are ‘no political questions asked’ since China considers national sovereignty as crucial. China does not seek spheres of inﬂuence nor sets up military bases overseas’. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 3 (2007): 305–339 Downloaded from http://jds. particularly in Africa. Asia and the Arab World. aid. China is supporting several countries with authoritarian regimes that do not receive Western governmental support. Though not following the line of strictly ‘free markets’. between 2004 and 2006. open and prosperous China marching on the road of peaceful development will make still greater contributions to peace. All rights reserved. 2005: 32). Latin America. .Fernández Jilberto and Hogenboom: Developing Regions Facing China 329 following the Western agenda of free markets and democracy in its international relations. according to Zhijun Zhang.6 Yet with its rise as a Journal of Developing Societies 23. Chinese state (controlled) companies and public-private partnerships are central to China’s agenda for international development.
Cobalt (Congo). China’s ‘aid-for-oil’ policy resembles the tradition of tradeand-aid deals by industrialized countries.sagepub. While there was great social unrest over Mugabe’s destruction of shantytowns in 2005. bridges. and in the 1990s China-Africa trade increased 700 per cent. China became the largest investor (particularly to secure access to platinum for its automobile industry) after President Mugabe’s policies made Western countries turn away. While the IMF berated Angola for corrupt oil deals. In 2000. China is not posing policy conditions (see also Konings’ article on Africa in this issue). China provided a $2 billion credit to Nigeria and Angola for building ofﬁces and repairing railways with Chinese contracts. have heavily criticized this intransparent Chinese practice. amounting to $900 million in 2004. but contrary to the Africa policies of the European Union and the United States. In 2004. All rights reserved. About 900 Chinese companies have come to invest in Africa. and of copper (Zambia). diamonds (Sierra Leone). In Africa. schools. and timber. In the meantime. 2008 © 2007 SAGE Publications. when trade amounted to $32 billion. Walt. it is hard to imagine this peacefulness to last forever. Similarly. Based on its principle of non-interference in domestic affairs. and its economic potential and needs are sooner or later to interfere with the interests of other countries. or respect for human rights. in return for which it received Chinese loans and aid. In Zimbabwe. China is supplying arms to many countries. With Chinese demand – among Downloaded from http://jds. China agreed to sell ﬁghter jets to Nigeria (worth $251 million) ﬁnanced by China’s Exim Bank (Pan. including to those ones banned by Western countries because of human rights abuses. China supplied Mugabe with ﬁghter jets and troop carriers (worth about $240 million) in exchange for gold and tobacco. Many countries and organizations. China’s ‘peaceful rise as superpower’ (Bijian.com by Leonardo Ramos on March 31. Much of this increase was due to the growing Chinese import of oil from countries like Sudan. the country exported 25 per cent of its oil to China. The economic activities of the world’s largest developing country with the world’s poorest region have been rapidly growing. including funds for Chinese companies to construct rail-roads. 2006.330 Journal of Developing Societies 23. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 3 (2007): 305–339 global power. the China-Africa Forum started a new period of trade cooperation and investment. 2005) would be a historic anomaly. including Amnesty International. and again from 2003 to 2005. resulting in a doubling of trade from 2000 to 2003. good governance (more transparency and less corruption). China does not demand macroeconomic reforms. based on its approach to national sovereignty. hospitals and a ﬁberoptic network. . or 6 per cent of Africa’s total inward FDI. 2006).
