The Bronze Age of Northwestern Scandinavia

Vol. 1: text

Ørjan Engedal

Dissertation for the degree doctor philosophiae (dr.philos.) at the University of Bergen

05.01.2010

The Bronze Age of Northwestern Scandinavia

by

Ørjan Engedal
Dissertation for the degree doctor philosophiae (dr.philos) at the University of Bergen

Time and place for public defence:
The 10.12.2010, 9.30, Bergen

Supervisor:

Opponents:
Opponent:

Professor Kristian Kristiansen University of Gøteborg Professor Christopher Prescott University of Oslo Professor Lars Forsberg University of Bergen

Opponent: Committee member:

Chairperson:
Christard Hoffmann University of Bergen

_________________________________
(Signature of candidate) Leikanger, 19.10.2010

Abstract
”The Bronze Age of Northwestern Scandinavia” has three main purposes: 1) the written evaluation of individual artefacts along with plates and catalogues, should fill a long standing gap in the Nordic and European Bronze Age database – Northwestern Scandinavia; 2) it is an holistic interpretive attempt at the Bronze Age as history, and at the integration of NW Scandinavia in a larger Bronze Age world without loosing sight of the particularities of local data; 3) it is an attempt to face up to critique of modernity from an archeological perspective, and thus to do archaeology in light of the extended human mind and without simplistic use of ”society” and the ”social”. As point of departure I take the ongoing critique of the modern within philosophy, and natural and social sciences: the dichotomies and paradoxes linked to nature, culture, social, body, mind, word, and world. This critique is evaluated from a strictly archaeological point of view, and three methodological gates are sketched, leading to an archaeology compatible with the idea that the human mind is plastic and extends into the body and into the surrounding world. These three methodologies treat artefacts as societies, as minds and as acts. After reconsidering bronze artefacts as archaeological data in light of this, I formulate three specific strategies for Parts I-III of the thesis. The first strategy in Part I explores webs or networks wide in space and time, and focus on bronze as societies or types and as a source of information on spatially extensive networks and a historical rhythm of time. 523 metal artefacts and casting moulds are given a basic typological, spatial and chronological assessment. This culminates in a presentation of the Bronze Age as a series of maps of distribution and networks. Diachronic change and the integration of NW Scandinavia in a larger geographic context are given priority. The second strategy in Part II explores webs dense in time and space, and takes on bronze as congealed action. Now the focus is on the transformation of bronze through casting and displacement of bronze through long distance mobility. The aim is to localise and close in on a series of non-human elements involved in these events, and to close in on human skills and sensory experience. The third strategy in Part III closes in on explanation in archaeology. I argue that explaining is an act of distributing agency/the ability to influence, among human and non-human participants in prehistoric networks. The third strategy and the thesis culminates in three chapters (9-11) that seek explanation in the Bronze Age from different points of view, scales of space and rhythms of time. These three chapters are also meant as a demonstration of what can be gained by rigorous adherence to the methodologies sketched in chapter 1, and thus also as a test of the project writ large. In chapter 9 I pick up the threads from Part I and explore further the Bronze Age as history as a diachronic series of wide webs, and I finally present explanations to these dynamic networks. The value of fur from the Norwegian alpine mountains and Fennoscandinavia in Central Europe and the Mediterranean is set higher compared to earlier studies. One significant claim is that the networks in question should not be classified as down-the-line but as directional, intentional networks related to trade in fur. In relation to the critique of the modern, this chapter is an attempt to do justice to the archaeological horizon of experience, to aim

explanation onto the puzzles given by traditional archaeological tools (typology, spatial distribution, drawings, maps). In chapter 10 I pick up the threads from Part II and explore further aspects of sensory experience within networks of single events, primarily events that involved bronze. In relation to the critique of the modern, this is an attempt to do justice to mindful, sensing and skilled humans in their dealings with metal in the Bronze Age. In chapter 11 I explore a third rhythm of time, that of the human biography. In light of the critique of the modern, this is an attempt to explore the becoming, plastic human being with a mind immersed in matter of body and surrounding world. The biographical perspective also allows me to re-encounter a series of subjects familiar to Bronze Age research, and to finally face up to social anthropology: specialization, political economy, feasting, power, death rituals, and social organization. In chapter 12, the conclusion, I summarize the main results of the thesis, point at some consequences for other geographic areas and periods of time, and sketches elements for new directions in Bronze Age research.

COMMENTS TO THIS VERSION, DECEMBER 2010.
The following errors in the original thesis have been corrected for an updated version, december 2010. page 37, line 19: ”operating in the LN (Map 6)” changed to ”operating in the LN (Map 7-8)” page 109, line 25: ”at Åmøy I at the transition II/III” changed to ”at Åmøy I at the transition I/II” page 111, line 13: ”carved at or after 1300 BC” changed to ”carved at or after 1500 BC” page 250: note 28 changed to note 27. page 279: note 29 changed to note 28. MAP 2: VEJLE AMT added. MAP 8: Circles misplaced in interior Sweden and eastern Norway, corrected. MAP 11: (legend): ”Underåre type (Norway and Denmark mapped)” changed to ”Underåre type (only Norway mapped)” MAP 16: gold sheet double-spiral arm rings: 1 from Lolland and 1 from Zealand added. MAP 18: large hoard from Svenes, Oppland C., Norway with 20-30 Ullerslev type spears added. MAP 30: (legend): BA VI burial green square changed to green circle. I became aware of some relevant works after I had handed in my thesis, and would like to make the following notes: 1) Late Neolithic gold rings. Two gold coiled rings with twisted ends, one small (finger) from Braut (nr. 111) and one larger (arm) from ”Lista” (nr. 110) are dated to the EBA in my thesis. Others have argued that their high silver content and their twisted ends place them more comfortably in the LN. They also argue that the ”Lista” ring was actually discovered in a burial along with a piece of pure tin (Carrasco 2009; Valum 2009). It should also be noted that the relevant images are misrepresented in both Marstrander 1977 and Johansen 1986. I fully agree wtih the above arguments, and this gold network, and potentially also a tin network, should be considered in light of my Maps 8, 23, and 25. The Norwegian rings are best linked to the nearset cluster in Eastern Jutland, and the contemporary extraordinary findings from Skeldal (bronze bee-hive) and Gallemose (bronze chariot poles). In the larger perspective, I believe these rings strenghten the idea of the western Nordic-Mediterranean networks displayed on Maps 23 and 25. – Carrasco, L. 2009: Maritim praksis i senneolitikum og eldre bronsealder - en analyse av båtristningene på Lista fra et maritimt perspektiv. MA Thesis. Institute of arkeology, conservation and history. University of Oslo. Autumn 2009. - Valum, M. S. 2009: Hellig eller profan? Hus og husoffer som kilde til kosmologi i senneolitikum og bronsealder på Lista i Vest-Agder fylke. MA Thesis. Institute of arkeology, conservation and history. University of Oslo. Spring 2009. 2) The Blindheim sword. In his thesis from 2004, Stefan Schwenzer makes a thorough analysis of the early metal hilted daggers, including some of the early ogival short swords. This makes it somewhat easier to make a clearer interpretation of the Blindheim sword, its provenance and routes of distribution. In my thesis I hesitate to decide whether it was brought from the western part of Europe via Jutland and a maritime route, or via Eastern Sweden and an overland route. I leaned towards the former alternative (p. 126). It is now clear that the hilt of the Blindheim sword is not made in the same way as those from Roum, Jutland, or Rastorf and Nebra, Germany. These seem all to be made as two separate halves, and have a rivet at the front of the socket. Blindheim has a hilt cast as a single unit with a rivet through the side of the socket. The best parallell, in light of Schwenzer’s study, is now the short sword/long dagger from Felsberg, Switzerland (Schwenzer 2004: nr. 282). The pair of daggers with socketed hilt and collars at the rim of the socket, from Karlevi, Sweden and Overdiessbach, Switzerland (Schwenzer nr. 292), makes a contemporary link between the Alps and the north. In light of a closer examination of the daggers and early sword from the western Alps, although fewer and less impressive than those from Hajdusamson, Apa or Nebra (esp. Schwenzer nr. 282,283, 292), I conclude that the Blindheim sword was made in the western Alps and came to NW Scandinavia along the peculiar network displayed on Map 24 (and on Map 25, but not the maritime one). Thus, the image of the beginning of the EBA in western Norway becomes clearer (cf. 125pp): all the exotic findings from Vevang, Blindheim and Steine can now be explained by the very same overland network to Eastern Sweden. - Schwenzer, S. 2004: Frühbronzezeitliche Vollgriffdolche. Mainz 2004.

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Abbreviations
EM: MM: LM: EN: LN (I & II): BA: EBA: LBA: PRIA: IA: EIA: LIA: IE: CSWS: AK: Old: Minnen: Early Mesolithic Middle Mesolithic Late Mesolithic Early Neolithic Late Neolithic Bronze Age Early Bronze Age Late Bronze Age Pre-Roman Iron Age Iron Age Early Iron Age Late Iron Age Indo-European Central Swedish Water System (cf. chapt.8.2). Aner Kersten Oldeberg 1974 Montelius 1917

MN (a & b): Middle Neolithic

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Figures:
1. Initial results of chrono-typological study (burials with bronze) ......................................... 79 2. Initial results of chrono-typological study (bronze hoards) ................................................ 80 3. Metal analyses of early bronzes in NW Scandinavia ........................................................... 86 4. Facet types on socketed axes ............................................................................................. 92 5. Suggested chronology of the bronze deposits in the rock-shelter Skrivarhellaren ........... 120 6. Colour, temperatures and melting points ........................................................................... 144 7. Bronze Age melting procedure .......................................................................................... 149 8. Mould terminology ............................................................................................................. 161 9. Elements of core print designs ........................................................................................... 177 10. Agents in bronze casting in light of Bronze Age imagery and IE mythology .................... 287 11. The path of the Bronze Age spiral ornament ...................................................................... 294 12. Reconstructed women from the Bronze Age of NW Scandinavia ......................................295 13. The carved slab from Kyrkje-Eide and interpretation of the motives ..................................300 14. The Bronze Age as history and flow of generations........................................................... 313 15. Rhythm of the sun in a mountain valley ............................................................................. 325

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Maps (Vol. 2)
Map 1 Map 2 Map 3 Map 4 Map 5 Map 6 Map 7 Map 8 Map 9 Map 10 Map 11 Map 12 Map 13 Map 14 Map 15 Map 16 Map 17 Map 18 Map 19 Map 20 Map 21 Map 22 Map 23 Map 24 Map 25 Map 26 Map 27 Map 28 Map 29 Map 30 NW Scandinavia – geography Counties in Northwestern Europe EM (9500-8000 BC)
MM-LM (8000-4000 BC) EN-MN a (4000-2800 BC) MN b (2800-2350 BC) LN I (2350-1950 BC) LN II (1950-1700 BC)

Northern prelude (c. 2000-1700 BC) BA Ia (1700-1600 BC) BA Ib (1600-1500 BC) BA II early (1500-1340 BC) BA II late (1340-1300 BC) BA III (1300-1100 BC) BA IV (1100-900 BC) BA V (900-700 BC) BA VI (700-500 BC) The Central Swedish Water System (CSWS) The North Way The fur-trade 800-1100 AD Triangular metal-hilted daggers in Europe The Säter- Ripatransone Network The Vester Skjerninge –Byblos Network The Vevang-Mycenae Network The Svanekjær Mose – S-Alpine Network First Swords (1700-1500 BC) Early BA II (1500-1340 BC) Late BA II (1340-1100 BC) Scandinavia – Volga Networks Jæren, 1700–500 BC

Plates (Vol. 2)

Copper, gold and bronze artefacts (nr. 1-523) ....................................................... Pl. 1-45 Moulds (mould 1-32) ............................................................................................. Pl. 46-53 Parallels for the Vigrestad brooch from Zealand and Lüneburger Heide .............. Pl. 54 Parallels for the Tennevik & Trondenes collars ..................................................... Pl. 55 Parallels for the Bø dagger: the Albertsdorf burial ................................................ Pl. 56 Parallels for the bracelet and axes from Steine and Vevang .................................. Pl. 57 The Rishaug slab and the Anderlingen burial ........................................................ Pl. 58 Selected rock art motives ....................................................................................... Pl. 59 Parallels for Jarfjord, Vektarlia and Leirbukt (Seima-Turbino) ............................. Pl. 60 Slate harpoon heads, copper arrowheads, and early Arctic socketed axes ............ Pl. 61 Parallels for the moulds from Tjesseim and Randaberg: Luusuavaara and Kemi . Pl. 62 Seima, Nordic, Hittite: figurines, spearheads, axes and blades ............................. Pl. 63 Axes and moulds of Ananino and related types in the west .................................. Pl. 64

Kari Kristoffersen. Thanks to my previous tutors Randi Håland and Gro Mandt for discussions. support and patience. literature. Torbjørn Aasvang and Torkel Johannesen at Vitenskapsmuseet in Trondheim. Hans Davanger. Finally.iv Acknowledgements This thesis has been written without financial or institutional support. literature. Liv Helga Dommasnes. Sonja Innselset. and encouragement. and for taking the time to read and comment on several chapters. support. and to Lene Melheim for literature and help. . and their tolerance towards the various experiments and trials being conducted on their property. Sigrid Kaland. Thanks to Per Ditlef Fredriksen for all discussions. Else Kleppe and Melanie Wrigglesworth at Bergen Museum. Svein Skare. I would also like to express my gratitude to members of the staffs at the archaeological museums who have facilitated my research: Svein Ove Agdestein. Åsa Dahlin Hauken at Archaeological Museum of Stavanger and Monica Kristin Hansen at Tromsø Museum. Thanks to Tor Arne Waraas for discussions. would like to thank Oddhild Dokset for encouragement. Nor had this been possible without the patience and encouragement of Kjellfrid and Bjørn Engedal. Thanks also to the staff at the University of Bergen Library. This has been made possible by Monica and Bjarte Engedal who graciously allowed me a place to study. coffee and tea. and help.

3.............................................................. Before bronze: networking the Stone Age ............................... 50 3............. 23 1..........1 Spiral-headed pins .........1 Artefacts as societies .....2 Trouble at the hard bank ..................i List of figures ...........2 8000-4000 BC...............2 Disc-headed pins ............1 9500-8000 BC..............1........................................................ 1 1...................46 3...4................... 34 2............................3 Second strategy: tracing dense webs ......................................................................... (Map 3) ........................................................ First attempt ................ 48 3...... 35 2..... Introduction – plan for an escape .....47 3.......................................................................................3..................................................2................ 40 3........................................................................................4.............. 13 1....................................................... 30 2..........................................................................................................................2 Decorated slate projectiles ............. 44 3...................................................................................................2............2 First strategy: tracing wide webs .......................... 27 2....................................1 Selected battle axe types .......................................................................................................... 21 1.........................1 Double-studs ......................44 3.........1 Reasons for leaving ..................... 40 3.................................................... 50 ................1 Early brooches .....................45 3......1.....................4......................................... 47 3..........4 Studs and buttons ........................................................................................................................................4.................................3 The plan ........ 3 1.........................................................................................36 3..... 27 2...........3.........................................4......................................2......................................1 Bronze artefacts as data ..........................3........................................................................................................................................................... MM-LM (Map 4) .......3...........................................48 3...................................... 33 2.................................................................................................................there is a soundless song from across the river .......................... iii Acknowledgements ....... iv 1...........1 FBC types ............3.................................................3 Borderland Hustadvika ................................................................................. LN (Maps 7-8) ..............4 Third strategy: explaining changing webs ...............................v Contents: List of abbreviations ............................................................................................................................................. 35 2.................................2......... 29 2........................... 9 1...................3 Buttons .................................................3 Other pins ....................................31 2...........................29 2..............................................................................................................1 Brooches ............................................ 22 1.....................2 Slate knives ...................................................................................................................................................................3 Borderland Hustadvika .............1......4 2800-2350 BC.......2 Bar-studs .............2.................................. 35 2.........3 Artefacts as acts .................2 Decorated tweezers ........................................3........................................................................................2 Late brooches ............................................another look at things ..................... 21 1...............................................................3 4000-2800 BC.............................................. 46 3....................................................2 Keys to break free ............................................................. 43 3................................. 2 1.................................. 7 1..................1 Trouble at the soft bank .....2 Artefacts as minds ............3..............1................................................1 Pecked/ground round axes and shaft-hole mattocks ......................... 11 1.......................... Beginnings.................................2 Rock-art and slate ........... 41 3.3 Tweezers .. 25 Part I –Wide Webs 2...................2..............3............................................2...............ii List of maps & plates ...... MNb (Map 6) .............1 Undecorated tweezers .............. 32 2................................ EN-MNa (Map 5) ............................................... 33 2...................................................................2 Pins ............................................................ 18 1..........................................................................................5 2350-1700 BC.................................2.2..................................................

....................................3 Group 3: axes with thin-ribbed Y-ornament ...................5 Group 5...........................................................6 The axes from Veen......................... 96 4...........4............................................... 84 4......................2............................................... 59 3......................................................................7 Group 7: small looped axes ............................................................................................................................................................................... 90 4......................... 51 3..............................2................................................................................ 74 3.... large looped axes with extended neck ........................................ 82 4...................................... Gjørv and Rykkja I .............1 Neck collars ...... 91 4.....................................................................................................11 The socketed axe and the Taiga-connection ...... 75 3......1 Types Oldendorf and Underåre ..88 4...... Kleppe II..........9...........3.......................................................................................... 108 5...............................................................................vi 3.....2 Neck rings ....1...........................9 Group 9: small decorated axes .. 51 3............9....4 Riveted blades ................5..........................12..................................................................................................................................... 99 4...4..2 The ceremonial axes from Lunde and Rimbareid ............... 57 3..................... Third attempt: selected non-bronze data .........4 The burials from Vigrestad.....................................3 Shaft-hole axes .....................9......................... 97 4................ 82 4........2 BA III .................................................. 52 3..3.........11 Miscellanea ................. 95 4.......................................... 61 3..........................................4 Socketed axes ..................................................3 The Raknes axe ................... keel-extensions.....5 Blade fragments ............... 68 3........1 Type Nordic weapon-paalstaves .......5......................2.................................. 100 5........................ 108 5......................... knives and sickles ...2 Spiral arm rings ..................................................................1 Ribbed bracelets .......2 Paalstaves .......................... 82 4..........................1 Type Faardrup .... 91 4............ Stokke and Lomen ........................ 83 4.... 90 4.................................................................3 Other arm and finger rings .4.........5 The Vevang axe ........................................................................................................... small loopless axes ....12.....................4......................1 Group 1: medium and large axes with facet A .......4...................... 93 4....10 Other socketed axes .......................... 52 3....... 89 4........1 Blades with complete or partial bronze hilts ....................................3............................................12..... 55 3..1.............. 64 3.4.......................... Second attempt: axes .............2 Boat 2: In-turned prows................................................................1.................................. 76 3.......4..........................................................................................1 Boat 1: Rectangular hull without keel-extensions .................9 Double edged blades: swords.........................3 BA II late ........................... and steering ore .................................4..6 Neck collars and neck rings ...............4 Group 4: axes with straight rectangular depressions .........................4........5 BA IV-VI ..........3 Type Håheim-Steine ...........................................6........................................................................ 56 3............................. 55 3.......................................12 Initial results: reassessing the trajectory of burials ........................................... 61 3...................................2 Y-decorated paalstaves (“Norddeutsche Typ”) .................................................................................... 89 4....................................................................... 73 3...................... 68 3................................................ 88 4........ 98 4.........................4..10 Spearheads ............ 94 4........................................................................................................... 65 3.. 80 4.....................1..................................6 Group 6: small looped axes with extended neck ......7 Belt plates and tutuli ........ 67 3.2 Group 2: medium and large axes with facet B .... daggers and projectiles ..2 Type Extreme Oldendorf ................................................................................... 90 4.......... 87 4.....9.............5 Bracelets and rings for arm and finger ..............12............ 86 4...............1 BA II early ......................12............................................. 77 3......................1 Flanged axes .............................................. 97 4....................4...........................................9..... 94 4........................3 Simple flat paalstaves ....................................3 Tanged blades ......................................4 The Bersagel axe ............................................................1.................8 Group 8.....................8 Single edged blades: razors.............................................. 71 3.... 92 4........................................................................1.......................2 Flange and tongue-hilted blades ............................................................5...........6............... 110 ....................................................................................................................... 90 4...............................................................................

.... 121 5.................................................. 197 8.................... Nordic BA VI (Map 17) .............................8 900-700 BC................... 135 6..........2 The Nyhamar projects .......................6.......2............9 700-500 BC...................................2.2 Snow-technologies . 179 7..............2................. 132 6...................... 146 7..... 138 6..........................................................................................................................................3 5...................... 122 6.................................. 160 7.............................. 201 8............................................3 The radiocarbon sequence from Skrivarhellaren ...........................................6 The paalstave-mould from Voile ...... Nordic BA Ib (Map 11) ............................................................................................................... 170 7................................................................................................................4 Small socketed axes ....2 The introduction of three-isled long houses ...........2.............. Nordic BA III (Map 14) ..3 Boats .... 115 Radiocarbon dating .. Making the first step: networking the Bronze Age of NW Scandinavia ........................8.............................................................................................................................................. 114 Slate pendants ........ 116 5..... late (Map 13) ............8................................................................. 197 8....................3 The Hiksdal project ......................................................................................................................................5 Radiocarbon dates from monuments on Karmøy ................................................................... Nordic BA IV (Map 15) ........................ 174 7............... 205 ..........1........ early (Map 12) .....................................4 1500-1340 BC......................1 2000-1700 BC...................................................... northern prelude (Map 9) ................................................. 127 6........................................................................ 168 7................................................................6.................................................................................... 159 7.................... 152 7..................2 From the fjords to the CSWS ................................... 184 7.5 Furnace ................... 137 6....................... 182 7................................... 189 8...............7 1100-900 BC........................6 Casting in cored soap-stone moulds ..................... Nordic BA Ia (Map 10) ..................................................................................8 Cored moulds .............................. 176 7..... 140 5....................................................2......5 Arctic and Nordic methods of handling cores .................6.......................................2...1 First generation soap-stone moulds for socketed axes ..........Dense Webs 7................................................................................1 Qualities of copper and bronze ......................................................8.....6 1300-1100 BC........... 189 8.................................. Transformation . 117 5......................................................192 8................6......................................................vii Selected rock art motives and rock art in burials ...................1 Animals .............. 156 7........... 121 5.................................................................... 147 7..................................................6..................................2..3 Tuyere ......................5 1340-1300 BC...........................3 The Central Zone – CSWS journeys ........ Nordic BA II..... 125 6..........4 5..........................4 Bellows .......8......................................7 Blade moulding ........... 142 7..................................................1 The introduction of cremation ............1.... 142 7. 129 6...................................................... 162 7............................... Gjørv & Kleppe projects ...................................2 Fuel ..................................8.................... 112 Asbestos tempered pottery .................................................... Nordic BA II.............................................2 1700-1600 BC.................................................................................................. 181 7....10 Towards Bronze Age history ..................................1 Towards assemblies of long-distance movement ... 187 8........................................... 116 5...................................................................6............................ Nordic BA V (Map 16) ............................3 1600-1500 BC.........................................................1 The CSWS ........................................2 The melting of bronze ....................................................................1............................................4 The introduction of face-urns ............................2 The Central Zone and the Central-Swedish-Water-System (CSWS) ............ 190 8... 124 6..6 The massacre at Sund ....5 5................................................8... 157 7.2.....................................................................................................................................3 The making of moulds ....................... 124 6...................... Displacement ................................... 118 5................ 130 6....................6 Part II ...................... 189 8.......... 178 7................... 180 7..........5 The Vigrestad......................1 Crucible .................9 The transformation of metal in NW Scandinava ...............................................4 Early moulding projects in the Central Zone ...........

...................................6 The displacement of bronze into NW Scandinavia ................................................................ 265 10................. 263 9.......................3................2 The heavy cutting edge 9500-500 BC ................................................................................biographies of the Bronze Age ................3 Mechanisms of displacement: the Gift...1......................3.....................1 Barriers and bypassings .......................................3...................................................... 213 8............................................. Metal in mind .............................. 283 10.....................4 Body In-Between .......................... 245 9............3 Birth of bronzes ......2................................................................................. 328 ....5 Explaining Bronze Age history ..................................... 283 10............5 Making bronze artefacts ....................... 241 9............... 231 9............................. 238 9.......agency in wide webs ........................... 219 8................ 269 10...................................................................................................... 257 9.................................................. 208 8...............1.......................... the Journey & the Karoum ...................10 Bronzes & minds . 226 8..............................................................................4 The final act of displacement ........................... 312 11...........1 Concepts of containment.................................................................................5 Re-gathering the girl .........................2 From Seima to Ananino ........................... 257 9.................................3 The rise & fall of the North Way ...........................6 Woven & cast .......................2.........................................2 Travelling the North Way ....5 In between transformation and displacement .............................................................................................................................................2 Children of the Long-House ...................... 304 10............................................................................. 217 8........................................9 Underneath the axe ................................................4...... 291 10......... 231 9..4....................................................................3...............................................3.............viii 8..3 Within rhythms of the world ..........4 Beyond the Long-House ...............4 Sticky spirals & tempting waists .................................................................. 272 10...................................................................................agency in dense webs ......4................................... 312 11.........................4......................................2 From dagger to sword ...............................................................................................................................................4......... causation and change ................. 298 10........3 Water and rock ........................................ From the Alps & the Urals ......... 279 10.................................................. From cradle to cairn .......4 Burials and houses ..................1 Volga-Kama and the Seima horizon ..................................... 302 10...................1 Recycling ..................................2 Vehicle of the Sun ..........................2 The condition of bronzes ............3 Body of Fire ............................................................3.1 The fall of the Unetice Culture .....................................3.1...... textiles and fur ....................3 The maritime journeys along the North Way .............................. 278 10............................. 228 Part III – Shifting Webs 9........1 Edges and points – bronze and physical impact ............. compensations & mechanisms in Bronze Age history ..................................................................................4 Decisive events in the history of North-South networks ...........................2 Compensations for metal: amber....................................................... 213 8..... 214 8.. 211 8............................................ 222 8...............1 The path ........................3......................................................................................3...................................1 Becoming human .................................. 323 11....... 286 10.................................................................. 309 11............................ 220 8........................................................ 306 10...............................2 Molten metals & malleable minds .................................................................................................................................... 303 10................ 207 8............................. 254 9.................................... 221 8......................5..............4.............................................. 269 10....1 Breath of Celestial Horses .......................................2 Scandinavia & the Alps ........................ 281 10.... 250 9.......................................... 233 9..................................2...........................4 Jæren – A close-up view .................................. 327 11...................... 232 9......................2..........5........ 241 9.........................7 Facing the other .......8 Making & breaking bodies ....................................................................5 The final web ............................ 315 11...1 Enigmas of the northern Bronze Age ....1 Enigmas................................ 260 9............................................................................3 Scandinavia & the Urals ..........................................................

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11.4.2 The bride from beyond ................................................................................ 233 11.4.3 Into the world ................................................................................................... 237 11.5 Nurturer, destroyer, gatherer ......................................................................................... 339 11.6 From cradle to cairn ......................................................................................................... 349 12. Bronze Age beyond bifurcation ................................................................................................. 350 12.1 Wide and dense webs ......................................................................................................... 350 12.2 What happened in the Bronze Age? ................................................................................... 352 12.3 Technology, authority, and the malleability mind ............................................................. 355 12.4 . Bronze Age studies beyond bifurcation ..........................................................................357 Notes .................................................................................................................................................. 359 References.......................................................................................................................................... 365 App. I. Copper, bronze and gold artefacts .................................................................................... A.1 I.1 Brooches ............................................................................................................................ A.1 I.2 Pins .................................................................................................................................... A.1 I.3 Tweezers ............................................................................................................................ A.2 I.4 Studs and buttons ............................................................................................................... A.2 I.5 Bracelets, arm and finger rings ......................................................................................... A.3 I.6 Neck collars and neck rings ............................................................................................... A.5 I.7 Belt plates and tutuli ......................................................................................................... A.6 I.8 Knives ................................................................................................................................ A.6 I.9 Double-edged blades ......................................................................................................... A.7 I.10 Spearheads ...................................................................................................................... A.9 I.11 Miscellanea ..................................................................................................................... A.10 I.12 Flanged axes ..................................................................................................................... A.12 I.13 Paalstave axes .................................................................................................................. A.12 I.14 Shafthole axes ................................................................................................................. A.13 I.15 Socketed axes .................................................................................................................. A.13 App. II. Moulds ..................................................................................................................................A.17 App. III. Burials ................................................................................................................................ A.19 App. IV. Hoards ................................................................................................................................ A.27 App. V. Selected findings outside Northwestern Scandinavia ..................................................... A.29 V.1 Daggers comparable to Bø I ........................................................................................... A.29 V.2 Tanged pommels comparable to Hognestad .................................................................... A.29 V.3 Assemblages with narrow ribbed bracelets comparable to Rege I and N-Braut ............ A.29 V.4 Assemblages with broad ribbed bracelets ....................................................................... A.30 V.5 Repossé decorated belt plates ......................................................................................... A.31 V.6 Belt plates with raised rope-style boss-collars comparable to Kleppe II ....................... A.31 App. VI. Notes to simulations and trials ......................................................................................... A.32 . App. VII. Radiocarbon dates ............................................................................................................. A.37

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Chapter 1. Plan for an escape
With this thesis I intend to: 1. Develop arguments firmly grounded in the preserved metal artefacts, regarding the history, the minds, and the lives of people in the Bronze Age of Northwestern Scandinavia. 2. Develop theoretical perspectives and methodological strategies for the study of prehistoric artefacts in general and bronze artefacts in particular. In this introductory chapter I will sketch a plan for an escape from an archaeology, a science and a philosophy that have drifted too far from what is given in human experience, i.e. from the experience of archaeologists on the one hand and from the experience of people in prehistory on the other. In the last two decades there has been an increasing heterogeneity among archaeologists and their scientific activities and a lack of consensus when it comes to the most basic issue of what archaeology is (cf. Svestad 2003): 1. What is archaeological data and what is the aim of archaeology? 2. What separates archaeology from other scientific disciplines? 3. What methods enable us to produce knowledge from archaeological data, relevant to the aim of the discipline? I am about to argue that the aim of archaeology is to gain knowledge of the prehistory of human beings, that our data are the material traces of human beings preserved from prehistory, and that it is the character of this data that separates archaeology from other disciplines. Any suitable methodology must thus take into consideration the characteristics of the data it will be applied to, and I shall claim that methods that seek to trace human transformation and displacement of matter from the data, are best suited to produce relevant knowledge. I thus join in the chorus of critical voices arguing that archaeology as a discipline suffers from a lack of methodology and theory coming to terms with and embracing the materiality of its data (e.g. Svestad 2003; Olsen 2003, 2004; DeMarais et.al. 2004; Tilley et.al. 2006). Still, the above claims are each and all controversial, and I will below attempt to justify my statements.

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1.1 Reasons for leaving - there is a soundless song from across the river
The discipline of archaeology has along with other modern sciences drifted to a position where what is given in experience is disregarded – and it is this position I seek to flee from. Archaeology has developed through three main stages, cultural-historical, processual and post-processual, each stage involving an increasing concern with methodological and theoretical issues (Trigger 1996; Olsen 1997). The problems that the increased level of disciplinary soul searching brought to light, first through processual archaeology (Trigger 1996: 214pp.; Olsen 1997: 61pp.) and then through post-processual archaeology (Olsen 2003: 89pp.; 2006), might all in some way or another be tied to major paradoxes embedded in the project of modernism, and thus embedded in all scientific disciplines that modernity gave birth to. The reason why this now seems so clear is that the project of modernity has been thoroughly historicised, i.e. that detailed tracings have been made of the origin of the various aspects of modernity (Latour 2008: 38). Bruno Latour presents and explores one paradox that captures the essence of the issue, and it is one that we can all relate to. He argues that we are forced to choose between two types of meaninglessness: either we can speak of the senseless molecules that nature is really made of (and speak scientifically and true); or we might speak of the unreal, but meaningful nature as we sense it (and speak unscientifically, poetically but false). Philosopher Alfred North Whitehead diagnosed this philosophy as suffering from a bifurcation of nature (Whitehead 1920 in Latour 2008: 10). When we speak of hearing the nightingale, smelling the rose and seeing the red sunset, we are indulging in a nature that is meaningful to us, but one that is not real, because :
“In a nature that has bifurcated, it’s in vain that the nightingale sings: the singing is entirely in our mind, or even in our brain. If we could look directly at nature [...] it would be soundless: the nightingale would simply agitate the air, the waves of which will strike our eardrums triggering some electric effects in our neurons, and somewhere in the auditory folds of our cortex a pure invention will emerge which has no correspondence whatsoever with anything of a similar tone in nature: the song of the soundless nightingale” (Latour 2008: 11).

If we acknowledge this paradox, it means admitting that most of us have no reality in our speech, and that most of us speak of unreal matters. How can we live meaningful lives, how can we think critically, and how can we do archaeology underneath a philosophical umbrella that claims that the nightingale sings silently?

3 Bruno Latour attempts to find a way out, to find a route that will bring reality back to our speech. For this purpose he uses the metaphors of a river, a bifurcated river and the opposition between the banks of a river. Bifurcation refers to the point where a common stream is separated into two isolated streams, and this is used as a metaphor for the way western philosophy and modernity in their birth attempted to split the world into two major categories. He also likens these two categories or sets of dichotomies to two separate riverbanks. One riverbank is the world, material or the natural; the other bank is the word, the social or the mind (Latour 2008: 34). The difference between the two river banks, between the “dull and senseless stuff that nature is really made of” on the one hand, and the song of the nightingale as we hear it, on the other, is also the difference between primary and secondary qualities. Western philosophy argues that there exists no resemblance between these sets of qualities (ibid: 12). Philosophy and a range of scientific disciplines, including archaeology, have been engaged in the project of building various types of bridges between these riverbanks. According to Latour these are all impossible ventures because the gap to be bridged is not real and out there, but imaginary and an early invention made by the same philosophy that has ever since engaged in bridging it. In order to bring reality back to our speech, and give sound back to the nightingale’s song, we must not let the river bifurcate into separate streams in the first place. The recent historicising of science and the modern has illuminated this pre-bridge phase, and it has illuminated the cause of some of our most significant scientific challenges (ibid: 38). Thus, the problem lies not downstream and is not solved by bridges, both the problem and the solution lies further upstream at the bifurcation, the place were we are so inclined to let the single stream become two. When it comes to exactly how we are to proceed if we return to the place of bifurcation, Latour recommends that we should follow the flow of the river, rather than bridging it, place ourselves on the river as paddlers rather than standing on one of the banks. In order for this to become meaningful as new directions for scientific strategies and methodologies, it is necessary to first follow Latour to each of the riverbanks. It is essential that adjustments are made on both sides of the river, to the bank of the social and the bank of nature, because both the soft and the hard sciences have been conducted under the very same bifurcated point of view (ibid: 15p.).

1.1.1 Trouble at the soft bank
Bruno Latour argues that the science of the social has lost both its initial goals and its explanatory capacity (2005). What was originally to be explained, the social and society,

4 have become explanations in themselves (Latour 2005: 8, 13). His critique was initially spurred by the “sociology of science” project, in which the domain of sociological explanation was expanded to the scene of natural science and technology. According to Latour, sociological explanation in the laboratories became a total failure. There were two reasons: the world of natural objects, non-humans, seemed to impose on the social domain, and the humans studied resisted being explained by the “social”. Latour’s radical conclusion is that social explanation failed not only in the domain of natural science and technology, but in all other fields as well. The reason that the short-comings became evident in this particular case, was that the objects studied (scientists) was in a position to protest – in a way that “farmers, the poor, fetishists, fanatics, priests, lawyers and businessmen” could not (ibid: 94pp, 98). The science of the social took a significant turn when the ideas of Emilie Durkheim raised to dominance over those of his older colleague Gabriel Tarde at the end of the 19th century (ibid 2001; 2008: 14pp.). This brought to the forefront the sociology concerned with humans only and with social structures that we know today. The exclusion of non-humans and the reliance on the abstract notion of structure are the two major problems on the soft bank. Latour attempts to remedy this situation by a return to the sociology of Gabriel Tarde. Tarde did not separate human societies from those of non-humans, but saw in stead all things as parts of societies, and all things as made up by smaller societies. He described the “innerworkings” or “social-laws” of all kinds of societies, as “repetition”, “opposition” and “adaption”:
“[...] they have to repeat themselves in existence, to oppose one another in order to proceed forward, or to adapt to one another by differing from one another no matter how slightly” (ibid 2008: 16).

Not only did Tarde propose that humans and non-humans were mixed into common societies, and that humans operated by the same principles as animals or molecules; he proposed a significant change in philosophical perspective. Rather than the “being” and “I am” central to western philosophy, we should put “having” and “I have” centre stage:
“So far, all of philosophy has been founded on the verb To be, whose definition seemed to have been the Rosetta’s stone to be discovered. One may say that, if only philosophy had been founded on the verb To have, many sterile discussions, many slowdowns of the mind, would have been avoided. From this principle ‘I am’, it is impossible to deduce any other existence than mine, in spite of all the subtleties of the world. But affirm first this postulate:

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‘I have’ as the basic fact, and then the had as well as the having are given at the same time as inseparable” (Tarde 2000 quoted in Latour 2008: 17).

Latour claims that Tarde provides a solution, and that by taking the position of Tarde we are at once between the banks, flowing on the river:
“So what does the front line of this current, this stream forward, look like now? It’s made up of what could be called ‘betting organisms having differences among themselves’, provided that you accept the use of the word organism as a synonym of societies, that is, provided you extend the difficulty of being to all organisms, to the so-called material, biological ones as well as the so-called social ones. Those betting organisms have trajectories which define what they have been and what they might become if they manage to persist by exploring enough differences. Sociology (conceived by Tarde as a really general science) becomes the documentation of those trajectories, or those networks, to use my own expression, what is transported, sent carried over, enunciated, from one moment to the next, from one site to the next, from one actant to the next” (Latour 2008: 17).

In this way, the singing nightingale, its potential mates, the poet writing about its song, the common listener as well as the bird ethologist recording its song, make up a society in which they are all moving forward, each of them entering into relations in order to have enough differences in order to prolong their existence a bit longer (ibid: 18). Latour highlights one more significant point made by Tarde: when any society is seen from outside or far away, and in bulk, we suspect that there are structural features, something between the individual parts, something that makes the sum of the whole larger than the sum of its parts. Viewed from the inside, these are all, like human societies, made up by differences and events. The radical effect is that: “[...] structures, social structure especially, are just the illusion one has to escape to establish a solid sociology” (ibid: 19). The illusion of structure is thus a major reason why philosophy lets nature bifurcate and it leads merciless into the divides between macro and micro, and between structure and event in social science:
“[...] the link between a structure and some event is what happens to the bridge builders and not to the practitioners of kayaking... For the bridge builders, events are always lacking something, namely the law of their development which is always supposed to be somewhere else, and this somewhere is either a Platonic idea or thought, or a projection, or some law dictating its pronouncements from nowhere. In the same way as in perception where the mind has to do the work of adding secondary qualities to meaningless primary qualities in order to obtain something that makes sense, in social sciences – and in science generally –

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the structure is needed to make the elements have a connection that has been withdrawn first by the divide between agencies” (Latour 2008: 21).

Latour’s final point from Tarde is the notion of how sciences are adding themselves to the world:
[...] the sciences (in the plural) are adding differences of equipment and attention to the world; they are not what allows us to jump to the other side of the bank smack in the middle of primary qualities – which ‘are real but unknown’ [...] (ibid: 23).

There exist no laws of science, of society or nature, which has not been added to the world by individual scientists and their tools:
“There is no law or scientific theory (any more than there is a system of philosophy) that does not bear its authors name still legibly written. Everything here originates in the individual; not only the materials, but the general design of the whole, and the detailed sketches as well; everything, including what is now diffused among all cultured minds, and taught even in the primary school, began as the secret of some single mind, whence a little flame, faint and flickering, sent forth its rays, at first only within a narrow compass, and even there encountering many obstructions, but, growing brighter as it spread further, it at length became a brilliant illumination” (Tarde 2000 in Latour 2008: 24).

Thus, the sense-perception of science, the world sensed through the microscope, must be treated by the same principles as our common, unscientific sense-perceptions:
“For example, the fire is burning and we see a red coal. This is explained in science by radiant energy from the coal entering our eyes [...] The real question is, When red is found in nature, what else is found there also? Namely we are asking for an analysis of the accompaniements in nature of the discovery of red in nature” (Whitehead 1920 in Latour 2008: 25).

According to Latour, a merging of the sociology of Tarde with the philosophy of Whitehead, enables us to escape the bifurcation of nature:
“The attempts of science studies, of sociology – in Tarde’s sense – is to look at those ‘accompaniements’ in order to detect what ‘else is found also’. How many other things are accompanying, flowing with the flow, when we try to be attentive to new features of what is also given in experience?” (2008: 25).

Summing up, what needs to be done on the bank of the social is mainly to not artificially split the mass of organisms or societies into human and non-human variants, and to avoid the temptation to see them as governed by structures or laws. Let us follow Latour to the other side of the river.

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1.1.2 Trouble at the hard bank
The hard bank is characterized by its ability to produce hard matters of fact. But the matter of fact is not what it appears to be: a summary or skeleton of common sense experience. Quite on the contrary, the matter of fact of natural science depends on a highly specific aesthetic:
“No doubt, matters of fact are the result of a specific style, they do not stand for reason, they do not stand even for empiricism, if we by this label we mean what is given in experience. And they certainly do not stand for the sciences, as if those had nothing else to do but to bridge the gap between words and worlds. [...] how come we have, for three centuries, discounted what is given to us through experience and replaced it instead by something never experienced that philosophers have nonetheless the nerve to call ‘empirical’ and ‘matters of factual’” (Latour 2008: 35).

The reason that it is now possible to recognize the strange character of the matter of fact in this way, is that the fuller tapestry of their emergence have been studied and historicized:
“We don’t have, on the one hand, a harsh world made of indisputable matters of fact and, on the other, a rich mental world of human symbols, imaginations and values. The harsh world of matters of fact is an amazingly narrow, specialized, type of scenography using a highly coded type of narrative, gazing, lighting, distance, a very precise repertoire of attitude and attention [...]. While it seemed barely possible in the time of Whitehead to overcome the bifurcation of nature because of the total grasp the first empiricism had on European minds, it is much easier now that matters of fact appear for what they always were: a certain style as convoluted, as interesting, as historical, as artistic as Lois the XIV’s court etiquette, Leibniz’s baroque monadology, Maurice of Nassau’s invention of military drilling or Immanuel Kant’s interpretation of the Copernican revolution. [...] The opportunity is there to be seized: science has been so thoroughly historicized that we can now ask in an entirely new light: what has happened to us under the name of (first) empiricism? How can it be that common sense has been forced to drift so far from what is seized on by experience? And even more important: what’s next?” (ibid: 38).

Latour’s proposal for a new scenography, a second empiricism, and an escape from bifurcation, is to shift from matters of fact in the above sense, to matters of concern:
“A matter of concern is what happens to a matter of fact when you add to it its whole scenography, much like you would do by shifting your attention from the stage to the whole machinery of a theatre.[...] Instead of simply ‘being there whether you like it or not’ they still have to be there, yes (this is one of the huge differences), they have to be liked, appreciated, tasted, experimented upon, mounted, prepared, put to the test. It is the same world, and yet,

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everything looks different. Matters of fact were indisputable, obstinate, simply there; matters of concern are disputable, and their obstinacy seems to be of an entirely different sort: they move, they carry you away, and yes, they too matter. The amazing thing with matters of fact was that, although they were material, they did not matter a bit, even though they were immediately used to enter into some sort of polemic. How really strange they were” (Latour 2008 39).

