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, Bd. 43, H. 3 (3rd Qtr., 1994), pp. 297-305 Published by: Franz Steiner Verlag Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4436335 . Accessed: 15/08/2013 13:16
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They are not responsiblefor the errorsthatremain.88. pp. Whitehead. Whitehead.A.105-113. My book hereafter = Outsiders.Greek Mercenary Soldiers (Oxford. Parke.J.1989) p. 15 Aug 2013 13:16:13 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . 105. p. I shall take the opportunityof sketching the situationa bit more broadly than I did before.GREEKMERCENARY TROOPSAND THEIREQUIPMENT' 1. "WhoEquipped Mercenary Troopsin ClassicalGreece?" Hist. pp. a different story"4 form an important element in Whitehead's analysis.5 have assumed without argumentthatmercenariesmust usually have providedtheirown arms and armour.GrayandProf. H. Whitehead. in a recent volume of this journal. The reason why the question is an importantone is that an answer to it would be very informative in the context of fourth-centurysocial history as a whole. and Dionysius I and his mercenaryarmy in Sicily. If we could say (at least in general) what kind of men took service in these armies.equip them. Historia. There were large mercenaryarmies involved in virtually all the (many) military struggles in and near Greece from the end of the Peloponnesian War to the establishment of the Hellenistic Kingdoms.88.C.6but I think that may runthe risk of dignifying it with a statusthat it does not really have. (London.W. DavidWhitehead. at p.K. It is common ground that earlier scholars. 40 (1991) = Whitehead. Band XLIII/3 (1994) ? Franz Steiner Verlag Wiesbaden GmbH.2 expresses disagreement with an argumentI have put forwardto the effect thatemployers of mercenariesin fourthcentury Greece would "often.Whitehead describes this assumption as an orthodoxy. Parke.Raaflaub forcomments on draftsof this paper. particularlyH. 110.7 The issue is whetherany generalization from them is possible. e. It is simply a question that nobody has thought about much. Sitz Stuttgart This content downloaded from 65.perhapseven usually .both to clarify my own case and to question Whitehead's line of argumentagainst it.107-8. explicitly or implicitly. Instances where an employer did provide the equipment are recognised by both of us: the chief ones are Cyrus and the army he recruitedto attackhis brotherKing ArtaxerxesH. Hereafter PaulMcKechnie.W.Outsiders in the Greek Cities in the Fourth Century B. Two Views of Mercenaries David Whitehead's article "Who Equipped MercenaryTroops in Classical Greece?".V. and since "generalconsiderationswhich tell. p.85. then the light that information I 2 3 4 5 6 7 I wish to thankProf.106.g."3Some further comment is required.1935).42 on Thu.
left their land untended (thus causing economic decline) and abandonedtheir civic responsibilities (weakening their home cities both militarily and morally). because they did not have enough land to make a living from farming.e. or mercenarieswere often given their equipment. At risk of seeming over-schematic. and so were drawn from people with a 'hoplite census'. out of choice (although the pay was bad9).298 MCKECHNIE PAUL would cast on the cities they came from would be very useful. If large numbersof middle-class men had been taking thatoption. Men of that kind could have lived at home: most people were farmers. 1971) pp. there are attractivefeaturesin the hypothesis. are unarmed. PierreDucrey draws the parallelbetween Greek mercenaries and the Swiss mercenariesof the medieval and modem periods. I suggest that the possibilities are more or less as follows: either mercenaries owned their (usually hoplite) equipment. The problems are the obvious ones: how did they get armourand training?But. That is to say that an Greek historywould pictureit as a periodof old-fashioned view of fourth-century economic and moral decline of the Greek city-state. then the (rather implausible) idea that a sort of epidemic of ethical inadequacy had struckthe hoplite class after403 becomes unnecessary. A wider comparativeview would supportthe case for assuming thatmercenaries were usually poor.115-123. von Salis zum 70. This view would fit in with the assumptionthatmercenarieswere men of solid economic statusand general position in their communities. 