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A merican A nthropologist

[71, 19691

closer inspection one realized that she was at least 60. (Laughter). moins 60 (Rire). Mais elle ktait habiIl6e de telle facon . qu'on But she was dressed in such a way . . . that one simply could not help n'pouvait vraiment pas n'pas la remarquer. Avec de grande voiles seeing her. With long veils . . . She was called Nefertiti. A h . . .ah On l'appelait Nkfertiti. A h . . . ah comment t a dappelle? Comment what's the name of it? What is the name? Well, Minos' palace . . . ca dappelle donc? Eh bien, le palais de le pafais &Minos, Minos . Minos' palace, where is that? What is it called? (Laughter) 02 est-ce que c'est donc? Qu'est-ce . . . Comment ca dappelle donc? (Rire)

Class 11, subject W3: informal style Quand i fsait beau on altait bbaigner. Le soir, on rentrait, When the weather was good, we went to the beach. At night on prkparait l'diner; et ensuite euh y avait des . . . un genre we went home, we fixed supper; and then there were . . . was a de crochet dans un p'tit . . . cafk, o i i ils fsaient un crochet kind of call-in program in a small . . . cafe, where they had a radio radiophonique. On allait kcouter les chanteurs. Ensuite euh nous call-in program. We went to listen to singers. Then uh we went to allions nu casino, quelquefois. Pas la p'tite, parce qu'elh avait the casino, sometimes. Not the kid, because she was not allowed in pas l'droit d'entrer (Rire). Enfin c'dt . . c'e'tait tr2s agrkable (Laughter). On the whole it w . . . it was a very comme contrke mais . . peu . . . un peu trop bruyant. C'ktaient pleasant place but . . . little . . . a little too noisy. It was you plutbt vous savez des vacances euh , . On n'ch Moi je n'cherchais know the type of vacation that's rather uh . . .We didn't . . .I was surtout pas des vacances pour avoir des aventures, surtout pour not in the least interested in an "adventurous" vacation. I m'reposer (Rire). mostly wanted to rest (Laughter).

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Class 11, subject W3: formal style Une fois que les plans sont tirks, les dessinateurs euh Once the blueprints have been drawn up, they are given to ont le schkma: et quand ils construisent euh soit un immeuble, ils the draftsmen; and when they build either a building, they base se basent euh sur ce dessin pour leiir construction. Ce sont en somme their building plans on those blueprints. In other words those are des . . . des schkmas . . des mod2les . . . des plans, qui leur servent de sketches . . . models . . . plans, which are used as models. So by the plan modbles. Alors d'aprb le plan, euh ils ont le . . . sous-sol, premier they have the basement, first floor, from the basement to the . . fifth Ctage, du sous-sol jusqu'au . . cinq ou sixibme ktage. Alors tout or sixth floor. So all the est dktaillk sur ce plan, euh . . . l'endroit oh dtrouve le . . . la salle details are on that plan, euh . . the place for the . . , the dining B manger, la chambre euh le salon, les W.C., le la cuisine, enfn room, the bedroom uh the living-room, the bathroom, the kitchen, tout le plan de . . . dl'immeuble est dktaillk . . . voyez-vous. in other words the whole plan o f . . . of the building is there in detail . you see.