The origin of bifurcation on the bank of nature seems to be entangled in a specific kind of human engagement with matter, namely art, and specifically the art of two-dimensional representation involving artist, pencil, paint, canvas and the environment to be depicted:
“Without the experience of being tricked by painting in taking a ‘plane variously coloured’ for a ‘convex figure’, philosophers would never have sustained for long the idea that the world itself could be made of primary streams of causalities that our mind transforms into non existing secondary qualities. Similarly, without the obsessive metaphor of painting, epistemologies never would have imagined that in science there are only two steps – a copy and a model – and a mimetic relation between the two. To put it much too bluntly: the idea of a bridge between representation and the represented is an invention of visual art. [...] I am sorry to say but epistemology is the fault of Dutch painters and merchants... You the Dutch impressed visitors so much, and especially Descartes, that he ended up confusing the white piece of paper on which figures are drawn with its res extensa! Catastrophic consequences for philosophy: never did it recover from this confusion between ontology and visualisation strategies” (ibid: 42).

Thus, the new visualization strategies of naturalistic and perspective painting and drawing, as well as the camera obscura profoundly influenced the notion of matters of fact, and paved the way for the next decisive step when matters of fact: “[...] shift from being a descriptive mode, a style of reasoning, to what is furnishing the world itself” (ibid: 44). In other words, the bifurcation of nature arose in two steps: first, the form, what is seen, and can be drawn on a white paper, was separated from matter, what is drawn; and then, the matter of fact was born when this descriptive mode, this ability of the scientist to distillate form from matter, was fused with the ways matter itself transports its material component through time.
“I hope it is clear that there is no possible reconciliation between art and science, no aestheticisation of beautiful results of science (fractals, galaxies, brain scans, etc.), but an immense building site where once again, just as in the 16th and 17th century every intellectual skill from artist, scientist, politicians, statesmen, organizers of all kinds, merchants and patrons, are trying to reinvent an Art of Describing, or rather an Art of Redescribing matters of fact to stop the ‘fraudulent’ export’ and uptake ‘what is given in experience’ (46). I

Bronze or Iron Age artefacts. Archaeologists have also added differences of equipment and attention to their data. It is here we will find keys to break free from a bifurcated archaeology. gave way to new art-cabinets that separated cultural from natural things. once again. Bronze or Iron Age artefacts. and strive towards a style of reasoning that does justice to what is given in our experience as archaeologists. and also reason in a way that does justice to what was given in the experience of those who produced our data in prehistory? 1. Any archaeologist who has participated in an excavation recognizes this dilemma – which stone to bag. During the late 16th century the cabinets of the renaissance that mixed human made and natural things.2 Keys to break free – another look at things The boat-trip with Latour to both the soft and hard banks of science. and finally also as types of Stone. and archaeology has also drifted away from the experience of archaeologists (Olsen 2003. A specific archaeological way of looking seems to have developed through three cumulative stages before and in the initial phases of the birth of archaeology as a scientific discipline: first it recognized things as human made (artefacts). We do not do justice to what is given in our experience. particularly through two-dimensional black-white drawings and spatial plots on twodimensional maps. and the effects of this mode. brings the following challenge: how can we as archaeologists strive towards a style of reasoning that does justice to what is given in our experience as archaeologists. to put their skills to work in devising for matters of concern a style that does justice to what is given in experience” (Latour 2008: 50). our mode of seeing. It is essential that we recognize the specific archaeological mode of aesthetic. which to throw away? Archaeologists are . This seems to be the very first sign of the culture-nature dichotomy (Svestad 2003: 268). Here lies one of the fundamental characteristics of archaeological practice: to separate artefacts from natural things. then also as Stone. For this we need to return to the point of bifurcation where archaeology was born as a discipline. as well as a style that does justice to what was given in the experience of those who produced our data? First it is necessary to investigate how archaeologists actually experience their data. and take another look at how artefacts were initially experienced. we do not do justice to the experience of prehistoric humans. Can archaeology in any way take up this challenge. 2006). and by implication.9 believe it is the responsibility of Europeans to refuse to live in the ruins of the modernist scenography and to have the courage. Archaeology was also born through the development of a specific way of looking at things.

To break free of the culture-nature dichotomy does not mean that we ought to gather more natural things. To battle the paradoxical dichotomies that modernity has brought us.). almost matter-offact-like. and a culture. the study of closed findings in which different artefacts were combined (Gräslund 1987: 7.10 trained to make this decision in seconds. So. measure them. We recognise either a transformation or a displacement of matter. In fact the crucial momentum was a strategy and question akin to Whitehead’s question above: “when a bronze artefact is found in nature. drawing and seeing artefacts. nor should the distinctive archaeological glance become less sharp or less discriminating. what is also found”. A subsequent development at the end of the 19th century. The emergence of archaeology as a scientific discipline in the first half of the 19th century involved the gathering and ordering of artefacts according to their materials. sort them according to a range of attributes into categories. It is hard to imagine any other principle of sorting that would enable us to direct archaeology towards the study of past humans or have archaeological collections of data at all. the type (cf. something at odds with the non-human forces of the world. or both. i. hinged on a distillation from the messy domain of artefacts. If we do not recognize such a signature we do not bring the thing back to the museum. Svestad 1995: 160pp. On the basis of the work of generations of archaeologist we have developed a glance that recognizes similarities and . how do we as archaeologists experience our data? We see and touch them. but more importantly: archaeology became a science when it started to draw them..Trigger 1996: 62pp. types and variants based on similarity and difference. compare them. and we do not bother to measure and draw the markings. This is the most fundamental characteristic of the entities that make up the archaeological data: they have all been transformed and/or displaced by human beings in prehistory. a position in a typological chain. The artefact came to represent a type. 198p.. and plot them on two-dimensional maps. of measuring. Trigger 1996: 64). How? What is it that we see? We look for a discrepancy from the natural order of things. take pictures of them.e. does not necessitate a simple merging or blurring. some enthusiasts might even smell and taste them. was related to the earlier innovation of two-dimensional perspective painting made by Dutch artists. If the latter led to the emergence of the matter of fact and the bifurcation of nature. that carries a distinctly human signature. a timeperiod. This distillation of form. I would say that the distillation of the type led to a stabilization of prehistoric artefacts.

Tallgren 1937a.1 Artefacts as societies Oscar Montelius. saw typological collectives as a process – an evolutionary.g. This was challenged by Sophus Müller.). e. how are the entities of a typological collective related? How do these entities move forward in a common direction of similarity? In my opinion this is where archaeology made and makes continuously a shortcut that leads us effectively into difficulties further downstream the chain of inference.). the type. If the type represented merely a certain degree of similarity we could not have used the notion of . the style of reasoning of the first paradigm of cultural-historical archaeology came to rest on three highly specific two-dimensional tools: 1) the distillate of the type as two-dimensional drawings of artefacts. also brought the solid foundation of typo-chronology still very much in use. If we do not gather things preserved from the past and if we do not sort them into categories. Archaeology has been blamed of confusing its specific distillate of form. This innovation. But if there is no law or structure to hold the type together. behind? I believe so. or abstract collectives such as races. a “BA II type”.11 differences at various levels. 2) the maps on which the find-places of types were plotted and cultural groups circumscribed. and the idea of types as growing plants gave way to a concept of types mainly as blocks of time. their minds. Gjessing 1951: 222. and as certain patterns on the maps.g. Olsen 1997: 40pp.2. Svestad 1995: 212pp. that I find keys for an escape. growing. founding father of typology. or people (e. cultures. “Nordic” (cf. 1. The type became a time-space box. developmental kind of force. 3) the tables of time-space boxes showing the history of cultures through space. some abstract law or structure comparable to the structure of the social. this style of reasoning. In fact. the type. and the individual artefact was left to hover freely within the 200 year life-span of the type (200 year brackets characteristic of the Bronze Age). with those who made and used these types.g. e. we will have little data and no time frame. Is it possible to reconcile these products of a bifurcated world-view with one that its not? Can archaeology escape bifurcation without leaving its favourite. and the potential to an upgrade of our way of looking. and one that separates the doings of humans from those of animals. It is within this initial formation of archaeological data. These tools are still fundamental to the discipline. frost or bacteria. and a first step is to bury any notion of the type as something more than the sum of its individual artefacts. In order for archaeology to exist as a discipline we have to acknowledge that we are gatherers of things and sorters of things.

It is somewhat odd that our very . Rather than analogies from biology. but the general design of the whole. and the detailed sketches as well. it at length became a brilliant illumination. I do not believe typology is a dead end. but. and bring in all entities necessary to make each artefact come into being. whence a little flame. the way they move forward in the same direction. and stop taking them for granted. at first only within a narrow compass. In order to vitalize type-collectives. involving also the skilled human body. and regenerate the coming into being of the type-collective with its similarities and its spatial distribution. Before we sort artefacts into types. began as the secret of some single mind. simulate. the way humans and non-humans manage to create and maintain similarity. The focus should be shifted to the rise and fall of type-societies. faint and flickering. The type should be seen as a movement. One significant flaw of archaeology is the lack of serious attempts at tracing the becoming of specific artefacts and from one artefact to the next within typological collectives. It must be that the members of a typological collective are similar to the degree that we believe there has to be some kind of bond between them or those who made them. or one that was useful but now completed. What remains to be done is to. suggest. growing brighter as it spread further. everything. and taught even in the primary school. but signatures so similar that we suspect there is a link between these transformations and between the societies that transformed. including what is now diffused among all cultured minds. this must be initiated by tracing the coming into being of each part of the collective. I believe the only way to escape is through the type.12 type for dating neither for assumptions of the existence of common ideas or cultures. Everything here originates in the individual. a trajectory and a network: with its epi-centre(s) of initial production. the paths of distribution of the artefacts. I do not believe typology is merely a useful project in order to construct chronologies. towards potential new epi-centers of production. We ought to treat the type as Gabriel Tarde treats the Laws of Nature: “There is no law or scientific theory (any more than there is a system of philosophy) that does not bear its author’s name still legibly written. reconstruct. sent forth its rays. we have to reinstate the sense of coming into being. not only the materials. and even there encountering many obstructions. the processes of transformation of matter in these cases not only bear distinctly human signatures. in some way or another.” (Tarde in Latour 2008: 85-86) Hence. Thus. a growth. Quite on the contrary. akin to Montelius original perspective. we have already recognized them as being transformed or displaced by distinctly human forces.

fuel and clay are involved . It could also be that the . social structure. what it meant. exactly. and we end up with monumental accounts that actually do no account for the basic insights provided by the data: the transformation and displacement of matter. i. stored. sacrificed or buried. moving too swiftly from things to issues of the social. Typically. The bronze axe made from Alpine coppers discovered in a bog in NW Scandinavia must be accounted for – it is a state of affair in need of an explanation. verifiable knowledge” of the past.they “are found also”. maps and tables with human engagements with the world.2. where. culture. The bronze axe is both a society in itself. and about not drifting too far from experience. I propose an escape from bifurcation through recognizing artefacts and types as societies that have been transformed and displaced by skilled human bodies. 1. we make hazardous short-cuts. When it becomes clear that the bronze axe can only be traced through fire and clay. fire. forced air. group size. type Oldendorf” on the outside. Seen from this angle it is not important how it was used. becomes so vague once the decision has been made.e. and in this it ought to strive towards greater distance to the ontological status of entities in both the non-human and human domains. within. I believe it is fair to say that culturalhistory of archaeology with its magnificent innovations of typo-chronology confused their types. leaving fewer associations in the dark. in the sense of Tarde and Latour. I must stress that this is not in any way advocating “true. not pass by or leap over. “tin” and a range of other species. in the landscape it was deposited.e.13 criteria for what is archaeological data and what is not. and between their artefacts. arranged in a “cast” structure inside. of atoms and molecules in a specific mix of “copper”. and a polished “flanged axe. Accordingly. with the world of matter and its workings. I contend that archaeology should be a discipline that traces associations and relations from. and it ought to strive towards a higher degree of accountability in its narratives. we should not back off.1 Artefacts as minds If first empiricism in Latour’s sense confused its drawings and its acts of drawing form from matter. It is rather about engaging our data in a more effective way. that there is not hazardous inferences involved in tracing the associations that moved and transformed matter. whether it was lost. what it was used for. or whether it signals asymmetric social relations or not. Each individual artefact ought to be recognised as both a society in itself and as a member of a society. Atoms and molecules only gather into such societies when humans. who used it. and what seems so very crucial initially. i. What is important is to account for the discrepancy from the “natural state of affairs”.

The attempts to make a copy of the human being. or extended mind. by phenomenological philosophy from Husserl. our powerful modern technologies of perspective drawing. like getting in and out of a room. authors and their congregations of readers. philosophers. this means that our minds are malleable and that our dealings with our environment inflicts on our conceptualization of the world and its inner causation and workings. and only such concepts can be used for framing our understanding of ourselves. It seems clear that we are not what we thought we were. Heidegger and Merlau-Ponty.e. others and the world. have had decisive influence on its most authorative users: scientists. Malafouris 2004). their way of using coded information in texts. and their interworkings (Clark 1997. with prehistoric people’s way of using artefacts to cope in the world (Olsen 2006). physical world outside. is it not likely that prehistoric minds were equally malleable and victims of their specific engagements with the world? The age-old question of the workings of human beings. like playing chess. photography. Inspired by these philosophers. The early attempts were modelled on the computer analogy: a ”software-mind” inside a ”hardware-body”. the mind is in the body (Lakoff & Johnson 1999: 555). spectators and admirers. These robots performed well in tasks involving abstract reasoning. ground breaking work was made by George Lakoff and Mark Johnson. is now caught in between a wider range of disciplines. focusing on breaking down the distinction between the body-mind on the one hand and the world on the . In particular. This simple lesson has become entangled in the broader scientific discomfort with modernity and our most fundamental categories. A first step was made towards an embodied mind. has felt an urge to make a working-replica of itself in alternative materials. A second step. a robot with artificial intelligence. If our specific ways of engaging with the material world have forged our minds in recent history. but had great difficulties in doing the simplest of practical tasks. In effect. They argued that human beings can only form concepts through the body. This problem was remedied only by opening the robot to feedback from the hard. was towards the extended human. or enminded body. i. as far as we know. Since both concepts and reason derive from the body and its sensori-motor inferences. No other creature. and a subject of cross-disciplinary research. for long split between philosophy and biology. the mind does not exist independently of the body – thus. artists.14 vein of post-structuralism in more recent years confused their texts with artefacts. writing and computing. were revealing in many respects. aimed at breaking down the distinction and hierarchy of mind and body. and their writing.

Malafouris 2004: 54p. In other words. are largely unexplored: “At the present stage of research. bodies and things. This optimism is also related to a prophesied levelling of disciplinary hierarchy. Our bodies and brains are fast working entities. 2006). So.] the efficacy of material culture in the cognitive system lies primarily in the fact that it makes it possible for the mind to operate without having to do so: i. DeMarais et.al. mind emerges” (Malafouris 2004: 58). What consequences does the notion of an extended mind bring to archaeology? Should we be pessimistic – by the weight put on the sensual interface between us and our surrounding world. preventing as such the ‘missing masses’ of materiality that balanced the fabric of social theory (Latour 1992) from exerting a similar effect in the fabric of cognitive science” (Malafouris 2004: 55). without the need of mental representation. The extended version of humanity brings one very reassuring insight: the dead things of archaeology are not arbitrary. from the perspective of archaeology. Tilley et. my hypothesis is that material engagement is the synergistic process by which. out of brains. there seems to be a tone of optimism and self-confidence in recent archaeological writing (e.). body and thing..15 other: since we do not exist before the world.e. reflexive interaction between brain. in action.g. to think through things. we are intelligent only in a world of real. tastes. The path ahead seems to be leading towards investigations into the complex. Gosden 2006: 427pp. chasing the extended mind and the integrated “mind/body/world”. and finally into the surrounding world. body and the physical world: “[.. the majority of these models remain sceptical and undecided about entering the treacherous territory of the extended mind. There is a larger cross-disciplinary admittance of ignoring things for too long.al. physical resistance (Clark 1997. seems no more challenging than trying to grasp the “mind/body>world” version of phenomenology. The consequences of an extended mind and a levelling of the hierarchy between mind. but emerge and become in and with a changing outside world. things are again crucial and highly relevant.. and the human being’s becoming in the world is largely unconscious. or the original “mind>body/world” of modernity. a forever lost world of smells. In this race to rediscover . 2004. I suspect that. In a prehistory populated by human beings with their minds extended into the physical world. into our bodies. sounds and tactility? Are we left defeated by the focus on the unconscious – by the task of grasping insights that were concealed even to prehistoric people themselves? Quite on the contrary. in simple words: the human mind and intelligence have been extended from a narrow confined space in our heads. It is also important to note that this seems still to be unfamiliar terrain to cognitive science.

I suspect. A call for such intimacy is found in a range of phenomenological inspired attempts in archaeology. “enacting at the potter’s wheel” must have something to do with intimacy.” (Olsen 2006: 98) […] we should replace our view of cognition as residing inside the potter’s head. to develop its own methods and strategies in light of the extended mind: “We do have an original contribution to make to wider theoretical discourse. there seems to be some hesitation when it comes to actually how we are to feed of things in a different way than we have done before: “[…] the crucial point is to become sensitive to the way things articulate themselves – and to our own somatic competence of listening to. but to make it we need to begin to develop theoretical orientations appropriate to our own discipline “ (Boivin 2004: 69). animal intelligence and an interest in material culture through archaeology and anthropology” (Gosden 2006: 441). would agree that such an assumption is problematic. Joanna Brück is critical in her assessment of phenomenological archaeology in Britain: “Perhaps the most important question here is whether contemporary encounters with landscape – whether achieved using virtual reality modelling or acquired via embodied engagement with the landscape itself – can ever approximate the actual experience of people in the past. Whilst not losing sight of the gains we have made. exploring the “immanent qualities of the signifiers”. However.e. Such a new way of feeding of things. but an integral part of the human story” (Boivin 2006: 64). There is now a broad call for archaeology to think for itself. Despite this optimism. body and matter in a holistic approach that recognizes that material culture is not a product of human history.16 the thing. Most readers. and responding to. on the sensory workings of things in a long term perspective. “Moreover. “It is hard to resist the impression that a new paradigm is emerging through a combination of neuroscience. with that of cognition enacted at the potter’s wheel” (Malafouris 2004: 59). i. this suggestion implicitly underlies Tilley’s approach” (Brück 2005: 54). if we avoid the fundamentalist trap of swearing allegiance to this or that theoretical regime. we may also dare to develop a relational approach that acknowledges that there are qualities immanent to the signifiers (beings. properties that are not accidental or only a product of their position in a relational web” (Olsen 2006: 99). robotics. archaeology starts on the same line as the others. their call. . actants) themselves. in other words caring more for things’ needs than for the purity of philosophies. we must reunite mind. “We need to return to the material world. becoming more “sensitive to things”. artificial intelligence.

this general line of methodology should be adjusted and broadened rather than abandoned: the theoretical base should be that of the extended mind. Although archaeologies of intimacy and simulation have been justly criticised.] bifurcation is unfair to both sides: to the human and social side as well as to the nonhuman or ‘natural’ side –a point always missed by phenomenologists” (Latour 2008: 15p. such as for instance mind/body/trees. and chase as rich as possible descriptions of the vibrating web surrounding humans as they engage in transformations and displacements. The main weakness of phenomenological attempts in archaeology is that they have chosen to construct cases of simulations that do little to specify the interface between body and world. and methodologies should be put to trial on cases with a higher degree of resistance and material dynamics – i. landscapes and architecture do little to specify action. has been its failure to extend the mind not merely into the body. barked. cases involving the transformation and displacement of the material world.e. Shifting the focus to cases of the coming into being of the same architecture. It is a simulation in which there is little resistance from outside the researcher. open. We need to seek the details of operational chains. simple and unspecified. Methodologically. split.). the oak or the birch present themselves to human senses. there is no human transformation or displacement of matter. but also into the surrounding world. While archaeology’s greatest disadvantage at first glance is our lack of living humans that we can .. bent. is for archaeology to refamiliarize with things and the non-human world in a very concrete. To probe into aspects of mind/body/world. in my opinion. the relation mind/body and world is too loose. monuments and rock art. cases involving a researcher moving within monuments. movement. relatively speaking. and the shortcomings have two main causes: the cases of simulation have been too narrowly constructed and they have applied a concept of the human being that still separates the mind from the material surroundings. brings at once action. except for the researcher. To take the above critique seriously..17 A critique of phenomenology in general. resistance and feedback into the case. Strategies of intimacy in archaeology have been justly criticized. and particularly how they let themselves be cut. architecture or rock art panels are problematic because everything is still. and to deal with the bifurcation on the bank of “nature”: “[. bodily and practical manner. how the pine. with a variety of specific human made edges and procedures. would mean (re-)learning the world of trees.

“Here” is “now”. There is a particular part of the brain that detects movement. in “front” lies the “future”.. Important in this respect. “The Time Orientation Metaphor” relates aspects of time (present.2.). behind). thus movement is not a metaphorical concept (Lakoff & Johnson 1999: 157).] this is not what you might think. time and motion. a call to rediscover. Ingold 2000: 373pp. The other is about long time. refamiliarize with and to get within sensory distance of the world of non-humans. There are only nine billion humans but the smallest stone. the temporality of culture and biology respectively (Tomasello 1999. is a call for intimacy in archaeological strategies. because they have been extensions of human minds in prehistory..3 Artefacts as acts What happens to time when the mind is extended? Time is at hearth of archaeology and its legitimacy: the discipline with the longest time-perspective in the family of social science.. is the inherent dualism to movement from the perspective of the individual. more atoms. and how time is created through movements in the physical world (Lakoff & Johnson 1999: 157pp). neurons or molecules than the largest human society (. Lakoff and Johnson argue that three basic metaphors. involving space. it’s a difference of numbers not of kinds. “behind” is in “the past”. 1. There is one significant difference between human and non-human collectives: “[. that of himself moving. There are two interesting strands of critique related to time. A second key to brake free is thus to treat artefacts as extensions of prehistoric minds. This direct perception of movement makes it function as a source domain for metaphorical reasoning (ibid: 140). paradoxically. and the notion of the extended mind. Because of its small numbers we have a much more intimate knowledge of human societies than we have of other non-human societies viewed from the outside and so to speak in bulk. or statistically” (Latour 2008: 18p). body and material world. in front. and that of movements in his environment. Human concepts of both space and time are grounded in basic experiences of movement. are motivated by this direct human experience of motion (ibid: 145): 1. The first is about short time what time is.18 observe and interview. Gosden 2006). past) to spatiality (point of observation. the tiniest brain. as they are extensions of our minds today. history versus evolution. the humblest table has many orders of magnitude. .. future. The recent critiques of the demarcations of mind. I believe the real pressing issue is our ignorance of the world of nonhumans. non-human societies are much more numerous than human societies.

both being homo sapiens sapiens with same brain. In this case the observer is fixed in a location. In this case the observer is moving. its physics and its history” (ibid: 167). “The Moving Observer Metaphor” relates times to locations. and passage of time to motion of observer. promising a future typical adult human being. most of our thinking is unconcious and most of our understanding is metaphorical. not of genetic inheritance. no way of saying what an ‘anatomically modern human’ is apart from the manifold ways in which humans actually become. The obvious differences are cultural. and its potential needs to be developed (grown/ dwelled) through active participation in characteristic environments of humans and things. “The Moving Time Metaphor” relates times to objects.19 2. Gosden 2006: 428): Our mind is inherently embodied. make us organisms of different kinds” (Ingold 2000: 391). since we developed in vastly different circumstances we are in principle not even identical organisms: “There is. The characteristics of homo sapiens sapiens are not genetically inscribed but allowed for. We learn through our bodies. having the capacity for upright walking. yet it structures our real experience and allows us an important understanding of our world. and our bodily activities are rooted in a real world of resistance (Gosden 2006: 429).. cf. and the passage of time to motion of objects. no species specific. Time is thus something we create through movement in the world: “[. essential form of humanity. These variations of developmental circumstance. The reason why these metaphors seem to be universal in languages around the world is that they are grounded in very basic and common everyday experience of functioning in the world (Lakoff & Johnson 1999: 151). and each location on his path is a time. This means that we are . There are no guaranties or recipes inscribed in the new born child. and there is movement in the environment. speech and complex symbolic systems.] time is something created via our bodies and brains. How similar is the Bronze Age bronze founder and I (founder: the occupation of casting metals)? The traditional answer would be that: in an anatomically and genetically sense we are very similar. both on the same evolutionary stage. This radical perspective comes with the notion of an extended mind (Lakoff & Johnson 1999: 3. and that is an entirely different (hi-)story (rather than a product of evolution). 3. in truth. A new answer more in line with recent perspectives on how the human being works would be: we are not similar at all..

from they are made to they are deposited 3. our different experiences of developing-in-the-world make both our minds and our bodies different. We find ourselves suddenly in a situation knowing very little about just how things and the physical world. The outside input onto the child becoming human is sensory only. ought to be a re-evaluation of the different rhythms or “time-wheels” available to us. of “brain-change”. the way similarity come into being. The biography of things. The congealed acts of things. actions and procedures. and how we might better exploit each of them. in principle. The biography of a type.g. The dichotomy of history and evolution has in reality deprived archaeology of 100 000 years of profound change. i. we need to first make some bridges: from “archaeological long-times” of types and periods. and our focus on the coded sound of human speech and coded vision of writing. Only by making these bridges we are able to explore the fuller potential of larger time-scales. it is clear that archaeology with its reliance on type-time (typically 200-year beats in the Bronze Age) is somewhat “off-beat” with the orchestra of other sciences. The biography of a category of things. ought to be rebalanced since it makes up. Thus.20 deeply entangled in and moulded by our physical environment. manages to exist and gives way to other forms. anthropology. we might turn our basic periodical system . Since the anatomy of our brain changes when we learn skills. to times more directly relevant to human experience (not to be confused with bridges between the soft and hard banks. In order to better tap into the rhythms typically found in cognitive psychology. 2. between the upper Palaeolithic art and language revolution and historical times. different organisms. and to become compatible and feed of these disciplines. the mind and in particular to time. what is conventionally termed cultural evolution is also a biological evolution (not genetical) (Ingold 2000: 376. A tentative list of archaeological time-scales embedded in artefacts: 1. and we have become. history and sociology. In this way.e. cf. Spyer 2006: 125p.). in general. mould human beings (Gosden 2006: 429). 379). 4. after all. in particular the operations involved in the transformation and displacement of matter into artefact. the arrowhead implicate certain mind-brain-body-bow-arrow-target operations unique to this category) From this list. An archaeological response to the novel perspectives on the social. above). doing tasks that other categories do not (e. just a tiny portion of the environment available to human perception (Olsen 2006: 95.

21 into serious explorations of: what did bronze do during the Bronze Age. Broholm (1943. Through 150 years of Bronze Age research the basic studies of Sophus Müller (1877. 1917).1909). Henrik Thrane (1965/67. Ekkehard Aner & Karl Kersten (1973ff.g.3. based on rock art dated through shore-displacement (e. bronze-rhythms are still the best candidates. potentially nine or more. Hans C. 1969a). This can be achieved through exploring artefacts as congealed temporality and action. Radiocarbon dating have in the last decades mainly consolidated the assumed 200-year pulse of the periodic system. Sognnes 2003. 2006). 1972. Ebbe Lomborg (1960. Thus. when seeking rapid time-pulses as close to human-biographies as possible. Oscar Montelius (1885.1 Bronze as data It is crucial to acknowledge that the time-rhythm of the Bronze Age is fundamentally based on types of bronzes. JohnElof Forssander (1936). Karl Kersten (1935). Ling 2008). can only be realized by studying the long term in light of how each thing educates individual human skills and minds in the short term. 1944. Although autonomous and complementary Bronze Age rhythms are underway. Randsborg 2006). 1900.g. 1966. I have located the following keys for an escape from an archaeology and a philosophy that have drifted too far from what is given in experience: artefacts as members of prehistoric societies. And what have fire. the sharp edge or the boat done to humans through the ages? The potential of temporality in archaeology. and artefacts as prehistoric acts. 1.). Jørgen Jensen (1997). 1946. 1. With these at hand I will now start planning the escape in greater detail. Klavs Randsborg (1968. 1949). we are still fundamentally dependent on the rhythms provided by bronze types. artefacts as extensions of prehistoric minds. 1975).3 The plan In order to sketch the strategies and aims of the thesis. particularly the long term rhythms of materiality. Ulrich Zimmermann (1988) and Helle Vandkilde (1996). but in some cases improved on the precision of the system in terms of absolute chronology (e. 1971/83. . Hence. have constructed a typological framework that provides the Nordic Bronze Age with a basic rhythm with six beats. the third and final key to break free is to treat artefacts as acts. it is necessary to first explore the general characteristics of the data that is to be investigated. The status of archaeology as a genuine discipline among others will depend on our ability to relate our long term view of material traces of human activity to momentary human experiences.1891. Evert Baudou (1960).

From this perspective. trajectory or biography of each and every bronze artefact. bags or boats of travelling humans.) whenever you want to understand a network. and thus give further hints to the network that displaced the artefact. go look for the actors. My first two strategies are about locating and tracing participants in webs or networks. gold) and 32 casting moulds from NW Scandinavia. The transformation from ore to artefact. the point is to avoid the passage through the vague notion of society” (2001: 124).. and the spatial displacement from mine to site of deposition. but when you want to understand an actor go look through the network it has traced. From bronze artefacts it is possible to trace networks or societies of different kinds. In both cases. from smelting of ores of copper and tin. especially those which I will refer to as wide and dense. From a “typology” of the internal structure of molecules (“metallurgical fingerprint”) it is possible to hint at the point of departure for this biography. bronze artefacts also provide us with another rhythm. the crucible is taken out. Each bronze artefact has a biography or a trajectory.. 1. in line with Latour’s propositions: “(. The first and . From a retracing of the actions congealed in every bronze artefact. implies complex human engagements with the material world. it is about explanation and who to blame when webs change.3. There is thus the life-span. It involves applying the conventional typo-chronological tool box on 523 metal artefacts (copper.2 First strategy: tracing wide webs The first strategy is a strategy aimed at the type and the long rhythm and wide spatial webs that it provides. it is possible to trace into a skilled human body and a range of non-human participants. through alloying and one or more castings into artefact(s). And within each step of such a bronze biography there is a rapid pulse beating as bronze is transformed or displaced: the bellows are worked. and it seeks ultimately to bring forth a history of networks through the Bronze Age. molten metal is poured. The third strategy is about what to do when more agents have been brought into light.22 But bronzes are also testimonies of highly complex acts of transformation and displacement. through its intended use and to the final acts of displacement into the earth. bronze. From the conventional typology of the morphology of the artefact it is possible to locate its typological relatives in space. through spatial displacement in the hands.

and decide upon their chronological status.3 Second strategy: tracing dense webs Through the first strategy. what else was found also? When it was about to melt. the clay that contained. clays etc. I will roughly outline the biography of many bronzes: where they came from. where they were made. what was found also? What accompanied bronze as it transformed from one shape to another? When a bronze artefact was moved between A and B. fuel. i. Tracing the axe through its everyday existence brings in the haft. the tree. I am to draw up the lines between the dots. which routes they were brought. In order to trace bronze through its shifts from solid to fluid and back again. and where they ended up.e. and diverse wood-working . I am thus wielding as much material as I can manage.3. societies or agents outside the study area. on the other hand it is about exploring the human actions and skills involved in these changes. The first strategy and the first step are completed with a presentation and interpretation of networks at work at different stages of the Bronze Age in resonance with the long rhythm of bronze. the boat that carried. crucible. In particular it is aimed at exploring the webs that transformed and displaced bronze. the fire that melted. those that moved forward in order to bring bronze from spatial location A to B. The second strategy aims at locating a different set of entities – those most intimate to specific bronze artefacts at each of these biographical stages. These are scaled large in order to prevent the breaking off of networks at the border of the study area. but it is one that has to be solved. bellows. Only by being specific in this first step and by making these decisions.e. The classic map of spatial distribution will be a crucial element in this first strategy. what else was found also? When it solidified. the first step and part I. i. directions and links to things. and they are specified with direction. in order to pick the most likely candidates of paths. This is not in any way a straightforward task. This second strategy simply asks: when bronze artefact X was in stage Y of its biography. what else was also found in this new position? The second strategy aims at locating agents in such dense webs. what accompanied bronze as it moved along the path? When a bronze artefact was deposited. will I be able to proceed to the second and third strategies. locate the rest of the members in each typological collective. those entities that moved forward as societies in order to transform bronze into a new shape.23 second attempts seek to decide upon their typological status. On the one hand it is about exploring the missing non-humans in order to account for these changes. The third attempt seeks help from a selection of relevant non-metal data and radiocarbon dates. the trajectory of bronze knits into other entities each with webs of their own: fire. 1.

24 projects. As it was made. I am forced to employ a different methodology. above). quartz. Exploring the relevant longdistance paths through simulation has not been attempted. and our reliance on these sources leads us to ignore specifics in our data. material) and constellation of the non-humans in the societies that transformed bronze in the Bronze Age of NW Scandinavia. fire and wood is given in Appendix VI. those that displaced bronzes. but would be. An account of my trials and simulations with bronze. and ethno-archaeological studies will be called upon. In stead. diverse manuals. clay.g. which are clearly useful and important. temperature and gasses. . is a matter of fact no more interesting or useful than “copper melts when it is very hot”. casting etc. when constructing a house it was part of a ”house building society”. Modern metallurgical science. The main challenge is to relate the two-dimensional paths of the map to human efforts. To those lacking a temperature gauge and the descriptive mode it implicates. in my opinion. I seek a style of reasoning that does justice to what is given in experience without a gauge. and outside the modern laboratory or foundry. When it comes to exploring the other major class of societies. bronze melting. it was a member of a ”bronze casting society”. but these have one drawback in common: they are ignorant of the precise nature (morphology. Experimental trials and simulations are integrated in the second strategy: bellow-making. mould-making. So why not simply link up information from natural science to those of social science? Is there anything (of interest) that natural scientists on the hard river bank do not know about things of nature? They might very well drown me in matters of facts on fire. as it was exchanged it was part of a “feasting society”. tin. copper. or “copper melts when placed in a specific constellation of agents for a certain period of time”. and an account that does justice to what is given in experience outside their laboratories and their highly stylized aesthetic of reasoning (cf. I have resorted to exploring these paths through maps and information on the paths from hikers-guides. ethnographic accounts. travel time and obstructions in the world – and thus to account for the displacement of bronze in a style that does justice to human experience. as it was moved it was part of a “travelling society”. clay. historical travel accounts and guides for coastal navigation. as it was deposited it was part of e. soapstone. “copper melts at 1083 ࢓ C”. But they fail to give me an account of how these enter a collective that moves forward in order to make a flanged axe. a plausible strategy. This calls for me to get within sensory distance of bronze in order to sense and explore the ways bronze interacts with me and a range of non-humans. a “funeral society”.

3. will be an analysis of what is transported in these networks. 1998). and involves a further extension of the networks presented in part I. Chapter 11 aims at a shift from the temporality embedded in the data. the two first strategies have made some contribution to bridge a significant divide between archaeology and sciences of the mind. The tools for a thorough investigation of what goes on in such dense webs at the scale of events and moments are borrowed from the works of Lakoff & Johnson (1999) and Gell (1992. Chapter 11 strives to explore human lives or biographies from things. The third strategy is thus aimed at the history. the Barents to the Mediterranean. . of history and of social anthropology: rhythm and temporality. and a significant broadening of the spatial outlook embracing the dynamics of Eurasia between the Altai and the British Isles. the act within life. chapter 10 focuses on events and chapter 11 focuses on human biographical time. Chapter 9 targets the Bronze Age as historical trajectory. feed of essentially the same set of networks located in parts I-II. the minds and the lives of the Bronze Age. it seeks explanation and causation in the dense webs discerned in part II.e. the event within the human biography. Hopefully. Chapter 10 strives to reason in a style that does justice to what was given in the experience of those who sensed our data in the Bronze Age. as well as a distribution of agency to the different participants in the networks. i. to a rhythm more compatible with anthropology. The strategy for exploring the networks. the long and short rhythms of bronze (or history and events). Part III with chapters 9-11 seeks to. scales of time and space. typically longdistance networks on a time-scale compatible with history and sociology. The tools for an exploration of human biographies are borrowed from Tomasello (1999) and in particular Ingold (2000). to move bronze into the patterns we have plotted on our maps by convincing arguments.25 1. and it seeks a style of reasoning that does justice to what was given in their experience.4 Third strategy: explaining changing webs The third strategy seeks to deepen the exploration of networks in order to propose explanations to their dynamics and their coming into being. Chapter 10 aims at those minds that in some way or another were extended into bronze artefacts in the Bronze Age. Here I will seek to embrace the malleability of human beings and explore their process of coming into being while immersed in a material world. through different points of view. The pulse of time is allowed to structure part III: chapter 9 focuses on historical time. Chapter 9 strives to reason in a style that does justice to what is given in our experience as archaeologists.

northwards embracing parts of Oppland and Hedmark Counties. then along the modern Norwegian border till river Pasvik in the far north (cf. the route and phenomenon that gave name to the modern state of Norway. The reason for including the northern coasts is mainly because it represents the full potential maritime “North Way”. The dividing line is drawn from Kvåsefjord in the south along the border between Vest-Agder and Aust-Agder Counties. rivers and fjords in the eastern lowlands from those in the highlands and neighbouring mountain-valleys in a more reasonable way than modern borders of state administration. Part II aims at a chronological trajectory of spatial networks gathered in chapt.26 Part I –Wide Webs By the term Northwestern Scandinavia I mean the coasts. 1976). as well as a review of selected non-bronze data. fjords and highlands west of the lowland interior of the Scandinavian Peninsula. Maps 1-2). There are also strategic aims behind this choice: the best documented areas on the peninsula in terms of Bronze Age bronzes are eastern Norway (Johansen 1981. the term North Way is used to designate the maritime path from the tip of the peninsula to Varangerfjord. Johansen 1993: fig. Maps 1 and 2 are meant as a general aid to ease the reader’s orientation in relation to geography and the many geographical terms and places in the text. 6 and visualized in Maps 9-17 . In the following. Through a review of the Stone Age background in NW Scandinavia. 45). an artefact-byartefact exploration of the typological and chronological position of metal artefacts and moulds. This line is drawn with the total distribution of bronzes in mind (cf. in order to separate the clusters along the lakes. and one of the aims of this study is to fill this western gap and contribute to making the Scandinavian bronze data complete and available for further research. 1986) and Sweden (Oldeberg 1974.

the Domestic (animal/grain). Østmo 2005a. Before bronze – networking the Stone Age In this chapter I aim to sketch a historical background to the Bronze Age. the Maritime. and the domestic against the wild game. Particularly sedentism. focusing on longdistance mobility in the landscapes of NW Scandinavia.e. 9500-8000 BC. i.g. Magnus & Myhre 1986). 2500-2000 BC. There is now a broad agreement that the earliest assemblages. as these lead directly towards the sedentary. all along the warm Gulf Stream from Lista in the south to the Kola Peninsula in the north. This is a trajectory in which the South. its rock art. Map 3)1.1.). as the crucial node through which the coast further north was changed. the related Scandinavian flint dagger phenomenon.e. The southernmost area of Jæren and Lista is conventionally seen as a bridgehead for this super-agent. from Continental Europe. historical processes and events in the dark. and moreover for the weak impression made by the southern megalithic and Corded Ware phenomena. Engedal 2006. territoriality. Although this may be unfair to many nuanced studies. a tale that captures and involves more of the complexity of the networks further north. Beginnings. Hagen 1967. its large axe quarries. 2. it is beyond dispute that this has become the grand narrative of archaeology in NW Scandinavia (e. I propose that this focus has kept other significant phenomena. are . hierarchal farmers of the Late Iron Age and the advent of written history (cf. (Map 3) The first traces of human activity appear on the bare strip of land revealed from underneath the ice-cap. farming and social hierarchies. in fact as a watershed in the prehistory of NW Scandinavia at large (Nærøy 1993. and one that balances the importance of maritime networks against overland networks.27 Chapter 2. (cf. i. Significant processes attributed to the Stone Age are the development towards sedentism. that this area becomes intimately related to the south. Prescott 2008). and Hierarchy are linked together to a super-agent in which all potential change rests. This transition c. It is not until the Bell Beaker phenomenon. and constructed a simplistic long term evolusionary trajectory. In the following I therefore intend to highlight what I consider to be indications of a different and more complex tale: a tale in which Jæren plays a more modest role. farming and competition has been wielded as the significant wheels of evolution. is considered the most significant transition in the Stone Age. also Prescott 2008: 4p. I find this tale to be a poor point of departure for an in-depth study of the Bronze Age and its networks. the Stone Age of NW Scandinavia is characterized by its slateindustries. Seen from a distance.

to the apparently sudden and swift migration northwards c. Bjerck 2008). moved mainly along the coast. These inland sites seem to be linked to the preferred coastal zones: Myrvatn-Fløyrli in the mountains above Boknafjord (Bang-Andersen 2003: fig. there are no obvious typological candidates to plot on a map at this early phase. 9500 BC. indicating a preference for a few zones: Bohuslän (Scmitt et. and this was one crucial precondition. and Varangerfjord (Woodman 1999). The ice cap effectively channelled the entering of the pioneers: they arrived by boat. since there is no flint in the geology of NW Scandinavia (Østmo 2005c: 112). 3). Heterogeneity is merely discerned in the uneven spread and clusters of findings along the coast. besides the melting of the ice. there seems to be a clustering of sites. occasionally combined with a minor percentage of rock-crystal. by stroke rather than grinding. The flow of humans seems to stop at the entrance to the White Sea were the Gulf Stream ends (Woodman 1999: 309).. and rock crystal from the mountains in minor percentage at the coast. Movement of materials is mainly seen as coastal flint at mountain sites. Accordingly. Assemblages are also characterized by the short time-investment in production. there are two tendencies of particular interest in this context. 2009). 2006. al. Secondly. and arrived either from the now sunken North-Sea Continent or more likely along the coastline from Southwestern Sweden (Bjerck 2008: 553). The homogeneity in both raw-material and technology prevents us from drawing any borders along the coast. Firstly.). despite the notion of extremely mobile groups.). Engedal 2006: 171pp. The only structural remains are fireplaces and cleared fields or rings of stones. Bjerck 1995: 139pp. The reestablishment of the Gulf Stream brought warm waters northwards and a warmer climate along the coast. despite the notion of a maritime economy an increasing number of sites are discovered in the alpines close to the ice-cap. Boknafjord (Bang-Andersen 2003) Nordvestlandet (Bjerck 2008: 552p. The assemblages are considered as highly functional and short-lived because of the method of sharpening. From recent research on the pioneer-phase. The flint assemblages are considered to be derived from local flint-nodules deposited by ice-bergs during the ice age. These early assemblages are totally dominated by flint. interpreted as remnants from tents. 2008: 561pp.. Another precondition was a novel maritime technology including a stabile boat-construction and familiarity with the open seas (cf.28 closely related to those of the Continental Ahrensburg complex (Woodman 1999. The above . several sites in Trollheimen and Sunndalsfjella above Nordvestlandet (Bjerck 2008: 563 with further referances).

with clusters of mattocks. 8200 BC (Alsaker 1987. these were displaced through long-distance mobility and were objects of exchange. Bergsvik & Olsen 2003: 396). and a total lack of axes. Activity seems to have been instigated at both quarries at Hespriholmen and Stakaneset c. In between lay mainly vast stretches of hunting grounds. Map 4). 2) a Central Axe Zone.). a series of zones can be sketched from south to north: 1) a Southern Axe Zone.2 They are both made from relatively rare raw materials.1 Ground/pecked round axes and shaft-hole mattocks From a plotting of ground axes of different materials. with round-axes made from the Hespriholmen quarry and mattocks of simple.and by their status as home for larger human populations. adds to the qualifications of Hespriholmen as the centre of innovation towards round-axes and ground/pecked technology. 4) a Northern Axe Zone with round-axes probably made from undiscovered quarries in the north. An EM style flake-axe made from this material. a shift towards the production of micro-blades from conical and cylindrical blade-cores. with round-axes made from the Stakanes quarry and only sporadic findings of mattocks. and sporadic findings of mattocks. Åstveit 2008a: 571pp. and the different types of shaft-hole clubs. 8000-4000 BC. the formation of the slate complex and rock art. simple and cross-shaped. . MM-LM (Map 4) At the beginning of the Boreal phase (9000 BP) there seems to be a uniform change in stone technology along the entire coastline. cross. 3) a Central Mattock Zone between Hustad and Rana. and finally 5) an Arctic Zone lacking both axes and mattocks. Presumably. 35. In these we have the first artefacts with extended biographies. they are made by time consuming technologies and they both have a wide spatial distribution. A trail of axes from the Stakanes quarry cross this zone. Both are also conventionally considered to be phenomena originating in the south. North of the Central Axe Zone there is a large zone without axes (Alsaker 2005: 37).29 coastal zones might have been characterized by concentrations of flint nodules on the beaches. This shift went parallel to a significant drop in the use of tanged points (Olsen 1994: 31. easy access to reindeer on the alpine plateau . 2. 2. and provides a bridge between the north and south.2. star and miniature shapes. but axes reappear from Rana northwards. In addition there are now two artefact categories suitable for a network analysis: the ground/pecked axe and the shaft-hole stone club (cf.2. Two other phenomena are brought in to balance this southern bias. The Stakanes quarry is established secondary to this centre.