15 Aug 2013 13:16:13 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . It would amount to a moral decline. et la Suisse dansla Greceancienne surles causesdu mercenariat 10 PierreDucrey"Remarques moderne". when they went soldiering.89-93. It ceases to be necessary to ask why men faced danger. 8 This content downloaded from 65. leading up to the moment when Philip II took over control of a weak andenfeebled system. they would have been of the economic backgroundof an Athenianrowerratherthana hoplite. That is. i.42 on Thu. and presumably we should go back to asking what features of the education and the cultural life of such people had caused it.8 Here the matterof 'orthodoxy' may perhapscome in.10The regions on thequestionof richandpoorin thepoliticalcontext:the Aristotleis quitestraightforward Politics 1289b 31-2.88. who. But if we take the view that most mercenariestook to soldiering because they needed the money (though it was not a well-paid job).afterall. putting those aside for a moment. and being able to afford hoplite equipment would imply being in (very roughly) the better-off half of the farming population.R. "poor" the hoplites. Geburtstag(Zurich.then there really would be a case for thinking that the lack of patriotismand the general irresponsibilityof the hoplite class had led to Philip's takeover. The other possibility is that most mercenarieswere poor. 9 See Outsiders. discomfort and social uprooting when they could have been at home growing barley and olives on the ancestralacres. the landowning.88. agricultural'middle class' of Classical Greece.and so can be presumed to have been drawn from non-landowners(ratherlike Marius' Mules). are "rich" pp.in Buch der Freundefur J.
registers and municipal and parish documents in Switzerland. This makes it difficult to draw accurate inferences from their comments.'4 and Pyrgopolynices in the Miles Gloriosus.42 on Thu. 10) p." A few phrases in Ducrey's article delineate a huge area of unattemptedresearch in archives.'2 2. were set by their writersin the context of a reasonablyrecentpast of a non-specific kind. do not tell us much. Plautus' Greek originals. also loses all the presents he gave her. or recruitingofficer.Some point in the same direction as Plautus' picture . 15 Aug 2013 13:16:13 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . But Ducrey alreadyhas good a priori grounds for questioning P. chronicles. LiterarySources Ancient writers who mentioned mercenaries were not aiming at giving a dispassionate or sociological picture.122 (andcf. Not all literarytexts on this subject are as easy to understand. The rhetoricalpurposeof the characterization is clear. Xenophon himself was a (as in n.1O) 11 Ducrey. But the Plautine soldiers. plus whatever she likes to take from his house. mostly from the early thirdcentury. p.Causesdu mercenariat p. of course) who. and no one gets misled by it into thinking thatall the thousandsof fourth-century mercenarieswere like the soldiers in New and Roman Comedy. The setting implied is closely related to the period we are considering. is a big spender. 15 Plautus Miles Gloriosus 1204-5 and 1349-57. The stereotype on which they are constructeddeals with a boastful type (he is an officer. So Antamoenides in the Poenulus is worrying about the mina he paid to the pimp. and without the typical reversal which makes the boastful soldier a victim of welldeserved retributionplotted by the scheming slave.15 All this is comic exaggeration of the impact a flamboyant type of mercenary general. This content downloaded from 65.though without the exaggeration. a numberof soldiers in Plautus. So in the Bacchides the soldier Cleomachusasks for two hundred"good gold philips"in blackmail'3 . There are. might have been able to make from time to time. 12 Ducrey. de Valliere's explanation of the exodus of Swiss to serve in foreign armies as attributable to the "turbulencede la jeunesse". It is to be hoped thatone day someone will be attracted to the mountainof work Ducrey commends.116). when he loses Philocomasium. which could determine the backgroundof men who took up mercenaryservice.88. 14 PlautusPoenulus 1280. plus the rascally slave Palaestrio. among other things. 13 PlautusBacchides882-3. for instance.88.GreekMercenary Troopsand theirEquipment 299 of Greece that stand out as recruitingareas for mercenaries(Ducrey focuses on Arcadia and Crete) were like medieval Switzerland in being mountainous. though they are mercenaries. Causes du mercenariat (as in n. 1 15. isolated and poor.though of course he does not get the money in the end.