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FEMALE INITIATION AMONG THE MARONI RIVERCARIBS'
PETERmoos
University of Amsterdam Cross-culturally it has been demonstrated that there is a relationship between female initiation rites on the one hand, and matrilocal residence and an important contribution of women to subsistence on the other. It is the purpose of this article to describe the initiation rite for girls among the Caribs of the Maroni River, Surinam, against this background. Matrilocal residence among the Caribs is pronounced, and the economic role of women is im-

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Although the villages are of fair size. or in Surinam’s capital. With regard to the second factor she argues that when the economic contribution of women in a particular society is important. economic role of women] Accepted for publication 12 March 1969. female matrilocal residence. Her hypothesis is statistically confirmed. [puberty rites. but they d o not realize the eflect of residence. who has-at least in the Surinam villages-two assistants (bastiaun or bu:siu). Cottica. who are used by Judith Brown in testing her hypotheses. (see Table 1 ) 2 Thus each house cluster generally includes the residences of a married couple (and their unmarried children) plus their married daughters (with their husbands and children). A considerable part of the fish caught is sold in the markets of Albina and St. while hunting and collecting are secondary. there are only two others. The only division of labor is between men and women. and Iracu. Caribs. the correlation being lower. The men fish and hunt and do the heavier work in the garden. separated by secondary forest and small manioc plots. Against the background of these cross-cultural results I shall describe and discuss the female initiation rite of the Maroni River Caribs.Brief Communications portant. The purpose of the rites appears to be an announcement of status change both to the initiate and to those around her. however. gives no detailed description of the rite itself (see Gillin 1936:72). The clusters are strung along the river bank. The rite. Wayombo. There are other. not much more than a palm-leaf thatched roof on six or eight poles. Laurent-du-Maroni (French Guyana). Chieftainship is of little importance however. a few hundred inhabitants as a rule. then a need is felt to assure their competence. made necessary because she spends her adult life in the same setting as her childhood [1963: 8411. are built in clusters. there are no unilineal groups. the bilateral personal kindred and the sibling group. and physical appearance -from other Caribs in northwest Surinam (on the rivers Saramacca. In all they number about 1500 and constitute a group in that they are relatively isolatedby distance. In her article on female initiation rites (1963) Judith Brown demonstrates the relationship between these rites (or at least the nonpainful form) on the one hand. each nuclear family possesses its own house. and Suriname) and interact more with members of their own group than with the Western Caribs. After a few years a couple may move near the parents of the husband (for instance when he is the only or the eldest son). The Caribs rcalize this. Residence is as a rule uxorilocal. The women prepare food. Apart from this localized kinship group. My fieldwork has been carried out mainly in the villages of Christiaankondre and Langamankondre. with a total population of just over 500. Paramaribo. forming a long but narrow inhabited strip. Gillin. These Caribs are close relatives of the Barama River Caribs (see Gillin 1936). Fishing and agriculture (shifting cultivation with bitter manioc as main crop) are of primary importance. their structure is simple and their pattern of settlement is uniform. but less convincing so. Coppename. smaller. Above all this means the toilsome produc- . With regard to matrilocal residence she argues that female initiation rites will occur in those societies in which the young girl continues n the home o f her mother after to reside i marriage. Building a house and making basketry and household utensils in genera1 is likewise men’s work. groups on the rivers Oyapock. dialect. Most of the villages have a government appointed chief (kupitein). with about seventy-five percent of the women beginning married life within their own domestic group. like clearing. taking place about a week after the menarche. In marriage there is a preference for a classificatory cross-cousin and marriage is monogamous. The spacious houses. and matrilocal residence and economic importance of women on the other. menarche. is in its symbolism al- 899 most completely concerned with the female economic role. Present-day economy in these villages is a mixed one. Tibiti. Again her hypothesis is confirmed. The Maroni River Caribs The Maroni River Caribs are a group of Amerindians living mainly at the mouth and lower course of the Maroni and Mana rivers.