These first carvings are large. . This assumption is supported by the trails across the highlands dotted by mattocks (cf. down to Halsafjord. but still see them as related into a “tradition” with a single origin in the Scandinavian context. Between Rana and Ofotfjord there is a distinct group of early. rock and game. rather than to coastal links. the simple type.2. are better linked to the Northern Mattock Zone in the west. it is possible to distinguish a southern sub-zone within the large Northern Axe Zone. in the intersection between man. Three starshaped clubs as well as the two miniature-clubs represent types exclusive to the southwest. Map 4 embraces an immense period of time. is perhaps to deal with the rock art phenomenon.2 Rock art and slate Adding rock art and slate to the map. The dense clusters of simple mattocks to the north of Hustad. 2. there is another cluster. from Hardangerfjord across the highlands. bypassing the Central Axe Zone. Those north of this area. Hence. and presumably it lacks later carvings. is the southeastern cluster at Bohuslän. What to make of so few images within such a vast time-span? One way to deal with this fact is to dissolve the idea of a single origin – the carving of an animal on the rocks was rather something that arose time and again. and they indicate the relative isolation of the Central Axe Zone when it comes to interior networks. provides us with two northern centres of innovation which were to influence large parts of the Scandinavian Peninsula.30 Interestingly. These have been given a date within the MM (Hesjedal 1992). the shaft-hole mattocks and clubs indicate that intensive relations across the interior were instigated as soon as the ice-cap disappeared. The largest cluster of the presumably earliest type of mattock. Another solution is to narrow the time-gap and see the images as results of short episodes. If we add rock art to the map with the latter option in mind. Even the clubs of the Southern Diabase Zone could be attributed to these cross-alpine networks. maps in Skår 2003). From the distribution in Sweden it seems clear that it was spread through inland networks north to Mälardalen and River Dalälv. The greatest challenge posed by this wide time frame. naturalistic figures made with a distinctive grinding technique. ground rock images3. 4000 years. The stone-clubs of complex types in the southern highlands (along the Hallingdal and Bandak-Totak channels) point rather clearly towards the Hespriholmen Zone. This area lacks rock art made with conventional pecking techniques. this to dominated by simple mattocks. suggest that this zone was linked to the southeast rather than to the Hespriholmen Zone. there is another trail of axes. originating in the Hespriholmen quarry. West of the major cluster between Rivers Göta and Glomma.

Still. from the core-area at Vefsn and from Smøla come the two northernmost specimens of round-axes made from Stakanes diabase. The second is the dense cluster around the border between the Central Axe Zone and the Mattock Zone. and generally later. The inspiration for these carvings might have been brought by rather direct links. This seems to be a core-area also for the use of other slate forms (Søborg 1986). Finally. and Rykkje and Vangdal in the Hardangerfjord represent the southernmost border of Mesolithic rock art. the developed slate-complex is most often placed in EN and MN. The few slates of comparable forms in the west (Møllenhus’ Trollheimsund and Hamnes types) are clustered in the Rana. Borderland Hustadvika The border running along Tingvollfjord-Averøy is of particular interest. Thus. Tjøtta area (Møllenhus 1959: 36). might thus be considered secondary to this centre of rock art innovation. and these again inspired the establishment of the rock art tradition at Vyg by the White Sea to the far east. Adding the earliest groups of slate artefacts makes it possible to discern a northern sub-zone within the Central Mattock Zone around Rana-Vefsn4. the two rock art clusters east of the highlands would best be linked to the Hustad cluster. or in light of meetings at the inland sites. Forsberg 2006). and no clear typological border corresponding to that of LM-EN. 2. and that brought early slates southwards. Interrestingly. the formation of the slate-complex and of the northern round-axe might have been related and involved longdistance. A plotting of potential Mesolithic rock art sites demonstrates an uneven occurrence. Vefsn. direct journeys between Rana-Vefs. in fact there seems to be a sharp drop in axes in general. The first major cluster to the south is the NamsfjordBeitstad cluster extending into the Swedish highlands (cf.3. In a similar vein. Smøla and Hustad. The southernmost sites in Hardanger might best be linked to the trail of Hespriholmen axes across the highlands directly to Halsafjord. North of the original zone of innovation the first carvings inspired the establishment of the significant clusters in Altafjord. south of this lies the major Vingen site. The origin of the Vingen site could be seen in light of direct coastal links to the northern extremes of the Central Axe Zone.31 The pecked figures north and south of this zone. and moreover in the southeastern lowlands. Ground or pecked Mesolithic axes have not been clearly discerned in . possibly the same as those which brought Stakanes axes to the north. There is a quite sharp drop in axes made from Stakanes diabase at this line. The earliest slates in northern Europe seem to be the large. There is no clear chronological trajectory of slate types. clusters between Hardanger and Alta. leaf-shaped blades from the Suomosjärvi phase of the Finnish Mesolithic (Edgren & Törnblom 1992).2.

A plotting of imported FBC artefacts as well as axes made from the Hespriholmen and Stakanes quarries provide the basics for a mapping of ENMNa networks (Map 5)5. Upper Glomma. The moose rock art carvings in Hardangerfjord could be related to the very same journeys. The Stakanes Zone seems to have retracted somewhat in the north. and Lærdalsfjella. The second point I would like to make. the Central Mattock Zone. the limit of Stakanes axes now runs somewhere in the Moldefjord. The fjord systems of Halsafjord and Tingvollfjord might also be seen as the main gateways to the highlands for the coastal area between Hustad and Trondheimsfjord. From a plotting of Vespestad type axes made from Stakanes diabase and Hespriholmen greenstone. EN-MNa (Map 5) From c. is that the engagement of the Northern Mattock groups in the central alpines and eastern lowlands has not been highlighted. northern hunters using the plateu southwards to Hardanger. is that the Central Axe Zone (Stakanes Zone) is distinct in its isolation from the interior and its lack of engagement in cross-alpine networks. was maintained throughout the EN-MNa. 2. this ought either to be expeditions northwards from the Hardangerfjord. Summing up. 3-4 southern axes are found north of the line. 4000 BC Southern Scandinavia is characterized by the introduction of farming and the Funnel-Beaker Culture (FBC). This seems evident in four cases: the Hespriholmen Zone. or more likely. the Northern Axe Zone and the Arctic Zone. It is also of interest that the northernmost round-axe at the bottom of the Halsafjord.3. It can be linked to three more such axes far from the Hespriholmen Zone: at Vågavatn. south of Hustadvika. I believe a significant flaw in conventional interpretations on the MM-LM of Northwestern Scandinavia. If considered as part of a single phenomenon. . around Fensfjorden.32 Trøndelag (Alsaker 2005: 37). it is clear that the border at work in the MM-SM. while simple and cross-shaped mattocks are sparsely but evenly distributed southwards. there are two arguments I would like to stress. This northern border of Stakanes axes corresponds well with the southern border of the mattocks in the Central Mattock Zone. The first is that significant new networks across the highlands were enabled by the disappearance of the icecap. is made from the southern Hespriholmen greenstone. 4000-2800 BC.

33 2. Secondly. and a double-edged battle axe. all slate knives which are not of the earliest types are tentatively added to the map. and so was the characteristic isolation of the Central Axe Zone (Stakanes Zone). and 2 double-edged battle axes. and finally 5) there is a cluster between Namsfjord and Rana. with two rare point-butted axes. This creates some interesting patterns. Thirdly. 2. the cluster of FBC artefacts in Trondheimsfjord is clearly outside the slate knife territory. 2) the Stakanes Zone has no FBC imports. onto the background of these borders. Firstly. 4) there is a cluster between Gaula estuary and Beitstad in Trondheimsfjord. My reason for including the Mesolithic networks above was precisely to demonstrate that the interior networks were at work well before the Neolithic. as well as 4 double-edged battle axes. with two thinbutted and 2 double-edged battle axes. Several findings in the northern and central interior hint at the networks at work from Moldefjord northwards.3. 4 polygonal axes. 3) there is a cluster in the Halsafjord-Moldefjord area. all indicate direct links between the area to the north of the Central Axe Zone and Oslofjord and Sweden.1 FBC types From a plotting of FBC imports (point and thin-butted flint axes and battle axes). there is a drop in slate knives south of the northern border of Stakanes axes. a thin-butted axe. but there is a trail south to Stadt. The lack of FBC imports in the Central Axe Zone. That the northern axes were brought along the coast from Jæren is hardly a convincing interpretation.2 Slate knives While there is a clear division between EN-MNa (FBC) and MNb (Corder Ware. the high number of FBC imports in the north relative to Jæren. Since EN-MNa is conventionally considered the peak of the slate-complex. clustering at Jæren. with one point-butted and one thin-butted axe. leading eastwards towards the major clusters in Sweden and Oslofjord. Battle Axe) in southern types. the area with the most . the following can be read: 1) The Hespriholmen Zone has 7 thin-butted flint axes. as well as the presence of early types (point-butted axes) in the north rather than in the Southern Axe Zone (Hespriholmen/Jæren). The group of three pointbutted axes dated to the earliest Neolithic from Rana and the Halsa-Moldefjord area is remarkable since these are rare even in the Oslofjord region. no such clear divisions have been discerned in the northern slate gallery. It seems clear from the total distribution of FBC axes that there were links between Lake Vänarn and Trondheimsfjord along Klarälv and between Mälardalen and Rana across the Swedish interior.3.

or even farmers engaging in seasonal hunts in the interior. (C 20524: thin-butted axe type III.3. thus spreads south to Moldefjord in the EN-MNa. Although a less clear case. MNa) (Reitan 2005: 66. although there might be a shift from the Halsa-Tingvollfjord gateways just north of Hustad.s. at the alpine crossing at Ølstadsætra. The intensive alpine-inland engagement characteristic of the zone north of Hustad in the Mesolithic. Buskerud C.3. the MNb. 2920-2880. as on the previous map. Buskerud C. Borderland Hustadvika Again. 3025-2890 BC (all cal. 2008c: 387pp.). fig. FBC artefacts are seen as objects made by farmers that very well could be procured and used by northwestern hunters. From loc. I believe there is a difference between FBC artefacts and slate projectile. (C 21450: thin-butted axe type VII. Comparable burials are known from Ertesprang. the Hustad area stands out. to the Romsdalsfjord gateways just south of Hustad.a.l. a cairn from 820 m. 2. This was a continuation of the networks of MM-SM. could all be seen as indicative of seasonal journeys made by hunters from Moldefjord. This relationship is supported by the southeastern cluster of slate projectile. the main point I would like to make is that journeys across the interior were more important than coastal traffic along the North Way in the displacement of FBC .. 2001: 143pp. The recent discovery of small cairns with EN and MNa dates from Nyhamna enables us to support this network by a trail of burials. Oppdal C. The two point-butted axes in the Halsa-Moldefjord area can be linked to the 9 specimens in the Oslofjord area (cf. tab. Skauen 2005: 279). Slate projectile on the other hand. Hence.7. Østmo 2005e: 458). 3495-3045. was dated to 3510-3370 BC and 2030-1760 BC (Hofset 1991. the FBC artefacts in Moldefjord and the slate projectile in the southern highlands and around the FBC enclave in Hurum.BC) (Åstveit 2008b: 593p.34 significant overlap between slate projectile and FBC artefacts is Mälardalen in eastern Sweden. 67 at Nyhamna four small cairns were dated to 3360-2930. I suggest that the map indicates northwestern coastal groups hunting in the alpines and interior to the southeast. Their status as burials is strengthened by high levels of phosphate (ibid). these burials. The interior rock art sites dots a trail to the southeastern cluster in the vicinity of the megalithic burials at Hurum.2). The engagement of these groups in the interior in this period can be seen as a direct continuation from the Mesolithic.. 7. 7. Summing up. It must be taken into account that many of the mapped slate knives might actually represent the following period. Therefore. I believe were objects linked more intimately to individual hunters and would not be procured by southeastern farmers. EN) and from Rønnegvammen.

and it is doubtful that this type in any way was made exclusively in Finland).4.6 I believe the distribution demonstrates three phenomena. Åstveit 2008b: 594). 2006. Secondly. and within the MNa-MNb timespan. Between Rogaland and Trøndelag. the South-Swedish type. the Danish Single-Grave type. MNb (Map 6) The most significant changes in MNb are 1) the appearance of battle axes of the Battle Axe variants of the Corded Ware complex. and the East Swedish/Continental type. the Finnish type. it is likely that a .4. there is an interesting occurrence of Hurva type axes: a cluster in the Moldefjord area. In my opinion battle axes entered NW Scandinavia via a series of interior routes from Oslofjord. Auve included only specimens with notches on the sides of the tang (Østmo 2008: 86pp.. Of particular significance are the links between the Hustad area and the eastern lowlands and the relative isolation of the Central Axe Zone between Stadt and Fensfjord. 166). Again. Thirdly.4. The high number of axes of Finnish and South Swedish types in Trøndelag indicates links to Sweden rather than Oslofjord (it must be noted that Finnish type axes are found in plenty in Sweden. southern Central Sweden and the Swedish East coast. al. the southern distribution indicates that Jæren procured these axes across the interior highlands rather than via the southern coast. and 3) arguably the introduction of farming (cf. Accordingly. Olsen 2004). and a trail of Hurva axes from the coast of Sunnhordaland via Hardangerfjord across the highlands.35 artefacts on the Scandinavian Peninsula. 2.2. Hjelle et. but to MNa at Nyhamna (Åstveit 2008b: 593). 2. the typological make-up of the clusters along the coast does not indicate that battle axes were distributed northwards from a southern centre in Rogaland. the former Central Axe Zone (Stakanes Zone) is remarkably empty of imported artefacts. 2) the end of activity in the major southern axe quarries of Hespriholmen and Stakaneset (Olsen & Alsaker 1984). possibly at the very transition MNa/MNb at Auve. Firstly. the low number of Single-Grave type axes in the southwest speaks against a direct maritime relation to Jutland across Skagerrak.1 Selected battle axe types I have mapped a selection of Battle Axe types (Map 6): the Hurva type (and related specimens).B. Decorated slate projectiles Slate projectiles with decoration are dated to MNb within the former Central Axe Zone (T. 2800-2350 BC. 2.

Among the complex changes hinted at by Map 6.5. have conventionally been interpreted as a . In this context. Qualitatively. These seem to indicate both a coastal and a high alpine network linking the slate zone to Jæren and the coast of Agder. the cluster of tanged Bell-Beaker points and a Bell Beaker-vessel. procuring prestigious artefacts and possibly domestic animals from farming populations. are the first clear indication of a direct maritime link between Jæren and Northern Jutland (cf. 67 Nyhamna in the Hustad area. The distribution of flint daggers along the western coast from Lista to Alta. there are no clear boundaries along the coast as flint daggers are distributed north to Alta. Decorated projectiles in the highlands can be seen as part of the Hurva axe network. 2350-1700 BC. Despite these difficulties. compared to those at the Oslofjord. I believe this has overshadowed the likely existence of highly mobile hunters in the southern end of the slate-complex engaged in long-distance networks both along the coast and in the interior. my main interest is to highlight 1) the expansion in slate use from Hustad down to Nordfjord. LN (Maps 7-8) The Late Neolithic brings a set of important new challenges to our study7. Decorated projectiles are mainly found on the coast between Nordfjord and Rana. 2. I believe the plot is interesting. Østmo 2005a). and from the slate knives on the EN-MNa map (Map 5). The slate point from Bore at Jæren with rhombus-decoration has its only parallel from lok. it is more important to trace and explore these networks. recalls the one discerned on the Mesolithic map (Map 4). than to decide whether farming was practiced or not. the majority of which were produced in Northern Jutland. Earlier focus has been on whether battle axes could be linked to farming and a male competitive ideology characteristic of the larger Corded Ware complex. and 2) the engagement of groups around Hustad in extreme alpine networks in a southward direction. Apel 2001. I believe it is important to not separate Battle Axes from slate and from hunting economies. as well as the coastal networks aimed for Jæren in the far south. Scheen 1979. The zig-zag decorated projectile from the southern alpines (Hardangervidda) indicates the presence of northern hunters. The ”alpine-bridge” from Moldefjord to Hardanger seen on the MNb map. but I believe the sparse distribution to the south and southeast of this area reveal important networks.36 mapping of decorated projectiles would capture networks working across the MNa-MNb border. The relatively denser clusters of flint daggers at Jæren. These are brought about by the high number of imported bifacial flints.

A major aspect of the critique of Lomborg’s study was his failure to recognize contemporary regional workshops producing different types and subtypes (Madsen 1978. In LN II there is a decrease in overall dagger production. then another close by at Hustad. A more likely candidate would be the dense clusters in Bohuslän and the area around the southern part of Lake Vänarn. In this period types IV-V are produced in the eastern area. 1 at Glomma River and 1 close to Trysil/Klarälv River. The flint dagger type III is also an eastern type (Ebbesen 1975: 108. and then a cluster of 7 specimens between Stadt and Storfjord. with 1 from Lista. Lomborg saw the typological variance basically as diachronic development through his three sub-periods of the LN. it is close to impossible to assert whether flints were brought to the north via other eastern routes as well – the types and raw-materials are all the same. the Oslofjord cluster is rather small relative to the Stadt-Storfjord cluster. particularly in the Limfjord area. I believe there are rather clear indications of a complex web of networks operating in the LN (Map 7-8). the interior networks suggested on Maps 4-5 might still have existed in the LN and we would have great difficulties in discerning them from coastal networks. with Jæren and Sunnmøre as the nodes (e. 6 specimens spread between Sotra and Stadt. The distribution of LN I daggers types I-III marks out Lista. LN is now divided into LN I and LN II.g. It is important to contemplate the possibility that although there is little doubt as to the major role played by Jæren as a distributor of Jutish flints northwards.). with two major areas of production.37 straightforward coastal route. Apel 2001: fig. Flint daggers type ID produced mainly in Zealand. 1 from Askvoll. there is a cluster of 4 specimens in the Oslofjord. rather than to Jæren in the south. Despite these difficulties. 5 from Jæren. In LN I. fig. 9:17). Lolland and Skåne produce types ID.. but the distribution in the west is more complex. the Limfjord area produces types IA-C while Zealand. To the immediate east. This led eventually to a revision of LN chronology and to regional divisions. and the Tingvoll-Stadt zone in the north (Scheen 1979). and finally 4 specimens spread on the coast and inland to the north. II and III. Apel 2001: 265pp. This is an important alternative to keep in mind as we close in on the Bronze Age. Lolland and Scania (Lomborg 1973: 39p). 1). Interestingly. and 1 at Mjøsa. and then a cluster of . Significant revisions have been made to Ebbe Lomborg’s basic study of Danish flint daggers. Type III B are relatively rare in the south. 2 at Jæren. have an interesting distribution: 2 in Vest-Agder. Jæren and Karmøy in the south. Hence. The StadtStorfjord cluster is clearly better linked across the interior to the southeast.

Nordland C. and finally 4 daggers spread between Hustad and Vikna. I have mapped a selection of northern “non-flint” features: 1) perforated slate “harpoon” projectiles8. and there are few clear clusters. Engedal 2008). on the other hand. Type IV daggers are few. Although the chronological position is somewhat unclear. with single and double perforation. the small point from Solasanden with agnora and single perforation has its only parallel at Sanna. 2) fluted slate projectiles of type Sandtorg (large) and type Sunderøy (small)9. with a cluster at Jæren and a dense cluster at Lista. There are three daggers from the north side of the inner Sognefjord. Jæren. form a border along Tingvollfjord.. and f) selected rock art motives11. is confined to the area HardangerLista. but also persons from further north: the ”halibut”-motive points to either Trondheimsfjord or Forselv in the far north. The southern distribution of Sandshamn axes seems to replicate the alpine route between the StadtTingvoll zone and Hardangerfjord suggested on Maps 3 and 5. with only sporadic findings from Langesundfjord to Moldefjord. three of them from Jæren. 3) axes of Sandshamn type10. Types IIIC. These clearly indicate direct maritime journeys between Stadt-Tingvoll and Jæren. while double perforations made on a fluted Sandtorg spearhead is found at Mykletun. and the low number of earlier daggers in this area. First. Here we might also note that there seems to be two neighbouring centres: Moldefjord with type IIIB daggers and Stadt-Storfjord with type ID daggers. a ”halibut” rock art motive and two Sandshamn axes. the two main types of perforated projectiles. Hå M. I propose that the distribution of flint daggers types ID and IIIB indicates that inland networks were crucial to the area north of Stadt. The distribution of double-perforated projectiles seems to correspond to the flint dagger type IIIB and ID clusters between Stadt and Tingvollfjord. A projectile of this same type is found at Skjerpe. LN II daggers are plotted on the next map (Map 6). Hordaland C. There are six daggers between Stadt and Tingvollfjord. There are eleven daggers from the stretch Mandal to Karmøy. These indicate the presence of persons from the Stadt-Tingvollfjord area. The presence of northern hunters in the southern alpines is suggested by the Sunderøy projectiles as well. as well as a novel hunting technology involving a perforated slate point (cf. Træna. Type IIIA is largely confined to Jæren. a high number considering the low number at Jæren. The presence of northern features in Rogaland is significant: three different types of ”harpoon” projectiles. The Moldefjord cluster is more likely linked to the marked cluster east of Oslofjord with a tail along Glomma-Mjøsa.38 6 daggers in Moldefjord. and two .

Summing up. these two zones reappear in the Bronze Age. With this in the back of our mind we are now ready to have a close look at the bronze artefacts of NW Scandinavia. A cluster of three daggers in the Lofoten archipelago to the north adds to this impression. There is a cluster of 4 daggers on the southwestern archipelago around Stord. The Jutish LN flint daggers have worked as a barrier between research on the Stone Age and that of the Bronze Age. Five daggers outside Fosen and one more at Trondheimsund is a relatively high number. Jæren has again a rather dense cluster. bring some “noise” from the Stone Age with us into the BA. With this chapter I have attempted direct focus to this problem. but the Karmsund area is empty. Boknafjord and Nordvestlandet (cf. There are only two findings between Stord and Stadt. and thus a case in which Jæren receives daggers from the north. hunting-farming. there is only a single specimen between Langesundfjord and Jæren. overlandmaritime. . I believe Maps 5-6 demonstrate that networks at work in the LN were far more complex than a quick glance at the distribution of flint daggers would imply. and hints at direct journeys between Lofoten and Fosen. The three type IV daggers found at Jæren might even indicate that Jæren is at the far end of these networks. Map 3) were engaged in long-distance networks. Throughout the Stone Age the two areas designated as favourable zones for the early pioneers. This is from Lista. otherwise well represented by all types I-IV.39 on the Fosen peninsula. I believe that a significant flaw in previous studies of the Bronze Age of NW Scandinavia. and balance the presentation of the Stone Age background in relation to dichotomies of north-south. In addition. compared to type IV daggers. but seven daggers between Stadt and Hitra. is that the complexity in the Stone Age background has not been recognized. I suggest they are best interpreted as northern hunters operating the coastal and alpine routes north of Jæren. With some adjustments. Considering type V daggers.

Johansen 1993. Møllerop 1963. and contexts with radiocarbon dates. The first is the monumental burials of BA II and III.g. I. 2000. Brooches The Bronze Age brooch is a composite artefact consisting of a pin and bow. These phenomena. They are perhaps the most important typological collectives of the Nordic Bronze Age because of their complexity and great detail. These are also referred to as bur. are listed in App. Larsen 1996. There are two main . Nordenborg-Myhre 1998. 2004). and finally a third attempt is aimed at a selection of non-bronze data such as stone artefacts. First attempt 523 copper-alloy and gold artefacts and 31 soapstone casting moulds. Even if conclusions will not be formed until chapter 6 at the end of part II. 1-523. II) are referred to as M 1-32.1-107 and hoard 1-25. III and IV respectively. Gräslund 1987: 7). from Grense-Jacob estuary in the north to Otra estuary in the south make up the core-data of this study12. is split into three attempts: the first deals with all artefact categories except for axes. Mandt 1991. linking them to App. Casting moulds (listed in App. 3. and the patterns discerned through explorations of them. copper and gold. All metal artefacts. Closed findings in which different typological collectives are represented and combined (cf. rock art motives. mould-cavities are translated into “ghost types” and included as such besides actual castings in the plate section. a second attempt is dedicated exclusively to axes. have been the basic foundation to all major presentations of the Bronze Age of NW Scandinavia (e. I are also used on both plates and maps in order to ease the reader’s navigation. the largest single category of metal artefacts. it is important to keep this aim in the back of our minds as we proceed.1. including single findings as well as those from burials and hoards. For the purpose of typological study. III). The first strategy aimed at the wide webs of bronze and a basic chronological trajectory. Reference numbers from App. and when referring to a hoard context with more than one bronze (listed in App. and the second is to hoards of BA V and VI. are linked to two phenomena in particular in this area. IV). and because they are part of both male and female accessories.40 Chapter 3. bronze. The first attempt is aimed particularly at a reevaluation of these two phenomena: the burials of EBA and the hoards of LBA. Capital letters are used when referring to a burial context with bronze (listed in App. Gaustad 1965. and referred to as nr. Aakvik 2000. and thus part of a large number of closed findings.

1972). The most important typological divisions made on the early brooches. the small simple brooch of the EBA and the larger more elaborate spectaclebrooch of the LBA. Kersten (1935). small specimen with a clear cut cross shape from SÆRHEIM (nr. is of the round-headed early BA II type. “hourglass” and “cross”-headed pins. bur. Randsborg’s work is of particular interest to NW Scandinavia. are those between “round”. and STORESUND I (nr. bur. flat heads with a cross shape. 50) have pin-heads with flat backs and hourglass shapes. and several of our brooches were central to his arguments. LUNDE (nr. Recently. 2. flat heads with hourglass shape (in several variations) to smaller. 77). and a typical. 60) and SOLA I (nr. REGE I (nr. 73). disc and crutch-headed. “flat” refers to a pin-head resting on its flat back against the termination of the bow. The other main category. Broholm (1943. that crosses into BA IV (1972).41 categories. The next important shift is from relatively large. 26). bur. and the “hourglass” and “cross” refers to the outline of the pin-head. since they received only cursory treatment in Evert Boudou’s major study of the Nordic LBA (1960). Basic studies of the early brooches are those by Oldeberg (1933). Early brooches There are 12 early brooches with pin-heads preserved. Klaus Randsborg has made valuable contributions to the typology and chronology of early brooches: he demonstrates that the hourglass shape continuous into BA III (1968). and Randsborg (1968. 1944). “flat” (equals “broad” in Broholm’s terminology). bur. The first change is from a round-headed brooch of early BA II to a hourglass shaped flat-headed brooch of late BA II. Only one. Broholm 1943: 166). In his studies of the changes from BA II to III (1968). 7. in terms of chronology. the final treatment and publication of the dendro-chronological dates of the Danish oak-coffins seem to confirm and specify the shift from round to flat-headed brooches to 1340-30 BC (Randsborg 2006: 11). this second shift was synchronized with the shift from BA II to BA III (Kersten 1935: 36. 3.1. Traditionally. bur. and the existence of other flat-headed shapes. and from BA III to IV (1972). 5. Four brooches. and it is difficult to decide whether . 36). bur. Two brooches have flat back-sides and an outline closer to the cross shape. both lack the outer ridge on their pin-heads. 5). from SVANØY (nr. 55). the brooch from HOLEN I (nr.1. bur. 6. bur. 4. from ANDA III (nr. 1. 8. Two brooches. “Round” refers to a round cross-section of the head. As will be clear. the so called spectacle-brooches still rests on the basic study of Andreas Oldeberg (1933). 3. bur. a large specimen with less distinct cross shape from T-H I (nr. 85). 9.

25).10.e. Broholm argued that this pin was unique and that it resembled artefacts from the Mycenaean shaft-graves (1944: 220). A thin rod coiled into opposing spirals runs through the bow.11). In this case four thin rods run through the pin and curl into four pairs of opposing spirals. the Tjørnemark pin . bur. while the Anda brooch is clearly a smaller.38) is part of a small group of disc-headed brooches (ibid: 40). fig. more waisted shape. 82). The brooch from RYKKJA II (nr.12. and it represents the first major challenge of this study. 92) has several features which make it unique. note 253. The Vigrestad brooch can be interpreted as an innovation that combined existing elements into something unique. None of them have preserved pin-heads. The pin carries the remains of a similar coiled rod.76) was by Oldeberg designated as atypical. willow-leaf (Weidenblatt) shaped bow decorated with a wolf-tooth pattern. It also has a characteristic basket-ornated bow. 70) and REHEIA III (nr. 42). bur.54. accordingly they allow a wide time frame from BA II-IV. Randsborg referred to them both as having a narrow hourglass shape with a straight middle section (1968: 93p. Apart from the spirals. Denmark (Pl. Broholm 1944: 220. Variant “Bleckmar” of the Bohemian disc-headed pin (Bömisch scheibennadel) has a coiled rod incorporated at the intersection of the pin and the disc (Laux 1976: nr.42 they are incomplete or whether they were made this way. bur. Considering the complexity of the brooch and the rich burial assemblage it is part of. The incorporation of thin. 13.. the Tjørnemark pin relates to a small group of EBA pins in the Nordic Zone. 17. app. The brooch from ANDA IV (nr. coiled rods as seen on the Vigrestad brooch. Holbæk C. Fragments of brooches with little typological information are moreover known from TJØTTA (nr.11 bur. Kalmar C. map. generally seen as imports from Southern Germany (ibid: 123). The brooch from the GUNNARSHAUG I (nr. 2051). 12. Randsborg included this brooch in his small group of late crutch-headed brooches (1972: 37. Sweden (Old. with a simple smooth and round-headed pin. and a thin and flat. 21) is fragmented and the only diagnostic feature is that the head most likely has a flat backside. 345-46). Such a pin is actually known from Öland. bur. The Vigrestad brooch is an extremely large brooch. It seems to me that the Storesund brooch has a larger. 24 cm long. AK II: 988). i. 260). KLEPPE II (nr. closer to the hourglass. A look in this direction brings to light a second clue. The brooch from VIGRESTAD (nr. decorated. burial nr. it is an important challenge to deal with. 16. more delicate BA III form. bur. bur. a feature un-paralleled on other Scandinavian brooches. 78. and probably a result of local production (1933: 57). The spiral-rods running through the bow and the pin are reminiscent of those seen on a pin from Tjørnemark.. 15. RISTESUND (nr. 14.

. oval discs. 18) belongs to a typological collective of 32 specimens. and round pin-heads were used at least into BA III. There are three specimens within our area: two from LOM (nr. It is thus possible to see the Vigrestad brooch as a combination of a basic Nordic brooch design. the “hair-knot” brooches of Lower Saxony (Laux 1973). and an important case that I will return to.2. distinguished through their characteristic “anatomic” shape of the discs (Oldeberg 1933: 186p. 109-112. the shift from round to flat heads did not occur on the hair-knot brooches of Northern Germany. 134p). 18-19. The other brooch from LOM (nr. These potential links to Germany are also strengthened by the extremely large.54. open-ended rings (Oldeberg’s “bandformiga figurer inskrivna i varandra”). incorporating the coil in the mould for the pin (cf. hoard 14). from Ripdorf. and the excessive size and design of bow borrowed from the Lüneburg brooches. Laux 1973: nr. These links are all at odds with an early BA II date suggested by the round head.e. and one of these. Interestingly. The three of them carry the same decorative schema of relief-bands. Kersten 1935: 36. chapt. i. i. 7. I propose that the Vigrestad brooch represents a unique case of creative merging of regional styles from late BA II or early BA III. i. Laux 1973: nr.19) as well as the one from SKJERDALEN (nr. is a very rare feature in the Bronze Age and it probably reflects a cast-on procedure. Late brooches The so-called spectacle-brooch is an important feature of the LBA. 3. both also belong to a collective of 7 specimens. cast-on spirals borrowed from the Blechmar pins. has a comparable wolf-tooth decoration (Pl. One of the specimens from LOM (nr. arranged as concentric. hoard 11) and one from SKJERDALEN (nr. belong to a later version with larger.5). Their vase shaped heads are also very similar to the head of the Vigrestad pin (Pl. 18) is likely to have been made in BA V. an early version with relatively small discs. In fact. All three specimens are thus to be placed in BA VI.e. even though one of Lom brooches (nr. but with a broader bow than the earliest specimens (Oldeberg 1933: 113.e.43 and the variant Bleckmar pins. 20).). flat bow of the Vigrestad brooch. The Vigrestad bow resembles closely the variants with “Weidenblatt” shaped bows found in the Lüneburg area (these were apparently not used as hair-knot brooches).54. 112). 20. 125). This is comparable to Kersten’s “Sonderform 1” of North-Hannover (1935: 36).1.

re-evaluated the individual artefacts as well as their contexts. A third pin from GJØRV (nr. A fourth spiral pin from T-H V (nr. 4) has a shaft that splits into two separate opposing spirals. Gaustad on the other hand.44 3. or they have double-spirals coiled in the opposite direction to those on the Gjørv pin (Hansson 1927: Pl. bur. 21.2. bur. or they have shafts bent into various angular shapes.2. Bjørn chose the last alternative. Moberg 1941: 76.54. The most common Nordic spiral-pins. and the basic studies of LBA pins are those of Evert Baudou (1960). and placed both RYKKJA I and GJØRV in the EBA (1965: 64. In 1960 these numbered 16 specimens. the large BA VI hoard from . 24. and considered the entire assemblages as late (1935a: 32pp. 67pp). 94. better preserved and carries decorative nicks on the spirals. 222-227. Gaustad brought in the Vigrestad brooch (nr. 13 from Denmark and 3 from Sweden. Baudou 1960: Taf. 17. 1976: nr. and are both made from a rod with square cross-section in the spiral section. 34. Although the spiral comes in a vast variety of shapes throughout the Bronze Age. and doubted the contexts (1941: 76). 23. Only one of them came from a datable context. there are two quite similar spiral-headed pins. Klavs Randsborg (1972) and Jørgen Jensen (1997). Spiral-headed pins First.. dated to BA V and VI. bur. 78. There are 14 pins from the area.1. as Bjørn did (1935a: 32pp). bur. or one has to argue that the rest of these assemblages is late as well. 96-98). from RYKKJA I (nr.). In order to do this one has to either argue that the assemblages of RYKKJA I and GJØRV were not closed findings. 1996: 287). 9) is more readily ascribed to a Nordic typological collective. XVII. much smaller pins from Northern Germany (Pl. 22). and with round cross-section in the shaft section. In his argument for an EBA date of GJØRV. Laux 1971: 53. The pin from Indre Hoem is larger. Moberg seems to have chosen the former alternative. Gaustad 1965: 67pp). Jensen 1997: Pl. Pins Pins were not popular in the Nordic Zone before the LBA (Broholm 1943: 123). 92) and below I will attempt to develop this argument further. relied on the contextual relationship. They are of similar size. that of swan-necked pins with small spiral-head (Schwanenhalsnadeln mit kleinem Spiralkopf). 20) and Indre Hoem (nr. The nearest pins in space and time of the basic Rykkja-Fræna design are a few. are either smaller. 3. it has been difficult to find any convincing parallels to these three pins (Bjørn 1935a: 32pp. The most immediate solution to this problem would be to. see them as variations on a theme very popular at the very end of the Bronze Age.

The pin from SOLA V (nr.45 Røgerup (Moberg 1941: 80. 3. These are all large and decorated with concentric ridges. In three cases the pins are missing and only the discs are preserved: from SKJERDALEN (nr. and only a single finding in Germany indicates a BA V date (ibid). STAVÅ (nr.2. spanning from the simplest to the very complex forms. 31) is a disc-headed pin with bent shaft and a disc decorated with concentric circles. nr. Gaustad 1965: 71). Eight closed findings date this sub-group to BA IV. the vast majority from Denmark (ibid: 78). The pin from VESPESTAD (nr. Sola pin not included). Hence.). also Moberg 1941: 78. This pin was included in Baudou’s study within an early sub-group of the bent pins with decorated discs. Jensen 1997: 54). Finally. chapt. and it has figurated as such in the literature ever since (Jensen 1997: 316). three out of four spiral-headed pins from the area do not belong to the common categories of Nordic spiral-headed pins. 28. 54) is a disc-headed pin with straight shaft. Disc-headed pins There are five disc-headed pins from the area. 6.12). 27. Six findings date the mainland sub-group to late BA V and early BA VI (ibid: type XXVc. numbering 47 specimens (1960: type XXVb. 280. T-H V pin not included. hoard 7) and from ØSTRE HAUGE (nr. festlandsform. hoard 14). 47). 29. 3. there are three pins with multiple discs. These three pins constitute the second major challenge. 30). frühform. All three also belong to Baudou’s Härnävi type. bur. with the disc facing upwards (Baudou 1960: type XXV B1. A few are actually combined with BA III artefacts (Randsborg 1972: 65). i. cf. bur. has three discs arranged in a triangle. Gaustad made a convincing argument that it was in fact a fragmented pin (1965: 65pp. type XXV F4. Baudou included this pin in a . an important one since any decision on this matter will have significant impact on the overall interpretation of the Trondheimsfjord in the Bronze Age (cf. Baudou 1960: 85. Bjørn designated the Stavå specimen as a tutulus. 23 findings date them to BA IV and the transition BA IV/V. The pin-head with missing pin from Ullandhaug (nr. and to the transition BA IV/V at the latest (ibid: 79). nr.2. 104). and to the “mainland” sub-group numbering 21 specimens from 19 findings (including the Østre Hauge and Stavå specimens that were missing in Baudou’s study).e. 79. 25. 26. In 1960 these numbered more than 240 specimens. bur.

Tweezers There are 10 tweezers from the area. Baudou 1960: 39). Rather than the thick lips of form 1. 2). Oppland C. The Vikedal pins are members of an exclusive category. Other pins The final complete pins are bar-headed pins (Stangkopfnadeln). more common in BA III and IV than in BA II and V. If decorated at all. Kersten dated this type to BA III (ibid: 59. Uppsala C. ibid: 81p. These fragments give few if any clues for typological treatment. circular arch with thick edges at the mouth. The final pin is represented by two fragments of the shaft of a pin from SKJEGGESNES (nr. Johansen 1981: 72). 3. This is considered one of the “baroque” types developed in BA VI (Jensen 1997: 52). dated to BA VI through the hoard from Altuna. with a third known specimen from the Vestby hoard.2). they most often have simple lines along the sides. 3. and when seen from the front has a narrow bow sloping down into a wide mouth (Kersten 1935: form 1. there are now thin lips bent sharply inwards. Tweezers decorated . 35. 74. but comparable leafattachments are seen on complex multi-disc pins from BA VI (ibid: Pl.3. nr. They are.3. The earliest type is a pair of tweezers that. The pin from VÅLEBRU (nr. hoard 21) have four discs arranged in a rectangle. The one from GUNNESØY (nr. The two identical pins from VIKEDAL (nr. Form 1 belongs to BA II.9). Both VIKEDAL and Vestby are dated to BA VI (ibid: Hort 200. when seen from the side. Tweezers were introduced to the Nordic Zone in BA II and remained an important part of male burial assemblages throughout the rest of the Bronze Age. bends into a wide. 33. according to the shape of the sides: straight. bur. and large discs at each end of the bar. hoard 6) has a profiled transversal bar with thin bronze-leafs attached through eight loops. but according to Johansen it was of Baudou’s BA V variants (cf.46 collective numbering nine specimens. 34. waisted and parallel sides ending in a strongly splayed mouth (ibid). No exact parallels are found. hoard 12). and sometimes a band of “pearls” or triangles is added.. with a fifth disc in the middle. though. is now lost.2. It is worth noting that Baudou considered undecorated tweezers not to be among the datable types (1960: 40). Kersten made a subdivision of this early form. (Boudou 1960: 268. taf. The next generation tweezers are narrower and simpler both in shape and decoration. XVI). 58). 31-32.

almost parallel sides. Randsborg included these tweezers in his group of Kleine Pinzetten mit dicken. in an argument that these smaller variants were actually part of a sub-II phase. bur. These ribs might have had a function during production. with parallel sides on the upper section. and it gives few chronological hints other than LBA. bur. which is dated through seven burials to BA IV.47 with simple lines along the sides also continues into BA IV (Baudou 1960: 39). note 320).3. 38. multiple lines (Linienband) characteristic of BA V (ibid). that they were BA II forms still in use into BA III (1968: 120. transversal lines between them (Strichband) running along the . undecorated with slightly waisted sides. Two tweezers from TH XI (nr. 3.).1) are small. 39. widening from the mid-section into the mouth. 2) strichband decoration. typical of BA IV and the IV/V transition. 38) are narrow. They carry simple double lines along their circumference and a wolf-tooth pattern along the sides. 37. But. and with thin lips bent inwards. 56) is a pair of relatively narrow tweezers with double lines with short. or they might have been an innovation towards a “spring” effect in the tweezers. i. his type has a direct precursor in a few similar but narrower specimens from BA III (Baudou 1960: 40). 10) generally fit into Kersten’s early form 1: the bow makes a circular arch. bur. They belong to Baudou’s type B. It can be included in Baudou’s wide category of undecorated tweezers. Randsborg considered them a “large Period IV pair of tweezers” (Randsborg 1972: 51). 41. These give few clues other than a general BA III-IV date. 40. bur.2. 36. The tweezers from T-H VI (nr. A fourth fragmented pair of tweezers comes from VESPESTAD (nr. There are vertical lines or ribs on the inside of the bow-section.3. In BA VI these basic shapes are replaced by the characteristic Hallstatt shapes (ibid: 39p. bur.e. and 3) decoration with wavy. The greatest variation in tweezers forms is seen during BA IV and the transition BA IV/V (ibid: 40). Characteristic traits for BA IV and V tweezers are 1) decorative “bowls” like those resulting from a repoussé technique. Decorated tweezers The tweezers from GUNNARSHAUG I (nr. the sides are slightly waisted and the lips are thick. bur. 15) and from BØ (nr. 31): rather broad at the bow and with straight. leicht nach aussen geschwungenen Lippen.1. 3. The tweezers from REGE II (nr.1 Undecorated tweezers There are four tweezers without recognizable decoration. present in both BA IV and V.