Cambridge.4. was a means of gaining honour and so of mending one's fortunes.is of limited 20 The argument of Messene .54-58. 17 The mainprimary The (tr.300 PAUL MCKECHNIE mercenary.'6To apply this more broadly: a man with a panoply would ipsofacto be more employable as a mercenarythana man without one. Jemstedt sourceis the Logos Nouthetetikos.It involves war. p.and later regainedhis inheritance.yet it was value: in the Hellenica he does not mentionthe refoundation wherehe hadbeenliving his him estate. 15 Aug 2013 13:16:13 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . of Byzantium Varangians (St. VasilevskiiandP. Panegyricus 146: phaulotes = either "poverty" or "worthless character" (cf. The same thing is evident in other periods in history. needed in dealing with things like the passage where Xenophon speaks of some soldiers of the 10 000 having brought slaves with them or even having spent money of their own to come on Cyrus' expedition. as they did in most aspects of Greek life. thathe was there. 1978)pp.88.he found mercenaryservice attractive.91. It should not be regardedas surprisingthatmen of the upperclasses took some of the leading positions in mercenaryservice.42 on Thu. Isocratesmeanthis audienceto respondboth to the economic and the moral Presumably meaningsof this word.6. In the case of particularsmall forces (like city garrisons). LSJ).20 in XenophonAnabasis but Isocrates was just as partial. 19 Isoc. of fora number him to revealthem. See Sigfus Blondal. Anab. was down on his luck .1896). and war.8."'9Which out of Xenophon and Isocratesis telling the truth?Xenophon is known to be capable of suppressio veri on the grand scale. in the eleventh centuryAD as in the fourth century BC.becoming king HaraldIII of Norway. Compare how in the 1030s AD Haraldr Sigurbarsson. V. Outsiders. Haraldrgained promotion in the Byzantine army to the rank of spatharokandidatos.6. ed. cf.with the men who wentto Babylonandback. country losses after370 thatcost Sparta'sterritorial seen had he about happen. but men who were not able to live in their own lands because of phaulotes.and the character-sketches 16 Isaeus 2 (Menecles). half-brotherof the deposed king Olaf II of Norway.88.it probablywould not be impossible to find enough ready-equippedmen. went during his exile to Byzantiumwith 'a company of 500 brave men' who 17 As an aristocrat and took service underthe emperorMichael IV Katallakos. The two brothersin Isaeus Menecles were from a similar background.'8 This is a plea intended to convince people who doubt the Cyreians' respectability. Benedikt.There were 500 followers for one HaraldrSigurOarsson. Petersburg. But the fact that aristocratsat a variety of periods may have seen mercenary service as a promising way out of difficulties should not lead us to think that mercenaryarmies were usually full of upper-classmen in temporarilystraitened So care is circumstances. This content downloaded from 65. Isocrates alleges that they were "not chosen for quality.if it did notsuit things quiet could keep He years. BenediktS.like the impecunious brothers in Isaeus . 18 Xen.and a memberof the upperclass.G.