presses the their school is not as good as a school in pulp to extrude the poison.cause they were at school in Paramaribo. Cooking fish is a well as girls. although at any moment ten to covered this when she was with her parents twenty percent of the children may not be in the garden on the other side of the river present. and many children go to Para. beevery woman spins cotton for the ham. mocks. 19691 TABLE 1. Virtually all children attend lowed to go home. makes her a small room in the house where An important institution in the life of the she can tie her hammock or she is given the children is the mission school. Involving girls. Inside and outside her affair of an individual girl.to stay in a small shelter near the garden. A converted into a normal elementary school girl who discovered that she was menstruataccording to Surinam law (gewoon lager on. but falling under a eighth and twentieth year”-in fact. al. is the important task the Caribs at the age of nearly thirteen: beof making alcoholic drinks from manioc cause it is a cultural elaboration of the first (kasi:li3 from pulp.or marriage customs”-although among the though a woman is expected to do any ser. a girl who disschool. attic). The school is also a stepping stone was not allowed to cross the river and had to Paramaribo. among woman’s responsibility. Albina. to Paramaribo. their village. The Caribs feel. Often a wife goes fishing with her hus. Al. It does “not include betrothal from slightly burned manioc cakes). town and try to send their children. that washes. rightly so. however. is not rigid. It conit as below him to peel manioc or even to give sists of “ceremonial events. however. or St-Laurent-du-Maroni.” This rite is “celebrated between their both men and women. She is not boslundschool. The division of labor. And her husband doesn’t regard given by Judith Brown (19635336). If . There have for a long time been at least nominally she has to stay eight days. peels. b I D E N C E AT THE BEGINNING OF MARRIAGE (INITIAL RESIDENCE) AND PRESENT RESIDENCE OF Initial residence Age group Present residence 111 her original domestic group In her original domestic group 20 Otherwise Otherwise Above median age (34) Below median age (34) Totals 7 10 20 30 17 22 42 6 13 8 25 tion of manioc cakes from the poison-con. In 1967 about minor job compared with this. RELATED TO AGE GROUP [71.) It was founded in 1925 constructs near the house a small shelter in as a simple elementary school (a so-called which the girl can wash herself. six and fifteen did not live in the village. Also. For these she harvests.5 Also her mother Roman Catholic.The Znitiation Rite for Girls band or lends a hand when he is building a The Carib rite conforms to the definition new house. fetches firewood. boys as and bakes the big cakes. pa:ya and pa:yawa:lu menstruation.Caribs marriage follows soon after the first vice her husband requires.twenty-five percent of the children between though few women nowadays make pottery. and grates the tubers. mandatory for all some aid in knotting a hammock.900 American Anthropologist FIFTY-FIVE MARRIED WOMEN IN CHRISTIAANKONDRE. (The Caribs upper part of the house (su:Za. As soon as it is own house a woman expresses her thoughts discovered that a girl is bleeding her mother and wishes as an equal partner.maribo even before they finish the school in taining tubers. In Carib society the rite is the certainly not inferior.ing for the first time during Mass was alderwijs) . ‘bushschool’). In 1958 it was allowed to go to the river or to the forest. her position is menstruation.

especially sweet fruits. After the mother left a man did come. She is reputed to have said once during a feast that she was strong and could work like any man. ‘she smells. After eight days many girls look rather emaciated. If she eats rice her hair will become white. oko:yumo. To be unattractive to oko:yumo the girl dresses in old clothes and does not comb her hair. 1a:Jimo. This carrying away is a manner of speaking. the old woman remains busy. is a menace to the girl. Her nickname is trayga may or rrayga pi:pi. and great granddaughters often visit her.e. There are some individual variations in things forbidden. as a result of the food restrictions. eating sweet fruits and sugar results in rotten teeth or in eczema around the mouth. indeed. She lives mainly on porridge made from manioc cake (sa~mu:Zu) and on small species of fish (pamka. The mother of the girl keeps ready some bits of cotton fluff. and sent her back to her mother. brother. very curious. ‘strong man’ or ‘strong grandmother’ (trayga and m a y are Creole).“ The Caribs say tYbo:le marl. Smaller animals are allowed. Also the spirit of the forest. Her friends however. but for her father. nor about the origin of the necklace. she was not allowed to come down. but in general she should not eat 901 big things-no large fish. are forbidden. Toward the eighth day the mother of the girl makes the native manioc drink. These old people come to the house before sunrise. although in other respects quite dependent upon industrial products sleep exclusively in home-made cotton hammocks-is a respectable woman. I have. but while they are having a chat. He induced the girl to come down and follow him to the river where he gave her a present. and likewise sugar and sugarcane. The obligation to spin cotton remains however. oko:yumo would carry her away. Fruits. such as menstruation. mi:so). while her fa- . The only moments when she is at leisure are when she is playing a little bit with one of her numerous offspring. A woman who can make a cotton hammock -the Caribs.. She is about seventy. Also her diet is restricted. In a popular story it is told that once. The man-oko:yumo in disguise-warned the girl not to tell about her visit to oko:yumo’s realm. The only activity allowed during seclusion is spinning cotton. She invites an old man and an old woman-people who have a reputation of industriousness-to come to her house early in the morning of the eighth day. oko:yumo causes illness or even death. with seclusion reduced from one month to eight days. on the other hand.Brief Communications such