The tweezers from BORE II have only preserved remnants of a group of lines on the upper section. bur. but not connecting in the lower section. The tweezers from STORESUND II (nr. bur. some to the transition BA IV/V. BØ (nr. and is dated through 50 findings. 59) has a group of simple lines. large with flat top-plates. Both were included by Baudou as type D (Scmale. The tweezers from Finnøy (nr. This type is very common in Denmark. striations and decorative pits in-between the rays of the star. bur. Studs and buttons There are 18 studs and buttons. 42). three raised bowls and a chain of dots and C’s along the lines. have a richer decoration and it is not clear whether the lines actually coil around the bowls in waves. This would clearly place them within Baudou’s type E1 (Mit reciher Linienbandverzierung). 37) carry a strichband running in waves around three raised bowls. 16). 45. i. and of the second variant (Ohne Querlinien auf den Lippen). 42. and in waves around the “sun-rays”. 3. This decorative scheme seems more in line with BA III . bur. For these reasons they might actually belong to the next group (and to BA V). bur. nr.1. 3. but it is clearly of his type B (Scmale Pinzetten mit geradliniger Verzierung). 43. mit umlaufendem Strichband verzierte Pinzetten). It was not included by Baudou. 46.). and a group of five lines and a row of S-patterns running along the sides. GUNNARSHAUG I (nr.48 sides. bur. but the date is likely to be BA V because of the large size and the strongly splayed edges. and a few atypical specimens to BA V (ibid: 225. A pair of tweezers from SELE II (nr. 44) and BORE II (nr. and 23 assemblages date them to BA IV (1960: 40p. 47. Double-studs None of the ten double studs are of the early types. The large stud from LØ has a complex motive of star-ornament. This feature alone would place them in BA V (none of them were included by Boudou). bur. The Finnøy tweezers have “sun-ray” patterns in stead of bowls. and one assemblage indicating a BA VI date (ibid: 42). but rather of Kersten’s form 6 and 7 (1935: 22p).e. 10 double-studs. 2 assemblages indicating a transitional BA IV/V date.4. The SELE II tweezers are broader. the majority to BA IV.38). 64) are both broad with characteristic splayed edges.4. 233-234).1) and REHEIA III (nr. 4 bar-studs and 4 simple round buttons with loops. Four studs carry star-ornaments: LØ (nr. 49. This group numbered 121 specimens and is dated through 19 assemblages to BA V. 48. Boudou listed 90 specimens in this group.

Although corroded. two more studs from REHEIA III (nr. This means that the stud from Vespestad does not yield more than a vague date to BA IV-V. He did not discern these as a separate type. nr. concentric circles. one of the studs from REHEIA III (nr. and particularly the one from Ulbjerg. bur.). bur. The stud from REHEIA IV (nr. 50.). 51. 99) is decorated with simple concentric circles. Baudou did not make the undecorated studs a type of its own because of the uncertainty as to whether they really were undecorated or merely worn smooth. 31) has a domed convex and undecorated disc. 61. The stud from VEST-HASSEL (nr. In fact it is quite similar to the stud from from Sperrestrup. 671). and dated to BA IV along with 2-3 other known specimens (ibid: ”Kubbhaug” type. The relatively large disc at the undecorated boss points to an early date. 31a. 51p. and one from HANANGER II (nr. and argues that the border between these and the Periode III-Dobbeltknöpfen mit niedrigen Mitteldorn ohne Platte. 43) has a convex and stepped top-plate. XXXIV). 55. 288. 56-57. 96). . The stud from GUNNARSHAUG I was central to Randsborg study of the BA III/IV transition. 40 in Sweden. Finally there are three fragmented specimens.. as a diagnostic BA III form (1935: 24).53-54. Fredriksborg C. and the extreme boss on the BØ stud is clearly more in line with BA IV specimens than with Kersten’s BA III examples. bur. 52. bur. 48). as well as two lost specimens from JÅSUND (nr. 42) seems to have a simple star-ornament around an insignificant central boss and to be of Kersten’s main form 6. mit Ritzverzierung and Strichverzierung) 1960: 88. Baudou mentions wenigen Dobbeltknöpfen mit hohem Mitteldorn ohne Platte der periode IV. nr. bur.49 studs (Kersten 1935: Taf. BA III rather than BA IV (ibid: 87). The BØ stud carries a star-pattern. bur. Kersten saw his Form 7b. with conical top-plate and central boss. Viborg C. 42. The stud from VESPESTAD (nr. than with Randsborg’s BA IV types (1972: 47pp. On the other hand. 49. None of them carry typological information. but can in light of Randsborgs study (1972) hardly be given anything but a BA III-IV date. is unclear. This makes it largely an issue of the length of the central boss. bur. 42). grav nr. 30 assemblages date this type to BA IV (ibid: 88). a central boss of medium length with a disc at its termination. both clearly BA IV burials (Broholm 1946: 15. grab 499). and 10 in Schleswig-Holstein (ibid: 87). This stud was included by Baudou in his type A2a (scwach gewölbter Scheibe.. and an extremely long central boss. He listed a total of 210 specimens. 160 in Denmark.

64). undecorated bars with parallel loops and have additional parallel-loops at each end. but only about 10 of these are short. The transitional position of the NJØLSTAD specimen.50 3. The specimen from NJØLSTAD (nr. 9) are quite similar. nr. The stud from GUNNESØY is hollow and open at the back (it is not clear whether this feature is shared by the specimen from T-H V). and ought to be seen as rare BA VI variants not included in Baudou’s study. bur. 297. This sub-group seems to belong to assemblages both from BA IV and V. bur. 60. Comparable undecorated buttons are found both in BA IV and BA VI. undecorated with parallel-loops. most often with a crossed loop (1960: 89p. 58. the later type from BA V has a longer bar with grooves. bur. There are c. 64-66. and its relationship to earlier variants. the . The bar-studs from GUNNESØYAN (nr. and at odds with Baudou’s schema. According to Baudou. and a loop placed parallel to the bar (Parallelöse) versus one placed in an angular or crossed position (Crossöse). but it is in the shorter spectrum of length. 61. The stud from LUNDE I (nr. bent bar most often with a parallel loop. the early type. The button from NJØLSTAD is crucial since it is one out of two diagnostic bronze artefacts found in relation to face-urns in the area. This is the only specimen from our area included by Baudou (1960: 90. The stud from GUNNESØYAN was the only bar-stud included by Rygh. 88) seems to fit best into Baudou’s category of Stangenknöpfe mit gerader Stange. A final bar-stud is known from BORE II (nr. hoard 5).59. 3. Bar-studs There are 4 bar-studs from the area. Both are part of assemblages indicating a BA VI date. 190). from T-H V (nr.3.63.4. 62. and it is seen as a transitional form between the buttons with bent bar and parallel-loop from BA IV and those with straight bar and cross-loop from BA V (ibid: 90). bur. It was described as being ”like R 123” (R 123 being the stud from GUNNESØYAN) with referance to Rygh (1885).4. The specimens from STORSANDAN are decorated with a central pit. is supported by its slightly bent bar. has a short. hoard 6) and T-H V (nr. 150 specimens from Denmark. They have straight. bur. and within a smaller sub-group with short bars and parallel-loops. Bar-studs (Stangenknöpfe) are mainly categorized from two diagnostic traits: a bent versus a straight bar.2. Buttons There are four domed circular buttons with loop at the back. 100) is a typical BA V type with long bar with grooves and cross-loop. 9) and STORSANDAN (nr.). and it is therefore not clear whether this was meant as a reference to bar-studs in general or to this specific variant. BA IV. now lost.

within Kersten’s forms C2-C4 (Kersten 1935: 50pp. Four specimens belong to var. Slovakia (with four ribs. bur. bur.74) is broad with 13 ridges. hoard 16) is of child-like size. The second bracelet from ANDA II and the . There is partial decoration of dotted lines. 68. Gaustad saw the buttons from STORSANDAN as related to the BA IV type because of their smaller loops (1965: 73p. 57) is broad. Johansen has made the most recent evaluation of the STORSANDAN hoard.). bur. Both variant II and III often carry a chess-board decoration of short transversal lines on the narrow ribs in-between the top and bottom ridges. The bracelet from STEINE (nr.9.51 late ones characterised by broader and larger loops (Baudou 1960: 90). What is important here is that Kersten. Bracelets and rings for arm and finger There are 51 bracelets and rings for arm or finger including 16 gold specimens. Broholm 1944.) and Randsborg’s variants I-III (Randsborg 1968: 63). Randsborg 1968). Variant I has undecorated ribs of equal width and height. The other 11 ribbed bracelets are of the more common Nordic types.1. Broholm and Randsborg all saw these bracelets to be a diagnostic feature of BA III (Kersten 1935. undecorated. F. The stratigraphic position of the bracelet at the fortified settlement at Nitriansky Hradok. One of the bracelets from ANDA II (nr. bur. 67. nr. 1359) and from Nitriansky Hradok. Müller-Karpe 1980: Taf.294). Old. and was included as a var. 3. I by Randsborg (1968: note 204).. but he mainly cites Bjørns arguments (Johansen 1988. III: the second bracelet from ANDA II (nr. with 13 ridges of equal height. from SÆRHEIM (nr. Comparable bracelets are known from “Skåne”. and variant III has top and bottom ribs protruding into sharp ridges. Johansen places the hoard in BA IV. The bracelet from TJELTA (nr. II. suggests a BA I date (middle Madarovce layer.5. 47). 71-72. 77) and from KJØRREFJORD (nr. numbering a total of twelve specimens. variant II has more pronounced top and bottom ribs and narrow ribs in-between. 101). 73. also Vandkilde 1996: 143). cf. 69. cf. is crucial since they are part of some of the richest assemblages of the EBA in NW Scandinavia. 70. with five broad and rounded ribs and is distinguished from other Nordic bracelets with ribs through its pointed ends. Sweden (with seven ribs. Bjørn 1935: 30pp. and falls within Randsborg’s var. including the somewhat protruding top and bottom ribs. The one from T-H V conforms well with the BA VI type. Ribbed bracelets The category of ribbed bracelets. but not in a chess-board pattern. bur. 3.5. 74). While Bjørn used these arguments in favour of a late date at the very end of the BA.

79-80. 74-75. Randsborg considered the narrow specimens from REGE I as a narrow derivative of var. I-III. a small fragment from RYKKJA I (nr. with 9 ribs in between the sharp protruding top and bottom ribs. bur. and they have 6 (Ævestad). These occupy a significant position in our area: a pair from REGE I (nr. bur. with a cluster on a narrow sub-group of Randsborg's var. 3. 71) and a single fragmented specimen from ÆVESTAD (nr. massive bronze rings with circular or lenticular cross-sections. Especially in cases where the terminations are missing they can hardly be dated in themselves (Kersten 1935: form D2. While the specimens from KVAMME have flat-oval cross-section.2. Other arm and finger rings From S-BRAUT (nr. a pair from N-BRAUT (nr.3. I.8 cm broad. the other two have flat insides and D-shaped cross-sections. Accordingly. 7 (Rege. 82). The most numerous group seems to be the variant with flattened ends. Spiral arm rings There are 4 spiral arm rings made from coiled bronze wires (Drahtförmige Armspiralen): a pair of well-preserved specimens from KVAMME (nr. bur. 72) comes a pair of simple. 3. 78. These fit into Kersten’s forms A2-3. 93). the ribbed bracelets from the area span the continuum of var. undecorated. Our five specimens are all between 2. and a large fragment from Overgård (nr. 83-84.52 pair from SÆRHEIM are almost identical.5. Baudou 1960: 59). 55).2 and 1. 20). both . Comparable narrow bracelets are relatively rare elsewhere and a further evaluation of this phenomenon will be crucial to the status of some of the richest burials in NW Scandinavia (cf. but Randsborg mentioned such bracelets specifically in his notation (1968: note 206).). Neither Kersten nor Randsborg made a separate variant for bracelets narrower than the above specimens. The Ævestad and one of the Rege specimens had alternating ribs decorated with transverse lines. hoard 20). I bracelets (1968: note 206). 81. 3. The pair from SÆRHEIM has every second rib decorated with transverse lines but not in a chess-board pattern. and these are dated through many southern hoards to BA IV (Baudou 1960: 59p. 76-77. bur.12). bur. The late candidate would be variants with flattened ends or with back-turned spirals.5. N-Braut) and 9 (N-Braut) ribs of equal height. chapt. 52. Coiled arm rings exist in quite similar form from BA II to the early Iron Age. Neither the fragments nor in fact the complete specimens from KVAMME yield significant chronological information.

hoard 13) has a flat back-side. 47) was included in Baudou’s list of massive oath-rings with Halbstollen am Enden. dated through 12 Dänish and German burials to BA IV. 87. with a concavity along the centre. 317pp. 41) carries a rich metope-decoration. as well as the assemblage it is part of. 47). 86. Sorø County (Jensen 1997: Pl. 89. transverse lines. They carry few diagnostic traits but are safely dated through the rest of the assemblages to BA VI. hoard 5) is also fragmented. The ring can be designated as an oath-ring from BA VI.). 90-94. Bornholm C. 88. hoard 7). 98) is fragmented. From STAVÅ (nr. One end seems partly preserved. 95. bracelets in Polish hoards. come from STAVÅ (nr.53 forms being present in both BA II and III (1935: 46p. undecorated arm rings with square cross-sections. and it seems clear that the ends originally contracted towards their ends.). Bjørn 1935a: 31. The final bronze arm ring is a miniature of the Wendel type neck rings from STAVÅ (nr. from MADLA II (nr. a ridged frontside marked by longitudinal lines and short. comparable to e. (Jensen 1997: 76.). bur. The fragmented ring from VELLE (nr. with hooks for closure. 98. 97. and there seems to have been a contraction before the termination. decorated with transverse lines at the ends. undecorated and carries few typological traits other than its cross-section which is rounded with a flat inside. Johansen 1988). bur.8). These are known from 5 Danish findings. The ring from VERE (nr. flat bands of bronze. It has a slightly concave inside. It has been notoriously difficult to date this ring. . Kat. Two rings have D or triangular crosssections. Kat. The other. They are supposed to originate south of the Baltic Sea. cf. and the Storsandan ring has a good parallel in the hoard from Antvorskov. The front has a central rounded ridge flanked by narrow ribs. 96. Jensen’s study of the Bronze to Iron Age transition has demonstrated the large variation in arm rings in BA VI. 3:5). type XIX D1a). the rings from Hjortebjerg. The fragmented ring from AVLUND (nr. but with a more complex cross-section and decoration. bur. a ring from REHEIA II (nr. Two complete and three fragmented bracelets made from thin. bur. 3. conventionally dated to BA III (ibid: form A4b. 85. hoard 7). and Jensen dates them through the STAVÅ hoard to BA VI (ibid: 76. and attempts range from BA IV to VI (cf. The first. hoard 14) come thin. It can be designated as a Vulstring dated to BA VI or early PRIA (Jensen 1997: 71pp. but STAVÅ is the only Scandinavian assemblage in which they are combined with other types (Jensen 1997: 76). Gaustad 1965: 59. 56. and through 3 hoards to BA V (1960: 65p. The ring from STORSANDAN (nr. 103) is hollow with an open backside. hoard 7) and SKJERDALEN (nr.g.

Pl. 104) are made from gold sheet and terminate in circular bowls ( schmale bandförmige Eidringe mit runden Schalenenden). The rings from JULNES and Besseberg are distinguished by their unusual low levels of copper. 99. bur. supported also by their morphological similarities. are in fact comparable to our rings (Montelius 1916. and are members of a characteristic BA III typological collective. This was later replaced with a fake guilded bronze ring. in Denmark. 102) are made from goldsheet with ends terminating in coiled-up double spirals. hoard 9) and Berge (nr. The Besseberg ring was found along with a second ring of a type comparable to the one from JULNES. They are dated through 3 assemblages to BA V (Baudou 1960: 67. Two arm rings from Hemnskjel (nr. Østfold C. 101) and Strand (nr. through their metallurgical composition. It was included by Baudou (massive Eidringe mit runden Schalenenden). Two of them. 258). 32. in Sweden. The one from Strand was included by Baudou (1960: 255). clustering in Northwest Jutland (Broholm 1944: 168). but they can be related to each other as well as to a ring from Besseberg. These were not included by Baudou. two from Sorø and Maribo C. (cf. from HODNE I (nr. Baudou 1960). 13 specimens are known from 13 findings in Denmark. and Västra Götaland C. and the type is dated through two assemblages to BA IV and through one assemblage to BA V. The ring from Berge had equally low levels of copper. Kalmar. 107) are massive with terminations decorated with short transversal lines. but in addition showed unusual low levels of tin as well as presence of platinum (Marstrander 1977: 51). It is known in 27 specimens from Denmark and 7 from Sweden (bronze specimens excluded) (ibid: 66. in Southern Sweden. 103) and Hodne (nr. The simple fragmented ring with round cross-section . These three rings are at odds with the common practice of intentional gold-copper alloys. Baudou placed them in BA V mainly because of their similarities with other gold-sheet arm rings. 105) is of comparable form but made from massive gold. 100. Blekinge. and seven from Skåne.5-6). Baudou’s category includes rings both massive and made from sheet. The rings from JULNES (nr. and I am inclined to see them as part of the same network. Johansen 1981: 81p. 257). Two arm rings from Sandnesenget (nr.54 There are 10 arm rings made of gold. 65) and REHEIA V (nr. Idd. These rings are not securely dated. An arm ring from Langli (nr. bur. and 5 specimens from 3 findings in Skåne C. are twisted from square bars with smooth ends.). These rings are most likely dated to BA VI (Broholm 1949: 118. Only 9 specimens. and from both bronze and gold. 44). 106.

Of similar form are two gold finger rings from SELE I (nr. and a rather unique finger ring from VÅLEBRU (nr. the S-BRAUT-collar has a richer decoration with transverse lines across the ribs. 108) was not included by Baudou nor by Marstrander. facing opposite directions. 108 Stange.30. 120. bur. hoard 9). unique pieces in Denmark in BA III (Broholm 1944: Pl. Neck collars and neck rings 3. and thus tempting to relate to the coiled BA III rings below. that collars of type A2 was not a diagnostic BA II type. 118. contra Müller. 92) is of the same basic design and heavily corroded. The collar from VIGRESTAD (nr. It is merely 2mm in cross section. bur. 116. 119.6. Gaustad argued that there in fact was decoration. 117. partially decorated” and part of an assemblage dating to the very end of the BA (1935a: 32). The ring from Vikse (nr. While the REGE I collar has vertical line-bundles and wolftooth patterns on the side panels in addition to the spirals. bur. Finally. grav 1505). Rings with single spirals made from bronze are known from BA II-IV (Kersten 1935: 55. Neck collars There are 7 neck-collars from the area.55 from Stange (nr. Bjørn treated it as a “band-shaped neck ring. The twisted gold rings were likely Nordic productions. 72) are of Kersten’s A2 variant. 110) and Nord-Braut (nr. 112-13. 121. above). Baudou 1960: 64).6. hoard 12). 55) and SBRAUT (nr.9. 20) has been the object of dispute. decorated with wolf-tooth patterns. 111) (a possible third nr. opposing spirals from Gunslev demonstrate the production of comparable. but somewhat narrower and with transversal lines across the ribs. bur. This . Kersten argued. and smooth sections above and below the ribs. 114) and RYKKJA I (nr. bur. cf. It carries few diagnostic traits and has not been analysed for composition. including running spirals on the mid-section of the collar (1965: 52). The fragmented neck collar from RYKKJA I (nr. He counted 15 BA II and 4 BA III assemblages (1935: 40). 3. there is the lost gold arm ring from JULNES (nr.1. The collars from REGE I (nr. and the twisted gold ring with single. but that they also occurred in a few BA III assemblages. 115. 58) and two bronze finger rings from Håkonsdal (nr. 20). bur. No parallel rings are known from Northern Europe. with ribs and smooth panels at the ends decorated with spirals. Two spiral arm rings made from coiled gold wire come from “Lista” (nr. 109) is massive with rounded-oval cross-section and it terminates in single spirals. The latter had a flat inside and a twisted ornamental band on the front.

55. hoard 14). Neck rings The wendel ring is a distinctive form with a flanged bar twisted variously in opposite directions. 125-27.141). Both types are dated to BA VI. Torstorp and Grönhult. from Støle (nr. These are all characteristic and a very homogenous group dated to BA VI. and the RYKKJA I collar is most likely an un-ribbed collar with spiral decoration. either of Kersten’s variants B1 (BA II) or B2 (BA II-III) (1935: 40p. fig. There are at least 17 rings with sharp flanges. Since these collars now number seven specimens in Scandinavia. hoard 2) are rather exceptional. note 46). Two neck rings from STAVÅ (nr. and belong to BA VI (Baudou 1960: 243). Montelius 1917: 54. hoard 8). hoard 23). from GYL (nr. nr 37. from Buene (nr. nr. hoard 3) and a third from TRONDENES (nr. This was for casting similar undecorated collars and potentially. 1228. 148). In addition. 144-45. Hildebrand 1891: 177pp. Montelius 1917: 54. large oval discs and spiral-terminations. these would be a closer analogy to those from TRONDENES and TENNEVIK than the Swedish specimens (Pl. SKJERDALEN (nr..).55. and Våge (nr. hoard 8) belong to a small collective of flat. Both Swedish hoards date these collars to BA V (cf. 149. Munch was probably right when he suggested they were made in Scandinavia rather than in Continental Europe (1966: 68).138-40. ERDAL (nr. 122-23. hoard 21). Two neck rings have uniform twists (i.6. 146) and a fragment from Salte (nr. hoard 13). nr. Åberg 1915: 44. 55p. Significant in this respect is a fragmented mould for such a collar from Vilsted in Northern Jutland (Jantzen 2008: 63. 151) and GUNNESØYAN (nr. The two collars from TENNEVIK (nr. was overlooked (Pl.e. 1228). Lange reported one more ring of this type. 3. hoard 15). 63. hoard 7) and GYL (nr. 147).). Rennstein (nr. hoard 7). from TENNEVIK. although rare examples of related specimens are found in BA V and the PRIA (Jensen 1997: 65pp. Oldeberg 1933: 264).2. fig. AVLUND (nr. 124.. TRONDENES. While these were listed as parallels also by Bjørn (1935a: 37) and Munch (1966: 68). are similar except that these are decorated (Pl. cf. Two collars in a hoard from Torstorp. 142-43. a second pair of nearly identical collars from a large hoard from Grönhult. twisted in a single direction). 150. There are 7 rings with broad flanges. undecorated neck rings.. VÅRE (nr. 128-30. These are known in 21 specimens from 17 findings. from STAVÅ (nr. . Sweden. 131-34. 1274. They can be divided into two main types: with sharp flanges and with broad (notsharp) flanges. hoard 6).56 narrows down the alternatives. 54. 134137. 152. Skåne C. 1274).55). VIKEDAL (nr. Montelius 1917: nr. Kalmar C.

and Gaustad later confirmed that it carried a decoration of concentric circles and running arches (Bogenreihe) (Kersten 1935. 3. The plates from RYKKJA I (nr. bur. 156. this is a crucial point in our case (cf. 92). and TJØTTA (nr. 154). from Brudal (nr. bur. bur. form A2. it is possible to recognize only a single . 160 from Vigrestad. bur.160. 153.). The rhomboid cross-section on the Brudal ring is paralleled in only a single Danish ring from Viborg C. Gaustad 1965). 77). but the large spirals leave little doubt of its typological status. there is a neck ring with oval discs. and 11 BA II and 2 BA III assemblages with B3 plates. 92) and REGE I (nr. bur. 16 BA II and 2 BA III assemblages with B2 plates. These are of Kersten’s form B1 (single spiral zone).. catalog 4:174). bur. but two hoards suggest a BA VI date (one of them include a wendel ring) (ibid: 61). These belong to Jensen's type C 3 dated to BA VI (1997: 62p. taf. Finally. I have not been able to locate parallels to this ring. 155. The original catalogue described the Gjørv plate as decorated. Maribo and Svendborg C. bur. VIII:3. 161. Six of them are decorated with running spirals arranged in concentric zones: with three zones from VIGRESTAD (nr.57 The Støle ring is complete. bur. hoard 6) comes a unique neck ring with uniform twist and a separate lock-piece. a so-called Jutish ring. and moreover on related specimens in Central Germany (ibid: 61p. 159. These are rarely found in combination with other types.12). and with a single spiral zone from VIGRESTAD (nr. As will be shown below. 20) and GJØRV (nr. Bjørn considered them as undecorated tutuli from the very end of the Bronze Age. the rest from Northern Jutland (ibid: 61). Kersten listed 11 BA II and 2 BA III assemblages with B1 plates.5 cm in diameter and it might in fact be considered as a tutulus along with nr. 55). 4) have been a source of controversy.7. while the specimen from GUNNESØYAN is broken and lacks both ovals. This type is known in 18 specimens from 15 findings. B2 (with two zones) and B3 (with three zones). Concerning decoration. The plate from RYKKJA I is only 7.. It thus belongs to Kersten's form A2 dated to BA II (based on a single assemblage) (1935: 11). 82). chapt. 157.). 158. Belt plates and tutuli There are 9 belt plates altogether. From GYL (nr. with two zones from SÆRHEIM (nr. 162. The smaller single zone plate from Vigrestad was most likely used as tutulus rather than as belt plate. three from the Danish Islands (Fredriksborg. 3. By this Kersten refused Müller’s arguments of these being diagnostic BA II types (1935: 13). ORRE (nr. 78).

177. conical central boss with a raised collar at its base. insignificant central boss (Gaustad 1965: 64). long boss and the complexity of repoussé ornaments in a comparable way (cf. 92) also have marked ribs or grooves and a funnel-shape. 164. 67). ribbed central boss.58 line around its circumference and a second line around the low. bur. 172-175. Plates decorated in this technique (repouseé-like) are rare in the Nordic Zone. 171) are raised into wide funnel-shapes and do not conform well to any of Kersten’s forms. two specimens have bosses that terminate in small discs. cf. 55) has a long. bur. 81). Finally. 1935: 16). 82). The funnel-shape points to forms A5-6 of BA III (ibid: 16p. bur. but I rely on Aakvik’s classification as being similar to the above (nr. bur. 165) but has a somewhat longer boss. from VASSHUS (nr.). 170. 165. 70) is decorated with raised circular bowls (herausgedrückten Buckeln). which he dated to BA II and possibly BA III (he knew only 2 datable assemblages. 174. and through 1 assemblage to BA III (1935: 15p. bur. 178. AK IV-V.). 67). from ERGA (nr. one of the tutuli from NESE (nr. late BA II and BA III. which he dated through 26 assemblages to BA II. bur. chapt. These come close to Kersten’s early form A2. TJØTTA (nr. Three specimens are rather flat. 14) and “Jæren” (nr. 172. 176. 72). There are furthermore five small tutuli with characteristic funnel-shapes: from S-BRAUT (nr. 167. The second tutulus from VIGRESTAD (nr. bur. Laux 1971). and more of a funnel-shape. The tutuli from T-H X (nr. bur. and BORE I (nr.163. The added disc at the end of the boss is a diagnostic feature of BA III (Kersten 1935: 16p. I have not been able to locate the tutulus from BORE I. The tutulus from N-BRAUT (nr. 166.12). . These seem related to Kerstens forms A3-4. the second tutulus from NESE (nr. 95). 79) and VERE (nr.). There are altogether 16 tutuli from the area. It is crucial to note that belt plates and tutuli are weak chronological indicators when it comes to distinguishing between early BA II. bur. 3. The belt plate from KLEPPE II (nr. 61). bur. and a heavily corroded specimen from HANANGER I (nr. 168. bur. arranged in five concentric zones around a long. The tutulus from REGE I (nr. XVII-XIX. Aakvik 2000: 56p. I propose that the Kleppe plate design is a mix of elements characteristic to Northern Zealand and the Lüneburg area (cf. bur. 63). bur.). bur. 139). and Lomborg considered them to be imported from Northern Germany (1969a: 131. None of the plates in Schleswig-Holstein or in the Lüneburg area seems to combine such a large diameter. 173. 98). with rather low central bosses: from POLLESTAD (nr. 71) is close to the one from NESE (nr. 175. bur. 169.

but it seems also to be quite similar to the one from GUNNARSHAUG I. Rønne 1987: Fig. 187. 56) has a blade with an up-turned end. bur. and on the razor from GUNNARSHAUG I in particular.182. bur. 192. 5 of them from assemblages dated to BA IV. 53) carries ornamentation. which goes for the specimens from VESPESTAD (nr. 12) and GUNNARSHAUG I (nr.). while those from T-H VIII and GUNNARSHAUG I are more stylized. 186. These are known from Ålborg.. a large. It is thus possible to discern late features on all specimens. 35) as well (cf. but the finder provided a drawing of a razor with narrow blade and a termination bending forward (Simonsen 1963: 257. 50-51). all five specimens point to BA III. Holbæk. bur. A Nordic style razor with missing termination was reported from Leirbekken (nr. 184. A straight broad blade. bur. The razor from GRINDHEIM (nr. The razor was lost. København and Odense C. bur. (Baudou 1960: 33. Single edged blades: razors. . 185). 10). bur. 190. a distinct type dated to BA IV through 18 assemblages (Baudou 1960: 31). 180. Gaustad 1965: nr 140). 2). T-H VIII (nr. 33) is a broad bladed razor terminating in a simple backward-coiled spiral. Six more razors are clearly of LBA types with broad blades. 88). bur. type B1c). From HYSSTAD (nr. bur. Viborg. 29) comes a razor with horse-head stylized into a “trumpet”. 38). bur. from SOLA I (nr. knives and sickles There are five razors with more or less naturalistic horse-head terminations. 50). The razor from SOLA V (nr. Accordingly. T-H VI (nr. the one from SOLA IV (nr. SKJEGGESNES (nr. None of these features give more than a general BA IV-V date. The largest and more naturalistic heads are found on SKJEGGESNES.59 3. TH VI and SOLA. This feature makes it part of a small collective of 12 specimens. ibid: 29pp. bur. Hence. bur. 87p. 188. 179. 90) is lost and the description in the catalogue indicates a razor with asymmetric blade typical of BA IV-V. The final razor from BØ II (nr. but they all lack the terminations. 54) has either a zurückgebogenem Vogelkopf or a double-curved spiral-head. naturalistic horse-head on a thick neck and rich decoration are considered early features (BA II) (Kersten 1935: form D2. 31) and STORASUND (nr. I suspect that the blade from Leirbekken was actually a horse-headed razor of either BA III or BA IV type. and the one from REGE II (nr. Randers. All exept GUNNARSHAUG I are decorated. Simonsen proposed that it was of the same type as the one from HYSSTAD (1963:257). bur. 183. 191.8. 181. Curved narrow blades and smaller. bur. less naturalistic heads are considered late features (BA III) (Kersten 1935: form D3. 189.

T-H I (nr. Only 5 such figurine-hilted knives are known. 212. 213). Parzinger 1997: 230. A knife from TJORA (nr. although the ones from STORESUND I in particular. According to Gjessing who received the report. Broholm 1944: 156. bur. see below). T-H V (nr. 69). The sickle blade from SVENES (nr.7). 196. Two small tanged knives. 193. 211. 5). 8) and ANDA IV (nr. 202. I also include a reported finding from Leirbukt (nr. bur. bur. 29). Turbino and Rostovka in Russia (Pl. 194. bur. SKÅREN (nr. bur. I believe this is valuable information to keep in mind. SOLA III (nr. A knife with perforated tang from Nyheim (nr. bur. 86) and ÅRSLAND (nr. It is incomplete and might actually be a dagger. There are two bronze-hilted knives. 17). Taf. 85. 6. RYEN (nr. bur. Pl. three of them from the SeimaTurbino burial grounds at Seima. hoard 17) corresponds to Broholms type B with round boss. These are most likely . 237. 216. it was a bronze knife with a ”somewhat curved blade. dated to BA II-III (Broholm 1944: 176). 76). bur. bur. 205. AK IV: 2440B. and in the haft-end was a complete. bur. typ Seima-Turbino). Pl. Broholm 1949: Pl. 101). 199. 208. These carry few if any diagnostic features. 107) and DROMNES (nr. abb. bur. 209. They are of Kerstens form A2 and dated to BA III (Kersten 1935: 84). bur. bur.60 There are 8 frame-hafted knives: from STORESUND I (nr. The eighth specimen from “Jæren” (nr. from SOLA II (nr. cf. Finally. 210. have late features that might point to BA IV. 215. bur. 204. KJØRREFJORD (nr. .6 and 17). 9) and Vevelstad (nr. hoard 1. KLEPPE I (nr.4. 86). correspond to BA III knives listed by Kersten and Broholm (Kersten 1935: form B 2. suggested by its symmetric haft-bow. 51) and SKADBERG (nr.60. 198. 3). bur. 94). there are what seem to be two fragments of smaller sickles with a simpler. 207). my translation). XXXVII. bur. bur. 23). 3). 206) corresponds to a type common in BA IV (Broholm 1949: 38. from HOLEN II (nr. SKÅREN (nr. bur.not just the head of the animal” (1942: 257. In light of the moulds from JARFJORD (M 6-7. small animal-figurine. Comparable knives are dated to BA III (cf. 201. XI: 5051). but also RYEN and KJØRREFJORD. 195. 105). With their small rhomboid pommels these are closely related to the dagger from NORDHUGLO (nr. 91). from T-H IV (nr. bur. triangular cross-section. 36). 203. 30. MYR (nr. 214. 200) is a knife of a different type with an oval frame. 108. bur. These seem all to be of the conventional BA III type (Kersten 1935: form C3. There are also fragments of knife blades from BRINGSJORD (nr. 197. below). 52). 49) has a blade with a double-curve pointing to BA IV-V (cf.

115). Except for the Eia sword. hoard 10) has a narrow ogival blade and a distinct socketed hilt with two rivets and four fake rivet-heads in between. 165.2. Interestingly. It is thus part of an exclusive group of 6 swords: Væggerløse Kirke (AK III: 1616). fewer to BA V (Baudou 1960: 47).9. The sword from Madla (nr. Complete or partial metal-hilts carry detailed information and are given priority in the presentation below.1 Blades with complete or partial bronze hilts The sword from BLINDHEIM (nr.61 Rückenzapfensicheln. 218) is an octagon-hilted sword. Poland (in the central Oder area). mainly Italian type used on triangular blades. The large majority of assemblages date them to BA IV.2). daggers and projectiles Double edged blades are categorised by length and outline. and date to the transition from early to late Urnfield (ibid: 162. variant Væggerløse Kirke. Meller 2002). with three wide horizontal ribs on its hilt. Three types of socketed hilts have been discerned: an initial. along with the specimens from Roum. a type known in c. Von Quillfeldt designates this sword as type Erback. and from Nordic BA III to BA IV (Randsborg 1972: fig. Torun. “Denmark” and Flädje. as well as from 15 moulds. 3. but in particular by their crosssections. Woj. Slovakia. Woj. The sword from Eia (nr. these are distributed in Southern Germany. 219) is a Dreiwulstschwert. ogival blades. and Konojady. The Blindheim sword can be included in the third group.9. Taf 124 A). mainly because of the weak traces of rows of S-patterns on the hilt. 470 specimens. Hungary. The assemblages from Rastorf. Taf. and a third horizon with broader hilts on both short and long ogival blades (Engedal 2005). Austria. Voldtofte (AK III: 1754). . Wroclav. Sweden (1995: 65. also chapter 10. Poland (in the lower Vistula area). numbering a total of 14 specimens. their haft-sections and accessories such as metal hilts or loose pommels. Northern Germany (ibid. “Limfjord”. Jutland and Rastorf and Nebra. This transition corresponds to the transition from Ha A1 to Ha A2. 217. 17). Von Quillfeldt designates it as type Illertissen. Rumania and Poland. a second horizon with trapezoid rivet-section and short. The fragmented razor found with the sword from Væggerløse Kirke supports the conventional date of octagon-hilted swords in general to BA II (ibid: 80). Nebra as well as the possible hoard from BLINDHEIM all indicate a BA I date (cf. 3. the best parallels to the Eia sword come from the area of Milicz. Double edged blades: swords.

310-11. are good parallels (AK III: 2144C. 224. bur. None of A round. Johansen 2000: 110). and the dagger from HOLEN I (nr. 313-14. comes from Albertsdorf burial C. Sorø C. 225) might very well stem from an EBA . The pommel relates to Ottenjann’s broad-pointedoval (type C. Schleswig-Holstein (AK XVII: 9005C). both from Svendborg C. cf. Randsborg 2006: 94pp. 319). Århus C. The dagger from Pollestad (nr. 223) has a round pommel.).2). An almost identical dagger. He listed 8 specimens. This tang makes the Hognestad pommel member of a small collective of 6 pommels from Northern Germany and Southern Jutland. The pommel has also a distinct tang for mounting on a wooden hilt. undecorated pommel with convex top.62 From Nærland (nr. dated to BA II and perhaps early BA II (cf. Randsborg 2006: 94p.). although with less decoration. V. 80) is heavily corroded and fragmented but has the upper section of a bronze hilt preserved. (AK VIII: 3945).). These features are indicative of BA II (Ottenjann 1969: 12pp. The pommels from Strandved and Risskov.. 226.). relates to Ottenjann’s type M4. bur. 222. dagger. pointed oval in outline and decorated with running arches. The hilt is extraordinary with its straight transition to the blade. and both place the Albertsdorf dagger and thus the Bø dagger in early BA II (Pl. broad variant) and rounded-rhomboid (type D) types.. below and App. These pommels seem to be dated safely to BA II. also in inlay-technique. Stade C. The haft with grooves and spirals running horizontal. bur. 85) a rounded-oval pommel. It was associated with a roundheaded brooch and a lenticular ferrule. These features place it either in the Valsømagle horizon at the end of BA I or in the so-called Løve-horizon at the very beginning of BA II (cf. with both fake spirals (Pseudo-Spiralen) and grooves around its circumference in inlay-technique (Inkrustationstechnik) (ibid: 18p. straight transition to blade and a rounded pommel with running spirals. The blade from VIK (nr. from Sola (nr. but it carries few diagnostic traits. 2174. 88) has a distinct waisted hilt with octagonal cross-section. bur. and both are decorated with running spirals. Farre. The dagger from HOGNESTAD (nr. This dagger has for long been considered an anomaly and a likely result of local production (Møllerop 1963: 12. 56). Egeslevmagle. “Denmark” and “Stade”. 221. The dagger from BØ (nr. Ribe C. 220) comes a loose pommel. of which those from Klelund.. in Ditmarschen C. 87) has a broad ogival blade and a lenticular pommel with 10 running spirals. (Northern Germany) are close to the Vik hilt (ibid: 57. its waisted mid-section and its rich decoration of wolf-tooth patterns. nr.

439. and the sword from HODNE I (nr. (ibid: nr. The swords from JÅSUND (nr. 102) both relate to Ottenjann’s type B hafts. Karte 30). 232. and the groove at the side of the pommel on the Meberg sword has a single parallel on a sword from Harring. 231. Ribe C. In only a single case. 233. Type B swords are clustered in Northwest Jutland. is a lamellar hilt of Ottenjann’s type F2 combined with an open lower haft (AK XI: 5019D. with pommel of variant b. These are also clustered in Northwest Jutland (Ottenjann 1969: Karte 33. typical of BA II blades. and has a close parallel in the sword from Lyrskovhede. 50) has a pommel with a rather strict rhomboid form. or at least early BA III. Mecklenburg (ibid: 493). broad variant) and rounded-rhomboid (type D) types. bur. The sword from REHEIA I (nr. possibly also 5332).63 these came from datable assemblages. (Ottenjann 1969: nr. The riveted dagger from SOLA I (nr.. while on his BA III types the line-bundles turn towards the edges before they reach the rivet. and resembles the one on the sword from Peckatel. with both spirals (Pseudo-Spiralen) and grooves around its circumference in inlaytechnique (Inkrustationstechnik) (cf. and the date of the Vik sword has to rely on its general similarity to swords conventionally dated to BA II (cf. . This is typical of Ottenjann’s BA II types. bur. combined with line-bundles ending on the lower rivets. Ottenjann 1969: 59pp. 230. Interestingly. flat tutulus and lenticular ferrule (AK XI: 4993B). 6). with pommel of variant c. 40) has a lamellar hilt of Ottenjann’s type F2. Thisted C. typical of BA III swords. This was found in combination with BA II types such as hourglass shaped brooch. 228. decorated with concentric circles and wolf-tooth patterns. bur. It is not clear to what degree this can be used a strict boundary between BA II and III. This is of Ottenjann’s type C1. The size of the pommel is larger than the Danish specimens. bur. The combination of both vertical and horizontal grooves on the haft. This does not correspond to any of Ottenjann’s types. 431). 227. Both the sword from TH-I and HODNE I are thus potentially from late BA II. ibid: 18p.). the open haft is also seen on the bronze-hilted dagger from T-H II (nr. The sword from T-H I (nr. Thisted C. bur. The line-bundles on the blade end in the lower rivet-holes. 5) has a blade with four rivets and a pommel. bur. On both swords the bundles of lines on the blade seem to end in the lowest pair of rivets. Both pommels relate to Ottenjann’s broad-pointed-oval (type C. 229. a sword not included by Ottenjann from Stagstrup.). Thisted C. is paralleled on a dagger from Skyum. bur. 48) and MEBERG (nr. 36). 65) has a complete haft. Six swords and three daggers are readily ascribed to BA III.

It is thus part of an exclusive collective numbering 9 specimen in Scandinavia. 393). bur. Hjørring C. 243. bur. The flange-hilted blade from STORESUND I (nr.. 201. 12) and Høyland (nr. 240. nr. IV. 8) and ANDA IV (nr. There seems to be a clear tendency that 5 rivets are more common on later swords. 3. from SOLA II (nr. Sprockhoff considered more than three rivets in this section to be characteristic of later swords in Central Europe. and a riveted sword with pommel of Ottenjann’s variant c. This might be an indication of the local production of variants of flange-hilted short swords and daggers in BA IV in Rogaland C. 30) is closely related to the bronze hilted knives such as the specimens from T-H IV (nr. 17. and only two with five rivets (1971: nr. 76). 245) has been classified as an imported Central European type Mindelheim sword (Jensen 1997: 86). 38). bur.1. 235. These carry few other diagnostic features. 234. bur. This impression is confirmed by more recent studies of flange-hilted swords: Schauer lists no specimens with six rivets from Southern Germany. 239). from GUNNARSHAUG I (nr. 464. He listed only three specimens with 6 rivets: Store Lyngby. cf. bur. GUNNARSHAUG II (nr. 42). bur. a tanged sword with pommel from REHEIA III (decoration not known. Pommern (Sprockoff 1931: 40p.467). bur. 238. from RIMBAREID (nr. bur. bur. Interestingly. bur. Peroni includes one from Italy (1970: nr. 242. from T-H VIII (nr. and from HODNE II (nr. The bronze-hilted dagger from NORDHUGLO (nr.1. 28). and belong most likely in BA III. There are two tongue-hilted blades. are all securely dated to BA III. 236. and consider it as a feature of BA IV-V. 36) is somewhat atypical with a total length of no more than 35cm. and Kemenczei includes one from Hungary (1988: nr. the bronze guard on the Rimbareid sword is a rare feature and demonstrates along with the specimens from REHEIA I and T-H II.182). 241) has a more typical haft-form. 202. The flange-hilted blade from Vinje (nr. 51). Three more unusual blades have tendencies for flanged hilts. the use of open lower hafts. bur.64 A tanged sword with bronze guard and pommel of Ottenjann’s variant b. Hannover and Pribbernow. 66). These are securely dated through the hoards from Hassle and Holbæk Slots Ladegård to BA VI (Jensen .9. 244. It seems quite reasonable to link the Vinje sword to the few northern specimens with six rivets.39). also Randsborg 1972: 11pp). 237.2 Flange and tongue-hilted blades There are two flange-hilted swords of the conventional BA III type. and it is difficult to find parallels for them. Taf. The sword from Lekve (nr. 18. but is unusual with its row of six rivets along the mid-section of the haft and its short lenght. App. Bremen.