"28One can only note what is there and pass on.Mercenaries to J. p.v. Whitehead is right to point out the difficulties involved in attempting to use Polyaenus.narratedby Diodorus under 399.5. 24 Xen. but his army had been operating successfully for 21 Xen.287p. p.Tarn in Oxford Classical Dictionary. (as in n. s.26 forms. 27 28 29 30 Whitehead. Outsiders. That is. because Cyrus had 10 000 men. a justification for generalizing from Cyrus' army.88. "TheMercenaries of Cyrus".81.2.20-1andTableII.88. p. In this case. 22 Parke.21 and 43.because it is also dealing with a large army. with J.42 on Thu. 25 Parke. Cyrus' army starteda trend. Anab. but "between 399 and 375 there were never less than 25 000 mercenaries in service. p. (as in n. in order to recruit 10 000 mercenaries. in combining an approachto Athens (ratherthan anywhere His idea is else) with a request (if such it was) for peltasts ratherthan hoplites.82-3. cf. "Polyaenus". This is questionable: Whitehead does not mention Iphicratesand the xenikon en Korinthoi. p.27"Polyaenus.38. Hist. quotedat Outsiders. briefly. who had their own peltast equipment would have been available at this early date."25If Cyrus had to provide armour.1-30.41. 15 Aug 2013 13:16:13 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . if any.The other texts thatI mentionedin Outsidersare less easy to make anything of. pp. 16 (1967) pp. 26 D.then I'd have thought that afortiori some of the 25 000 mercenarieswho were in service every year must have been given their equipment. Anab.29 reason why the equipment was given out is related to "the particularnature of Evagoras' request. Outsiders.23 that the size of Cyrus' army is the best argument for believing that armourwas provided to the 10 000 (I myself persist in feeling that the explicit statement that the Greeks' weapons belonged to Cyrus is just as convincing24). a very strongparallel.5) p.Greek Mercenary Troops and their Equipment 221 301 show that Isocrates' implication that all the Cyreians were from the lowest class is a suggestiofalsi."30 that peltasts were uncommon and few men. 107. 323. to Evagoras.3-4and42. But Roy's argument is on the whole prejudicial to Whitehead's case.22Whitehead thinks. Whitehead. quotedat Outsiders.390 was the year when Iphicrates'defeat of a Spartanmora with a peltast force demonstrated the capabilities of the peltast. Roy.6. or rathermore. Lysias 19 (Aristophanes). The case of Dionysius I and his armamentsprogramme.2. I think.2-3.Mercenaries pp.The peltasts sent to him from Athens in 391 Whitehead's argumentin this connection is that the were given theirequipment. did not make his own extracts but utilized earlier compilations. up to a point.referring 23 Whitehead.84 and Whitehead. W.5) pp. 108.227 andTableII. 14.W. 108. This content downloaded from 65. Roy. 105-7. who producedhis book very quickly. theories about his sources are useless.There was barely a time thereafterin the fourth century when there were not large mercenaryarmies in commission.at least to some.91.S.
historians p.32This points in the same direction as Cyrus' and Dionysius' provision of weapons and armour. of weapons.59. offeringdoublethe usualpay.3.this is not made explicit.at the says that the Phocians made arrnaments. This happenedafterthe Phociansurrender.82-85)andDemophilus'reasonfor mentioning of Delphi. W. mass a allies.L."31All the same. Diodorus' sourceat this point is probablyDemophilus'historyof the SacredWar (see N. 112. Whiteheadmentions the Phocian army in another context.S. but also because allowing their withdrawal made sense for Philip.42 on Thu.23. says that the Amphictyons and Philip threw the arrns of the Phocians and their mercenariesdown the rocks (presumablyat Delphi.He would have hadevery reasonfor makingthe option of walking away an attractiveone for Phalaecusand his men. thatwas availablein the Delphiansanctuary] and afterthe disasterof the CrocusField (352). 31 Whitehead.88.men who did not own their own suits of armourwould be taken on and equipmentissued. Onomarchus . which he cites. There is one other large army. 1991)pp. Whitehead speaks of Phalaecus' 8 000 men being "ceremonially disarmed"before their retreat. and that is the Phocian army. it is a small force and a single incident."The Sourcesof DiodorusSiculus XVI". 16. "gotreadya massof weaponsfromthebronzeandiron" 32 D.In the first place (and I missed this before) Diodorus apparentlyfor their mercenaries. Phayllus"began use for war expenditure.88. Whitehead's alternativeis complex. 