Both China and Arab countries have capacities and interest to Journal of Developing Societies 23. All rights reserved. as China is now its major client.5 billion. In December 2005 China and the OPEC launched an energy dialogue. Liberia. In 2005. in 2005 Iran-China trade valued $9. With the Middle East. two agreements on the Sino-Arab Cooperation Forum were signed: the China-Arab Cooperation Forum and the Framework Agreement between China and the Gulf Cooperation Council. 3 (2007): 305–339 Downloaded from http://jds. On this occasion China promised to triple its development assistance to Africa. Ghana. On 23 January 2006. 23. importing over 20 million tons of Saudi Arabian oil in 2005. 2006). Nigeria. where the Ministers’ conference of the Arab League took place. Foreign Minister Li Zhaoxing visited Cape Verde. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. On this occasion.com by Leonardo Ramos on March 31. The two countries signed gas and oil deals (for 30 and 25 years respectively) estimated between $70 and $100 billion. and agreements where signed for almost $2 billion new Chinese investments in the region. an agreement on energy cooperation was signed when the Saudi King Abdullah bin Abdul Aziz came to China on his ﬁrst visit outside the Arab world (Qin Jize. . no. Nigeria. 4). China has intensiﬁed relations on a similar basis of mutual beneﬁt and with energy as key interest (see also Abdel-Khalek and Korayem’s article in JDS. Sudan and Zimbabwe.Fernández Jilberto and Hogenboom: Developing Regions Facing China 331 other things – pushing up oil prices and exports.3 billion. vol. In November of 2006. in exchange for a 50 per cent stake for China in the development of Iran’s Yahavaran oil ﬁeld. and oil and gas deals were signed between Nigeria and the Chinese state-controlled CNOOC for a value of $2. Mozambique. its new Africa policy provides China with important allies in the United Nations. the China-Africa Business Council (CABC) was launched with a secretariat in Beijing and ofﬁces in the six participating African countries: Cameroon. Apart from serving economic interests. Particularly the ties with Saudi Arabia have been strengthened. Tanzania and Kenya. Mali. 2008 © 2007 SAGE Publications. including negotiations for a free trade zone (Bajpaee.2 per cent (UNCTAD. in 2005 Africa reached the remarkably high GDP growth rate of 5. 2005a). Senegal. Chinese Foreign Minister Li Zhaoxing visited Cairo.sagepub. The government of China is very active in its relations with Africa and in the past few years Chinese ofﬁcials regularly visit the region. the Chinese government and the China Society for Promotion for the Guangcai Programme: a link between Chinese Communist Party and the Chinese private sector. This business council is a public-private partnership involving the UNDP. 2006). In January of 2006. Beijing hosted the largest ever China-Africa summit with 48 African leaders to discuss plans to further extend trade and investment. In September 2004. Libya. such as Nigeria. Iran is important as a provider of natural gas to China.
amounting to almost $40 billion in 2004.332 Journal of Developing Societies 23. . with Russia a strategic partnership has been established for which. These institutions were at that time very suspicious of an active role of the state in economic processes.com by Leonardo Ramos on March 31. South-South Relations and Globalized Markets In the 1980s and 1990s. and despite the monopoly status they tend either to make low proﬁts or to run persistent and large losses that burden government budgets’ (IMF. And state enterprises … dominate Downloaded from http://jds. energy trade and investment was the main motive (see Mommen’s article in the following special issue). Kuwait agreed to invest in a project of petrochemical and reﬁnery infrastructure in the province of Guangdong while in 2006. again. ‘[a]mong many developing countries. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. a reduced role of the state in the economy and the transformation of the private sector into the predominant motor for economic development were the main elements of international policy prescriptions for low-income countries. China set up a Cooperation Forum for Latin America. Saudi Arabia’s Aramco Overseas Co agreed to invest $750 million in a petrochemical complex in Fujian Province. China’s relations with other regions and developing countries have also been strengthened. and especially of state-owned and state-controlled companies. 2008 © 2007 SAGE Publications.As for Africa and for the Arab countries. For instance.4 billion in this region (see our forthcoming article on Latin America in the following special issue). Meanwhile the World Bank stated that. DC). 3 (2007): 305–339 invest abroad. All rights reserved. In November 2004. Rigid regulations inhibit private initiative. This became known as the Washington Consensus. ‘in all too many countries … [p]rivate initiative is still held hostage to a legacy of antagonistic relations with the state. In 1997. especially in the energy sector. when China invested $1. which is to process 8 million tons of Saudi crude oil (Pant. 2006). While Chinese initiatives towards most transition economies in Eastern and Central Europe have been limited. in 2005.… Often stateowned enterprises are operated inefﬁciently. the direct involvement of the state in economic activity is large and wide-spread . because it was a view shared and effectively applied by US government agencies as well as the IMF and the World Bank (all based in Washington. the IMF claimed that.sagepub. Trade between China and Latin America quintupled from 1999 to 2004. 1997: 85–88). President Hu visited Latin America with a trade mission and shortly afterwards vice-president Zen Qinghong came to the region to sign trade and oil agreements with Venezuela.