a shelter is not available a girl returns to her house as soon as possible and without special precautions. who was crying because she understood that the waterspirit had taken away her daughter. She is left alone as much as possible. or another person. Her daughters. normally pa:yawa:lu. cases in which death of a child was attributed to oko:yumo because the father travelled just after the birth of his child or because its mother came near the river). no girl succeeds in making enough cotton to make a hammock. not so long ago. a golden necklace. a girl having her first menstruation was in her mother’s house. not for her own use. a girl is obliged to do so. The reason given for staying home and especially for avoiding the river is that the waterspirit. Her mother went to the garden but warned the girl that. Eating big fish or animals results in a large belly. died). At present. made her drunk and in her drunkenness she told everything-and disappeared (i. should a man come to the house. granddaughters. Should she keep the hammock for her own use. ima:wale. but still seems to be possessed by a passion for working.’ And should she come near the river (or even a weIl) . though at night she often has a younger sister as companion if she sleeps alone in a house. she would become a lazy woman. She has to make cotton in order to make a hammock. cannot stand the smell thought to be connected with female reproductive processes. no meat from big animals like the tapir (maipu:li). but less so than the waterspirit. (I do not know of any case of a girl dying during the menarche. A woman who is often invited to such an occasion is the wife of the old chief of Christiaankondre.

Most of it she knows already but a few things. legs and arms are painted. bracelets. In the case of an ill girl the rite was completely omitted. No ants were used. If a girl does show pain it does not affect her future capabilities. NOWthe girl is dressed by her mother in a new karni:su (loincloth) . A girl is expected to know what to do and what to avoid. Many girls argue that those girls who have had the menarche in Paramaribo (being at school) and were not subjected to the rite are not lazier than other girls who were. too. She is not allowed to show pain. 19691 ther collected the day before a bowl with large ants. in many cases no ants are used (some men say that this particular ant is rare nowadays. This is discussed in her presence. In a certain number of cases actual behavior deviates from the pattern described above. We have already noted that the period of seclusion was shortened from one month to eight days.902 American Anthropologist [71. y u : h T First the girl takes a bath in the little shelter near the house. “It won’t do any harm if everything is repeated. She grates some manioc. dresses again in an old loincloth. In the weeks that follow she receives some instruction. and she is adorned with necklaces. but not before she has washed her hands to get rid of the smell. This is taken to mean that in the future her hands should never be at rest but constantly moving and busy. and it is said that it shall not be sufficient in her case that she puts her hands in a bowl with ants. After some time someone fetches one or two drums. “She knows already. First. but not yet very well. earrings. who can have her menarche at any moment is regarded as a lazy girl. washes her hands with it. it seems that the rite itself is changing. should be industrious like the ant. The course of the feast does not differ from other feasts. lays it on the open hand of the girl and sets fire to it. and avoids contact with men (she does not cook. A young girl of almost thirteen. it is said. probably degenerating and disappearing. like the family of the girl. But. rather she will have to lie down in a hammock filled with them. After the feast a girl resumes her work in the household. yet pain may play a role. During these ceremonial acts only the members of the nuclear family of the girl and the old persons are present. more or less intoxicated and the feast stops abruptly when the drink is finished. being an adult woman. This is repeated a few times. In many cases also individual ants are taken from the bowl and allowed to bite the girl behind the knee and on the arm. She now resumes her tasks and is allowed to take her daily baths in the river again. but she knows about that. because she was thought too weak. no feast was given.” it is said. and puts her hands into the bowl. Not to be burned the girl throws it from one hand to the other until it is burned. though some women give a special greeting to her and comment on her being an adult woman now. The girl does not participate. there are circumstances in which the normal pattern does not fit very well. The presence of other persons is avoided. . she shall be old before her age. the truth is that they don’t take the trouble to go and look for them). Only when she is completely dressed up for the feast the guests arrive. and. but everyone knows that in that particular house the manioc beverage has been made and that everyone is welcome. The old man takes the bowl ( p a f a p i ) with ants. and throws it away. In the ‘rite the emphasis is not on the endurance of pain. like making of pottery are now taught. does not take her bath in the river. Fully decorated she stays the rest of the day in her hammock. Further. These large and fiercely biting ants remind her that she. she received the burning cotton on the seventh day and in a very hasty manner. A second menstruation receives no special attention. Second. takes the girl by her arms. There is no special attention for the girl. although some allow such a girl to drink a little bit.her face. dance songs are sung and people dance. In the case of a girl whose grandmother died a few days before the final symbolic acts. She can take care of herself. Should a lazy person be present it is felt that his laziness might be transmitted to the girl.” Instruction includes information about taking care of a man and about sexual intercourse. Most visitors become. Then the old woman takes a bit of cotton. There are no special invitations. etc.