15 Aug 2013 13:16:13 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . but is a fair inference)which most were for the mercenaries of most warsdid not botherto include. I cannot agree p. I do not think they had handed over their weapons: not only because the chronological sequence in Diodorus implies that they had not.33. So bly to draw attentionto the Phocians'profaneuse of the sacredtreasures of weapons(which to referto manufacture led Demophilus requirements specialrhetorical ."Cf.33 D. though.2and36.108 andn.suggesting that where large numberswere required. 33 This content downloaded from 65.79-91. He believes thatthey handedover their panoplies to Philip then bought themselves new ones before their westward voyage. Hammond.60.the result for Phocis being the end of its resistance against the Amphictyonic League. at the moment of its ceasing to be a Phocian army. that something should be said about. 16.he claimed he could capture any town that a donkey laden with gold could be got into . Kendrick 4.53Pritchett. Peltast fighting in 391 was not still in the stage where peltasts might be "sailors and/orothers kitted out ad hoc. and sent for help fromhis collecting a mass of mercenaries.as well as coiningthe silverandgold to [sc. does not add is thatPhalaecusand his men withdrewbefore the Phocian surrender. And he also madeready TheGreekStateat WarV (BerkeleyandLos Angeles. time of Onomarchusand Phayllus. at of weaponswas probathe manufacture pp.302 MCKECHNIE PAUL several years before that. In 345 Phalaecus withdrew rather than fight Philip . towards WhatWhitehead the CorinthianGulf).S. Whitehead.andstruckgold andsilvercoinage.1.3). under a truce (16. I would not wish to use it to generalize about anything.G. He was a pragmatic general . CQ 31 [19371pp.and his only serious pitched-battledefeat had been at the hands of Phocian mercenaries.
n. He wants to say that because our literarysources in many places speak of a mercenaryforce being raised. The argumentfrom silence in Whitehead'sarticleencompasses more thanjust Aeneas. 38 Whitehead.42 on Thu. p.36 Aeneas himself says in a chapter on encouraging homonoia (social concord):37"provision must be made for those people who do not have what they need. has been dealt with in my book on Finance. Aeneas might . 36 Parke.9 and chs. presumably made from metal belonging to the Delphi temple.1-2.First.38 34 This would fit in with the idea that Demophilus (Diodorus' source for the Sacred War narrative) mentioned the manufacture of the armour (and now its eventual destruction) to trace the fate of the offerings that had been in the temple of Apollo.94-5: "we are unable to have access to Aeneas' general reflections on the use of mercenaries. and the problem of debt. 15 Aug 2013 13:16:13 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . something might be) are 10.34 3. this should be taken as confirmation that the instances where it is known that arms were provided were exceptional.lO. that the cases in which such provision is mentioned in literary sources reflect exceptional situations. and from what revenues the costs can be met. 14. that such provision would only happenexceptionally. What the ceremony of throwing armamentsoff the cliffs seems to me to suggest is that the Phocians had a stockpile of arms. Mercenaries (as in n." Here he is referringto poor people generally.7. and to bring out the sacrilegious nature of the Phocians' occupation of Delphi and their use of its wealth: cf.88.above all in Aeneas Tacticus. must . Parke notes this. I cannot accept that the 'silence' on provision of equipment to mercenaries in the extant work of Aeneas proves. having been sacrilegiously made out of objects that should have been kept for religious purposes.88. The Argumentfrom Silence Whitehead's case against provision of armourrelies on two arguments. Its destructionwas necessary because it was regardedas polluted.indeed. How this can be done fairly and without troubling the rich. This content downloaded from 65. and do not usually say anything about where the mercenaries'weapons come from. The sections in which nothing is said (and according to Whitehead. 29-30. is terribly fragmentary. so I do not think armourwould be included in the provisions he has in mind at this exact point .have said something.and second. pp. although we have almost 100 Loeb pages of Greek text. 10. 1 0. The shortest reply to this is that Aeneas' book. though. Tact.but elsewhere in his book on finance there might have been something relevant.32.11.5) pp.GreekMercenary Troopsand theirEquipment 303 that this is likely." 37 Aen. or even hints. that if it had been usual to provide armaments to mercenariesthen this fact would be mentionedin literarysources . 35 Whitehead.35 Whitehead thinks that if cities kept stocks of armaments.