There are 10 tanged blades with a simple ridged cross-section. 252) might best be placed in BA IV because of their straight relatively broad blades. as seen in the case of the Våg sword.3 Tanged blades Tanged blades were popular from BA II through BA V. This is particularly clear in the case of Våg since it carries rich decoration in the characteristic Nordic BA V-style (Jensen 1997: 85). 34).65 1997: 85pp. There are four tanged blades with complex cross-section: a sword from SøndreHolme (nr. A comparable blade can be sited from Skyum. The sword from Vanvik is also unusual. The sharp shoulders are considered a late feature (BA V) while the low central rib flanked by narrow single ribs points rather towards BA IV. 320p). 249. a dagger from ANDA III (nr. in Sweden (ibid: 85).. but a BA IV date can not be ruled out. Thisted C. a sword from Vanvik (nr. features that are rare in the LBA. 247). fig. bur. 75). clearly more typical of BA II-III. corresponding to the final century of the Nordic BA V (ibid: 17. 248). Gündlingen transition-phase). 250. The dagger from ANDA III has an ogival blade. and that they belong to an early phase of the Hallstatt-period. as well as the combination of an imported Central European Gündelheim type sword and a BA V type tanged dagger at Råsunda. 3). equipped with a decorative rib and a BA III pommel (AK XI: 4993A). 251. The line-bundles on the blade end at the lower rivets. The most important such indicators are outline and complexity of cross-section. and Bore (nr. This would enable the Nordic production of a Gündelheim type sword with BA V style decoration. Jensen argues that the Gündlingen type is earlier than the Mindelheim type. 68) combines tang with rivets and an ogival outline. but made within the Nordic zone. bur. It has four rivets and a short tang with a fifth rivet. The blades from . The sword from FRIESTAD (nr. i. and a fragmented sword from SKEIE (nr. Uppsala C. but even these are vague. The complexity relates to the rounded mid-ribs flanked by single or bundles of ribs or grooves. 246) is considered to be part of a group of swords strongly influenced by Central European Gündlingen type swords. long tang and waisted transition between tang and shoulders. 3. The fragmented sword from SKEIE has also an ogival outline and complex cross-section. bur. the sword from Søndre-Holme is clearly a BA II-III sword. long tangs and rounded shoulders. and there are few clear chronological indicators. The blades from Slottsvik (M 2 A-B). Although somewhat unusual in its haft-section.e.9. The sword from Våg (nr. pointing towards BA III-IV. the transition Ha B3 and Ha C1 (HaC0. possibly indicating BA II..

more than 40 sherds of asbestos-tempered pottery decorated with rhomboid patterns. 266). Old 2915). 10. 268). 261) has a lenticular cross-section and a perforated tang. 2. but present also in BA V (ibid: 15. (Schanche 1986. and the context and the more reliable radiocarbon sample (birch from fireplace. 255). 262) has a perforation in the blade. 257). Kvesmesnes (nr. 99) and SOLA V (nr. chapt. was described as being of “very primitive character”. undecorated lancets. Geite. 254).26) suggest a date between 2000-1400 BC. A smaller copper blade from Pitsusmurust (nr. Bakka 1976: 21). Those from Lebesby. Lista Fyr (nr. Four of them. bur. 259. The context of the Geite specimen is also interesting. bur. “Haugesund” (nr.66 Ulstein (nr. The copper blade from Karlebotn (nr. Uppsala C. along with bones and pot- . 1989). Bogen (nr. with two decorative lines flanking the central ridge. bur. 267) and Bentsjord (nr. Bogen and Kvesmesnes. Gaustad 1965: 25p. This might indicate that the Karlebotn blade is a harpoon-spear. from VEST-HASSEL (nr. VII. They may also be related to 6 small blades with long. 258) are best placed in BA V because of their narrow blades. Tomsvik (nr. These are common in BA IV. as a “copper-harpoon” (Ekholm 1921: fig. 1 certain and one possible slate point of Sunderøy type made from red slate. and one from Billsta. thin and pointed tangs. 18). 256). 260. nr. with a somewhat different design. as well as much debris of slate.). and Aursjøen (nr. quartzite.5). from Skotnes (nr. quartz. Skotnes. these projectiles have been treated with some scepticism (Gjessing 1942: 254. App. GJEITE (nr. The excavation brought to light: 2 bifacial quartzite projectiles with straight base. rather than a dagger. were all described as made of “copper”. Geite and Bogen were also described as being “hammered”. 263). Västernorrland C.5m wide. shorter tangs and pointed shoulders (Baudou 1960: 10p. 265. 100 and 409). A group of blades from the northern parts of Norway deserves somewhat closer examination since they have been given only superficial treatment in earlier accounts. Sandnesenget (nr. The Skotnes specimen.). Since their morphology resembles that of Iron Age arrowheads. The Lebesby blade was discovered in a house-ground later excavated by Gjessing. A related specimen from Tierp. It was found in a house type Gressbakken. Lebesby (nr. flint and pumice (Gjessing 1942: 256). Two small blades. 253). has been interpreted as a reworked Nordic-style dagger from the EBA (Gjessing 1942: 254). 264). Gaustad and Bakka later argued that the blade was best linked to artefacts from the medieval period from the same site (Gaustad 1965: 25p. and that these two specimens are in some way related to the perforated slate harpoons (cf. 54) were included by Baudou as small. According to its finder it was discovered in a large coffin 2m long and 1..

The sword blade from LISTA (nr. Metal hilts are often attached to large specimens. Johansen 1986: 30p. and Vektarlia (M 8) are for blades with simple. but since there are no rivets preserved this is in fact inconclusive (Hachmann 1957: 30pp. 3. I thus propose that the above northern blades are all projectiles from the Bronze Age. while dates as late as 1100-700 BC have been suggested by a few (ibid: 217.5 and 20 cm blades cast in the Jarfjord moulds places them alongside the long Seima blades most often equipped with a bronze hilt (ibid: fig. One of the moulds from Kolvika (M 10) is said to be similar to the smaller mould from JARFJORD. 74.). The blade seems at least related to the Sögel type blade. Particularly the largest Jarfjord blade has a diagnostic tang of a specific Seima type dagger found on the cemeteries of Seima.9-12. Turbino I-II. 269. The moulds from JARFJORD (M 6-7.67 sherds. A Late Neolithic “collective” coffin would be more in line with these measurements. The swords from Søvoll (nr. broad tangs. Recently arguments for an earlier date. and the 34. but can hardly be given a narrower time frame than BA II-III (IV). 73) have line-bundles ending at the lower rivets. Most researchers have placed the main burials of the SeimaTurbino to the mid-second millennium 1600-1400 BC. 73. possibly indicating a BA II date. Parzinger 1997).7. 270. Few relevant radiocarbon dates exists. although it does not belong to a . It has traditionally been considered as a Sögel type blade from BA I (cf. 272) have somewhat more complex cross-sections.).17). 75. This blade has traditionally been placed in BA I. Huggert 1996: 72). 73. 271) and “Haugesund” (nr. and a preserved rivet with separate rivet-heads (Ringniete). and that the perforated specimens are to be seen in light of the perforated slate points further south.9.8. Copper arrowheads are found on the Kola Peninsula in the LN and Early Metal Age (Gurina 1987: 43. hoard 25) has an ogival outline. but there are few diagnostic features that separate BA II from BA III. 2000-1700 BC have been presented. hoard 1). and those that have been presented suggest that the Seima industry arose at least before 1700 BC in the Altai foothills (Koryakova & Epimakov 2007: 108p). as well as in line with the context of the Lebesby specimen. un-ridged cross-sections and short. Such large coffins are unusual from the Bronze and Iron Ages. bur.1). and Rostovka (Chernykh 1992: fig.4 Riveted blades Riveted blades seem to have been a feature mainly of the EBA. The sword from ANDA I (nr. From Æri (nr. 273) comes a relatively long and slender dagger blade with two rivet holes. simple crosssection and six holes for rivets.

7-10. and Skrivarhellaren (M 5) are difficult to date (cf. 3. Ullensvang (M 4). 286-7. 5. 49. 3. 17). bur. waisted blade. Similar daggers are known from female burials within the Sögel zone.. 297) and Kaldafjell (nr. Aakvik 2000: 40). 11).8-9) and from “Denmark” (ibid: Taf.7). 51. flat with trapezoid haft-ends and two rivets. bur. bur. indicating BA II according to Ottenjann (cf. 55) has lines that ends in the lower rivets. 40. bur. N-SUNDE (nr. 50). 298) are both decorated and conform to Jacob-Friesen’s type Smørumovre. 277.10. bur. above).). but they belong most likely to an early part of BA II rather than BA I (Hackmann 1957: 55pp. also Johansen 1986: 43p. Brastadvatnet (nr. The daggers from Eggesbøen (nr. The fragmented sword blades with complex cross-section from GRUDA (nr. Spearheads There are a total of 36 spearheads and one mould for casting spearheads from the area under study. The dagger from REGE I (nr. 274) might also to be an early variant with broad haft and a narrow. bur. RE (nr. 289). The remaining daggers are difficult to give more than a general BA II-III date: from UTNE (nr.7).). in Northern Zealand (ibid: Taf.6.2-3. are probably from BA II-III. 293). 27) and Lura (nr. 292. characteristic of the earliest spearheads. MYR (nr. Madland (nr. Blade fragments with simple ridged cross-sections from MADLA (nr. Jacob-Friesen 1967: 90pp. 294. There is . 295). 296) had a cross-section with flat blade. bur. Undheim (nr. 278. Gaustad argued that the spearhead from Hol (nr. 45). JacobFriesen’s study from 1967 is the basic study of Nordic Bronze Age spearheads.9. and SØRHEIM (nr. 280. There is an inherent difficulty in classifying spearheads since they are throughout the Bronze Age of the same basic morphology: a double edged blade on a socket. 7) and SOLA I (nr.5 Blade fragments Fragmented blades without haft-sections are relatively uninformative. The dagger from Stjernarøy (nr. 46).. 279). bur. 281. Mandt 1991: 401. Olset (M 1) and Hogstad (nr. 276. It is thus to be considered a spearhead of type Bagterp dated to BA I (Gaustad 1965: 19p. cf. 291). the two similar specimens from T-H III (nr.288.68 clearly defined type (Bjørn 1936: 8. cf. bur. chapt. 284. 62). bur. bur. 42. 283. 42. 84). Revheim (nr.3 for Skrivarhellaren). The Vigrestad spear has its closest parallels between River Eider and Elbe estuary (Jacob-Friesen 1967: Taf. 285. Engvik (M 3). 290). bur. The spearheads from Vigrestad (nr. 32). 275) and LUNDE II (nr. 106) are very small blades. and those from T-H-VII (nr.

Jacob-Friesen claimed that the long fragment from Orre (nr. Utvik (nr. Jacob-Friesen 1967: 277. JacobFriesen 1967: Taf. Nestbø (nr. originally at least 38 cm long. 34. and Fiskvik (nr. i. 301). Although the decorated spearheads from Vigrestad and Kaldafjell did not have such rhomboid cross-sections. Orre (nr. and Sømme.). originally more than 20 specimens). bur.2).69 moreover a peculiar group of three small fragmented spearheads with distinctive rhomboid cross-section on the upper section. 318) showed post-Ullerslev features (type Gundeslev at the earliest). These are the spearheads from Sømme (nr. and SchleswigHolstein) and Northern Zealand. This type have features in common with type Valsømagle of late BA I. The rhomboid cross-section is rarely seen on the Bagterp type.e.7. 319). . 321) and Skeime (nr. 38. Selevatnet (nr. The spearheads from SØRNESJE (nr.3. all located in Rogaland C. Haugvaldstad (nr. 322) correspond to Jacob-Friesen’s type Hulterstad. and I consider the fragment as stemming from a type Ullerslev spear. It should be noted that fragmented spearheads such as these have little typo-chronological value. SVENES (nr. 325.2. I find no such features. 29.). Smørumovre type spearheads are particularly common in Northern Germany (Lüneburg. They belong to a small group of spearheads from Oskarshamn. Fosse and Haugvaldstad on the other.7-8. This type seems to be exclusive to BA III (ibid: 160pp. 299). and one from “Zealand” with similar decoration. 1-7). The spearheads from Hiksdal (nr. Rhomboid sockets seem to be a rather common feature on types Valsømagle and Smørumovre (the distinction made between types Valsømagle and Smørumovre by JacobFriesen seems rather unclear in this respect). 323). hoard 17. 317) are of JacobFriesen’s Ullerslev type and belong in BA II (ibid: 146pp. and is dated to both early and late BA II (ibid: 136. 34.5. The rest of the artefacts in the hoards from Oskarshamn and GUNNESØYAN provide a clear BA VI date for these spearheads (Gaustad 1965: 23. 324) and GUNNESØYAN (nr. 300) and Fosse (nr. 303). and I tentatively classify also the latter as type Smørumovre. Taf. but is also found in combination with type Ullerslev spearheads. The spearheads from Tjelflåt (nr. 320). and unknown on the Ullerslev type and most LBA types. 35. Björnhofda and “Öland” from Kalmar C. several specimens with a comparable decoration combined with a rhomboid cross-section can be listed (cf. 302. a convex shape at the lower part of the edges. 24). 36. 304-316. Karte 2). These seem to bridge the gap between Kaldafjell and Vigrestad on the one hand. hoard 6) are distinguished through their decorative horizontal lines on the side of the sockets.

I find a late date more likely. The spearheads from Giskeøydgarden (nr. 1974: 290. Medelpad C. 330) and a partly fragmented specimen from Jamåkre (nr. In light of the early date of the nearby Vektarlia mould of Seima type (cf. Gaustad argued that it has a partly hollow-cast blade. Sweden (1967: 272). He saw the rather unique spearhead from Hoddøy. The same basic shape is also found in the extraordinary soapstone mould from Gullvika (M 12). dated to BA V-VI. along with the decorated blades from Våg (nr. Oldeberg first considered it to be from the LBA. above) and Skönsmoen. Still. Pl. except for spearheads in Switzerland. 328) and Reve (nr. M 8). 288. fig. 2264). If we choose a BA I date. but he also pointed at similar ribs on the ceremonial socketed artefact from Svartarp in Västergötland. I thus consider the spearheads from Øygarden. this would make this the earliest known soapstone moulds in the Nordic Zone.II. Baudou 1960. This is in line with typological traditions in eastern Ukraine and the Don-basin from the Post-Seima horizons (cf.und Mäanderverzierungen). not as a Continental import. 332) carries one very significant diagnostic feature: it has lenticular perforations through the blade on each side of the socket. seem best dated to BA V-VI (cf. 6. Gaustad: 1965: 21). chapter 6. from Österby.. 246. None of the latter has been examined.70 The extremely large spearhead from Hoddøy (nr. and it was later taken up in the Volga-Kama area . above. Zavadovka). with insignificant blades relative to their sockets. this is certainly an interresting scenario. cf. 331). but as the result of a late Nordic production. nr. whether they have hollow-cast blades. but that it holds none of the criteria for the „Phalbau” type (1965: 21). The spearhead from Øygarden (nr. Östergötland C.e. the collar on the Snåsa spearhead). Klocko 1995: types Zlatopol.9). Reve and the mould from Gullvik as being of the same type. IX.8. 2264). Chernykh 1992: Loboikovo-Zavadovka metalworking focus. (Old. Only one more stone mould for socketed spearheads is known from the Nordic zone. and relate them to the popularity of spearheads in the northwest in BA V-VI (cf. The cross-section of the Gullvika mould does not give clear indications of LBA nor EBA. 326) is decorated in a distinctive BA V style (konzentrischen Halbkreis. i. 327) has been classified both as an EBA type and as a LBA “Phalbau” type (cf. The spearhead from Snåsa (nr. Giskeøydgarden. Jacob-Friesen found no clear parallels to the distinctive ribs on its socket. 329) may be added to this problem. which is clearly a LBA-feature. but in a later work he saw it as a mould for Bagterp type spearheads from BA I (Oldeberg 1943: b. There is clearly a danger of confusing spearheads from BA I with spearheads from BA V-VI. The fragmented spearhead from Sørheim (nr.

11. Jensen 2002: 458. Northern Jutland (Johansen 2000: 162p. in which the Tu artefact functioned as a neck-termination riveted on to a wooden socket (Gaustad 1966). the Sørheim spear should be seen in light of other links to the Volga-Kama area and the Ananino culture in particular (cf. 337. 335) has no anatomic features pointing to a specific animal. I would link it to the various sockets and pommels seen on Valsømagle-Mägerkingen type axes from BA II (e. Most likely. He presented a reconstruction that combined the Tu artefact and the flanged axe from Vevang (nr.5. but the long cheeks and head resemble the horned animals from Fårdal (Jensen 2002: 481p. Gaustad suggested that it belonged to a composite battle axe. in the west and Volga-Kama in the far east. Hjørring C. hoard 24) clearly belongs to BA V.g. Västra Götaland C. 42) seems to belong to the rhomboid forms B4 or C of Kersten. and that a composite axe would be a plausible hypothesis. 338. .22). 11. and with a medium-sized hook. Old. This present a significant challenge to my account.). Miscellanea 48 metal artefacts and fragments can be added to the 332 artefacts within the 10 categories above. 302). and the heads from Svartarp. 542). 336) has no immediate parallels. related to the specimen from Sösdala in Sweden (Old. and they have their best parallels in a pair of lurs from Ulvkær. 395. The peculiar haft from Tu (nr. bur.). The pair of well preserved lurs from REVHEIM (nr. Tallgren 1913). I am inclined to see the animal in relation to those from BA VI. 7. (Johansen 2000: 238). bur. Oppland C. Kaul 2004: 292). 3.. Lysdahl 1990.. The zig-zag pattern on the sides and the cross-pattern at the top both made in deep relief.1. rather than the horses from Trundholm and Tågaborg from the EBA (Jensen 2002: 285. probably intended for inlays. point to the EBA. chapt. These belong to BA II (Kersten 1935: 26). 333-34. Rather than the Sösdala axe from BA I.5). Jensen 1997: nr. Not entirely convinced by Gaustad’s reconstruction. cf. The belt-hook from REVLAN (nr. Vestby. I find it still likely that the Tu haft belongs in the EBA. and to those from the Vestby hoard from BA VI in particular. 4. 181. both dated to BA III (ibid: 71p.71 from the south in the Ananino horizon (Chernykh 1992: 262). The four-legged animal figurine from Re (nr. as there are no typological relatives between Sørheim in the mountains of Luster M. note 47). from BA VI (Jacob-Friesen 1967: Taf. also nr. The ferrule from REHEIA III (nr. 19) is of Kersten's form A2a with a round disc decorated with four running spirals. 1584.

From Byberg (nr. From Lavik (nr. and one (with unknown cross-section) from VÅLEBRU (nr. as well as six fragmented specimens made from somewhat thinner wire with round cross-section from STORSANDAN (nr.). bur. The unique ring from Tonnes (nr. hoard 7). The remaining findings (nr. From STAVÅ (nr. and there are two small tubes made from coiled bronze wire from REGE I (nr. most . and possibly there is another from Urutlekråi (nr. As its true composition was acknowledged. 361). 347-52. hoard 7) comes also a section of a chain. originally 40cm long. but could also be from some kind of larger. Bjørn 1936. 340. Johansen 1981: 77p. 22) might be a pendant of similar type (Gaustad 1965: 77p. the use of spiral-tubes as beads in AK XI: 5115B). The fragmented ring with loops from STORSANDAN (nr. 10. From STORSANDAN (nr. but the coiled tubes might also have been used as beads on a necklace (cf. but was dismissed altogether by Gaustad (1965: 61pp. bur. These nine specimens are all of the same basic type with an extra bend for suspension between the spirals (Gaustad 1965: 77p. Parallels can be sited from Denmark (Broholm 1946: 34) but no exact matches have been found. composite artefact from the final Bronze Age (cf. bur. 55) and TJØTTA (nr. the slate-link remained in the literature (Bjørn 1936: 4. Gaustad 1965: 61. 353. 363) comes a small fragment of a tube or a socket. It contributes little to the date and provenance of the artefacts in the hoard.. There are two complete pendants made from bronze rods with square cross-section coiled into double spirals from STAVÅ (nr. 344. one complete from GUNNESØYAN (nr. and linked to a group of Finnish slate rings (Rygh in TVS 1911). 354. Initially it was believed to be made from slate. hoard 6) and a fragment from Drøpping Indre (nr. 342. hoard 5). hoard 5) might be a “looped-ring” (Öskenring) used for horse-harness. 343) has been the object of dispute. 357). bur. 363-380) are fragments and debris with few typological characteristics. 82). 63) and REGE I (nr. No clear analogies have been located neither in slate nor in bronze. 55). From Døving (nr. 362) comes what seems to be a miniature sword. bur. The spiral-pendants above might have been mounted on this chain as a necklace. 356. possibly of LBA date. The fragmented spiral from MÆLA (nr.). 345-46. hoard 12). There are two small massive chisels. 339.72 There are two small tubes made from bronze sheet from BORE I (nr.). Johansen 1988). hoard 5) comes also a small looped pendant of unique form. 358. The hoard from STAVÅ clearly demonstrates that this type was present in BA VI. 341. These were probably fitted at the end of the cords on a corded-skirt.). Gjessing 1942: 369p. 355. 359) comes a complete awl.

90) comes a folded piece of sheet bronze. 83) and GUNNESØYAN (nr. Particularly the south-western areas of Lista and Jæren have a rich BA II-III with bronzes in monumental burial structures. the south (Jæren.3) Finally. 101). 366. hoard 6). 370. Central to these issues is the position of Jæren and Lista with the best farmlands at the southern gate to the North Way. nr. and Vik (nr. and gold foil was found in REHEIA IV and V (nr. 365. 380). Hagen 1967. 369. bur. 192). classified as a likely sheath for the razor in the same burial (cf. 3. 2004). i. Karasjokk (nr. the domestic (cereal/farmland) and assymetric social relations. Nordenborg-Myhre 1998. I have included the metal fragments from the Bronze Age layers of the rockshelter Ruskeneset (nr. five lumps of copper-alloy that have congealed outside a mould: from rock-shelter Kirkhellaren (nr. 375). 376). The idea of a hierarchical. From BØ II (nr. towards rich male burials at the coast and at Karmøy in BA III (Larsen 1996. from rich female burials in the inner parts of Jæren in BA II. Jutland). bur. Rather uninformative fragments of bronze were also present in HANANGER III (nr. Løvåsen (nr. 367-68. Lista. bur. 43-44). 364. 371-374) will be given a more thorough treatment below in relation to the radiocarbon sequence of the layers on the site (cf. chapter 5. Gansel (379). The four bronze fragments from the rock-shelter Skrivarhellaren (nr. This was the result of a gradual development from the LN situation (e.6. The historical dimension of the bronzein-burial phenomenon in previous research on the Bronze Age of NW Scandinavia can be summarized as follows: there are few burials from the LBA and numerous from BA II-III. Møllerop 1963. bur. and at heart of these issues lie also interpretations of the monumental burials with bronze. competitive Bronze Age society is intimately linked to bronze and the phenomenon of depositing bronze in relation to individuals buried in large monuments. These might be from more recent periods.12 Initial results: re-assessing the trajectory of burials I contend that previous studies of the Bronze Age in NW Scandinava have been biased in regard to the maritime (boats and the North Way). but in the case of Løvåsen the context and the metal-composition points to the Bronze Age. Johansen 2000). 97) and KJØRREFJORD (nr.e. 378). .73 likely from a spearhead. Burials with bronze have a significant position in the interpretation of social dynamics and the social structure of the Bronze Age in general. Magnus & Myhre 1986. and are intimately associated with Northern Jutland. In addition a shift has been discerned in Rogaland. Fragments of bronze sheet were also found in LALAND (nr. and casting debris. 377). bur.g.

Lomborg 1969a: 110pp. was located immediately above a burial with a round-headed brooch and a burial with a type VI flint dagger. (without tang. Map 30 for a close up view of Jæren). (AK XVII: 9005C).74 In the following I will attempt to give a fresh evaluation of this phenomenon in particular. Thisted C. and demonstrates the existence of analogue decoration in early BA II.12. V. and I have listed the 6 analogue pommels and their associate findings (App. N-BRAUT (bur. but also the chronological position of the hoards. 5. 1-2 (cf. This indicates an early BA II date (cf. Ditmarschen C. 93). BØ I (bur. chapt. 85) with its round-headed brooch is the only obvious candidate for an early BA II burial. although a loose finding from the mound. BA III The ribbed bracelet is a crucial feature of rich female burials in Rogaland. HOGNESTAD (bur.). This contained a nearly identical dagger. These are all burials from Jutland and Schleswig-Holstein. A burial from Langvad. in light of a total of 107 burials with metal artefacts (App. and one of the Dybbøl pommels and the pommel from Skarrild Overby also carried the characteristic pattern of running arches. Map 30). 89) with the atypical bronze-hilted dagger can also be linked to this phase. It is also of interest that both HOGNESTAD and HOLEN I contained pottery. Randsborg 2006: 94pp. otherwise a rare feature in EBA burials in Norway. An early BA II date of HOGNESTAD is also of interest since it contained a slab with cup-marks (cf.2. 71) and ÆVESTAD (bur. The results are presented in Figs. V. a round-headed brooch. a ferrule and a gold finger ring (Pl.3). The Ridders pommel.1 BA II early HOLEN I (bur. These artefacts from Jæren in the north also seem to be more luxurious variants than those found in the south.1). BØ I and HOGNESTAD both contained rare artefacts that have their closest parallels in the area between Elbe estuary and Kiel Bay (from now on referred to as the Elbe-Kiel Bay area). ribbed bracelets analogue to those from REGE I (bur.3 lists 14 assemblages outside NW Scandinavia combining narrow.2).. V. These three early BA II candidates are all located in the southern part of Jæren. south of Lake Frøylandsvatn and in the vicinity of River Hååna (cf.12. III).56. with artefacts of chronological relevance. AK XI: 5542) combines pommel decoration comparable to Hognestad with a round-headed brooch and belt plate. 3. The pommels from Dybbøl and Ridders closely resemble pommels of early Valsømagle and Løve types. App. through burial C at Albersdorf. . 55). App. 3. 87) had a distinctive tanged pommel.

He knew of 48 B2-plates: 16 were dated to BA II. Møllerop 1963. He knew of 19 belt plates of B3 type.75 Northern Jutland in particular.). Larsen 1996) must be moved into BA III. in eastern South-Scandinavia. TJØTTA (bur. and particularly simple ones like the one from SÆRHEIM. Accordingly. 79) and VERE (bur. SÆRHEIM. 61). REGE I (bur. rhomboid pommels and double-studs. 77). 55) and N-BRAUT (bur. The BA III findings were located in Præstø. This is very much at odds with the practice in Norway. (ibid: 110).. 1944. S-BRAUT (bur. 2) the belt plates with 2 spiral zones. is that the BA II-III combinations on the Danish islands are mainly hoards rather than burials. where they have been given a BA II date. 72) are weaker chronological . Belt plates like the one from REGE I. this indicates the use of even simple belt plates in BA III.e. There is moreover a large group of 28 burials dated to BA III through cross-shaped brooches. 14). are often treated as diagnostic BA II elements. there is a group of 10 burials with tutulus as the only significant chronological indicator. København and Skåne C. 82). Broholm 1943. Among these the tutuli from ERGA (bur.g. and they have all conventionally been dated to BA III (Kersten 1935. as well as 3) the large belt plates with 3-4 spiral-zones. 98) are definitely no earlier than BA III. The tutuli from T-H X (bur. is that a number of the richest female burials traditionally counted as BA II (cf. 82) combines a tutulus comparable to the one from ERGA (but with broken boss) with a belt plate with two spiral-zones and. Furthermore. 71) combine BA II type artefacts with BA III type artefacts in a way not paralleled elsewhere in the Nordic Zone. Kersten knew of 28 finds of such neck-collars. This group of BA II types in BA III assemblages primarily from Zealand provides a context for the REGE I. 15 could be placed within BA II and 4 within BA III (ibid: 40). as in the case of SÆRHEIM. Kersten in fact argued that Müller was wrong when postulating the following types as diagnostic for BA II: 1) the ribbed collar with spiral decorated side panels. VASSHUS (bur. 67. 10 from BA II and 2 from BA III. BORE I (bur. i. Aner & Kersten 1973pp. e. 63). there is a group of 7 burials securely dated to BA III through their ribbed bracelets (broad bracelets included). A difference though. The latter two were located in Fredriksborg and København C. razors. one of them). It is fair to mention that Kersten did not see spiral decorated belt plates as diagnostic of BA II. NESE (bur. and 2 were dated to BA III. N-BRAUT as well as for TJØTTA (bur. Fredriksborg. This also clearly demonstrate a point first made by Randsborg in his argumentation for the existence of a Sub-II period: SÆRHEIM (bur. The consequence of dating these bracelets exclusively to BA III. The latter came from Odense and Bornholm C. metal-hilted knives. frame-hafted knives.

The most convincing are REVLAN (bur. 80) (VIK could actually also be from early BA II).3 BA II late There is a limited number of candidates for a late BA II date.). 48 out of a total of 107. From the large group of burials with blades as the only significant chronological indicator. but also T-H IX (bur. This would place the start of the T-H burialground with the TH IX to BA II. It should be noted that the T-H I with a socketed axe have at least early BA III features if not BA II. 32) contained small daggers typical of BA II (Broholm 1944: 120. HANANGER I (bur. 68) seem to be late rather than early in light of its cross-section. Fig. 19). HODNE I contained also a twisted gold arm ring. 24). ANDA I (bur. The T-H I contained also a somewhat crude cross-headed brooch as well as a socketed-axe. 106) in particular. 13) and SØRHEIM (bur. The late date of SÆRHEIM and TJØTTA might indicate that the third burial with a belt plate with two spiral-zones from ORRE (bur. 1). Locally. From the group of burials with a tutulus as the only significant chronological indicator. HODNE I and T-H I.76 indicators. From the group of burials with blades as the only significant chronological indicator. 3-4 north of Sognefjord. a type that has not been discovered in BA II assemblages (cf. The above considerations make BA III a period with a significant number of burials. 2-3 at Jæren and 2 at Lista. 3. 81) have tutuli of early flat types that point to BA II in general. This means that “line-bundles ending at the lower rivets” is not a clear-cut BA II indicator. Broholm 1944: 229pp. SVANØY (bur. 26) and VIK (nr. LUNDE II (bur. The late date of the brooches in REGE I and SOLA I indicate that the related brooch from LUNDE (bur. In light of the above considerations there are few likely late BA II candidates. SØRNESJE (bur.). 73) contained a riveted sword with line-bundles ending at the lower rivets. 78) is also BA III. the latter feature is paralleled only at the swords from Sør-Holme (nr. conventionally considered BA II. FRIESTAD (bur. Johansen 1986: 43p. but all seem to be developed variants most likely from BA III. 60) is also BA III.247).12. T-H III contained a blade similar to the one from SOLA I and might be dated through this to BA III. 95) and POLLESTAD (bur. . This number might be increased to 55 by moving a range of burials with blades of BA II-III status to BA III (cf.

round “vase”-head and large willow-shaped bow) and disc-headed pins (cast-on feature) on the Lüneburg Heide. Except for the plate from Halland. Fredriksborg C. as well as on three plates from Jægersborg Hegn.5). the above burials can all be linked specifically to the Lüneburg area. Hence. Halland C. Kleppe II. involving the areas of Trondheimsfjord. and Kivik. One way to account for the artefacts in these burials.4 The burials from Vigrestad.. Sværdborg..54). The Gjørv pin could be seen as the Vigrestad-innovation carried out on a pin rather than a brooch. V. Prestø C. from Langstrup.77 3. Pl. Zealand and the southern border-area of the Nordic Zone at the end of BA II and the transition BA II/III (cf. and “Asige”.. all of them with 3 zones. The Vigrestad brooch could be seen as an enlarged Nordic type brooch combined with elements from the hair-knot brooches (double-spiral. these are all located in Zealand (cf. as well as the gold- . The five bowl zones on the Kleppe plate are not paralleled on any other repoussé-decorated belt plates in the Nordic Zone. København C. In this they represent significant challenges to the interpretation of the Bronze Age of NW Scandinavia. Jensen 2002: 258). København C. Gjørv and Rykkja I The brooch from VIGRESTAD. and it is crucial to this study that they are not left enigmatic and unaccounted for. the belt plate from KLEPPE. It is the only pin/brooch in Northern Europe in BA II-III with a comparable doublespiral theme. Jæren. compared to Lüneburgian plates the Kleppe plate is larger. (AK I: 17) and the bronze vessels from Gyldensgård. Højby and Eskebjergsgård. can be linked specifically to the Tjørnemark pin from Northern Zealand. made by highly complex technological procedures. morphology. the spiral-pins from GJØRV and RYKKJA I are anomalies on the larger Northern European scene. Bornholm C. App. The Kleppe plate can be linked to a specific type of boss-collar found on the exclusive group of plates with four zones of spirals. nor in Northern Germany (these seem all to have one or two zones). but also the Gjørv pin.. But there seems also to be a third party involved: The Vigrestad brooch in particular. Skåne C. and dimensions. is to group them together chronologically and see them as indicative of hybridisation between Lüneburgian and Nordic forms. This pattern of bowls within circles arranged in multiple zones is reminiscent of those found on the gold disc from Jægersborg Hegn. The Rykkja pin could be seen as essentially a combination of Lüneburgian full-size pins (with other shapes) and Lüneburgian miniature spiral-headed pins (with similar shapes). with higher boss and multiple concentric zones of bowls. Holbæk C. The belt plate from KLEPPE II is a combination of Lüneburgian decorative patterns (repoussé-bowls) with Nordic outline.12. (cf.

2. cf. as well as the southward expansion of the Nordic Zone in Schleswig-Holstein in late BA II. 6. . This means that they belong to a late part of the Tumulus period bordering the Urnfield period. The Tjørnemark pin comes from a (presumably) female inhumation in a large coffin. 2180). Laux places them in his stufe Bonstorf (late Tumulus) (1976). and there is only a generation gap between early BA II style artefacts and BA III style artefacts. Oldeberg 1933). defined by the start of flat-headed brooch. 1340/30-1300 BC. was people from Northern Zealand. Bavarian disc-headed pins with cast-on discs and spiral-coils are dated to the transition late Tumulus/early Urnfield. nor with the Central European chronology (Bergerbrandt 2007: 28pp. A parallel development to the KLEPPE II-GJØRV-VIGRESTAD-RYKKJA I is seen on Bornholm and Gotland: the development of the large Bornholm-brooch (cf. 1500-1340/30 BC. The group of five spiral-headed pins seems to date from the early Wardbömen-Kolkhagen female phase. 225). Laux 1971: nr. the KLEPPE II-GJØRV-VIGRESTAD-RYKKJA I phenomenon is linked to the issue of the transition BA II-III.). is merely 30-40 years long. 54. the formation of the Sub-II phenomenon on the Danish Islands.3). 54. and a large spiral-headed pin exclusive to Gotland (associated with ribbed bracelets. Old. 9. except the largest one (and the best parallel) that belongs to the Fuhrop phase (combined with a double-wheeled pin) (Pl. On this basis I believe that the third party involved in the KLEPPE-GJØRV-VIGRESTAD-RYKKJA phenomenon. It is not a straightforward task to reconcile the chronology of Lüneburg Heide with the Nordic chronology.78 hats from Schifferstad. corresponding to the transition II/III in the Nordic system (ibid: 29). 1976: nr. Summing up. and the debate on the date of Kivik. AK II: 988). It is important to keep in mind that the late BA II. Placing the KLEPPE II-GJØRV-VIGRESTAD-RYKKJA I in late BA II or at the transition BA II/III does not make much difference in historical time.5. while the early BA II defined as postValsømagle and pre-flat-headed brooches might be as long as 160-70 years. Germany (Menghin 1998: 172pp. and is dated through its basic design (nadel mit doppelkonischem Kopf) to BA III (Pl.). chapt. That Kivik and Skåne-Zealand had western links (in addition to their Mediterranean links) could be discerned through the following network: Stockhult (brimmed hat+axe+statue) – Kivik (brimmed hat+axe) – Schifferstad (brimmed gold-hat) – Bernstorf (gold diadem for statue) (cf. 44.

III). .79 Fig. 1. Initial results of chrono-typological study regarding burials with bronze (numbers refer to bur. App. 1-107.

12. HYSSTAD (bur. Initial results of chrono-typological study regarding hoards with more than one bronze artefact. 9). 327. 76). VELLE (bur. SOLA V (bur. and ÅRSLAND (bur. NJØLSTAD is dated to the transition BA IV/V. . GRINDHEIM (bur. 56). HOLEN II (bur. There are 10 burials. VESPESTAD (bur. MÆLA is also a candidate. will also move GUNNARSHAUG II and HODNE II with similar blades into BA IV. 38). The date depends on whether the reference in the catalogue was to bar-studs in general (BA V) or to the specific type known from the GUNNESØYAN hoard (BA VI).80 Fig. above) is an additional argument for a late date to those presented by Randsborg (1972). Among the 8 burials with a general BA IV-V date. 99). and only in few cases from BA V. 54). early disc-headed pins. 100). SELE II (bur. 2. containing either BA IV razors. STORESUND II (bur. 1). 86). 33). Taking into account Randsborg’s arguments for a late (BA IV) date of GUNNARSHAUG I (bur. 59). 141. BA IV tweezers or BA IV type studs. ANDA IV (bur. 103) and ØSTRE HAUGE (bur. This leaves us with a group of four burials with a general BA IV-V date. BORE II contained a pair of tweezers most likely from BA V. 91) all contain types that are known primarily from BA IV. and VEST-HASSEL (bur. 476). 104). REGE II (bur. 37). 31). those from MADLA II (bur. The only clear cut BA VI burials are T-H V (bur. 47). 3. 467.4 BA IV-VI The relative large number of clear-cut BA IV burials in the southern zone has received less attention in previous studies. and only a single clear BA V burial from LUNDE I (bur. but also a bar-stud now lost. BØ (bur. as well as a few loose BA VI findings in cairns or mounds (nr. The production of atypical short flange-hilted daggers and swords (cf. 146. 29).

There is a clear focus with 16 burials from BA IV. and 3 from BA VI. GJØRV. particularly in Rogaland. The remaining burials with a likely LBA date can of course be used to either reinforce or even out this curve. the number is 71 within 400 years from a total of 107 within 1200 years. I suspect that the rigid border set between EBA and LBA in previous studies has covered up the fact that a significant historical trajectory seems to cross this border.81 This creates a less even trajectory through the LBA. . If we add the VIGRESTAD. RYKKJA I. KLEPPE II at the beginning of this trajectory. one from the IV-V transition.: metal in burials. Still there are several more burials that could be from BA III-IV. 1 from BA V. Vest-Agder and southern Hordaland C. There are 63 or even 67 burials within the time-span 1300-900 BC.