indicating completeness. Many of them have never been veriiied. ‘to bleed. Statements about these causal relations are often not verified. but not always effectively. However. After the menarche almost all girls leave school and become fully incorporated in a household’s economy. Only when a woman’s daughters get married and her own mother dies does this orientation change. Her marriage chances depend a good deal upon her capacities and her inclination to work. It also changes her school behavior. burning of cotton in always busy hands. The initiation is the official sign of a behavioral change. Premenstruation girls already stay home often-for instance when a mother goes to the garden and asks her daughter to look after the preschool children. In adult women menstruation is indicated with the word no:mo. If she is alone in her parent’s house and a visitor comes. no:mo mav. because they are plausible. There is some sexual experimentation (girls of this age are closely. However. especially by their mothers). the suffix -se:na after a verb forms a substantive ‘someone (occasionally something) whom befell recently that which is expressed in the verb.g. using her mother’s instruments. the use of ants. She helps in making manioc cakes (peeling and grating. the avoidance of lazy persons. ‘she who is bleeding. and the recruitment of industrious. Together they go into the forest to fetch firewood.’ from mi’:nu. visibly taking place in a few months time. A girl of ten or so already cooperates with her mother (younger than ten if she is the eldest girl in a household). too. soon become full-fledged members of the household. A girl having her first menstruation is an imkndapo. often regarded as truths. After initiation this behavior is no longer thought correct. she is allowed to play with other children.’ Between first and second menstruation she is an imi‘:ndase:na. perhaps most. in caring for her younger siblings. e. -ma. a young woman spends a good deal of her time in her mother’s company. Washing her hands with grated manioc again is the symbolic end of the monthly menstrual period.’ mi’:nda.. With the evident symbolism of industriousness in the Carib ritual in mind-spinning of cotton but not for own use. ethnographic reports the various phenomena described are not seen as isolated items but as causally related elements. even in her mother’s house. veriiication being not always possible with data from one society only. (This happened a few years ago more often than at present. working and staying at home. But without comparative data such an assumption cannot be more than a plausible hypothesis. This house being in the vicinity of the girl’s parents. ‘she is menstruating. Often a young woman processes her manioc in her mother’s house.Brief Communications for instance). and to be idle part of the day. For a few years after initia- 903 tion a girl has her place in the household of her father and mother.ndamuse:nu. experienced elders-it does not require much fantasy to assume a relationship between the existence of female initiation and the economic importance of women in Carib society. ‘blood. Normally a boy lives for a few months in the house of his father-in-law before building a house for himself and his wife. When she has no other things to do she ought to spin cotton. Ethnography is full of such assumptions. guarded. in washing clothes. and after a few years she forms her own family. also with boys of her age. the change from family of orientation to family of procreation again is not abrupt. many also are probably unten- .’ The initiation means a change in the girl’s life-it certainly is an announcement of status change-but not an abrupt one. It is here that crosscultural research steps in and affirms or rejects such a statement (as far as the limits of comparative methodology allow). and in other activities. like a good. Her mother helps her planting the first garden. industrious woman. she has to behave like an adult woman.’ After the second menstruation she is an imi:. Girls who are in Paramaribo or elsewhere at school often come back to the village. Typically a woman gives birth to her first child when she is fifteen or sixteen. Discussion In many. though not baking). she is expected to receive him like her mother should do. she is no:mo. to roam in her local group. Crosscultural research is thus fed back to ethnographical research.) These girls.