for instance at pp.and where detail did get in historianshad characteristicinterests: descriptions of pitched battles can be detailed but the minutiaeof campaigns.42 on Thu.R. 39 40 41 42 43 44 This content downloaded from 65. 1. are often given such poor-quality attention that little can be made of them." I think in this paperI have been able to get far enough to show that it meets at least an Athenianstandardof proof .4' but that is because his book is the story of the army itself. Outsiders. 1990).). nn.9. as literaryworks. Anab. Diodorus Siculus and the First Century (Princeton. Whitehead. Xenophon says who recruited Cyrus' soldiers.it is well known that this was one of the main reasons for issue of coins in the ancient world.32 and 34. Similarly.J. and where. Demophilus' interest in the Phocians' manufactureof arms arose out of his concern with sacrilegious uses of temple treasures:thatis why he also mentionedthe Coiningof the gold and silver.6-2. as a point brought up in an attempt to make the Greeks give up those arms to the King's victorious army.140-6. Cf. p.g. 110.39Many of Diodorus' lost sources were writing on quite a wide canvas so had to be economical with detail . p. 15 Aug 2013 13:16:13 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .40Even contemporaryhistoriansprobablydid not care much whose the weapons were in a particularmercenary army. So building an argumentagainstprovision of armson the basis of literaryreferences that do not mention it is unsatisfactory. and the events they describe. was working from several published histories of the period and fitting material from them into a work designed to his own plan .85. does not take account of the complexity of the relationshipbetween histories. I fear. 1988) at pp.42States producedcoinage to pay armies.perhapseven usually .a work in which therewas more of Diodorus and his own ideas than has sometimes been recognised. This is so particularlybecause See Kenneth S. discussed in P. Putting together an army was not really part of what they were writing about.88. Xen.which is to say that it is more likely than the alternativethe other side is offering. Yet in summary references to raising of armies we do not usually hear of the moneyers being put to work. Hellenica Oxyrhynchia (Warminster. the confusing accounts of Agesilaus' Sardis campaign.88. and the adventuresof the Greeks who served in it.equip them"43 the prosecution". 4. the informationthat the Greeks' arms had belonged to Cyrus comes in incidentally. They may not even have known. Diodorus. 1. Sacks. See e. Even so. But it would not be satisfactory to leave what I said in Outsiders unqualified.304 PAUL MCKECHNIE This.and even manoeuvres. in particular. Kern (eds. In Practice Whitehead describes my suggestion that employers of mercenariesin fourthas a case "for centuryGreece would "often. McKechnie and S.6-7.
1 12-3. and encourage cohesion and fighting qualities among the soldiers. or that he would recover it from the soldiers . the grant of armourmight act as quite a substantial inducement to a man to join an army. In the first case. I should assume unarmed45). but apart from that possibility I should think any credit for purchaseof armourwould have to come from the mercenary'semployer. In a few cases a family member might finance purchase of armour for a poor relative. For the employer.88. There are two possibilities: either that the employer would bear the cost and write it off. In the second case the expectation of getting to own the armourat the end of a campaign might encourage loyalty. pp. even grantedthe intention to pay. I suppose.probablyby deductions from pay.GreekMercenary Troopsand theirEquipment 305 Whitehead has misunderstoodit in an importantrespect. and the issue of armourwould form partof the whole process of preparationthat went into forming a hoplite army out of (so to speak) the oarsmanclass.An employer taking on men too poor to own their own armourwould in any case have given training. This content downloaded from 65. 15 Aug 2013 13:16:13 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . there would be the advantage of having his army in a set uniform of known quality. I would not think it likely that a lender other than a mercenaryemployer would want to finance purchaseof armour:a soldier might never come back to the agora he borrowedthe money in (indeed. He assumes that I think mercenarieswho received armourwould give it back on leaving the service of the issuer (and he produces evidence to show that unemployed mercenarieswere not This is my fault for not dealing with the question. thata dischargedmercenarywould typically keep his armour. but if all the soldiers had their own armoursomething similar could be achieved by painting the shields.42 on Thu. University of Auckland Paul McKechnie 45 Whitehead. The uniformity might make the army look more fearsome on the battlefield. he might get killed).88.
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