All rights reserved. which occurred during the last quarter of the twentieth century.com by Leonardo Ramos on March 31. Central and Eastern Europe and Asia these ﬁnancial institutions stimulated privatization and other liberalization policies that involved a transfer of economic power from the public sector to the private sector. The apparent paradox. These policies have brought about an economic concentration in very large and increasingly transnational private companies. Even though the rise of China and the new South-South relations have come about in the context of neoliberalization. are the results of what seems to be a paradoxical process. when China’s economic and political development was very different from most of the Third World. 2003: 84). then. China’s successful strategy of insertion into the world economy is bearing some resemblance to the development models of other East Asian countries Journal of Developing Societies 23. These ﬁndings ‘raise serious questions about the strategies adopted in a number of developing countries for activating a dynamic process of capital accumulation and growth through a combination of increased FDI and reduced public investment and policy intervention’ (UNCTAD. as well as its rise as a political protagonist of the new SouthSouth agenda. has generally not been as positive as the Washington Consensus claimed it would be. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. despite this convergence China’s development was not aimed at achieving a free market and a small state. starting in the late 1970s China went through several phases of profound policy restructuring that resembled the economic liberalization that was taking place in practically all developing countries.Fernández Jilberto and Hogenboom: Developing Regions Facing China 333 economic terrain that could more fruitfully be given over to competitive markets’ (1997: 61). The economic success story of China. usually structured as conglomerates or economic groups. is that economic liberalization has been as central to China’s miraculous growth as the strong state and its active economic role. . in particular in Latin America and Africa. However. and irrespective of the many differences. Latin America.sagepub. 2007). 2008 © 2007 SAGE Publications. This tendency. and has in some cases clearly been negative to economic and social development in developing countries and transition economies (Fernández Jilberto and Hogenboom. 3 (2007): 305–339 Downloaded from http://jds. Contrary to the situation of the third quarter of the twentieth century. Yet China’s success is consistent with ﬁndings on capital accumulation regimes and economic growth of other developing countries. however. as was generally happening in developing regions. In Africa. In this respect. such negative effects of a smaller state and economic concentration in conglomerates implicate important criticism of the dominant neoliberal approach to achieving economic development in developing regions.
United States. China has been of great support in advancing the interests of developing regions in global politics and the world market.334 Journal of Developing Societies 23.org). the average in all developing countries was 10 per cent in 1981 and decreased from then onwards (UNCTAD. there is a positive ‘China effect’ in this area too. Philippines. China. the remarkable development of several emerging economies in South-East Asia (Demmers. as a new export market and an emerging source of foreign investment. Hong Kong.com by Leonardo Ramos on March 31. 2004: 27–28). Downloaded from http://jds. China had a signiﬁcantly higher level of public investment as a share of GDP. NOTES 1.worldbank. and Latin America and Africa – is that in the 1980s and 1990s. Chile. Papua New Guinea. rather unjustly. Russian Republic. The APEC countries are Australia. All rights reserved. but China’s rise again shows developing countries that there are viable alternatives to the Washington Consensus. China’s recent global economic inﬂuence is encouraging such alternatives for developing countries in several ways. On the other hand. Peru. Increasing growth in developing countries that are beneﬁting from exports to China and rising world market prices diminish these countries’ dependency on international ﬁnancial institutions and their policies. While public investment in China accounted for 15 to 20 per cent. Brunei. 2008 © 2007 SAGE Publications. 3. based on its World Development Indicators database of April 2006 [Accessed 16 May 2006 (http://devdata. China’s global agenda has a clear and purely economic goal. By the end of the 1990s. Some of the China data are from the World Bank’s ‘China Data Proﬁle’. By joining the G20 in the WTO negotiations. Canada. 75). Japan. Taiwan. . Malaysia. Singapore. Mexico. Meanwhile. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. an important explanatory factor for China’s high level of gross capital formation since 1970 of more than 30 per cent of GDP – higher than in the rest of Asia. The rising FDI ﬁgures do not imply that it was mainly foreign private investment that ﬁnanced China’s growth.sagepub. 2003: 66. the Asian ﬁnancial crisis blurred. Fernández Jilberto and Hogenboom. South Korea.] 2. Apart from setting an example for alternative development strategies. Thailand and Vietnam. and it has been its economic – and not political – liberalization within a neoliberalizing global system that has paved the way for China’s remarkable rise. In contrast. And countries that receive Chinese investments or development assistance ﬁnd that there are no economic policy conditions attached. New Zealand. Indonesia. 3 (2007): 305–339 with an economically proactive state.