In fact. The hypothesis is validated ( p = . they refer to the woman’s economic role.E. . J. University of Amsterdam.05) but the correlation is not particularly high. I did not indicate that all consonants but the flap are palatalized when they follow the / i / . first of all. and in a large degree also to Carib ideas) but it is not much more than that. using median age of the women to distinguish between young and old. for instance. like- wise based on the W. Data about the Maroni River Caribs can be found in Table 1.” (Kloos 1963:861). I presume that the early rising in female initiation is connected to this phenomenon rather than to industriousness. However. I doubt the result less than the method. that he is able to support his wife. like the /s/ preceding the /i/. how do the Caribs explain the rite? In so far as they have thought about it. however. Considering that in Carib society all ritual and ceremonial activity of crucial importance takes place very early in the morning. This flaw in the demonstration is probably owing to the use of the World Ethnographic Sample to validate the hypotheses. “Not having the opportunity to make a complete factor-analysis of the ethnographic sources one is tempted to use the not always appropriate categories of the W.904 American Anthropologist [71. that he can build a house and clear a garden. backed by cross-cultural comparative research.S. Chapter 3. wrote that a boy lives some time in a girl’s house. such dangers inherent in the World Ethnographic Sample were expressed in the context of another piece of cross-cultural research. it fits the relationship quite well (at least according to our ideas. But still I have to be careful! How easy it is to add to the list of symbols the early rising on the eighth day. it is regarded as a means to secure the fulfilment of an adult woman’s role. F. and I would not be amazed if another method of establishing the relative contribution to subsistence gave a clearer relationship. I am.E. / I / is a flap: /:/ I use in accordance with Hoff (1968) to indicate a long vowel? /T/ is a nasal. differences between first and second marriages are ignored. He has to show that he is a hunter. Later they may move elsewhere” (Gillin 1936:75. in short. allowed to say that the Caribs practice female initiation because women in their society play an important (economic) role and because women tend to remain in the group in which they grew up until well after the beginning of marriage. In the present case. The cross-cultural results might have been even more impressive had residence been seen in a processual perspective. Kobben. near its mouth. ‘A note on orthography: /?/ an unrounded close back vowel. From the point of view of the argument underlying Brown’s hypothesis.” I divided the population into two age groups. Second. The Barama River Caribs. it is an older couple that lives alternatively in Christiaankondre and in another Carib village.) Finally. on the Surinam shore of the Maroni. and quite a few have been proven to be untenable. Between residence and the experience of the rite they fail to see any connection. The data are restricted to Christiaankondre. unless the consonant is also followed by the / i / . the Barama River Caribs fully support the hypothesis. For them the rite is good in itself. (Judith Brown herself stresses the weakness of the method used. of women in particular. I think. One couple is omitted. I am indebted to the Netherlands Foundation for the Advancement of Tropical Research (WOTRO) for making the fieldwork possible. In the same issue of the A A as the Brown article. “[A man and his wife] usually live in the girl’s settlement until the birth of the first child. Gillin offers no statistical data. italics mine). the second factor determining female initiation is uxorilocal residence. According to Brown (1963). for reading an earlier draft of this paper. I am indebted to Professor A. 19691 able in the face of comparative research. Gillin. In Table 1 the question is only “did (or does) a woman live in the domestic group in which she grew up. NOTES ‘The fieldwork on which this article is based was carried out in the villages Christiaankondre and Langamankondre.S.classified as neolocal (although with matrilocal alternative) and consequently do not support the hypothesis. are. This very circumstance is the reason that I doubt the validity of the test of the “economic importance” hypothesis (see Brown 1963:850). a I give these data without further comment and refer to the analysis of residence in The Maroni River Coribs. I am also allowed to interpret the symbolism as expressions of female importance.