Metal analyses have also been conducted on flanged axes (and shaft-hole axes) from NW Scandinavia and these are shown in Fig. The difference lies in the shape of the upper ¾ of the . the Underåre type is considered to be a regional Nordic derivative (Vandkilde 1996: 119). Hole (nr. 3 along with some of the samples from the neighbouring areas in the eastern lowlands (Eastern Norway). parallelsided-curved. Finally.1. Line (nr. waisted and parallelsided. from the western coastal zone from Jæren in the south to Trondheimsfjord in the north. According to Vandkilde. 386) have parallelsided or trapezoid sides. high flanges and rather straight and narrow edges. and types C5 Extreme Oldendorf and C6 Smørumovre are exclusive to BA II (Vandkilde 1996: 107pp. finish. origin. 381). 383). Flanged axes There are 22 flanged axes from the area. Class B (developed lowflanged axes) to BA BIa. The basic classes A-B are supported by metallographic evidence and chronology.82 Chapter 4. 4. 385) and Tårland (nr. ornaments and shape of cutting edge.). 4.). from Idse (nr. “Thune” (nr. developed low-flanged axes (class B). Types C1-3 are dated to BA Ib. but are less important in our case. The most recent typo-chronological study of Nordic flanged axes is Helle Vandkilde’s study of the early Danish metalwork.1. The nick-flanged axes and chisels of Class D cut across these chronological phases. types are defined according to combinations of length. Their contribution is often limited by the fact that they are rarely found in association with other bronze types. type C4 Mägerkingen-Valsømagle is dated to BAIb-II. since no axes of class D are found in NW Scandinavia. and from the alpine plateau and valleys in between. 384). and this is by far the largest single category. Second attempt: axes There are altogether 143 axes and fragments of axes. For this reason it is necessary to give the axes a more thorough treatment. 382). Flanged axes are grouped into four classes based on height of flanges: primitive low-flanged axes (class A). Class A (primitive low-flanged axes) is dated to LN II. high-flanged axes (class C) and nick-flanged axes (class D) (Vandkilde 1996: 26). These axes fit into the continuum embraced by the types Underåre and Oldendorf.1. While the Oldendorf type is a common European and Nordic axe type (Kibbert 1980: 137pp. Within these basic classes categories are defined according to outline: trapezoidal. Types Oldendorf and Underåre Six axes. “Haugesund” (nr.

is south of Limfjorden. Underåre and Oldendorf types are contemporary and appear in combination in hoards. Type Extreme Oldendorf Four axes. 351. and tweezers with thick lips and belt-hook. The nearest cluster of Oldendorf type axes. 387). indistinct bronze dagger blade. unflanged neck and high flanges. 390) have features diagnostic of type Extreme Oldendorf: a trapezoid. Aakvik 2000: 19. Kibbert 1980: nr. 93). along the rivers running eastwards towards Randers Fjord. and on about half of the Danish Oldendorf axes (Vandkilde 1996: 112. (Old 701). belt-hook.389) and Voll (nr. While Idse (nr. brooch. 382). Møllerop 1963: 9p. 385) and Tårland (nr. tweezers with thick lips and simple belt plate. 4.83 sides. Gravhø (nr. except for Western Jutland. and the . Hegdalsvik (nr. København C. The lack of transverse bevels on our six axes is thus an additional argument for grouping them all as type Oldendorf (cf. The axe from Voll has for long been referred to as a unique specimen and as evidence for links to the British Wessex Culture (Bjørn 1936: 12. 203. 386) are slightly more curved and lean towards the Underåre type. Line (nr. with flint dagger. 4). the shape. the burial from Skivarp. Their distribution in Sweden has not been studied. Nordenborg-Myhre 1998: 56. AK IV: 2367). comparable to the one in Rogaland. in Northern Jutland the Underåre type dominates while there are only four Oldendorf axes (cf. 383). Steglose Beile. 381). Vandkilde 1996: 107. ibid: fig. Hoards as well as burials. and Oldendorf type axes with equally splayed corners can be found in Sweden to the east (Old 184. Aakvik 2000: 97. 19). Both Oldendorf and Underåre types are also associated with type Bagterp spearheads in the Bagterp hoard (ibid: no. 119). Such bevels are found on most Danish Underåre axes. 388). demonstrate a BA II date for these axes: the burial from Karlstrup. Kibbert 1980: nr: 239-245). 1780. all correspond to the Extreme Oldendorf type.2. 1837) and in Germany to the south (cf. with bronze dagger. All six specimens lack transversal bevels (cf. 384) are clear Oldendorf types. 205).. (AK I: 518). Skåne C. The crucial feature in this respect has been the splayed edge-corners. The rest of the axe. 112).1. somewhere in the continuum between the parallel sides of the Oldendorf type and the slightly more curved or trapezoid sides of the Underåre type (cf. “Haugesund” (nr. the height of flanges. Interestingly.115. The edges of the Voll axe are moreover only slightly more splayed than those on the axe from Gravhø. and the trapezoid shape of the neck. 342. the way the flanges end before reaching the neck. “Thune” (nr. Indergård (nr. Hole (nr. tab. Both types date to BA Ib and are distributed all over Denmark.

and some variation in outline. have distinct outlines with wide and protruding edges. one from southern Zealand – and eight specimens clustered in northern Zealand (Vandkilde 1996: fig.395) and BLINDHEIM (nr.2). Kvåle (nr. Telemark C. The variation in outline may be the necessary result of varying size: while keeping the width of the hafting section constant. Three features . Fevåg (nr. again. As for the 13 specimens from Denmark. Groseth 2001: 37. chapt. This is a type of damage or intentional practice that is not seen in groups 1 and 2 (cf. The types Torsted-Tinsdal and Virring are basically the same type only demarcated by length (7-15cm vs. and FA in the case of Gravhø. 8. App. Three axes have been analyzed for metallographic composition: FB1 in Voll and Heggdalsvik (and Lien). enabling the same functional hafting for the small Blindheim axes as well as the large Steine axes. hoard 16).1. 3). The axes from Udsholt. the imported Central European type Langquaid (B4) and the small type Hüsby (C2) (Vandkilde 1996). København C. hoard 10). 15-24 cm). (AK I: 29C) and Birket. Lolland (AK III: 1641).3. Although there is significant variation in size. (C 18795. 4. four out of seven axes are broken. it seems clear that this is a Swedish rather than Danish type. For Sweden.84 large hoard from Smørumovre. In Norway east of our area. one from Lolland. Moreover. alone (Oldeberg 1974). a single specimen is known from Jutland. So. these axes seem to be based on the same stylistic idea.391-2. 4) would fall within the Extreme Oldendorf type. Although the Extreme Oldendorf axes seem related to type Oldendorf proper. the distinction between Oldendorf and extreme Oldendorf is significant. we are left with Oldeberg’s catalogue. and BA Ia. they are clearly younger and have a distinctly different distribution. neither in flange-height nor in edge curvature. This group does not in any way come near groups 1 or 2. Here. the axe from Lien. Håheim (nr. were also from burials. 93). The extreme Oldendorf have a distinctly eastern distribution in Denmark. Fig.3 % and 10 % (cf. The following Danish axe types have comparable protruding edges and are potential parallels: the waisted types of Torsted-Tinsdal (B2) and Virring (B3). with 12-13 clear specimens known from Uppsala C. and generally high tin-levels between 8.394). STEINE (nr. one from Bornholm. (AK I: 354). Type Håheim-Steine Seven axes. while the distinction between types Underåre and Oldendorf are of little consequence here.4.393). København C. 396-97. It seems quite clear that at least in Denmark the protruding. semi-circled edge was a feature of developed-flanged axes (class B).

and the transverse bevel seems to have been less popular here than in Denmark. Broken flanged axes seem to be particularly common east of Lake Vänarn (Västergötland). Østfold C. Västre Götaland C (former Västergötland. (Old 2682. distributed mainly in eastern Schleswig. The third item from the Steine hoard. Kalmar C. 2492. chapt.5 cm) resemble the complete Steine axe closely (Pl. Considering the homogeneity of these axes and the fact that no other contemporary axes are found within the same spatial zone in the west. One of them also carries the notched neck. slender axe with a curved edge. 79). fig. Considering the height of flanges and their wide protruding edges. Sorø and Bornholm C. Old 1947. . Slovakia (cf. 2542. (Öland. or in fact lower (more protruding).5. The row of short vertical lines on the mid-section might also be a parallel to the row of depressions seen just below the fracture on the broken axe from STEINE (nr. (C 11059) and Skalstad. Four axes of type Langquaid are known from Denmark. The three Danish specimens with known provenance are found in Vejle. (C 13875) are closely related to the above axes (Aakvik 2000: 18).85 make these a poor analogy for our group: the great majority of them carry a transverse bevel. 3. 2703). Örebro C. none of our axes have such bevels. The Hüsby type is a long. None of these have transverse bevels. 1987). characteristic of continental axes. Skåne C. (Old 1127). and rarely seen on Nordic axes. Comparable axes can be listed from Uppsala C. have only two parallels from Skåne C. Buskerud C..1). and Nitriansky Hradok. thus only a single specimen from Jutland (Vandkilde 1996: 103pp. with only three specimens known from Denmark. The shape of the neck. 2569). and they all have width-height ratios of edges comparable to our axes. 392). In Sweden there are several analogue axes. 67). None of the Danish specimens are close to ours in outline (ibid: 113p. I find it likely that they are partly locally made. (Old 2838). To the immediate east of our area the axes from Borge.. with an outline very similar to the complete axe from STEINE (nr. The large specimen from unknown provenance in Skåne C. they ought to be from BA Ia rather than BA Ib. the rare ribbed bracelet (nr.391). Old 2483. the facetted sides and the size (24. 57). they have waisted sides and the height-width ratio of the edge seems lower (less protruding) than our axes.). The link seems to have been eastwards into the area east of Lake Vänarn. While only two out of a total of 34 Danish Virring-axes lack a transverse bevel. (Old 1127) is a large decorated axe.

4. The edge corners are indistinct and the edge rounded. The Bersagel Axe The axe from Bersagel (nr. the flange-height would place it into class B. 4. Metal analyses of early bronzes in NW Scandinavia. slightly waisted outline. This feature is in Denmark seemingly linked to high-flanged (type Underåre) or lowflanged axes (types Emmen and Hjadstrup). 3. 398) is a long.1. thin and slender axe with a trapezoid. it is somewhat awkward to . and some comparative data from Eastern Norway (marked with *). Accordingly. The height of the flanges is 2-3 mm.86 Fig. developed flanged axes. cf. Compiled from data in Cullberg 1968. Vandkilde’s class B does not contain variants with such a trapezoid outline. also Liversage 2000. Following Vandkilde.

4. Gaustad looked to the peculiar object from Tu (nr. Rolighet. Oldt. (C 7978). “spoon-shaped”. (C25254) and Øverby. Our knowledge of the distribution and typology of flanged axes have improved significantly since these arguments were presented.3 cm. While Bjørn pointed towards Swedish parallels (1936: 10). a narrow long-stemmed body and a curved edge without edge corners.e. Fig. through a classification within Vandkilde’s class A. Hence. seem to be contested both by the flange-height and the metallographic evidence.1. UOÅ 1933-34).1 mm). i. The axes from Berge.87 classify the Bersagel axe according to Vandkilde’s study of Danish axes. On the basis of flange-height. or even less developed flanges (2-2. To sum up the two main results: The first is that the Bersagel axe is most likely not a LN bronze find completely isolated from the early bronze horizon proper (BA I).2 % tin. The second is that the Bersagel-axe is an anomaly in the context of the other flanged axes from Rogaland C. Rolighet and Øverby have been analyzed for metal composition (cf. 13. FB1 and FA are both very unusual among Class A axes in Denmark. but with higher flanges. The long- . in fact only 1 % (Vandkilde 1996: fig. even in a Nordic context. Berge has a crosssection comparable to Bersagel. These have similar lengths. It would seem that these axes were made in a class A outline. is that it points quite clearly to eastern overland networks. 1966). 399) is clearly a rarity. and an overall length of 20. with more tin. Three axes east of the mountains may be of relevance to this problem. They show a gliding continuum from a slightly waisted shape on Bersagel via Øverby to a clearer waist on Berge. tin-content and metallographic analyses. Skåne C. Vestfold C.. but more important than a slightly earlier date (BA Ia versus Ib). the suggested Late Neolithic dates for Bersagel (Aakvik 2000: 19p. Telemark C.) and Berge (Groseth 2001: 36). Austria (1965: 35.2 % tin.5. and Gemeinlebarn. 3): Berge has FB1 and 7. 44). (C 21614).5 cm. from different copper. and at a later time. Østfold C.VI. Rolighet FA with 8. 14 cm and 14 cm and have all been described as axes with insignificant flanges (Groseth 2001: 36.9 % tin and Øverby FB1 with 7. and reconstructed a hypothetical “battle axe” in style with those from Sösdala. 336). The Vevang axe The axe from Vevang (nr. the Bersagel axe and its eastern parallels ought to be placed in BA Ia or transition BA Ia/b. The Vevang axe has developed flanges. The solution to this problem might simply be that they were produced in Sweden or eastern Norway in BA Ia. and would thus fit best in the class of developed flanged-axes. from Berge.

unlike any of the contemporary axe types (ibid: 95). and these are the best analogies for the Vevang axe in the Nordic Zone.1. A1b. Sweden. B1. Old 2679). Gaustad saw the axe from Veen as part of a group in eastern Norway. and it is not entirely clear whether this is a flanged axe at all. The Lausanne I type belongs to the La Bourdonnette phase (early Langquaid phase. The axe from Lomen (nr. It does not correspond with any of Vandkilde’s class B types. A2.6 The axes from Veen. in BA I. but these axes have few features in common with the Vevang axe. Br. The type Clucy is the last step in this typological branch. Tvete and Møsserød (Gaustad 1965: 35). 401) is a fragment. Stokke and Lomen The axe from Veen (nr. .57). Kalmar C. This type is dated on independent grounds to late A2 or the transition B1 (Szpunar 1987: 46). equals Nordic BA Ib). along with Gjettemoen (C 29223). Old 1738). along with the Swedish specimens. Br. 3. They also seem to cluster again at the lower Vistula River. with 6. 95). but might be close to the Underåre type with its trapezoid-parallelsided-curved outline. The typo-chronological development is from Lausanne I via Rümlang to Bevaix. the Czeszewo type. this might best be considered an axe produced in eastern Norway or more likely. But while the great majority of Danish Underåre axes have a transversal bevel. are found predominantly in western Schwitzerland (Abels 1972: 12. Two axes clearly in line with the Swiss types come from eastern Sweden. The axe from Stokke (nr. 402) is an edge-fragment. should be placed no later than BA Ia. This latter tendency has been strenghtened through Szpunar’s study of the Polish axes. The Rümlang type is dated to both the early and the late Langquaid phases (Langquaid-Renzenbühl.88 stemmed types with spoon-shaped blades seem to have originated in western Alps. Abels 1972: 21. and they can all be linked to the cluster of Swiss axes in the lower Vistula area across the Baltic Sea (Pl. 4. the Veen axe lacks this feature. Örebro C. dated to the (early) LochhamHabsheim phase (Br. equals Nordic BA Ia).400) is made from FA copper. also clustering at the lower Vistula. (Åberg 1915: 13. and Frommestad. equals Nordic LN II) (ibid: 19). Again. he distinguished a closely related type. fig. now lost. Hence. The spatial plot from the Lausanne and Rümlang types shows a dense cluster in Switzerland but with a distinct tail eastwards. (Abels 1972: 21. In addition to the imported specimens of Lausanne and Rümlang types proper. Both the earliest type Lausanne I and the later type Rümlang. These are the axes from Olovsborg. the Vevang axe. although the Bevaix type seems very close chronologically to the Rümlang type.6 % tin.

a group of paalstaves with plastic Y-ornament and a group of simple.): from ”Jæren” (nr. The weapon-paalstaves belong exclusively to BA II (cf. They are all of the variants with simple ornamentation. slender paalstave with a plastic Y-ornamant on the broadsides. Helleve and Time represent shorter versions.2..2.11). Paalstaves comparable to nr. fig. Kersten 1935: 74p.89 4. In this case. In Norway these are confined to these three specimens in Southwestern Norway. with a plastic Y-rib (1935: 78p. but is thinner and moreover quite irregular in its shape. and possibly also into BA III. 406). Hauge (nr. unornated paalstaves. paalstaves of Norddeutsche Typ.). from “Smålenene” (Johansen 1981: 16. The Skjørestad specimen also carries the Y-ornament. 6. none of them have spiral-ornaments. 406-409 are very common in both Sweden and Denmark. IId) and from Molteberg Nordre (Vikshåland & Sandvik 2007: 50p. . 4. Type Nordic weapon-paalstaves Three axes from Lista (nr. 410) and Voile (M 28) The axes from “Jæren”. 140-41).2. and they are likely to have been derived via a maritime route across Skagerrak from Denmark. paalstaves of Nordic type. Y-decorated paalstaves (”Norddeutsche typ”) Five axes and one mould correspond to Kersten’s type C II. 4. They seem also to yield a rather wide time frame including both early and late BA II. 405) are of Kersten’s type CI. the short length was clearly intentional from the beginning. “Ortøy” and Voile are quite similar and represent the common long. probably a result of prolonged resharpening since their other dimensions are comparable to the other axes. For these reasons they are not suited for a detailed network study.2. 407).1. Helleve (nr. Skjørestad (nr. Paalstaves There are 12 paalstaves from the area and these can without difficulty be placed into three categories: a group of Nordic type ”weapon”-paalstaves. 403). ”Ortøy” (nr. and generally in Northern Europe (Kibbert 1980. 408). In this. Pl. Time (nr. the Skjørestad axe is reminiscent of two axes from east of Oslofjord. The Voile mould on the other hand indicate intimate links to the two soapstone moulds for paalstaves found at Søllerød and Valby in Northern Zealand (Jantzen 2008: nr. Laux 2000). 409). 404) and Hove (nr.

10.3. The Faardrup axes have traditionally been dated to BA Ia. Out of 61 sampled Faardup axes from Denmark.3. and .2 The ceremonial axes from Lunde and Rimbareid The axes from LUNDE (nr. There seems to be a high ratio of these axes (4) considering the relatively low number of the more common Y-decorated type (6). This type was not included by Kersten (1935). from eastern Zealand and Lolland (ibid: nr. 424) are large and heavy ceremonial “cult axes”. hoard 22) and Rimbareid (nr. 4. This might indicate that they were made locally or that Rogaland had links to an area where such axes were particularly common. Randaberg (nr. Kirke Saaby and Smørumovre.90 4. 634. all of them of EBA types. 412). Shaft hole axes There are 11 shaft-hole axes from the area.1 Type Faardrup There are six Faardrup type axes (nr. 652. 2002: 288pp. but they are clearly present in both Sweden (Old) and Denmark (AK). 415-420). The cult axes seem to be an eastern phenomenon from Northeastern Jutland eastwards (Jensen 1978. no. based on their flawed appearance: Tjelta (nr. 592. a socketed axe. Three of them have been considered to be local castings. Årekol (nr. Among the 11 sampled specimens from Skåne C.0. 551) combines a large cult axe. spearheads of types Ullerslev. 415). 413) and Reinsås (nr. 4.1% and 9. an octagon-hilted sword. 3). This is a strong indication that at least the axes from Tjelta. The Faardup axe from Tjelta at Jæren has. i. 421-23.e. Südhannover and Hessische in Laux 2000). 411). The hoard from Vester Hornum in Northern Jutland (Jacob-Friesen 1967: nr. five of them 10% or more (Cullberg 1968: ref. 651A and 705A).3. Fig.8%.3. 568-570. but according to Vandkilde’s revision of BA I chronology they belong in BA Ib (Vandkilde 1996: 227). on the other hand.2. 755). paalstaves. 4. 420) is a fragment.). 419) are both decorated specimens. Våge (nr. 9.0 and 10. 414) are smaller paalstaves with simpler cross-section and without a mid-rib.0% respectively (cf. extraordinary high tin levels at 9. and Northern Germany (types Westhannover. Lågsand (nr. and Hofset (nr. along with the two northernmost specimens from Lågsand and Hofset. only two (and one without provenance) have tin levels of 9% or more. Simple flat paalstaves The axes from Tu (nr. Lågsand and Hovdeset arrived from the east. 416) and Kvanngardsnes (nr. no less than seven axes contain more than 9% tin. 417). 418) and Viset (nr.

as well as from other Nordic axes in this category. The four large axes from two findings within a small geographical area still represent an important challenge to my account – the amount of metal invested and the technological complexity involved are significant.. Other . and also lack collar around the shaft-hole (Johansen 1984: 129. 4. The most important studies of the Nordic socketed axe are those of Lindquist (1913). 1960). It is plain and undecorated except for the large and deep triangular depressions on the pommel. and Aner (1962). The socketed axe is basically a tube with an edge. and I find it necessary to redesign some of the typological groups made for Sweden and Denmark for the present purpose. simple body. Baudou (1953. the overall simplicity and the lack of a collar around the shaft-hole set this axe apart from those from Rimbareid and Lunde. also Gaustad 1965: 40). Akershus C. is 33.g. 1830 socketed axes from the Nordic zone in the LBA and merely 150 from the EBA (1960: 16). 2. like e. For this reason. The Nordic cult axes seem to be individual stylistic creations. the one from Rimbareid. It is narrow. Four basic designs arise from the way the edge meets the socket. They do not provide clear clues to the direction of the networks that brought them to NW Scandinavia.91 dates the cult axes to BA II. The Raknes axe is thus best linked to the axe from Åmot. and possibly also local production. Sprockhoff (1937. and both are best seen as the result of a production north of the Danish production centres. 4. The narrow front-section. the Raknes axe points to eastern overland networks. This high number has probably prevented in-depth studies of the socketed axe. 1).1 kg and has a comparable narrow outline. facets A-D (Fig.4. and there are no immediate parallels for the axes from Rimbareid and Lunde.3 kg. 425) is 26. The main difference is that the axe from Åmot has a pommel more in line with those on the typical cult axes. The axe from Åmot. with rather trapezoid sides and a straight edge. fig. 1956. Baudou calculated a total number of c.2 The Raknes axe The axe from Raknes (nr. cf. 1956 I). The quantity and the clear evidence for local production make the socketed axe a crucial category for an evaluation of displacement and transformation of bronze in the BA of NW Scandinavia in general.3. 4.8 cm long and weighs 1. Socketed axes There are 94 socketed axes and 17 moulds for such axes from the area.5cm long.

4. slightly waisted sides and measures only 8 and 8. Fiskå (nr. 427. and the line-bundles ending at the lower rivets on the blade. bur. and they gradually diminish in size through BA III-IV to the small axes characteristic of BA V-VI. The T-H I burial in particular demonstrate that small “LBAsized” axes were present at least c. 5) and T-H II (nr. have facet A designs. the pommel. Revheim (nr. Single findings of similar design are Auran (nr. Graftås (nr. 434) and Eikrem (nr. The size in particular is at odds with the conventional trajectory suggested for Nordic axes: large socketed axes with plastic Y-ribs reminiscent of the contemporary paalstaves appear in BA II (cf. 1300-1250 BC in the Beitstad area. In light of this context. 6). T-H I contained several features that point to the transition BA II-III: the brooch. Fig. The fragmented . both the early date and the fact that socketed axes are extremely rare in burials. 431).4. 428). Austrått (nr.Vedvika (nr.1. 4. Facet types on socketed axes. and Graftås has a good parallel in Grefsen. 435) share the lack of loops and the A facet. bur. ornamental patterns. while Simones (nr. 432).2 cm in length. Eikrem and Graftås are decorated specimens. 433). The latter is safely dated to BA III through the metalhilted dagger. nr. size and internal haftsupport. On this basis I have discerned nine groups to be explored below. Group 1: medium and large axes with facet A The point of departure for discerning group 1 is the two axes from burials T-H I (nr. 429).92 variables are presence and location of loops. 511). 430). Akershus (C 22743). these axes are crucial data in a wider European context. The two axes are loopless. 426.

Sømme (nr. The most difficult demarcation in this case is group 2 proper from similar axes with loops. with loop). Clearly. I dare not date the rest of the axes in group 2 based on the criteria of size (i. including axes with loop and with rivet holes: Nyhamar A (M 16. (small loopless axes) but only one of these has facet A (“Bergen Museum”. smaller ones in BA IV).93 mould from Foss (M 12) seems also intended for casting similar axes. Revheim). None of the above axes have internal haft supports. Auran) and small specimens (7 cm. Group 2: medium and large axes with facet B The point of departure in this case is the axe from T-H III (nr. 444) might have had loops. Accordingly. 441).60). Tallgren 1911: 184pp.e. Group 1 borders the later group 8. with loop and possibly with an A facet). with rivet hole).4. 436. and 10.. fig. 449. Søyland (nr. Single findings of the same basic design are: Movollen (nr. from the two large specimens (11. This axe is loopless. Within this group there is variance in size. nr. the burial assemblages at Tonnes-Holan provide a very significant link between typical Nordic EBA types and alleged eastern “Arctic” types. 447. hoard 18. typical of younger axes. Sævik (nr. 4. Although this assemblage did not provide as clear chronological indications as did T-H I-II. 441) and Grude (nr.6 cm. 499). This axe has a distinctly waisted shape and an edge broader than the mouth. In light of the small size of the BA III axes from T-H I-III. with slightly waisted sides and a B facet. and probably also the damaged and incomplete specimens from Nes (nr. Orre (nr. TH I-II.2. 1914: 15). Nor am I convinced that waisted (BA III) versus straight sides (BA IV) is a viable . 512). 448. A good parallel to the axes from T-H. 446). while the large group conforms to common BA III sizes. and BØ (nr. 438). Knivsland (nr. The BØ hoard contained a second axe clearly of BA III type (nr. 442). 443) and Grude (nr. with loop). bur. it is possible to place it in BA III in light of the similarity between the dagger (nr.8 cm long. Bårdshaug. to the T-H I axe in particular. Uppsala C. 439). (Ekholm 1921: XXVI. Indre Oppedal (nr. Midtre Vere (nr. It is merely 7 cm long and very similar to the one from TH I (Pl. For this reason I include such axes here as a sub-group. 7). 445) and Hagen (nr. larger ones in BA III. It is first and foremost the medium-group that is dated through the T-H assemblages. 280) and the one from SOLA I (nr. 138). Simones). This was originally designated a Piesalva type by Tallgren and included as an eastern Russian specimen by Ekholm (cf. 440). is the axe from Hesselby. Volden (nr. Knivsland (nr. 444). 437). to medium size specimens (8-9 cm. 281) and the mass of other BA III burials at Tonnes Holan.

Johansen 1986: fig. Dalarne C.1-10. (Old 2629). corresponding to Baudou's type A1: VERE (nr. Bjørnes (nr. (Old 2939) and possibly also from Västergötland C. and there are neither axes nor moulds with 5-6 depressions. rectangular depressions above a horizontal ridge. contained such an axe along with tutulus. 454). Midtre Vere.94 demarcation. Södermanland C. C 51340. 550). 2720).). 98) combined such an axe with a massive arm ring and a late type tutulus (but note the weak context of these findings). 456) and Skjeldestad (M 15). All three specimens from our area seem to lack loops but the one from Bjørnes might originally have had one. (Old 2666). In Sweden 2-3 depressions are more common than 4 depressions. Gotland C. 98). 453. Örebro C. (Old 1530). and two axes from Borge Vestre (4 .6 cm).3. The most important lesson from these axes is the popularity of loopless axes in the northern part of the area. Both Baudou and Oldeberg included other facets (A) as well as axes with loops in their categories. 2720). Group 4: axes with straight. Värmland C. (Old 2425). Frøyland have 3 on one side and 4 on the other and Nesheim have 6 depressions. The combination of Y-decoration and C-facet is found on 14 specimens outside our area. 50) and Mangelrød (5 depressions. rectangular depressions These are small axes with facet A. 451) and Seim (nr. Only the axe from Midtre Vere has internal haftsupport. and dates the Y-decorated socketed axe in general to BA III (Old. (Old 2177). (Old 2714. 4. None of them have internal haft supports. 452). Södermanland C. To the immediate east of our area there are two moulds from Kveim (4 depressions. (Old 2873). Group 3: axes with thin ribbed Y-ornament These are axes with facet C and a Y-ornament made from thin ribs: from Nypan (nr. In fact. The general category is dated through a great many hoards to BA IV (Baudou 1960: 18). Baudou 1960: 168pp. (Old 2693. all Swedish moulds have only 2 depressions. Axes with 4-6 depressions are more common in Denmark (cf. loop and straight.4. all of them in Sweden: Skåne C. (Old 2277). Östergötland C. Risbøl 1996). (Old 494. bur. 4. These fit well into Baudou's category of “Y-ornated celts” (1953) and Oldeberg's “type C” (1976). The VERE burial (bur. The hoard from Botkyrka. they have lengths corresponding to the axes from T-H I-III (8. 455). 2710). Västmanland C.4. Blekinge C. There seems to be some regional variation regarding the number of depressions. Västerbotten C.4. 450). sickle and a coiled spiral arm ring. Nesheim (nr. Frøyland (nr. “Norway” (nr. Interestingly. “Norway” and Skjeldestad have 4 vertical depressions.

Jantzen 2008: fig.g. 459).4. Bornholm C. 462). To this decorative schema belong: Bjørgan (nr. 31).95 depressions. Thus. Øvre Berge (nr. Mølster (nr. . Finland (Pl. Kuz’minych 1996. Outside our area. Meinander 1954: 29pp. Meinander 1969: 55.. Group 5: large looped axes with extended necks These are relatively large axes with loops placed typically 1/3 from top. C19147). cf.4). 1) and the mould from Luusuavaara. 457). Ulla (nr. fig. Telemark C. has 3 depressions. and the nature of the relationship between the Nordic and Russian axes constitute a major theme in LBA research in Fennoscandia (e.5. and Tjesseim (M 22). 461). Pl. Farstad (nr. nr. Kasset (nr. 41). 7. Hjärtner-Holdar 1998). Rovaniemi. Baudou 1960: 175. Vålan (nr. C 39719) and Nordbø (5 depressions. The mould from Hjørring C. This is the hoard from GYL (hoard 8) providing a clear BA VI date. chapt. Slæn (nr. but is mistakenly noted with four in Boudou’s study (1960: 168. Baudou 1960: 21). Tjesseim and Luusuavaara are the only known moulds for casting the Norwegian variant. 458). The dominance of 4 and more depressions on the Norwegian axes clearly points to Denmark rather than Sweden. 463). 1918.8. 465). one specimen in the large Balsmyr hoard. 62. In the case of the Skjeldestad mould the core-prints on the valve point rather clearly to interior Sweden (cf. All variants have been notoriously difficult to date since there is only a single informative assemblage with such an axe in the Nordic Zone. 13. Only the southernmost specimen from Rosendal has internal haft support. 460). 4. located at each end of the Scandinavian Peninsula. (Baudou 1960: 175. Bakka 1976: 12. Brøgger 1909. nr. The Norwegian variant This group was defined early on by Brøgger (1909). Meinander 1985. 464). Comparable axes are numerous on large burial grounds in the Volga-Kama area. and is distinguished by a characteristic pattern made of three vertical and three horizontal ribs crossing each other in height with the loop. (C 21393. They fall under Baudou's type B (1960) and are also referred to as KAM axes. None of the axes from Russia seem to correspond to the ornamental schema of the Norwegian variant. there are only three analogue specimens: from Bøle. Rosendal (nr. Skjeldestad and Kveim are the only known moulds with 4 depressions. 2). Variants are distinguished mainly by the patterns made by thin ribs. but the Gyl axe does not belong to any of the major variants (cf.

Internal haft-supports are found only on the axes from Vemestad. Minnen 1054-55). the ratio is more balanced in Västergötland C. 483). Forsand (M 21). is designated as a Mälar variant by Johansen (1981: 21p. Hedmark C. Its slender body and complex ornament relates it to the Norwegian and Mälar variants rather than to the Scanian variant. 480-81. 473). from Måren (nr. Pl. three vertical ribs on the lower section.4. 478). The axe from Randaberg (M 25) is extraordinary with 6 vertical ribs arranged in three pairs on the upper section. Baudou considered the Gyl axe to be a hybrid between the Scanian and Norwegian variants. STAVÅ (nr. and three horizontal ribs. and the axes from Jale and Kallum in Østfold as hybrids between Mälar and Norwegian variants (ibid: 23p. In light of this pattern.96 Axes related to the Norwegian and Mälar variants The differences between Norwegian and the Mälar variants are that the latter has more than three horizontal ribs. Pl. 4.. while the fragment from Vemestad (nr. The axe from Hovde (nr.. The Scanian variant The following axes and moulds correspond to Baudou’s Scanian variant: Skatval (nr. LOM (nr. Sørbø (nr. 479). and Eide (M 18).. Børve (nr. The fragment from Sylte (nr. 471) is likely to stem from one of these variants. Ystines (nr. 468) is the only axe that conforms to the Mälar variant. 482. . To the immediate east the axe from Ljørdalen. Frisvoll (nr. 475). 474). as an indication that the Mälar and Norwegian variants belong in BA IV/V and the Scanian variant in BA VI (1960: 22). Group 6: small looped axes with extended necks These are small looped axes with extended necks. and possibly also the fragmented axe from Idse (nr. and used this and the fact that most Scanian axes have haft support. The axe from GYL (nr. 467) has a more compressed ornament and also two extra horizontal lines (in the negative). (1960: 21). IVb). According to Baudou this variant exists with both A (geraden Randleisten) and B (triangulärer Schneidenflachen) facets. but has three extra vertical ribs added on the upper section. Sakstad (nr. Hovde and GYL. 472. 476). Internal haft-supports are present on the axes from Frisvoll and Anda. hoard 8) has a broad horizontal rib and a less slender body in common with the Scanian variant.6. Anda (nr. While the B facet dominates in Skåne C. hoard 11). and that the left and right vertical ribs either stop at the bottom horizontal rib or they are missing altogether (cf. 466) is closely related to the Norwegian variant. it is of interest that all our specimens have A facets and are thus more in line with the axes from Västergötland than with those from Skåne. The axes from Nyhus (nr. 477). 469) and Sekkenes (nr. 470) have three horizontal ribs but no vertical ribs. Va). hoard 7).

date these axes to BA VI (Jensen 1997: 82). nr. and one of the axes from KROKAN (nr. 498) has an A-facet. 491).7. 490) and Grøtavær (M 11). . Hegreberg (nr. 487). Hana (nr. Erstad (nr. These fit into Baudou’s type C2b (Westnordische typ) (1960: 24). This group corresponds to Baudou's type C3 (1960). It is numerous in the Nordic Zone. both moulds from Eide and Vestre Goa seem to be at odds with the rest concerning their width-height ratio and straight sides. 493). This group is embraced by Baudou’s category C (simple axes with smooth sockets). “Sola” (nr. except for Southwestern Sweden and Northern Jutland (Baudou 1960: 23). 4. 19. The double loops on the Garå mould is probably a result of repair rather than a typological feature (one loop is actually damaged). 495). Group 8: small loopless axes There are 9 small axes without loops and without ornaments. 497. and three assemblages from Zealand. The axe from Eggjan has an additional rib at mouth. These are dated through numerous assemblages both to BA V and VI. 516 with C facet below). Another solution to the problem of a ruined loop in the mould is seen on the mould from Visborg. as well as the hoards from STAVÅ and LOM.8. hoard 4). A comparable case is seen on a mould from Gotland (Hansson 1927: Pl.97 and possibly also Kvamsøy (nr. Ålborg C. a narrower edge. Vestre Goa (M 26). and the axecavity was worked into a shorter version (Jantzen 2008: 139. Hananger (nr. 494). one from Bornholm. Internal haftsupports are present on all specimens. while the rest have B-facets. Skeibrok (nr. Myklabust (nr. In this case a second loop was placed directly below the original.107). 496).4. and is the only one without internal haft-support. Ingdalen (nr. One of the axes from STAVÅ. the related axe from Sunndalen nr. and those from Måren and Garå have A-facets. 492).4. Eight of them have B facets: Eggjan (nr. Only the axe from “Bergen Museum” (nr. 4. All axes have B facets and internal haft-support (cf. 489). from “Trondheim Museum” (nr. 486). 485). 488). Sola (nr. Høyland (nr. Group 7: small looped axes These are small looped axes. Interrestingly. Both these and the one from KROKAN are related to the next group. Eide (M 14). and his variant C2a (axes without ribs below the top collar).155). 484) and Garå (M 20).

Lundset (nr. 499-500. 512) is reminiscent of the BA II type but has no Y-ornament. A fringe-motive (cf. and together they are best seen as a hoard from BA III. Other socketed axes The large axe with facet C and a plastic Y-ornament from “Bergen Museum” (nr. suggested also by its flat cross-section.4.10. Group 9: small decorated axes 13 axes and three moulds carry additional ornaments on their sockets.4. 511) is clearly of the earliest Nordic type socketed axe from BA II (Aner 1962). Liland (nr. 506. 4. 501). as do two axes from Gotland (Hansson 1927: 36. KROKAN (nr. Western Finland C. Since it is deposited in Bergen Museum we might suspect that it has been found somewhere between Moldefjord and Lista. A mould from Akonlahti. Volute-motives are found on the axes from GUNNESØYAN (nr. No clear parallels have been located. Liland (nr. has a volute-motive reminiscent of the above (cf. STAVÅ (nr. hoard 4) and Tustervatn (nr. 505). and Noggva (nr. resemble these decorated axes. These three axes all have loops while only one of the axes from STAVÅ (nr. The axe from Øvrebust (nr.102-3). 507). 508-9.). Still. While GUNNESØYAN indicates a BA VI date. but a BA III date seems likely considering the plastic pattern. 505). Outside our area the axe from Paimio. Stangeland (M 23) and Brualand (M 24). Comparable small axes with various ornaments come from: Litlebø (M 13). It was found along with a second large axe. It has been seen as a BA III development of the BA II type (Johansen 1981: 18p. with facet B and holes for rivet. 510). 19.64). There seems to be two variants of the volute-motive: a complex with multiple ribs (nr. has a curved/waveornament in the style seen on the Stavå-Gunnesøy axes (Hackmann 1900: 60p. these axes indicate links across the peninsula (cf. . 11). The hoard from STAVÅ also yields a BA VI date. Hustad (nr. 505) and a simple with single ribs coiled into spirals (nr. fig. M 23-4). 499-500. hoard 2). 503. hoard 6). Meinander 1954: 24). Both variants are found in combination with the fringe-motive. Pl. Gaustad 1965: 50) is found on Lundset (nr. 513) has a B facet but made in the negative. The moulds from Eide and Vestre Goa in the previous group. Rindarøy (nr. 504). rather a broad indistinct rib instead. Karelia.98 4.9. hoard 7). 502). and the one from Vestre Goa has a flat cross-section uncommon to Nordic axes. The axe from BØ (nr. The axe from Tustervatn seems to be closely related to northeastern axes. 508) had a loop (damaged). Pl. the collar in TRONDENES point towards BA V. TRONDENES (nr. 501-504. 504).

like Garå and Nyhamar. From Katteskalla. Except for the BA II axe above (nr. 4).g. chapter 7. Västergötland C. No parallels have been located for this axe. cf. This might indicate an early date at the transition BA III-IV. Within Baudou's type A2a there is variation in the number of depressions from 2 to 6 (1960: 18. In this it seems related to Baudou’s type D. more curved lines. (cf. They seem thus to be made in a width-length ratio common in BA III. According to Baudou the main variant (with 2-6 depressions) is commonly 6-8 cm long. as well as the above from Garå (nr. from Bjurkärrseng. 18. but four specimens are also known from Uppsala and Sødermanland C.. 435) but with softer. The axe from Storfosen has a distinct trapezoid shape and seemingly an A facet. comparable to decorative patterns on northeastern so-called textile-ceramics. 511). and they both share the horizontal lower ridge. axes with curved vertical depressions (1960). and especially to his “gotländische” variant.86).). The Garå (nr. 514) has a C facet and a decorative schema related to those seen on Graftås (nr. While the Nyhamar B mould has its only parallel in the mould from Katteskalla. Lindquist 1913: fig. and it is probably best dated to BA III. 171p.4). The Nyhamar B is for casting the rarest variant with 2 depressions.g. The best analogies are located in Sweden (e. This variant is common between lower Oder and Vistula rivers. . The Garå axe with 4 depressions has parallels more evenly distributed in Sweden and Denmark. one from Denmark and 12 from Sweden.4 cm (Garå) and 10. comes a one and only mould parallel to the one from Nyhamar B. In addition it has a unique “textile” pattern on the facet above the horizontal ridge. clustering in Skåne C. 514) and Nyhamar B (M 17). The basic morphology of the axe resembles those of group 2. A comparable axe is e. the horizontal ridge. the one from Martebomyr. Our specimens are 12. supported by the size of the other Nyhamar A mould. 434) and Eikrem (nr. 516) is the only looped axe with a C facet. This axe too seems to carry a diagnostic BA IV trait. the core-print design on the Katteskalla mould is only paralleled in the Skjeldestad mould (M 15. Gotland (Hansson 1927: P. He saw these as related to those with straight vertical depressions. combined with a size typical of BA III. and Gotland C. known merely in 13 specimens. Baudou 1960: Karte 16).8 cm (Nyhamar B). It has the characteristic horizontal ridge on the lower section. the small axe from Sunndalen (nr. The axe from Hiksdal has a facet B and a basic morphology reminiscent of group 1-2 axes. 515) and Nyhamar B (M 17) fall under Baudou's type A2a.99 The axe from Skorgen (nr.8.

Socketed chisels are known both from EBA and LBA. 8-9). both point to the Arctic is remarkable. the Norwegian variant and the volute decorated axes. The socketed axe and the Taiga-connection This review of the socketed axes indicates that the existing typo-chronological framework developed mainly on the basis of Swedish and Danish findings.4. Three phenomena in particular demonstrate this insufficiency: the dominance of loopless axes (groups 1-3. all indicate that a second eastern axe tradition must be taken into account.5 cm width is more in line with small axes of groups 7-8. large long-necked axes (groups 5) and small decorated axes (group 9).11. there are four edge-fragments from socketed axes: from Myklebust (nr. 150. Skorpen (nr. Aner (1962) and Baudou (1954. . the general links between the Norwegian and Mälar variants and burial grounds in the Volga-Kama area. Baudou highlighted one group of loopless axes. The Myklebust specimen is extremely thin-walled and narrow. 520). The burials T-H I-III provide a crucial clue to the origin of loopless axes. 4. The massive occurrence of small. and the fact that moulds for such axes are found only in Northern Jutland (4 moulds. Åsjorda (nr. The smooth sides might suggest a casting in a closed mould and an early rather than late date. The early date and the burial contexts of the axes from T-H I-III at Beitstad. 519) carries few diagnostic features. the ornamental links between group 9 and Arctic axes and the Hiksdal axe and Arctic textileceramics. 151). the “westnordische” type: ”Eine schwer erklärbare Form ist der Westnordische Typ. That the only two bronze types exclusive to NW Scandinavia. Both group 1 and 2 are here represented in clear BA III assemblages. Gaustad 1965: 44). 148. A significant number of the southernmost moulds can be related to these styles. Gjessing argued that the fragment from Åsjorda stemmed from a Norwegian/Mälar axe (1942: 254.100 The socketed chisel from Årnes (nr. loopless axes in Northern and Central Jutland in BA V-VI (few datable assemblages). 147. 523). but the narrow edge of 3. i. 521). strengthens the impression that loopless axes is a phenomenon at odds with the stylistic development in Southern Scandinavia. Finally.e. is insufficient to an understanding of the axes in NW Scandinavia. Diese wie es scheint unpraktische Form kommt jedoch in mehr als 400 exemplaren for und ist über ein ziemlich grosses Gebiet verbreitet” (Baudou 1960: 17). Jantzen 2008: nr. In southern Scandinavia socketed axes are most often equipped with a loop or with holes for rivets. Sweden (6 moulds) and Norway. 1960). dem das Öhr fehlt und der auch keine Nagellöcher hat. 522) and Hannasvik (nr. These fragments are otherwise rather uninformative.

Lappi C. I suggest that this loopless trajectory did not originate from the Nordic BA II axes. burial T-H I suggest that square-like. Gaustad saw the fringe-motive on Krokan and Lundset as related to Finnish and Russian axes of Seima and Ananino types (1965: 50). In particular. points to an eastern link of significant magnitude. since it links a double fringe-motive to a morphology reminiscent of eastern axes (cf. in Sweden. Group 5 makes up 23 % (24 %.. 61. to a dominance of small axes in BA V-VI. the axe from Liland links the fringe to the more elaborate volute-motive in the STAVÅ hoard. Idensalmi and Valtimo in Western Finland C.e. 61. 64): Norsjö and Sørbyn. 1) and Gamla Uppsala. Liland and Tustervatn seems to be particularly common on western Ananino bronzes (Pl. Finland (Pl. fig. . as well as the development of a regional ornamental pattern within our study area. Uppsala C. It can also be seen on axes that conventionally are placed in between the Seima and Ananino stages. The fringes on the axe from Tustervatn resemble also the decorative ladder-motive seen on Seima bronzes (Tallgren 1914: fig. A fringe-motive comparable to those seen on Krokan. but rather from the Taiga and the Seima tradition to the east. In light of this. and groups 5 and 6 together as much as 31 %. and from Babja Guba in Karelia C.101 and in the case of T-H I it is early rather than late within BA III.. While the Lundset axe links the fringe-motive to the simple volute-motive. Maaria. 1915a: kuva 19). via medium sized and small axes in BA IV. The small decorated axes (group 9) are at odds with the general lack of ornaments on axes in Southern Scandinavia in both EBA and LBA. i. Russia (Edgren & Törnblom 1992: 145). Pl. the axe from the Lusmasaari hoard. moulds included) of the total number of diagnostic axes. it seems clear that Baudou's «Westnordische typ» had a direct forerunner in NW Scandinavia in BA III. The recently discovered axe from Tustervatn strengthens Gaustad's view. These axes are also at odds with the idea of a general development from large axes in BA II-III. 8cm long loopless axes were present at Beitstad c. Norrbotten C.64). 21-23. Edgren & Törnblom 1992: 144). (Lundholm 1970: 31. Together the above points demand an exploration into the chronological and typological situation to the northeast. The significant number of locally produced large axes with extended necks and ribbed ornaments. Lundset. 1300-1250 BC. and thus to BA VI.

daggers) are quite rare: 23 in the eastern zone (east of the Urals). Vektarlia (M 8) and Långudden. Burial 21 at Rostovka for instance contained both combination-moulds and ordinary moulds. Taf. from burials at Seima. (7. fig. and only 2 in the west. Uppsala C. and single-loop from Rostovka (Tallgren 1915b: 76.3 cm. Taf. Chernykh 1992: 73-76. The majority are loopless. The Seima axes proper. A date for this group is best provided by the T-H burials. If we place the Seima horizon at 1800-1700 BC in line with recent arguments (Koryakova & Epimakhov 2007: 108pp. Its length of 10. and is very close to one of the axes from Seima. The two Jarfjord moulds are remarkable since moulds for Seima bronzes (axes. For this reason it is important to evaluate those few findings that might give further clues to the chronological relationship of the Seima horizon in the west. Several stray findings in the west have been linked to the Seima type. the Pielavesi type from Hesselby.11.26). knives. Abb. although there are specimens with double-loop from Seima. Arjeploug. and Pielavesi (10 cm. and very similar to the one from T-H I (nr. hanging triangles and rhombus. and I assume that a smaller “group 1” or “Pielavesi” had been developed from the Seima-axes proper by 1300-1250 BC.g. 78. fig. 2. 21-23. Along with the moulds from Jarfjord (M 6-7. Tallgren 1911: Abb.102 The Seima horizon The chronological and typological frameworks for socketed axes to the east suffer from a lack of combination-finds as well as a lack of radiocarbon dates.5 cm long (at Seima). with a flat. are axes 9.88. Karis (11. 426). Sweden (Lund 28496). 61. 11a). 138). e. Meinander 1954: nr. Meinander 1954: Abb. Sokolovka.25) from Finland. Ekolm 1921: nr. . 59. hoard 1). Turbino I-II. mainly at Rostovka.b). 143.0 cm.). The axe from Hesselby is only 7 cm. It seems clear that the socketed axe is first introduced in the Seima assemblages. The axe from Laukaa in Finland has similar flanges and an identical ladder-motive (Pl. Most of them are decorated with a horizontal ”ladder”pattern. 110. Taf. none of them associated with burials. this creates a gap of at least 400 years in the west between the Laukaa axe within the Seima horizon and the TH Iaxe within Nordic BA III.2 cm. Noormarkku (9. A group of axes have been designated as being developed from the Seima type proper. 10e). Meinander 1954: 66. the Laukaa axe make up the core evidence of Seima presence in the far west.414. Rostovka. and a range of single-found axes have been designated as Seima types on basis of their similarity to these specimens. creating almost a C facet. almost rectangular cross-section and flanges on the lower 2/3. Koryakova & Epimakhov 2007: Figs.e. i. Meinander 1954: nr. for socketed axes.5 cm also corresponds to the smaller Seima axes. Tallgren 1911: 185.