Cabanne. NJ: EastWest Who. King. 6 July 2004. 2002 (Juin). (2006) ‘China Stakes its Middle East Claim’. Armonk: M. Demmers. J.] Bijian. 14 March. (2003) ‘China en la OMC: repercusión en los países en desarrollo’.C. C. Carl. 167(September): 630–54. no. Asia Times online. Chen. Fernández Jilberto. B. 5. London: Routledge. (2005) ‘China’s “Peaceful Rise” to Great-Power Status’. DeWoskin. C. Speech at the 11th session on Economic Cooperation among Developing Countries. Alex E. (eds) (2001) Miraculous Metamorphoses.) (1972) The Foreign Policy of China. New York: Paragon House. (1989) Chinese Politics from Mao to Deng. E. Demmers. Z. 21 March 2005..securityconference. J. (2004) ‘Good governance and Democracy in a World of Neoliberal Regimes’. Ardsley: Transnational Publishers. Alex E. special issue of the International Journal of Political Economy 26(4). C. 2008 © 2007 SAGE Publications.sagepub.com). 3 (2007): 305–339 Downloaded from http://jds. London: Zed Books.com by Leonardo Ramos on March 31. . (2002) La Russie. Alex E. J. Paris: Armand Colin. pp. Santiago: CEPAL/ Naciones Unidas. UNDP and Chinese Government meeting to launch a new UNDP project on SSC of which China is the key donor. 5 February 2006 (http://www. All rights reserved.. Beijing. Fernández Jilberto. (ed. and Tchistiakova. Havana.E. Fernández Jilberto and Barbara Hogenboom (eds) Good Governance in the Era of Global Neoliberalism: Conﬂict and Depolitisation in Latin America. B. Díaz Vázques. CEPII (2001) ‘Le bol de riz en fer est cassé’. Roseland. The Neoliberalisation of Latin American Populism. Asia and Africa. Falkenheim. 1–37. Habana: Centro de Investigaciones de Economía Internacional.de). and Hogenboom. and Hogenboom. (2001) Trade and the Developing World in the 21st Century. B. Eastern Europe. J. 6. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. Kenneth. In a speech at the 42nd Munich Conference on Security Policy. Paris: Centre d’Études Prospectives et d’Informations Internationales. Perspectives économiques et sociales. CEPAL (2005) Informe sobre Inversion Extrajera Directa 2005.Fernández Jilberto and Hogenboom: Developing Regions Facing China 335 4. V. Alex E. [Accessed 24 March 2006 (www. and Hogenboom. Foreign Affairs 84(5): 18–24. La Lettre du CEPII. Journal of Developing Societies 23. (guest editors) (1997) The Political Economy of Open Regionalism in Latin America. The China Quarterly. REFERENCES Bajpaee. Fernández Jilberto. Sharpe.atimes. B. (2001) ‘The WTO and the Telecommunications Sector in China’. in Jolle Demmers.