Brown (1963 :840-842) found a positive correlation between girls’ puberty rites and matrilocal residence from a small world-wide sample of seventy-five cases and inferred that matrilocal residence caused the puberty rites. omaygamo. from Brown’s data. ‘yu:ku.40. Papers of the Peabody Museum 14. and its relationship to girls’ puberty rites computed from a two by two table. J. When a causal relationship is postulated from a bivariate correlation. Brown (1961) and Peter Kloos (1969) that matrilocal residence tends to cause girls’ puberty rites. yields a phi of 0. 1936 The Barama River Caribs of British Guiana. suggests that it is unlikely for the rest of the world. 1963 A cross-cultural study of female initiation rites.14. 1. using Creole language. G . Brown apparently computed a chi-square for a two by four table composed of four kinds of residence (bilocal. When matrilocal residence and bilocal residence are combined and opposed to the other two. where data are plentiful.30.28. 1963 Matrilocal residence and local endogamy. and Judith K. B.en steendrukkerij v/h H. C. a chi-square of 1. and fishers. the chi-square 5. DRIVER Indiana University f Judith This paper challenges the view o K .02 (using the Yates correction for continuity as given. and patrilocal) and the presence and absence of girls’ puberty rites. its older sibling. Amsterdam: Verhandelingen der Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen.V. and a p < . W. a woman who has delivered a child. ‘The Caribs say aiti de. 13/4. This paper challenges this view. The eighth day is in Creole thinking important and the Caribs took it over. the two by two relationship with girls’ puberty rites gives a phi of 0. REFERENCES CITED AHLBRINCK. and a p < . personal communication). matrilocal.001. The last figures approximate Brown’s statistics and make the point that her relationship of matrilocal residence to the other variable is actually a combination of matrilocal and bilocal residence. She obtained a chi-square of 12. matrilocal residence. A few months after a death a feast was given. BROWN. D. KLOOS.. It shows how improbable this hypothesis is for western North America. Ahlbrinck (193 1 :323) wrote that a girl is 905 confined for one month (one moon month). it strengthens the case if the cause is more frequent and widespread than the result. For . its father. G i r l s ‘ puberty rites seem to be earlier in most localities because of much greater world frequency and dominance among hunters. JUDITH K.88. J. The same shortening may be noted in certain funeral customs. 13/7 (average 12 years and 9 months). opposed to the other three.Brief Communications ‘Six reliable ages in years and months: 11/7. [causality. in Snedecor 1953:199). neolocal.67 with p < . deel XXVII. for instance. probably Neoponera commutata (Dr. 12/6. The two by two relationship between bilocal residence and girls’ puberty rites. a chi-square of 12. GILLIN. Smits. 1.47. while matrilocal residence appears mainly to have stemmed from female hand farming at a later date. HOFF. and the p < . American Anthropologist 65:837-853. in press The Maroni River Caribs of Surinam. 193 1 Encyclopaedie der Karaiben. 12/11. GIRLS’ PUBERTY RITES AND MATRILOCAL RESIDENCE HAROLD E. American Anthropologist 65:854862.0.001 (without the correction for continuity). P. The cumulative scales of such a recent evolutionist as Carneiro (1968) employ this principle. Geijskes. evolution. ’s Gravenhage: N. Peter Kloos (1969) has accepted this interpretation and used it in connection with his description of puberty rites within a single society. a newborn child. the phi coefficient is 0. 1968 The Carib language. migration as agent o f culture spread Accepted for publication 12 March 1969. puberty rites-female. This feast is nowadays often called an aiti de and is given on the eighth day after the day of death. 12/9. There are five categories of persons who are especially vulnerable to an attack by the waterspirit oko:yumo: a girl having the menarche and in general all menstruating women. When matrilocal residence is singled out. gatherers. My informants too said that one month was customary in the past. nieuwe reeks. De Nederlandsche boek.