Figurines are extremely rare during the EBA north of the East Mediterranean. i. 67. This is larger than all Seima blades that I have been able to find in the literature. a decorated pin and axes and stone marbles (Hachmann 1957: nr. and I find it unlikely that these two findings with identical legs should represent independent networks and trajectories. 314). and potentially of the Seima-Turbino horizon. basically a short sword. 67. The above considerations throw doubts upon a pre-1600 BC date for Seima type bronzes. 37. These findings provided only vague links to the Carpathian Apa horizon and Mycenae. is Borodino. This is one of the copper figurines. (Pl. and has been assigned to the Seima horizon by both Chernykh and Parzinger (Tallgren 1911: 25pp. I propose that the Galich hoard also contained an element that suggests a late date of this hoard. 63.2-16).3.10). A figurine is also known from Scheren. probably 1400-1300 BC for the Galich hoard and Seima bronzes in the west (Pl. a decorated dagger-blade. 76). Poland. we get another late date for Seima bronzes in the west. Accepting this link as well. c.63).63). Chernykh 1992: 203. one of the marbles to the pommel of one of the Apa swords. JacobFriesen 1967: Taf. (late) BA Ib and BA II. The largest mould from Jarfjord was for casting a 34.6. and suggest instead that they belong in the time span 1500-1400 BC. 5). Here.g. spearheads from Mycenae.5 cm long blade. The second finding in which the Seima-Turbino horizon might be linked to western trajectories. 981.e. . The third spearhead on the other hand was not mentioned by Hachmann.. two characteristic Seima type spearheads were combined with a fragmented third spearhead.. The unhafted blades with short or insignificant tang in Seima assemblages were probably intended for a cast-on bronze hilt as seen on Parzinger’s Galich type. These are legs with enlarged calves very similar in form to those seen on the figurines from the Stockhult hoard from Skåne C. Central Europe or the Carpathians (Pl.e. Montelius 1917: nr. Old.103 knives and daggers (Chernykh 1992: Fig. If we accept the link between the legs in the Galich and Stockhult hoards. Although damaged. It is decorated with running spirals and hatched triangles very similar to those found on specimens of Nordic types Valsømagle. 463). Smørumovre. Although the socket has a shape close to the other two it has a decoration not found on Seima spears or other eastern spears. 20. Abb. e.688.g. Parzinger 2003: 232p.1. pl. the dagger from the Galich hoard has a width comparable to Jarfjord. we get a date 1500-1300 BC. Ukraine. 170pp. 75. i. 41.. Kirke Såby and in rare cases on types Ullerslev and Gundeslev (e. Taf. 1550-1300 BC. This has normal legs and a posture that clearly links it to Near Eastern specimens (Kristiansen & Larsson 2005: 274. its legs in particular.

are actually known from Norway (they all have complex twists. on the other hand contained three comparable neck rings. Among the BA V specimens two were fragmented and the third was atypical (Baudou 1960: 66). Finally. Baudou 1960: 256).6. the razor from Lusmassari does not give more than a general BA IV-V date. Both Tallgren and Meinander argued that these artefacts most likely came from Western Norway. Skåne C. 3. 47). 86. But as became clear through the first attempt. but are also known from 6 findings in Skåne C. 1937b: 26. twisted in a single direction. . Meinander 1954: nr. These arm rings are dated through 12 burials to BA IV and through 3 hoards to BA V. Meinander 1954: 52). bracelets and a razor (Pl. i. and a review of its findings is of interest to this issue. and dated the hoard to BA V (ibid). with simple twists and hooked terminations. 20). Koryakova & Epimakov refer to the earliest Ananino sites as belonging in the ninth/eighth-sixth century BC (2007: 194).2).). as well as 7 more neck rings. Arm rings of the type found at Lusmasaari are numerous in Denmark. before 1700 BC and an Ananino horizon starting at 900 or 800 BC. in addition to the one from Madla (Baudou 1960: type D1a. The Lusmasaari specimens had characteristic decorative ribs that are not found on the majority of these rings. For the neck rings they pointed at the many thin wendel rings from Norwegian hoards. Bakka 1976: Pl. Placing the Seima at 1500-1400 BC would shrink the hiatus to 500 years corresponding to Nordic late BA II-IV. in the Volga-Kama area. But which axe types were used in this area during this time span? Where are the axes that demonstrate a development from the first socketed axes of Seima type to the small Ananino type with lenticular cross-section and to the large KAM type (collective term for long-necked axes in Fennoscandia and Russia. 15).104 Between Seima and Ananino-Akozino In a recent review of the Uralian and Western Siberian Bronze Age. 93. 1937b: 26. but also on at least one of the Swedish specimens from Ramsjö. Baudou 1960: hoard nr. Both Montelius and Baudou dated the Sylstorp hoard to BA IV (Minnen 1131. and for the arm ring they pointed at the arm ring from MADLA II (nr. cf.1224. (Minnen 1281. The Sylstorphoard from Skåne C. Finland. 65p. two from Kalmar C. To the east. no neck rings of the type represented in the Lusmasaari hoard. bur. 86. there would be a significant hiatus between an early Seima horizon.115556. cf. Tallgren 1926.. Meinander 1954: 52). chapt. 2 spiral arm rings and 3 kupa. Later Edgren & Törnblom placed the hoard in BA VI (1992: 144)..e. Kuz’minych 1996)? A valuable finding in this respect is the hoard from Lusmasaari. The Lusmasaari hoard combined an eastern style axe with Nordic type neck rings. This decoration is paralleled on the Madla ring (nr. except for the axe (Tallgren 1926: 6.61.

10-11). The second is that although moulds from Nordic BA III are rare. burials 29 and 930 at Achmylovo (Meinander 1985: 25. 468). on the Mälar variant from Hovde (nr. The hoard from Tullinge. but rather the merging of eastern and western casting practices. 467) and Gyl (nr. The axe has vertical ribs making a facet A. (Tallgren 1937b: fig. Sødermanland C.8 cm long. as well as two horizontal ribs with fringes. On other ”standard” Nordic style axes such haft supports came into use in BA IV. 472). and to BA IV. rather than BA V or VI. One of the axes presented by Tallgren as a Scandinavian axe found in Eastern Russia.105 The Nordic bronzes in the Lusmasaari hoard all seem to point rather clearly towards eastern Sweden. Fig. dated to BA III through the hoard from Bjurkärrseng. I believe there are two arguments in favour of a western contribution to the KAM axes as well as an early BA IV-V date. It might be considered as a forerunner to the Tustervatn axe and the Ananino axes. on the related specimens from Vemestad (nr. The first is that numerous axes with multiple horizontal ribs and a single vertical rib. and is 8. 474. These types are with certainty combined in only two instances. that laid at heart of Baudou's argument. and on three out of five axes of the Scanian variants (nr. are found in Central Sweden in BA III (Lindquist 1913). It was the almost total lack of internal haft-supports in the Norwegian and Mälar variants. if the axes with extended necks represent a different tradition of casting it would be awkward to date eastern style axes in the west by a southern criterion. Old 2711). It is worth noticing that they are present on only the southernmost specimen of the Norwegian variant. 55 top right. and mainly between an early date (IV-V) (Baudou 1960: 20) and a late date (V-VI) (Meinander 1985). they . Sødermanland C. On the other hand. rather than western Norway. does seem very much like a Central Swedish axe with single vertical rib without extended neck. 476-77). The crucial question is whether the large type owed something to Nordic axe types? There has been a long debate on the date of the KAM axes with arguments spanning from BA IV to VI. At the large burial-grounds of Achmylovo and Akozino in the Volga-Kama area there are both KAM type axes and Ananino type axes. and the presence of such in 80 percent of the Scanian variant. The few instances of southern style internal haft-supports need not indicate an early date. We are thus faced with the challenge of sketching two parallel lines of development from the Seima axe in the east. Rosendal (nr. and it dates the fringe-motive to before 900 BC. links a similar axe with an extra “Y-motive” even stronger to Nordic BA III types (Old 2720). characteristic of KAM axes. 463). and became standard in BA V and VI.

In light of the above considerations.). two moulds for small decorated loopless axes with simple volute-motives and one for a loopless axe with an unusual flat cross-section reminiscent of eastern Ananino axes. Rønne 1996a. Baudou 1960: 22).12). Magnus & Myhre 1976: 190p. this idea is at odds particularly with another recurrent feature of these studies: an intimate link between southwest Norway and northern Jutland. The first axes with extended neck might thus have occurred when applying eastern core techniques on a western mould (cf. This indicates a BA II (or potentially a BA III) date and it indicates that the first soapstone in Southern Scandinavia did come from southwestern Norway.g. There are no clear indications of soapstone moulds in Jutland before BA IV: the sickle moulds are difficult to give a precise date. 156).2-3). The final mould is an indistinctive fragmented valve. east of the Nordic Zone. The beginning of soapstone moulding in the Nordic Zone seems to be linked to the three moulds for paalstaves from Northern Zealand and Voile (M 28). Telemark and Vestfold C. There seem to be neither comparable precursors to the decorative rib patterns nor moulds that enabled such a mishap.. The moulds from Jæren make up a quite extraordinary group: two moulds for group 5 axes with extended necks with their only parallels in Northern Finland.5. chapt.8. Soapstone moulding Local soapstone exchanged for bronze has been a recurrent feature in studies of the BA of NW Scandinavia (e. There are no indications of soapstone moulding in Jæren before BA V-VI. in BA IV with no less than three moulds for Danish style axes. The question is whether this innovation was in any way linked to the presence of Seima type soapstone moulds north of Beitstad? I believe that the GJØRV-VIGRESTAD-RYKKJA I-KLEPPE II phenomenon signals a network capable of transmitting the idea of soapstone moulding from the area north of Beitstad to Zealand in late BA II (cf. 3. 7. The advent of Jutish soapstone moulding in BA IV seems rather linked to the central position of Aust-Agder. and the earliest axe mould seems to be for axes with straight vertical depressions (Jantzen 2008: nr.106 demonstrate a specific practice of having extra space above the axe-cavity intended for steering a core. Eastern moulds for Seima bronzes (and later) do not have this feature (Chernykh 1992: fig. chapt. Johansen 2000: 131p. and thus no indications of trade in soapstone between Jæren and Limfjord during BA I-IV. 76. . Not only do these moulds point to a late date (BA V-VI) but 5 out of 5 preserved moulds indicate northeastern inspirations.

. both started to use high tin-alloys and both developed long slender spearheads with cast sockets (Valsømagle and Seima) (cf. I would suggest that the solution to the enigma lies in our ability to embrace Nordic-Arctic relations from the very beginning of the Nordic Bronze Age to the end of it. Pl. This has in no way contributed to a simple solution to the KAM-problem. We might even speculate whether some of the extraordinary high tin levels in the Nordic BA II were derived via these links. and whether tin from the Altai might have been exchanged via the Taiga and the Nordic Zone southwards.g. A large number of moulds and mould-fragments both of clay and soapstone. 67.107 I have attempted to sketch the main trajectory of socketed axes between Volga and Scandinavia from Seima to Ananino. The presence of soapstone moulds for casting both Norwegian and Mälar variants of the KAM axes at Kemi and Luusuavaara in northern Finland makes this a crucial zone in the riddle of the KAM (Pl. 11. 358). What seems clear is that the Volga-Kama area was a highly relevant agent for NW Scandinavia in the period 1500-500 BC.62). and the Taiga-Connection seems to be seriously underestimated in the study of the Nordic BA in general. It is also tempting to relate the origin of the Seima metalwork to the Nordic transition BA I/II in Southeastern Scandinavia: both parties put sockets on their flanged axes (e. Old.63). make it clear that the Arctic zone is heavily underrepresented when it comes to bronzes. as well as crucibles.

e. naturalistic animal-heads and ”tail” (Pl. These are characterized by a low length-height ratio. longer and with a steering-ore.5.e. this scenario is supported by the large halibut motives at Åmøy. 1993: 164). Bakka 1975). i. pottery. These are characterized by hulls with dense vertical lines. birds and moose. 5. whales. Map 7). These patterns have been interpreted as sowing-patterns for skin-covers (Engedal 2006: 176. and have in some cases a patterned hull. i. but with a more rectangular shape are many of those designated type E and “Røkke” by Sognnes (1987: 76pp. 2.3-4. a high stem and low stern. fig. 7. type A1 by Mandt (1991: 273pp. since these are without parallels south of Trondheimsfjord (cf. here termed type 1b boats. Linge 2007: fig. Boats 1a and 1b overlap in Trondheimsfjord. Bakka & Gaustad 1974. and without extensions from the keel.1 Boat 1a-c: rectangular hulls without keel-extensions The first rock art boat motives to be considered are those considered to be the earliest on the coast south of Finnmark C. 12. halibuts. Another boat with similar proportions and without keel-extensions. aspects of burial technologies and architecture. and Evenhus in Trondheimsfjord (Gjessing 1936. There has been a general agreement that types 1b and c are in some way related to northern boats.e. i. short vessels.42. and Hammer. (”Røkke”-proper) boats at Åmøy. while 1b and 1c overlap in Boknafjord. A third boat closely related to type 1b is the variant with horizontal lines on the hull.108 Chapter 5... 43). These are all located from Boknafjord southwards (Fett & Fett 1941: type J). from now on termed type 1a.) and type K by Fett & Fett (1941). Third attempt: selected non-bronze data Before completing the first step I will add some insights from the non-bronze data: rock art. Developed variants of boat 1b are also found. but their date is controversial (cf. Finally. A likely scenario is that groups involved in the . is conventionally dated to the Stone Age: Forselv and Rødøy in Nordland C. These are known from the slabs within the Mjeltehaugen burial as well as from Krabbestig (Mandt 1991: fig.59). The naturalistic heads and tails are reminiscent of boats at Alta and Nämforsen. Linge 2007: 83pp. That the northern and southern variants b and c are related is indicated by the presence of type 1b. A northern group. These boats are associated with single humans. That rock art in Boknafjord was initiated by northerners is also indicated by a few boats closely related to northern boats with asymmetric hull. sometimes added a horizontal line on top. often with a marked asymmetric outline. 2). for an overview).

The first is the link to the phenomenon of incorporating rock art in monumental burials. 12. Summing up. boats types 1b-c were probably carved in late BA I and/or BA II. 1370 BC if the middle value is chosen. below). The chronological frameworks for both rock art in burial and cremation are considered below. the other to the minimum. 3) based on both datings pushed to maximum. the lower type 2 boats at Nag I were carved in BA III or later. the second hinge is a link to cremation and small coffins.109 development from boat 1a (“Evenhus”) to boat 1b (“Røkke”) made voyages to Boknafjord. a boat related to the type Ib boat is placed immediately in front of a chariot at Unneset V. Accordingly. A fifth hinge should also be added. He argues that the panels at Evenhus only became available in LN (Sognnes 2003: 197). . The fourth hinge would be that type 1c boats located immediately above the type 2 boats at Nag I were carved after c. Lindqvist 1994). She constructs three alternative scenarios all within the frame of uncertainty of the C 14-datings (only two datings) on which the shore-line displacements rest: 1) based on the calculated middle value. are the panels of Nag I and Åmøy I. The date of boats 1b and 1c seems to hinge mainly on five points. 2) if one date is pushed to the maximum.70 years +1530) BC. This suggests a link to the chariot as rock art motive (see below). Kalle Sogness has explored the date of group 1a boats at Evenhus through shore-line displacement.29). provided by Mjeltehaugen. 59. These first hinges are both linked to a developed and potentially late variant of boat 1b (longer and with steering ore). at Åmøy at the transition III/IV or later. This at least indicates that group 1c boats are from BA Ib or later. 1200 BC (70+1130 BC) if the other extreme is chosen. after c. at Åmøy I in BA III or later. and those at Åmøy I at the transition I/II (Nordenborg Myhre 2004: 195). Mandt 1991: Fig. thus allowing the ”pre-Røkke” forms at Åmøy. It seems also that boats 1a-b owed as much to boat images at Notön in Nämforsen in the interior as they did to boats at Alta in Finnmark (Hallström 1960. each of a “reduced” size (smaller than a human body) (Linge 2007: 89). potentially intended as a single scene (Pl. and after c. 1600 (c. if C-14 dates are pushed to the extreme. The Mjeltehaugen burial seems also to have contained cremated bones and no less than eight coffins. the lower type 2 boats at Nag I were carved in BA I or later. the lower type 2 boats at Nag were carved in BA II or later. Lise Nordenborg Myhre argues that in Rogaland the best opportunities for a shoreline dating of both my boats 1b-c and 2 (cf. The third hinge would thus be that the southernmost boat 1a was carved in LN or later at Evenhus in Trondheimsfjord.

) is of particular interest since it must have been carved from boat or standing on frozen sea. the axes and lurs depicted. and steering ore Boat type 2 relates to the well known ”Rørby” boat. 18). 12.). Boat 2: in-turned prows. The fragmented bronze vessel from the burial. The date of boat 2 is intimately linked to the curved-swords from Rørby and the first hinge in this case is the Rørby sword conventionally dated to BA Ib. 232p. A likely scenario would be that the coffin and the images were made in the first phase. Randsborg 1993: 53pp.. Johan Ling has made a re-evaluation of the rock art of Bohuslän based on updated curves of shore-displacement (Ling 2008). The date of type 2 boats seems to hinge on five points. 5.2. Thrane 1962: 112pp. The second hinge is therefore a link to monumental burial mounds with rock art in general. carved in the same strictly symmetrical style as the rest of the images in the coffin. and finally an individual from 900800 BC... fig. keel-extensions. the shore-displacements clearly demonstrate that boats with in-turned prows were still made 1200-1100 BC. 1600-1500 BC (Engedal 2002 with references) A slab from a burial mound at Truehøj carried the image of a type 2 boat (Glob 1969: 30. The third hinge is thus Kivik at 1330-1300 BC. as well as the recent radiocarbon dates. The date of Kivik has been much debated (for an overview cf. The Solberga 50 site (ibid: 65pp.29). and here it is defined as a boat with inturned prows and keel extensions. and it is quite easy to reconcile these results with the date proposed by Thrane and Randsborg: at the transition II/III at 1300 BC or late in late BA II (cf. rest upon the argument that they were originally made close to the shore. Taking the presented curve at face . two bones. and that in-turned prows dominate before BA IV. 1420-1300BC and 1410-1260BC. Goldhahn 2005: 223). I include it because the main criteria of my boat type 2 are the in-turned prows and keel-extensions. possibly from the same person 1200-1000BC. boats types 1b-c were probably carved in late BA I and/or BA II. Although this image is somewhat atypical. Whether they in fact were made in BA I at all. Many of them also have what seems to be a steering ore. This suggests a link to the chariot as rock art motive (see below). One of the slabs in the famous burial cairn at Kivik had a boat with in-turned prows. makes a date from BA II the most convincing. Although he sticks to the traditional early date of the type 2 boats.110 Mandt 1991: Fig. 131pp. Summing up. The series of radiocarbon dates presented by Goldhahn demonstrate at least three phases: two individuals dated (one sigma) to c.

8.8 m. chapt. Few boats are comparable to early types such as Rørby or Kivik (my boat type 2). S 646). N. In her recent assessment of the rock art in Rogaland.-Trøndelag C. 3A. Haga (slab blown of larger rock. and 3) after 1130 BC if the other extreme is chosen. 34. the existing curves of shore-displacement pointed to a rather late date of type 2 boats at Nag I and Åmøy I. These boats are distributed from Bardal at Beitstadfjord in the north (Gjessing 2007: Abb. Bakke I-II and Hamarhaug in Hordaland C.20. and few boats have prows with spiral termination. (Mandt 1972: Pl. 8. 3. A consideration of the above hinges convinces me of the following: the type 2 or Rørby boat represent a point cero in most rock art chronologies and these have all tried too hard to fit the overall rock art boat chronology to the overall Bronze Age chronology. VI 5. Although resting on a weak foundation. Below 10. but it still gives an impression of the kind of data rock art chronology relies on.D. (Sognnes 2001: fig.l.111 sea) at a higher sea level c 1720 BC. 35. XV. 74. Hodnafjell and Nag I in Rogaland C.A. Map 13). 46.12. 41. 1370 BC if the middle value is chosen. Åmøy I 3. (Fett & Fett 1941: Pl. 2) after c. The fifth hinge is that type 2 boats at Nag I were carved 1) in BA Ib or later if C-14 dates are pushed to the extreme. 30.1-2).D. III 17.3. Revheim 8. distinct and rare but not unique. 53a). 7-8.D. Nordenborg Myhre concludes that BA III-IV was the peak of rock-carving activity.1). and after 1500 BC. at Haustveit B. and at Hegre VI-VIII and Bremset II in Stjørdal. This is clearly hazardous. Selected rock art motives and rock art in burials There are some rock art images that seem particularly suited for network analysis: they are rather complex.a. it was no longer possible to reach the upper part of the panel. Egersund. 5.s. 32a. The fourth hinge is thus that type 2 boats were made from either 1720 BC or 1500 BC until 1100 BC.12).C. The above hinges demonstrate quite clearly that it is possible to choose a late chronology for the type 2/Rørby boat: starting shortly before 1500 BC and lasting beyond 1300 BC. to Lunde I at Lista in the south (Fett & Fett 1941: Pl. The type 2 boats at Åmøy I are according to all three alternatives carved at or after 1500 BC. 38.3.4. This is very much in line with my own reassessment of burial chronology (cf.1-2). indicative of BA V (2004: 203). In between they are found at Husabø. (Mandt 1991: Fig. 12. 119-21) (cf. Ling’s results put Nordenborg Myhre’s results (see above) in a new light. .13). 4. A plotting of type 2 boats in NW Scandinavia gives an interesting pattern. at Leirvåg IV in Sogn & Fjordane C.

The chariot-rider at Unneset V. is the only image of a twowheeled chariot in NW Scandinavia and the northernmost chariot-image known (Mandt 1991: 332. Sogn & Fjordane C. Linge has recently . Coles 1994: 33p. the date of all chariotimages hinges on the date of Kivik. and a short. Pl. seems to be a rare example of naturalistic.). 96. Rishaug. FE 1). from Mjeltehaugen. XCII.59): Kivik and Villfara in eastern Skåne C.. a belt plate.29). 12. Hb3. a comb (bone or bronze). for the purpose of dating in particular. there are four cases further north. LXXXIII. and that it involves female rather than male dress and artefacts. Norden 1925: 328. Östergötland C. The perspective chosen by the artist is the same three-dimensional as used on five chariots on the Swedish east-coast (Pl. in late BA II or transition II/III (cf. The practice of depicting both bronze artefacts and textiles such as cloaks and tunica are known primarily from Östergötland and Uppsala C.). distinct and rare but not unique. CXXII) and Hämsta A in Uppsala C.. Luster M. The imagery on the slab from Kyrkje-Eide. 59. 14. Pl. is a complex spiral-motive with its best parallel at Fiskeby. Steine and Skjervoll (Marstrander & Sognnes 1999: fig. a hooked haft. Finally. 13). fig. Sogn & Fjordane C. a haft and an axe-tool. Linge 2007). 45. The difference would mainly be that in our case it has been executed on a slab. (Marstrander 1963: fig. a woven belt with a fringed termination.112 5. (Norden 1925: FM 18. Fig. Fiskeby and Herrebro in Östergötland C. Kaul 2004: 293pp. in the period 1330-1300 BC. This leads me to the conclusion that the Unneset-chariot was the results of relations with Uppsala or Östergötland C. and a snake (Mandt 1991: 346pp. Egtved type corded skirt . The Unneset charioteer drives towards the right and in this he resembles the charioteers at Fiskeby and Härrebro. 4. Sogn & Fjordane C. a dagger (flint or bronze). 18b).. Several attempts have been made to interpret the depicted artefacts. (Almgren 1960. The motive found on a slab from Urnes. The lack of spokes in the wheels resembles the specimen from Hämsta. comb. The more readily identifiable objects seem to be a sickle (flint or bronze).40). above). In the Göta-Glomma area they seem as a rule to be depicted in a ”flattened” two-dimensional perspective (Marstrander 1963: 167pp. I propose that the composition depicts female accessories: sickle.3. 12. full scale depiction of artefacts. Selected rock art motives and rock art in burials There are some rock art images that seem particularly suited for network analysis: they are rather complex. dagger.9-10). (Coles 1994: fig. Again. depicted in a ”flattened” perspective (Fig. (Pl.

1. 32). another boat and a complex circle-motive. comparable to the one from HOLEN I (nr. 85). Each slab is decorated with four boats related to my boat type 1b. the isolated occurrence of a slab in a burial-coffin at Anderlingen. Syvertsen 2003). cf. they were most likely brought from Trøndelag. Laux 1974: nr. one of them with an axe in its hand. The boat on the Skjervoll slab also seems close to the Mjeltehaugen boats.113 made a thorough re-evaluation of the structure inside the Mjeltehaugen monument. Linge 2007: 98pp. It has been compared with scenes at the open panels at Bohuslän. with two decorated large slabs. and concluded in favour of eight coffins. The fringe-motive is paralleled on one of the fragments from Steine. The scenery on the Anderlingen slab involves four human figures. Two humans are depicted on the Rishaug slab. Kyrkje-Eide. This coffin contained a riveted dagger. As there now seems to be a general consensus on a late BA II or transitional II/III date of both Kivik and Sagaholm. Rishaug. Niedersachsen C. and on ship-chronology in general.58). The origin and date of the phenomenon of rock art in burials hinges largely on the date of Kivik and Sagaholm in Sweden and Mjeltehaugen. a Nordic style weapon-paalstave and a round-headed brooch (Pl.). The slabs between Sognefjord and Trøndelag. The round-headed brooch. and the circle-motive is paralleled on both Steine and Rishaug. It is only rivalled by the slab with cup-marks from HOGNESTAD (bur. Based on the similarities in the imagery. Wegner 1996: 411p.. as well as with some of the scenes from Kivik. In light of the links between NW Scandinavia and Northern Germany in early BA II (cf. but rather along the coastal North Way between Trøndelag and Elben during early BA II.58. Mandt 1983. each functioning as capstone for four coffins (Linge 2007: 64pp..1). Decorated burial slabs are more numerous in Rogaland. It is in fact comparable to the slab from Rishaug. Steine and Skjervoll might be interpreted as an autonomous . Kaul 2004: 141pp. one of them holding an axe-like figure in his hand. chapt. or in the Trondheimsfjord-area to the north (Askvik 1983. fringes and with horizontal zones filled with various geometric patterns. There were also carvings on the top-side of the coffin.12. Mjeltehaugen. the burial from Anderlingen might also be explored in light of these relations. makes this the earliest dated instance of rock art in a burial (early BA II).). bur. The petrography of the Mjeltehaugen slabs indicates that they were either quarried in the vicinity of Stavfjord and Atløy to the south. fig.. 136. becomes all the more interesting. but with the edge facing towards him (Pl. from Urnes. but there are few direct ornamental links between these slabs and the above series (Fett & Fett 1941. 3. This might indicate that rock art on burial-coffins did not originate in Sweden to the east. 87).

Boat type 1b also has parallels in this area. Asbestos tempered pottery Asbestos tempered ceramics in NW Scandinavia south of Troms C. the typological and chronological boundary between them is blurred (cf. Olsen 2004: tab. below). (Nordvestnorsk type) is a phenomenon conventionally dated from BA I into the PRIA. Skrivarhellaren. Prescott 1994: 97).B. Andreassen 2002). Ulvik and Østre Hauge. Hyllestad M..61. asbestos tempered ceramics are found in burials RYKKJA I (bur.g. sherds were picked up as stray findings along with a type V flint dagger reworked into a chisel (B 13401. Johansen 1986: 88. This assumption was later criticized by Prescott & Johnson (ibid). Vest Agder C. At Leonardsberg there seems to be boats closely related to boat type 1b and what seems to be a whale (Pl. Sogn & Fjordane C. LB 22).114 phenomenon. nr. T. 2). HMT 1982-86). Beside these early indications. Ågotnes 1986: 111pp.. although rarely with a comparable hull-filling. c. Typology is poorly developed.59. Pl. as well as in settlements and . 4. sherds were associated with a type VI flint dagger (C 25825a-d. Olsen 1994: 104).. Norden 1925: 312. and although it might be possible to discern an early and a late variant. At Skrivarhellaren. Diinhoff 2005: fig. LXV. associated with Lovozero ceramics. the following scenario can be sketched: asbestos temper is first introduced c. 2100-2000 BC through the Pasvik Valley in Finnmark C. 5. 1800 BC (Jørgensen & Olsen 1988. Møre & Romsdal C. were contemporary to the houses from the LN (Johnson & Prescott 1993). Bakka claimed that sherds of asbestos tempered ceramics found in relation to a series of two-isled long-houses at Stokkset. Lavento 2001). Fiskeby in particular. 2). At Ulvik. Møre & Romsdal C. Finally. A house very similar to those at Stokkset has later been excavated at Åse Vest.4. The earliest indications for this southern type come from Stokkset.. cf. Asbestos temper is brought further south in association with Textile ceramics. If we accept the idea of asbestos temper as a phenomenon historically related to the early use of asbestos in Finland (cf. Sogn & Fjordane C. and probably both through Pasvik and Alta Valleys associated with Pasvik ceramics at the same date. at Østre Hauge. Fiskeby. Square boats without keel-extension are seen at e. but with links both to the lower Elbe area and to eastern open-air rock art panels in Östergötland. asbestos tempered sherds appeared in a layer with a likely date to BA Ib (cf.. The southern type (Nordvestnorsk) is thus likely to be related to these northern types. and dated to early LN II (cf.. 20) and SKJEGGESNES (bur.

and with a single specimen east of the mountains at Bjørkebakken. Kutschera 1996: 14. Lista to the horizons of boat type 1c and the slate pendants (see below). 5. 7 are found along the coast from Vega to the Fosen peninsula13. Johansen 1981: 78. This means that the appearance of textile ceramics must have spurred the development of the Risvik/Nordvestnorsk type rather immediately. with a horizontal bar at the top (type 4) (Møllenhus 1959: 41pp. ibid: 73pp. These pendants have been linked to bronze axes (Kleiva 1996) and to hafted flintscrapers (Engedal 2006: 179).. Oppland C. 195). In fact. Møre & Romsdal C. that asbestos ceramics reached Sunnmøre 1800-1700 BC. Bakka’s claim for a LN date at Stokkset is not impossible within this scenario. and PRIA (cf. Handeland & Engedal 2004: 15pp. Rygh. A unique axe-shaped bronze pendant was found along with a flanged axe in a cairn at Grumstad.. From a total of 15 specimens. There are 5 examples of a related type without the top bar and with narrower edge (type 3): from Buholmvika. 28. is valuable negative evidence (Grønnesby 2009: 68). and they are conventionally dated to LN-EBA I/II based on their assumed relationship with southern plain pendants (cf.). 1995: 134pp. One final note is to be made: there were no asbestos ceramics in the burials neither from Tonnes-Holan nor from Gjørv.115 field-layers dated to BA II-VI. Høgestøl et al. Buskerud C. In particular. i. 77).5. Slate pendants A particular type of slate pendants is exclusive to NW Scandinavia from Vega in the north to Hananger at Lista in the south.).e. there seems also to be a clear cut border between type VI daggers and textile ceramics at Ranafjord. . Kleiva 1996: type 4. and four specimens from Jæren (Kleiva 1996: 75) 14. Originally. it had a perforated neck for suspension (C 14104. It is tempting to relate the early occurrence of asbestos-tempered ceramics in the far south at Østre Hauge. These have a wide and curved edge. excavated by archaeologist K. Interestingly. All of the above indications taken together would place the slate pendants in BA I. the 47 coffins from 24 cairns at TonnesHolen. There are few chronological indications. some times with rounded edge-corners.

2 Sigma (App. .6. after 1300 BC and within BA III. and 1420-1250 BC cal.. VII: nr. Hachmann’s date of these burials as well as their status as female. burials. These gave the date 15001370 BC cal. VII: nr. The most recent case is the excavation in 2002-2003 of three cairns at Frøset. i. Nord-Trøndelag C. and thus early BA II. Johansen 1986: 43). Cairn nr. 3 contained three coffins with cremated bones. and a sample from these gave the date 1780-1430 BC cal. These results could be fitted within the conventional trajectory. 32). The result from Cairn nr. It contained an internal stone cairn. Cairn nr. The central burial contained burned bones. 6 contained a central coffin with animal bones and three possible human bones. and relative to the low number of early cremations in the Nordic Zone in general. A secondary burial. 1420-1250 BC. dated to 1430-1210 BC. 288/89. Radiocarbon dating 5. bur. though. Cairn nr. Early practice of radiocarbon dating such as this must be viewed with scepticism. VII: nr. 4 contained a small central chamber with burned human and animal bones.e.e. LUNDE II contained a small. 2 Sigma (App. 4 in particular is a strong indication of an early BA II cremation in a small coffin. SØRHEIM. 276. 22). all of them burned. 2 Sigma. have weak foundations (Bergerbrandt 2007: 35p. a large earthen mound ”Garahaugen” in Etne. The dagger from SØRHEIM was probably found in the central coffin 70 years earlier (nr. Johansen saw this as a dagger of the type that Hachmann found to be characteristic of early female burials of the Sögel phase (Hachmann 1957: 55pp. 106) and burned bones in a large coffin. gave a consistent date at 1440-1050 BC cal. 21). also within early BA II (App. 2 Sigma (App. i. By early is meant cremations dated to BA I or BA II. 32). VII: nr. riveted dagger (nr.6. These results indicate a high number of early cremations relative to the total amount of burials in the area. possibly four..). These gave the date 1540-1370 BC cal. 2 Sigma (App. VII: nr. 18-20). Still. just north of Tonnes-Holan. was excavated in 1969 (bur.116 5. and three. (Grønnesby 2009: 70pp). 8). but indicate early BA II rather than BA I. Hordaland C. 10). Bjørn argued on the basis of the dagger alone that this was a BA II cremation (1935b: 5). the SØRHEIM case strengthens Johansen’s argument for an early date for small daggers and LUNDE II. bur.1 The introduction of cremation A series of burials without bronze artefacts have been dated by radiocarbon dating.

and finally the Ditmarschen-group stands out with three: Albertsdorf (ibid: DSH 151c. 170p. both of them in Schleswig-Holstein (2007).6. HOGNESTAD or BØ I contained cremations. Interestingly. it should be noted that BØ I did not have a coffin nor evidence of inhumation. two of these are likely to be BA Ib burials: Utersum with a pommel decorated with running arches in Valsømagle-Løve style. The recent AMS datings from Frøset are in my view the strongest indication of preBA III cremations in NW Scandinavia.. AK VII: 3390). bur. Bornholm had one (ibid: 154. To this southern group can be added the burial from Utersum. the Haderslev-Åbenrå group had one (ibid: DK 89. AK XVII: 9226 A) and Hochenlockstedt (Hachmann 1957: nr. DKI 391a. 60-61. V.2 The introduction of the three-isled long house Houses have also been dated by radiocarbon. Schafstedt (ibid: DSH 481a. Time M. the Schleswig-Flensburg group had two (ibid: DKI 507 Rumohrsgård. 201. as stated also by Aner & Kersten in their catalogue). 1. and the houses from Kvålehodlen. lists only two cremations. cf. Taf 14. Zimmermann 1988: DSH 337d). Bergerbrandt’s review of BA Ib burials in the Nordic Zone.). AK 5085). the Limfjord group had one (ibid: DKN 253. 56). Although none of the early BA II burials at Jæren. dated by multiple AMS datings.117 The early cremations above are quite at odds with the situation in Southern Scandinavia. and Schafsted with a Wohlde blade. . Bergerbrandt 2007: app. Pl. The early BA II cremation from Albertsdorf contained a round-headed fibula and the only known parallel to the metal hilted dagger from BØ I (nr. Förn. BØ I might thus have been a cremation as its twin-burial in Albertsdorf was. AK V: 2652A. 89. Clearly. Melsted. SchleswigHolstein (with a pommel with running arches in Valsømagle-Løve style) (Zimmermann 1988: DKS 138. and they strengthen the other indications of early cremation along the western coast. AK XVII: 9005). In light of the early BA II bronzes from Jæren. is clearly a BA IIIIV assemblage. HOLEN I. 3266). 5. Zimmermann’s study indicates that even BA II cremations are rare (1988). DKI 513 Stenholt. SØRHEIM and LUNDE II. Within his defined burial zones. 2007). AK VI: 3242. cremations predating BA III cluster in Northern Germany. are of particular interest. App. I find these indications particularly interesting. These are also reliable in that they are the result of a large-scale recent excavation. his other Bornholm example. DKI 351/AK III: 1537. 222. pointing rather clearly towards Northern Germany. Rogaland C.1. and that the samples seem to stem from solid contexts (Soltvedt et al.