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338 Journal of Developing Societies 23. New York and Geneva: United Nations. WTO (2005) International trade statistics 2005. Foreign Affairs 84(5): 25–38. UNCTAD (2006) World Investment Report 2005: FDI from Developing and Transition Economies: Implications for Development. He has published various articles and books on the political economy of Latin America and developing countries in general. 2008 © 2007 SAGE Publications. Alex E. New York and Geneva: United Nations. UNCTAD (2002a) Handbook of Statistics.sagepub. and Bi Jianhai. Wang. Latin American Downloaded from http://jds. His most recent publications include the co-edited volumes Big Business and Economic Development: Conglomerates and Economic Groups in Developing Countries and Transition Economies under Globalisation (with Barbara Hogenboom. Oxford: Oxford University Press. UNCTAD (2004) Handbook of Statistics. New York and Geneva: United Nations. UNCTAD (2002b) World Investment Report 2002: Transnational Corporations and Export Competitiveness. (2006) ‘China’s Africa Safari’.com by Leonardo Ramos on March 31. Fernández Jilberto is senior lecturer in International Relations at the University of Amsterdam. (2005) ‘China’s Search for Stability with America’. New York and Geneva: United Nations. Walt. The State in a Changing World. (2000) ‘Economic Development and Poverty Reduction in China Over 20 Years of Reform’. UNCTAD (2005b) Trade and Development Report 2004. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. New York and Geneva: United Nations. New York and Geneva: United Nations. J. New York and Geneva: United Nations. 8 February. 2 July. S. UNCTAD (1995) World Investment Report 1995: Transnational Corporations and Competitiveness. UNCTAD (2003) World Investment Report 2003. D. V. Geneva: World Trade Organization. World Bank (2005) World Development Report. 2007). UNCTAD (2005a) World Investment Report 2005: Transnational Corporations and the Internationalization of R&D. Fortune. Foreign Affairs 84(5): 39–48. 67–69. 3 (2007): 305–339 The Economist (2005) ‘The Dragon tucks in’. pp. . Routledge. New York and Geneva: United Nations. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ‘China’s Global Hunt for Energy’. Zweig. All rights reserved. Economic Development and Cultural Change 48(3): 447–74. Yao. World Bank (1997) World Development Report 1997.
Z. The Netherlands. Achterburgwal 237. 20. 1998).uva. and political and economic development in Mexico and Latin America. 2001). including Big Business and Economic Development: Conglomerates and Economic Groups in Developing Countries and Transition Economies under Globalisation (with Alex E.sagepub. 20. . She writes on transnational politics.hogenboom@cedla. Latin American Conglomerates and Economic Groups under Globalization (with Alex E. Routledge. Sage. Fernández Jilberto. Miraculous Metamorphoses: The Neoliberalization of Latin American Populism (with Jolle Demmers and Alex E.nl Barbara Hogenboom is lecturer in Political Science at the Centre for Latin American Research and Documentation (CEDLA) in Amsterdam. Good Governance in the Era of Global Neoliberalism: Conﬂict and Depolitisation in Latin America. Asia and Africa (with Jolle Demmers and Barbara Hogenboom. Address: Department of Political Science. Regionalization and Globalization in the Modern World Economy: Perspectives on the Third World and Transitional Economies (with André Mommen. Routledge. Routledge. 2001). nos 3&4. Routledge. 2004).com by Leonardo Ramos on March 31. Zed Books. Keizersgracht 395–397. Asia and Africa (with Jolle Demmers and Alex E. 1012 DL Amsterdam. 3 (2007): 305–339 Downloaded from http://jds. Sage. 2004). 2002). Eastern Europe. and the monograph Mexico and the NAFTA Environment Debate: The Transnational Politics of Economic Integration (International Books. Email: fernandezjilberto@pscw. 2008 © 2007 SAGE Publications. Miraculous Metamorphoses:The Neoliberalization of Latin American Populism (with Jolle Demmers and Barbara Hogenboom. O. Zed Books. Labour Relations in Development (with Marieke Riethof. vol. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. Fernández Jilberto.Fernández Jilberto and Hogenboom: Developing Regions Facing China 339 Conglomerates and Economic Groups under Globalization (with Barbara Hogenboom. Address: Centre for Latin American Research and Documentation. University of Amsterdam. a special double issue of the Journal of Developing Societies. a special double issue of the Journal of Developing Societies.b. Fernández Jilberto. nos 3&4. globalization processes. 2007). 1016 EK Amsterdam. Routledge. Eastern Europe. 2004). Among her recent publications are various co-edited volumes. vol. The Netherlands. Fernández Jilberto. Good Governance in the Era of Global Neoliberalism: Conﬂict and Depolitisation in Latin America. Email: b.nl Journal of Developing Societies 23. 1998). 2004).
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