2006). are dated through five radiocarbon dates. chapt.9. two of the dates can be pushed as late as 1600 BC.6. 1995a. and a suggested scenario for absolute chronology. Willroth 1996: 44.). App. while the third sample cannot be later than 1620 BC (App. 1991ab. 5 gives a simplified overview of the relations between layers. hypothetically.1. Since the three lower samples are all from pine. A. it is possible to suggest that the top-sample . Neu-Ratjendorf. Although it is difficult to claim the earliest known three-isled house proper in the far north. Three dates were made from cereals discovered in holes for both roof-posts (two) and door-posts (one). VII: nr. cf. The relevant strata.1). on lok. like in the case of many bronze designs. Børsheim makes a convincing argument for a BA IA date of the three-isled house (Soltvedt et al. Prescott 1991a: 37). 1600 BC. would be the houses of the elites buried at Rastorf. Jensen 2002: 25). or rather the emergent core of the Sögel-Kreis. the same area that yielded early cremations and that yielded several parallels to our early BA II horizon. Prescott 1988. bronzes and radiocarbon samples (based on information in Prescott 1991a: 36p. 2000 BC. Hochenlockstedt. the following scenario is a possibility: the centre of innovation in house construction (from two to three isles) was not southern Jutland. These innovations seem to have occurred already c. The initial stages of the transition from two to three-isled architecture are best seen in a large house from Hesel. 13-15). VI and V. tab. the areas to the immediate south in Northern Germany. 5. Ethelberg has argued that the earliest three-isled long-houses have been found in Southern Jutland. 2007: 59p. 1-7). Ost-Friesland. even at 2 Sigma calibrations (cf.118 House 3. VII: nr. Fig. cf. From this centre the new construction is supposed to have spread to the rest of the Nordic Zone.3 The radiocarbon sequence from Skrivarhellaren There are four bronze findings from the early layers at the rock-shelter Skrivarhellaren (nr. could be welded together to the initial establishment of the North Way c. I suggest that the earliest three-isled houses. Zimmermann 1988). 3. the Rastorf-RoumBlindheim link on the one hand (cf. 371-74. Niedersachsen C.. layers VIII. but. Here the west-end is two-isled and the east-end is threeisled (Schwartz 1996: Abb 5. Thus. This was to become the area of the burial groups of Schleswig-Flensburg. also 2006: fig. and a hypothetical link between house 3 at Kvålehodlen and three-isled houses in Northern Germany. There seems to be a problem with fitting the top-sample of layer VIII with the bottom sample from the same layer. Ditmarschen and Segeberg-Plöner (cf. Kvålehodlen was a three-isled long-house following a sequence of two earlier two-isled houses. Calibrated with 2 sigma and more than 90% probability. one in late BA I and several at the transition I/II.

followed by the formation of layer IV from BA V into the beginning of the Iron Age. 193). 5 is shown what I consider to be a likely trajectory for the formation of the relevant layers: a rapid formation of layers VIII and VI in between 1780-1630 BC. (AK III: 1680).5mm long fragment with angular cross-section. were at different times in the Bronze Age. 6. or “three-piece” in which a simple pin is added loose heads of diverse shapes (e. presumably from some kind of hollow artefact. Hutniete). Although there are no studies of rivet types available. i. making rivet-heads with only slightly larger diameter than the pin (Pflockniete) (cf. At least one good analogy from early BA II can be given (AK IX: 4493C). “two-piece” rivets. like two of the spearheads in the Virring hoard from BA Ia (JacobFriesen 1967. Considering this date as essentially from the top of layer VI. 371). and a comparable. The date from layer V yielded 2040-1630 BC cal. I suggest that is mainly the transition LN II/BA Ia and BA Ia that is represented in the lower strata. The fragment from the higher extremes of layer VIII (nr. and that the bronzes are linked to the first century of the Bronze Age (compare Prescott 2006: table 1). The casting-seams indicate that the rivet was cast in a bi-valve mould built around a modelrivet. Vandkilde 1996: fig. which was “lost”. probably from wax. a new hiatus. are found mainly on metal-hilted daggers and halberds. Ringniete. 1780 BC onwards. taf.9 mm in diameter and with remnants of asymmetric casting-seams and a central pin preserved. Schwenzer 2002 for a comparable case). LN II-BA Ia.e. The second finding (nr. i.12). Maribo C. and this would most likely be a metal-hilted dagger or sword. It might also stem from a dagger/sword-hilt with a pointed oval crosssection. Rivets at this time.e.119 comes from hearth-wood from old timber. It might be a fragment of a spearhead with a rhomboid cross-section. Lomborg 1969b: fig. The most common rivets in LN and BA I seems to have been rivets that was either “one-piece”. this layer in its entirety is to be dated before 1630 BC. then the formation of the thinner layer XV during BA II-III. cast rivet was used on the pommel of the BA I sword from Torupgårde. In this way all radiocarbon dates with more than 90 % probability are taken into account. To the right on Fig. then a hiatus. hammered into shape at each end. I suggest that cast rivets of this type were extremely rare at this time. .g. more than 90 years old (cf. 372) is a 5. It is difficult to assert how common rivets with one integrated head. is a rivet-head. It could also be that the rivet and this fragment stem from the same artefact. but larger. This indicates a rapid formation of layer VIII from c. Prescott stresses that layer V was heterogeneous and that this sample was taken from underneath a lens of ashes which probably belonged to layer VI (1991a: 37). 6. 2 Sigma. or from the lower section of a hilt.

and is in any case a sure indication of temperatures exclusive to metallurgical activities (Prescott 2006: 186). possibly a shaft-hole axe or perhaps a very large flanged axe. possibly marks from chopping. These were discovered within samples from what was thought to be ochre. 57. Old 1127). The broken axe in the Steine hoard had comparable lines or cut-marks. 78p. 190) is a square piece with rectangular cross-section. The third finding (Prescott’s nr. From the same level as the square fragment. came two microscopic fragments (nr. The relative thick massive fragment must stem from a quite large artefact.120 Fig. It has a single ornamental dot and deep lines. had both these features as ornaments: relative large deep dots and short. decorated objects were broken for the purpose of casting in BA Ia.. Suggested chronology of the bronze deposits in the rock-shelter Skrivarhellaren. the bronze fragments from Skrivarhellaren indicate that complex and rare artefacts such as metal-hilted blades and large. 374). Analysis indicated that the “ochre” had been heated to 1100-1200 ࢓ & (Prescott 1991a. 5. 81). Summing up. an axe from unknown provenance in Scania. Interrestingly. but it is distorted beyond recognition through secondary treatment. well marked lines (Pl. vertical. a close parallel to the Steine axes. . This might be vitrified sands or slag from a furnace.

clearly indicate a BA III date. c. and the age of the tree can not be evaluated (cf. and so is the tanged knife from Bringsværsmoen (Johansen 1986: 48. If the sheath was made from the heartwood from an old pine or oak. These dates correspond quite well with a typological date to the BA IV/V transition at 900 BC. To the east of our area. 5. 900 BC (nr. this might push the date further into . The sample yielded a calibrated result of 1500-1370 at 1 Sigma. chapt. has been radiocarbon dated. and 1540-1260 BC at 2 sigma and 95. 42). Aasbø 2006: 44pp. Aasbø 2006: 48).. (Johansen 1986: 81p. The bronzes from BØ II (bur. 900 BC. VII nr. I consider the bar-stud from Njølstad as a transitional form between BA IV and BA V types. fig. 11). 61. 88. 3. NJØLSTAD (bur. i. the rhomboid pommel and rhomboid ferrule as well as the star-decorated double-stud.6. Hence. 2008: 107): one calibrated to 930-830 BC at 1 Sigma and 1000-820 BC at 2 sigma. The date of the introduction of the face-urn tradition in Norway has rested mainly on the bar-stud from Njølstad. On the other hand. 90) are extraordinary. Nordenborg Myhre 1998: 168pp.2).). 88) and from a burial in the mound ”Skattehaugen” at Bø. A fragment from a burial from Pollestad is less convincing (cf. both in Hå M. Clearly. there is a clear discrepancy between the early BA II date indicated by the 1 sigma calibration and the typological date to BA III. but less informative in terms of chronology.4.5 Radiocarbon dates from monuments on Karmøy A sample of a wooden sword-scabbard from REHEIA III (bur. the only two chronological indications are in agreement and suggest that face-urns were introduced to Jæren c.).4% probability (App. Aasbø 2008: 105pp. 90). The introduction of face-urns Face-urns are known from at least two burials.121 5. 2008). Accordingly. the tanged knife from Bringsværmoen and typological links of the vessels (cf. bur. VII: nr. Johansen 1986: 82. 16-17).6. Recently two radiocarbon dates from the NJØLSTAD burial have been presented (Goldhahn in Aasbø 2006: 8. 29). The 2 Sigma calibration along with the typological date narrow down the time-span to initial BA III and 1300-1260 BC. the face-urn phenomenon is linked to two circumscribed areas in Norway: Hå at southern Jæren and at the bottom of fjord Vikkilen in Aust-Agder C.e. a burial from Bringsværmoen contained two face-urns and a burial from Viksmoen contained one face-urn. in Southern Jæren. The bronzes. and another calibrated to 1050-900 BC at 1 Sigma and 1130-830 BC at 2 Sigma (App.. To these specimens might be added a fragmented urn with a pair of ”eyes” and lid from BØ II (bur. the structure of the wood was too decomposed to indicate the wood-species.4. both in Fjære in Aust-Agder C. cf.

chapt. This is a clear indication that monuments of significant size and complexity was built after mid-BA III. Schwenzer 2002 for a comparable case).3. was radiocarbon dated. 2004: 159p. (Farbregd et al. Burial C just northeast of the central cairn with Burial A. A large cairn “Kongshaugen” at Ringen. Burial B was related to the “boat-setting”. and contained potsherds from the Migration Period. and the wooden sheath might have been through some kind of chemical conservation procedure.6. one individual 2-5 years.). a pointed-oval stone setting (boat-setting) and five burials. Klavs Randsborg sites a radiocarbon date from a wooden sheath from a BA II/III burial at Øster Torsted. and arrived at the following results: at least 22 individuals. a cut on the inside of an elbow. and this might have distorted radiocarbon results. two males 35+ years. Burial A was located in a central cairn within the larger monument. while grave D was related to the innermost circular stonewall. four individuals 8-10 years. 3 individuals 10-12 years. was excavated in 1963 (Nordenborg Myhre 1998: 153pp.122 BA III (cf. It contained three concentric stonewalls. maybe as many as 30. Seven of the adults seem to have injuries inflicted by blades or spears: a cut from a blade on a forehead. a spine hit by a blade slicing through the abdomen. This was a full-size coffin with an inhumation and a bronze ring/socket (lost). The above cases are included because they clearly demonstrate the weaknesses of radiocarbon dating and 1 Sigma calibration. and 1200-920 BC at 2 sigma and 95. one of them female. The date of this unique case . Nord-Trøndelag C..1). Rogaland C. 1.. He believes this to be the result of a contamination from the conservation of the sheath (2006: 22). and one male individual 45+ years. one individual 5-6 years.BC. It yielded a calibrated date to 1120-970 BC at 1 sigma. two individuals 25-35 years. 5. Hilde Fyllingen has re-evaluated the osteological data. one individual 8-12 months. a cut from a blade on a big toe and a spear-thrust through the lower abdomen (Fyllingen 2002: 31pp. 2003: 34pp.4 % probability (App.. Burial A. In relation to a re-excavation and reconstruction in 2001 a sample from the unburned bones from the central coffin. as well as the continued use of full-size coffins and inhumation. yielding a date at c. VII: 12). one individual less than 1 month. Burial E was related to the periphery of the cairn. 72pp. REHEIA III was excavated in 1831. four individuals 15-25 years. Karmøy..6 The massacre at Sund In 1968 what seems to be a mass-burial was excavated at Sund. 1975). and in order to stress one more time that our chronological framework is fundamentally dependant on typo-chronological studies of bronzes (cf.). 1700 cal. 2006: 322pp.

VII nr.e. 23-25).12). . VII nr. chapt. tab. a wide early BA II to BA IV time frame. 5-15. we might link it to the establishment of a burial ground at Frøset (early BA II. New radiocarbon dates are clearly needed in this case. the establishment of the T-H burial ground (bur. App.123 hinges on three radiocarbon dates (App. i. If we were to take into account all three dates these overlap only at 2 Sigma calibrations in the decade 14101390 BC within early BA II. If we were to link this event to any of the other events and changes discerned so far. or to the peculiar void in findings in all of Trøndelag throughout BA IV. This sample was taken from a thigh bone and gives a calibrated date of 1220-970 BC at 1 Sigma and 1400-800 BC at 2 Sigma. Fyllingen argues that because of changes in C-14 methodology around 1970.24). Gulliksen sited in Fyllingen 2003: 38. see above). 4. the burial at GJØRV (bur. the more recent dating T-881 is the more accurate (S. late BA II). to the sudden disappearance of bronzes at T-H at the BA III/IV transition. It might also be linked up to the peak of the T-H in mid-BA III. transition BA II/III) (cf. 3. cf. 4.

To these are added various perforated slate projectiles (cf.124 Chapter 6. and piece together networks in light of the considerations made in the preceding three attempts. chapt. and might be linked through typological and functional similarity to the perforated slate harpoons (cf. 2. 6. BA Ia. and also LN II flint daggers and Sandshamn axes. chapt. II. These findings indicate the presence of slate and copper projectiles in LN and both are marked on Map 9. and with Map 30 for a close up view of Jæren. The first type might be linked to fluted slate projectiles at a settlement site and to a large coffin of LN type in a burial (cf. chapt. Billsta. there seems to be a correspondance in the distribution of coppers.9. Comparing Map 9 with Map 7 and 8 of the LN situation. including specimens outside the area from Tierp.1. 3.3). The copper projectiles. The other type was found in layers dated through radiocarbon dating to 1780-1530 BC at 1 Sigma.5). Gaustad 1965: p. This makes the reported finding of two large tanged. Perforated . A coffin this wide would point towards the large communal coffins of the LN rather than those from the EBA. northern prelude (Map 9) The earliest metal artefacts seem to be tanged copper projectiles. chapt. note 15). in a 2m x 1. boats type 1a (cf.5m coffin built of stone-slabs and boulders. and the rock art halibut motive. 2.F. In an attempt to do justice to these northern findings I have tried to look across the southern chronological brackets (LN I.b) and included a series of types which are difficult to give an exact date. chapt. Huggert 1996) are mapped. and the Torne river system seems to have been the crucial channel to the coast. one type with long and narrow tang and another with perforations in tang or blade. 1). and 20001400 BC at 2 Sigma (fireplace).9. slate spearheads in a coffin from Hitra relevant (T 16302 Hanekamvik. In this specific NW Scandinavian context I believe it is possible to discern a historical trajectory with 9 steps all involving distinct metal artefacts.5. particularly in Lofoten. Below each of these steps will be explored and the text is best read in close consultation with Maps 9-17. Making the first step: networking the Bronze Age of NW Scandinavia The time has come to complete the first step. 3. These early coppers are likely to have been procured either from copper deposits in Onega or from the Ural (Huggert 1996: fig. fluted slate projectiles (cf. 5.5).1). note 9). charcoal and potsherd. fluted slate projectiles.15 The copper-arrow from Geite was found along with bones. cf. note 8). as well as other early copper findings in Northern Sweden and Finland (some probably earlier.3. 2000-1700 BC. and Lilås (cf.

Summing up. NW Scandinavia was networked in a much more complex way than we are able to read from the distribution of Jutish flints only. Further south there is an interesting border along Tingvollfjord north of Hustad.125 slate harpoons are found only south of Træna-Rana. between slate harpoons with single perforation distributed north to Rana and harpoons with double perforations distributed down to immediately south of Stadt. all three of the defined slate harpoon types are represented. and the double perforated harpoon at Glomma in between points to the Stadt-Hustad zone. The large perforated slate projectile from Östergötland points to the coast between Hustad and Rana. Åmøy. In light of this zonal division the southernmost specimens are particularly interresting: the harpoon from Mykletun mid-way between Stadt and Jæren is a large fluted spearhead (type Sandtorg). 6. In addition the axes from Vevang and Bersagel. it became clear that flanged axes of type Håheim-Steine fit best within the BA Ia. rather than a down-the-line network. and the bronzes from . Nordic BA Ia (Map 10) From the second attempt aimed at bronze axes. Both the Mesolithic Hespriholmen axes and the Late Neolithic Sandshamn axes suggest that such expeditions went via the alpines down into Hardangerfjord (cf. The presence of hunters from the north is suggested also by the two large halibuts carved on Åmøy. The copper projectile from Tierp suggests a link to Geite in Trondheimsfjord. Like I suggested for the Mesolithic. Early and Middle Neolithic (cf. 7). although the Steine hoard itself might date to the transition Ia/Ib. Further south. with no parallels south of Sør-Trøndelag. was initiated by these hunters and halibut-fishers at the end of the Stone Age. It appears to be a hybrid between elements from the two zones. These networks and routes provide a crucial background to an alternative understanding of the Bronze Age. in Rogaland. exept for the single specimen from Northern Finland. and it has double perforations with no parallels north of Tingvollfjord. This suggests that hunters from the different zones in the north visited Boknafjord. It is crucial also to grasp the contemporary overland networks at work.2 1700-1600 BC. or into the Swedish lake systems. I propose that what was to become one of the largest rock art centra in Scandinavia. Maps 4-6). I believe hunters from the coasts around Hustad engaged in hunting expeditions southwards along the alpine plateu. Overland networks also went from the coast north of Stadt across the alpines and into Oslofjord. Map 4. my main argument is that immediately before the advent of the Nordic BA.

The Blindheim sword and the innovative architecture at Kvålehodlene are not convincingly explained by multi-linked down-the-line type networks. that was the end of the Nordic network at this time. and Rogaland southwards is tentatively defined as a Southern Zone. Together these bronzes indicate eastern overland networks embracing the area from Fevåg in the north to Bersagel in the south. It would seem that the features entering through both these networks are extraordinary.6.6. while type 3 has a narrower edge more in line with axes such as the one from Bersagel. from Fosen/Beitstad to Sognefjord/Hardangerfjord as a Central Zone. they indicate that the Fosen-Rana area. The two pendant types seem to reflect the two different axe types represented: type 4 copies the wide curved edges of the Håheim-Steine type. At the beginning of the Bronze Age it is thus possible to discern three distinct networks: the southern overland network (Bersagel). was in some way or another part of southern Nordic networks. The largest concentration of type 4 pendants lays emedeately north of the Håheim-Steine axes. the early three-isled house at Kvåle shortly before 1600 BC is also an indication of exclusive links to Northern Germany (cf. The Blindheim sword is the final bronze mapped. The Central Zone is linked on the one hand to Jæren in the southwest and to the area east of Lake Vättern in the southeast on the other hand. I propose that the Central Zone had . north-south network (Blindheim-Rastorf). and it is the only early bronze that points southwards – to the Roum dagger in Limfjord and the Rastorf sword in Schleswig-Holstein. a central overland network (FevågSteine) and a maritime.3).126 Skrivarhellaren belong to BA Ia (cf. rather than the coasts north of Rana. Although there are no bronzes at Jæren that fits into. as well as flint daggers type VI (mapped only north of Trondheimsund-Dala River).3-6. chapt. or confirm such a network. The dagger from Æri is tentatively included as well. 4. the rare Vevang axe. even though there are no bronzes. probably from the transition Ia/Ib.1. On the basis of this map I define the coast from Fosen/Beitstad to Rana as a Northern Zone. 5. Axe-shaped slate pendants types 3 and 4 are tentatively added to the map. There is an absolute fall-off in type VI flint daggers at Rana and a large hoard with type VI daggers from the interior just south of Storsjön might indicate that it was the interior of Sweden. 5. Neither are the Håheim-Steine axes. Together. the Æri dagger and the evidence from Skrivarhellaren. These zones might seem vague but they will be useful tools in the preceding analysis. and possibly also to the Northern Zone. This area contains both the densest cluster of type 4 pendants and represents the northern end of the dagger type VI network. the Steine bracelet.2).

procures bronze from Trøndelag in the north. the Oldendorf axes in the south represent the first bronzes on Jæren proper.1). The networks displayed on Map 9 might very well have existed still. While the Faardrup axes can be seen as a direct continuation of the Håheim-Steine network of BA Ia. the southernmost specimen from Tjelta belongs to the group with high tin-levels. Nordic BA Ib (Map 11) To BA Ib can be assigned a group of six heavy Faardrup axes (cf. . The high tinlevels in the axes point away from Denmark.3. Still. and rather clearly to Skåne C. meaning that the Stadt-Beitstad area had links extending along the cost to Lofoten. I propose that the extraordinary data of the initial Bronze Age in NW Scandinavia was due to the succsessfull channelling of resources by groups in the Central Zone into the hands of groups in Northern Germany and on the Swedish east-coast.127 something valuable and they were able to bring it to Boknafjord and to Lake Vättern. To this horizon also belong the six Oldendorf axes in Rogaland as well as the Underåre type axe from Veen and the Bagterp spear from Hol. by groups in Northern Germany. 6. The novel architecture at Kvålehodlen signals the establishment of a node in order to access these networks. The importance of the Central Zone to southern Bronze Age groups might be explained partly by their northern networks – both along the northern coast and into the interior north of Beitstad. The long-distance mobility discerned for the Central Zone from the Mesolithic onwards is an important background to such a hypothesis. In a similar fashion it is possible to account for the eastern routes: no one is able to establish themselves as middle-men between the Central Zone and the Lake Vättern area. beyond to the coast of Finnmark and overland into Finland. a case made conceivable only on the background displayed in previous maps. That these arrived mainly in order to trade with northerners coming south to Boknafjord would explain why the exclusive Blindheim sword ended up north of Stadt rather than at Jæren.3. Summing up. These were probably procured both via the eastern routes across the highlands to Telemark (the Bersagel-network of BA Ia) as well as a continuation of the Kvålehodlen-Limfjord/Northern Germany maritime route. 4. and is thus likely to have been procured via the overland networks of the Central Zone. in Southern Sweden (or the Central Swedish group that has not been analysed). Interrestingly. groups that played significant parts in the formation of a Nordic Bronze Age. 1600-1500 BC. This seems like a peculiar case in which the densely populated central area of Jæren. chapt.

there seems to be a much clearer link to Jutland in BA Ib. and into Hardangerfjord. Johansen 1981). e. and this seems to have went via Skagen and Oslofjord. or 6 if we include two related specimens from Åse. towards Telemark but particularly towards Mjøsa and the Glomma-Orkla channel. Hardanger and Boknafjord directly from the Tingvollfjord-Beistad area. A likely place of origin for the Mjøsa cluster of Bagterp spears and Wohlde sword would be Århus Bay in Jutland. If we exclude the probably younger boats on the burial slabs from Mjeltehaugen it is clear that rock art boats type 1b must have been introduced to Sunnfjord. Telemark (C 12297-98). To summarize. as there are only weak indications of an independant maritime link to Jutland. there are strong indications that the Central Zone procured high tin-alloy Faardrup axes from Southern Sweden – probably via Central Sweden. and a number of axes seemingly of Underåre and Oldendorf types (cf. Thus. In light of the interior networks it is of particular interrest to explore the situation in the eastern lowlands. Despite this Jutish link for the eastern lowlands. Jæren seems to be located at the far end of both these networks. The distribution of boats type 1b corresponds rather well to the Faardrup axes from Trondheimsfjord in the north to Tjelta and Åmøy in the south. It is also likely that the development from type 1a to 1b was made in the vicinity of Evenhus and Rykkja in Trondheimsfjord.128 there are only three rather mundane flanged axes from the previous flint dagger centra of Jæren proper. there are 4 spearheads of type Bagterp. This cluster could be accounted for by supplies from two networks. one across the southern highlands and the other across Skagerrak.g. Type 1c on . both Hol and Veen could be seen as part of a novel southern network centred on Århus Bay. I suggest that we here see the establishment of a novel network from Århus Bay. there is a Wohlde blade of sword’s length. Wohlde swords are rare in Denmark and unknown in Sweden. The Wohlde blade and the three Bagterp spearheads clustering around Lake Mjøsa are very much in line with Vandkilde’s argument that the Bagterp type is associated with Sögel-Wohlde types in Denmark (ibid: 230p. from Idse and Line. having both Bagterp spears as well as long Wohlde blades. In addition. The cluster of type Oldendorf axes in Rogaland seems to be too large to be accounted for merely by a link to Limfjorden. Interrestingly. and so could some of the western Oldendorf axes.). The chain of axes of Underåre and Oldendorf type axes through the eastern lowlands might be included in this network. via Skagen and Oslofjord to Mjøsa and Hol at the northern end.

Sørheim and Lunde II are also added.4. 4. with four humans carved on one of the slabs .2. Particularly the cluster between upper Hå River and Lake Frøylandsvatn is at odds with the distribution of flint daggers type I-VI.6. Rana. Nordic BA II.1). Lake Mjøsa and Orkla valley to Århus Bay in northeastern Jutland. The localisation. Summing up. V. 5.1). chapt. Lista. Tentatively I have added also the plain undecorated paalstaves to the map (cf. and the Valsømagle-Løve style pommel from Nærland (cf. Both innovations involved links to the area emediately north of the Central Zone. The early cremations at Frøset and the axe from Reinås extend this network from southern Jæren north to Beitstad before c. indicates a separate network. Neither the Nærland pommel nor the paalstave from Lista contradict such a link. Holen I and Hognestad. the hoard from Lista with a blade related to the Sögel type (BA I) and a weapon paalstave (BA II).3). it is possible to recognize two distinct networks at play in BA Ib: a Faardrup axe network between the area east of Lake Vättern and the Central Zone. Bø I. might be seen in light of the presence of asbestos-tempered pottery associated with a dagger type VI in the vicinity.1).129 the other hand is likely to have been developed in Boknafjord. Hognestad and the Sögel sword all indicate an exclusive relationship with the area between Elbe estuary and Kiel Bay. the early BA II burial from Anderlingen. early (Map 12) The basis for establishing an early BA II horizon in NW Scandinavia is the early burials of southern Jæren. The daggers from Bø. I doubt that these bronzes were a result of the Jæren-Limfjord dagger network gradually including bronzes as well as flint. from Frøset. and the invention of Nordvestnorsk type ceramics with asbestos-temper from Textile-ceramics. and a Bagterp-Wohlde network linking Telemark. The precence of boats type 1c at Hananger. A series of early cremations. chapt. and they point again to Schleswig-Holstein were the largest cluster of six BA I-II cremations can be found (cf. One of them is the Albertsdorf burial containing the twin-dagger to the one from Bø I (App. 1500-1340 BC. not towards Northern Jutland but rather towards the Elbe-Kiel Bay area. Partly for this reason. both pointing towards northern networks. as well as the morphology of these bronzes. involving the development of boat types 1b-c from type Ia. 6. chapt. 3. It is in this context that two new innovations are made within the Central Zone: the reinvention of rock art. 1370 BC.9. In light of the above. These early BA II bronzes confirm the tendency hinted at by the Kvåle house in BA Ia and the Oldendorf axes in BA Ib: they cluster in the southern interior of Jæren (Time and Hå Municipalities).

A fifth specimen from Lien. and 3) the extended North Way linking Beitstad to Jæren and Jæren to the Elbe-Kiel Bay area. Boats type 1b-c are plotted on this map as well. chapt.. Gjørv and Rykkja I are plotted on this map. chapt. Telemark C. and metal and ideas flow in both directions. late (Map 13) The extraordinary assemblages from Vigrestad. cf. is located just east of the southern plateu. chapt. The 4 flanged axes of type Extreme Oldendorf are also tentatively plotted on this map. These were definately not procured from Jutland.11). southwards (rock art. and at the southwestern fringe of an Arctic network using metal from the Urals. can be related to the carved slabs of the Central Zone. It is worth mentioning that when all C-14 dates from the Sund-massacre are taken into account. 1340-1300 BC. The axes from Lien and Voll thus replicate the link across the interior seen between Line and Engrav in BA Ib and Bersagel and Berge in BA Ia. and to the one from Rishaug in particular (Pl. three networks are recognized: 1) the overland network still linking the Central Zone to Central and Eastern Sweden. Summing up. 4. These assemblages points to an innovative network involving persons from Zealand with intimate relations to Schleswig-Holstein and the Lüneburg area. The North Way seems to be a two-way street of transmission.3). they overlap in the decade 1410-1400 BC. Extreme Oldendorf axes) and northwards (plain paalstaves. but either from eastern Zealand or Sweden (cf. Vektarlia and Kolvika and a similar mould from Långudden across the Swedish border. Kleppe II. 5. Nordic BA II. I thus suggest that the tradition of incorporating rock art in burials arose in the meating of the Central Zone networks and the North Way network in Trondheimsfjord. indicating continued maritime journeys from the north into the southern zone.4.130 in the coffin. 2) an Arctic network linking the Arctic Zone to eastern metal supplies. cremation).5.1. since they represent a direct development from the Oldendorf axes of BA Ib. 4.2). The shaft-hole axes from Lunde and Rimbareid can be seen as a result of the same network. as well as the reported Seima style figurine hilt from Leirbukt (cf. and an Arctic Zone might be discerned on the basis of moulds for Seima style daggers from Jarfjord. 6. A series of Seima type soapstone moulds are tentatively added to this map (as well as to the next). Also Hognestad incorporated a slab with cup-marks. It is difficult to . I find it likely that these came via the same general networks that brought Håheim-Steine and Faardrup axes to the west in BA I.58. These findings indicate that Frøset was located at the northern end of a Nordic network.

dotting a route from Jæren through Hardanger-fjord to Kaldafjell on the southern plateu. and the extremely large specimen from Östebosjön in Lake Vänarn might designate a place of exchange. interrestingly has its closest parallels among two other misfigured paalstaves from ”Smålenene” and Svinesund. the idea of stabile re-usable moulds was also due to interaction with persons using bronze moulds in Northern Germany. it seems to copy the the trail of Smørumovre spears from Jæren into . and ”Nord-deutsche” paalstaves came via eastern or southern networks. can readily be linked to Northern Zealand. at Åmot. and I take this as a confirmation that Zealand intersected the Kiel/Elbe-Jæren network in late BA II. though. I suggest that the Smørumovre spearheads were procured via the maritime links to Zealand. Idse and Line from BA Ib. Ullerslev. Ullerslev spearheads are not particularly common on Northern Zealand (6 specimens) and only one fragment are known from Jæren.131 decide whether spears of types Smørumovre. Since the maritime network extended north to Gjørv at Beitstadfjord. makes an interesting addition to this map. Zealand is the only area with both soapstone and bronze moulds at this time. The largest known finding of Ullerslev spearheads from Svenes (20-30 specimens) in the highlands is challenging to network. demonstrating the continued use of inland networks. Firstly. Paalstaves of the ”Norddeutche” type were common both in Sweden and Denmark as well as in Northern Germany. it would fit a link to Zealand. The paalstave from Skjørestad along the inner Gandsfjordroute. This network went via River Göta and Lake Vänarn. The Ullerslev spears from Svenes. but it has a parallel to the east. On the other hand. with two hoards with seven specimens each. Here we see another interresting innovation being made along the North Way. The southern specimens from Karmøy and Orre might be derived from either one of the networks. Secondly. Østfold C. The distribution of boats type 2 (the ”Rørby” boat). I thus suggest that the Svenes hoard is best linked intimately to what seems to be a central production-area at southern Funen. with the eponymous Rørby scimitars. The cult-axe from Hole probably represents local manufacture. This might support the suspicion brought on by the Bersagel axe from BA Ia. it is possible that the use of soapstone for moulds in the south was due to interaction with people casting Seima types in soapstone moulds to the immediate north of Beitstad. as well as from Nesjeskaget and Fiskvik are thus seen as procured through a continued use of eastern networks. The mould from Lista. Smørumovre spears are characteristic for SchleswigHolstein and for Northern Zealand. and Voll from IIa. that bronzes arrived also through a Lysefjord channel across the alpines from the east. but with a new partner at the eastern end.

also Map . the distribution of type 2 boats. Braut). Rege and Tjelta. corresponds rather well to this scenario: two networks extending northwards from Jæren. along the Særheim-ridge (Anda and Særheim). and north of Hafrsfjord at Sunde and Madla (cf. boats type 2 reappear at Leirvåg. Nordic BA III (Map 14) In BA III monumental burials appear on Jæren north of the Orreåna-Roslandsåna waterway. At least southern Jutland and Schleswig-Holstein can be ruled out. Kleppe-Braut hill (Kleppe II. On the other hand.2). and with the Zealand-network in general. Rykkja and Bardal in Trondheimsfjord. interaction and entanglement with the Central Zone. I suspect that burial rock art flourished in late BA II. The pin from Fræna and the type 2 boats at Leirvåg are the only clear traces in between. It might be that Central and Eastern Sweden witnessed a decline at this time. at Sola. North of Hardangerfjord. but also more confrontation.132 Hardangerfjord. potentially a result of the strenghtening of the maritime North Way in the west. In light of the Rishaug-Hognestad-Anderlingen links involving rock art on slabs in burials in early BA II. at Bore and Grude hills. the northern boats are in two instances related to human figures of Swedish type. and moreover that similar boats continued to be made into BA III (cf. one into the Hardangerfjord (the Smørumovre spear-route) and the other to the inner Trondheimsfjord (the spiral pin-route). Decorated slabs were still primarily a Central Zone phenomenon. chapt. north of Orrevatn at Hodne. It is important to note that the boat type 2 became an all-Nordic motive from Trøndelag to Lista. west of Lake Skassvatn at Sele. Askvoll. might represent a reaction to encounters with the long boats type 2. largely corresponding to the burials from Svanøy. I believe the indications of a late date of type 2 boats based on shore-displacements at Nag and Åmøy to be correct. from Mälardalen to Zealand and Northern Jutland. Valuables from the Northern and Central Zones might to a larger degree have entered the North Way rather than into east bound expeditions across the highlands.6. while having a rather poor fit with the networks at work in BA I and early BA II. and now related to the burials from Sagaholm and Kivik via inland routes to Lake Vättern. Friestad hill and Nese hill between Lake Frøylandsvatn and Lake Orre. The long boats on the Mjeltehaugen slabs. and presumably on the Skatval slab. Again it seems clear that the southern intervention was aimed primarily at Jæren and Beitstad. The Zealand intervention seems to have brought more bronze. Rykkja I and Gjørv. Accordingly. not found in the south nor in Zealand. and at Hegre. 1300-1100 BC. 6. Tjora and Jåsund at the Tananger Peninsula. 5.

South of Jæren there is a significant increase in burials at Lista (Hananger. Northern Zealand (cf. the moulds indicate innovations in casting practices and imply metal supplies. The mould from Foss is best linked to the moulds from Mellem Bodal east of Glomma estuary and Lugnås at the eastern shores of Lake Vättern. Rimbareid) and as loose findings (Sørvoll. Two soapstone moulds are found in the Central Zone. loopless axes with facet C and Y-ornament. Örebro and Södermanland C. and through gold (Reheia. in combinations with types characteristic of late BA II. Between Stord and Beitstad there is a large area without burials. 142). Kjørrefjord and Meberg). I can see no significant stylistic differences between the sword/dagger pommels of Tonnes-Holan and those from the south. point to a strong link to the Thy center. the ribbed bracelets and the sword/dagger pommels. Sele. with the possible exception of Rykkja II and Ristesund. Skeie. The mould from Olset is for making large daggers or swords with complex cross-sections. The axes from Graftås and Eikrem also point to the east. is the networks that supplied the people buried at Tonnes-Holan. and moreover to Søllerød. i. These indicate continued relations with the area east of Lake Vänarn. This area is defined also by group 3 axes. Parts of these assemblages point clearly towards the new centra of Thy in Limfjord.133 30). 7. but as became clear above.8.e. North of the Central Zone there is a significant rise in burials in the Beitstad area. chapt. E 108.e. Jantzen 2008: E 179. Lista). The pommel from TH-I resembles closely the one from Hodne. This void corresponds to the Central Zone. as well as the swords from Meberg and Jåsund. The . Storesund I. The gold findings.1. To the emediate north of Boknafjord lies a zone dominated by male weaponry. i. Nestbø). in burials (Reheia I-III. as well as burials at Skåren and Skjeggesnes further north. Orre. Hiksdal. The Southern Zone between Stord and Lista is now defined through the Hulterstad type spearheads (Nestbø. the area of boats type 1b and burial rock art on the previous map. in particular. Hodne. nr. They clearly represent a hybridization of Nordic traditions with no less than three burials with socketed axes. The Bø hoard indicates a continued central position of Valdres in the eastern highlands. One of the crucial challenges concerning BA III. at Tonnes-Holan. But from where came the Nordic bronzes deposited at Tonnes-Holan. Although there are no other bronzes exept for socketed axes from the Central Zone in BA III. Skjeggesnes and Skåren? The dominance of male assemblages at Beitstad makes a comparison difficult with the mainly female burials of Jæren. Skeime).

and the establishment of the Thy-Jæren link might have excluded Zealand as an agent on the North Way. none were equipped with the contemporary Jutish belt plates probably made in the very same foundries that made their bracelets. Stord-Bømlo-Karmsund. Hodne and Rege I. They continued to use or make such belt plates while they procured new bracelets and brooches from Jutish foundries. I would suggest that the Tonnes-Holan burials represented a strengthened node in a North Way network. in Jutland. As seen in Map 10-11. The popularity of socketed axes already in the first TH burials at the transition BA II-III was due to intimate interaction with the northern interior and the Seima tradition. the most significant feature of BA III was a strenghtening of the North Way involving the nodes of Beitstad. The distribution of the first soapstone moulds for socketed axes might be taken as an indication that Northern Zealand now turned its attention towards the Glomma-Göta area. . Neither the burials from Skjeggesnes and Skåren need represent something fundamentally new. Jæren and Northern Jutland. This network seems now directed exclusively towards the zone north of Beitstad rather than towards the southern highlands and Hardangerfjord.e. This relationship seems to have worked in combination with an inland overland route along the Jutish mainland to Schleswig-Holstein. Rege. but they seem to use motives different from those found further north. indicated by the twisted gold rings. and the dagger blade from TH III (nr. Lista. Axes and moulds provide clear indications of continued links between the Central Zone and Central Sweden across the interior. To summarize. as well as the mould from Olset. In BA III we see the first strong metal link between Lista. The flanged sword from TH VIII could be related to the sword from Høyland in Jæren. Such a scenario provides a glimpse of a possible explanation to the unusual combinations of female burials at Jæren (e. These burials might be merely a signal of the increased level of deposition all along the North Way in BA III. Jæren. 281). Thy and Schleswig-Holstein. Importantly.g. Særheim): these were women intimately related to those from Vigrestad and Kleppe involved in the Jæren-Zealand network in late BA II. and a signficant increase in burials at Thy and Jæren in particular. Meberg.134 haft on the dagger from TH-II is a rare variant. and the swords from Jåsund. Rock art in burials is also popular in the south at this time. the zone between Rana and Fosen was part of the type VI flint dagger network. i. Sola and Rimbareid. and closely related to a haft from Ribe-C. 280) closely resembles the one from Sola I (nr. and a continuation of the burials at Frøset and Gjørv.

possibly five (if we include Olset and Bremnes) highly complex soapstone moulds for socketed axes (Nyhamar) and swords (Slottsvik and Bremnes. In . Further south there are no less than 9 burials in Sunnhordaland-Rogaland and one at Lista. razors or studs. Nordic BA IV (Map 15) Probably the most significant change from the BA III map is the complete void of clear BA IV findings between Lofoten and Tingvollfjord. Choosing the maximum alternative in this case has some significant advantages. grav nr. but how could these end up north of the large void between Lofoten and Sunnhordaland? The crucial question is whether the maritime North Way network seen earlier broke down or whether it expanded? I propose that the North Way expanded to the extreme in both its northern and its southern ends. The type represented at Hysstad is rare in Sweden but common in Denmark and with a marked cluster in Northern Jutland (Baudou 1960: Karte 19). No clear burial assemblages with tweezers. i. and to explain why the “Arctic” was drawn into the south to such a significant degree in the centuries to come (BA V-VI). but their relations seem also to have extended to the southern Baltic. I also found that the distinct double-stud with extremely long central boss from Bø had its closest parallel in Northern Jutland (Broholm 1946: 61. There are five more burials from Sunnhordaland-Rogaland that are likely BA IV. although known only from a drawing. for the socketed axes with extended neck. People from Jæren as well as Karmøy engaged in extreme maritime journeys with Skagen in Northern Jutland as an important node. Those buried at Gunnarshaug I. if we stick with a late date. one of the consequences is this large void in metal findings. Olset). seems to indicate that it was similar to the one from Gunnarshaug I or the one from Hysstad. The two findings from Bø and Vinje in Lofoten and the one from Leirbekken in Varanger are crucial indications to what went on 1300-1100 BC along the North Way. the development in the south is in sharp contrast to the one further north. both with a western location: Northern Jutland and south of Elben estuary. 1100-900 BC. Thus.7. and none of the axes characteristic of Nordic BA IV. Taken together these three findings point to Northern Jutland rather than to Sweden. Vespestad and Grindheim engaged in extreme maritime journeys that bypassed previous middle-men and explored the coasts of Lofoten and beyond. The rare flange-hilted sword from Vinje with six rivetholes has only two parallels. 671).135 6. The reported razor from Leirbekken. Storesund.e. BA V-VI. Hysstad. Such extreme northern expedition launched from Sunnhordaland would make it easier to account for the textile-decorated axe from Hiksdal. The area between Sunnhordaland and Tingvollfjord is just as empty in metal but there are three. Although this is also a significant reduction compared to BA III.

and gained direct access to the Arctic Zone (cf. and indicate that the Central Zone kept up its eastern overland networks. Still a different alternative is a war-party from the interior north of Beitstad. and a comparable mould is found at Kinneved. and 3) the occurance of specific Swedish figures at Beitstad (“cubic” human bodies). the fall of the T-H dynasties. I propose that this was a result of direct links between the Southern Zone and the Arctic.136 a similar fashion. 1100 BC. although for casting a Danish style axe. The most interresting non-bronze data in the context of this horizon. This development is in sharp contrast to the southern zone where there are still no soapstone moulds. is now consolidated and has bypassed both the Central Zone and the Northern Zone. as well as for the rare metal-hilted sword from Eia. A different scenario would be a warparty from the Southern Zone attacking T-H in a conflict over access to the northern coasts. crucial to an understanding of the rather meagre data from BA IV is to account for the introduction of Nordic bronzes in the Arctic Zone at the same time as Nordic bronzes disappear from both the Northern Zone and Beitstad. The Blia mould is for casting both tanged daggers and sickles (Old 2628). It is tempting to link this event to the sudden disappearance of burials in the Beitstad area.8). Summing up. along the Klarälv north of Lake Vänarn.e. as well as 2) the sudden rise in Mälardalen at the Håga centre. A related alternative would be a warparty from Stjørdal in close alliance with Mälardalen. i. the Southern Zone that lay outside the main metal-networks of BA I. In short. has a core-print design only paralleled at the very same Kinneved mould (cf. 7. Accordingly. The Nyhamar B mould is for a distinctly Swedish type axe. chapt. The situation in the Sogn-Hustad area is reveiled by the types cast in the moulds. hitting the Tonnes-Holan group c. One scenario would be a war-party organized from Mälardalen. Västergötland (Minnen 1067). Map 9). by engaging groups in the Southern Zone heavily in maritime expeditions to the southern shores of the Baltic. inflicting the leisures on the skeletons not with swords but with shorter blades such as those cast at Lappvallen. . it becomes possible to account for the strange similarity of the face-urns in Norway and Legnica on the Oder. The Skjeldestad mould. This would account for the combination of 1) disappearance of bronze-carrying burials after 1100 BC at TH. The double-mould for tanged swords from Slottsvik could be linked to the contemporary mould from Blia. is the Sundmassacre. these two moulds from the Sognefjord make a strong link to the area east of Vänarn.

Decorated blades are found both along the Ångerman route and at Petkula in the high Arctic (Tallgren 1937b: 24p. I have argued that this ornament was linked to the fringe ornament. that they are relatively well represented north of Stadt. 64) appeared before BA VI. probably to a route along Ångerman River to the coast and from here south to Mälardalen. the Central Zone is lacking clear BA V findings. the area north of Beitstad contained bronzes procured both from Jutland along the North Way and from Eastern Sweden across the interior. 4. 900-700 BC. Bakka 1976: 39.5. and that both motives were linked to western Ananinoaxes. but it is worth noting that they are numerous in both Sweden and Denmark as well as Eastern Norway. I am inclined to instead highlight a ceramic mould for casting similar collars (undecorated) from Vilsted in Northern Jutland. I believe that the expansion of the North Way and the establishment of the node in the Tjeldsund area are important pieces in the puzzle of the long-necked axes. The three distinct neck-collars from Tennevik and Trondenes have their closest parallels in four collars from two findings in southeastern Sweden. although deposited central to the maritime North Way. and recommend that Map 16 is considered in light of the Ananino-network plotted on Map 17. The gold rings from Sandnesenget and Langli on the other hand. 12. point southwards to Jæren and Denmark. and finally that moulds for comparable swords were cast in the Central Zone in the previous period. The decorated sword from Våg and the large decorated spearhead from Hoddøy point rather clearly to the southeast. this indicates that such collars were still in use in BA VI.4.137 6. chapt.8. If the link between the collar and axe from Trondenes is trusted. 4. is to discern the provenance of the numerous bronzes north of Beitstad.11). The likely hoard from Trondenes also included a socketed axe with volut-ornament. Except for these and the tanged blades from Ulstein and Aursjøen. Thus. The tanged swords are less informative. or that Ananino-like axes such as the one from Akonlahti (Pl. Nordic BA V (Map 16) Perhaps the most challenging task in networking Northwestern Scandinavia in BA V.4. 14). The situation in the Central Zone in BA V is neither emediately clear. I lean towards the latter. One candidate is the long-necked axes (cf. that they are lacking from Southwestern Norway (exept the poor specimen from Lista Fyr).. The Tjeldsund node might have been the significant link between the North Way and the high Arctic via Torne River. They thus demonstrate continuity in the networks linking the Central Zone to eastern Sweden. The Swedish specimens are all decorated. point rather clearly to the east. The gold rings from Hemnskjel and Strand. . a distinct NW Scandinavian type. Pl.

nr. c. The sharpbladed Wendelring is a dominant feature of BA VI. Larsson 1993. 700-500 BC. This is even more convincing if we consider the axe types plotted on the next map to have arisen within BA V. but mainly Mälaren and the area east of Lake Vänarn. procedures. ideas and people from the Arctic into the Southern Zone. The contents of the burials. 800 BC. but it is the other findings that specify the direction of the networks.9. Sweden. Jæren seems to represent the far southwestern end of this network. The maritime North Way in the west was paralleled by a comparable North Way along the eastern coast. might have been a significant node in this network. This unique site seems to have been the settlement of foreigners from the area south of the Baltic. discheaded pins. the Arctic-Nordic dynamics seem to have been of a different nature in the west than in the east. razors. It is clearly a possibility that both Ananino and KAM styles appeared in the west from mid BA V. Central European swords. The most important feature discerned here about BA V is that the Arctic interior is drawn into Nordic networks. brooches and rare neck ring types indicate an eastern network sometimes involving Lakes Randsfjord and Mjøsa. The fortified settlement at Vistad in Östergötland C. 6. Spearheads.138 In the south the zone of burials with bronze has shrunk. and do no longer include the area emediately north of Jæren (Karmøy. Moulds for Arctic types at Jæren in the far south. are not very informative in terms of networks. Sunnhordaland). 180). Nordic BA VI (Map 17) The mapping of BA VI features demonstrates with more clarity than any of the earlier maps that Nordic bronzes entered NW Scandinavia from Sweden across the highlands. As will become clear through a closer examination of casting and moulding procedures in chapter 7. The only known Mindelheim sword made from iron in Scandinavia is the one from Sjögestad in the vicinity of Vistad (Jensen 1997: 320. The dwellers within the Vistad establishment are likely to .. The hoard from Hassle just north of Lake Vättern contained two Mindelheim swords and a range of other imports from the continent and from the Mediterranean. The rare ribbed bronze bucket from Hassle lies 1000 km north of the other specimens in Eastern Central Europe (Jensen 1997: 93. and I assume that the bronzes in the burials were procured via the same routes. The lurs from Revheim though can be linked to Northern Jutland. Larsson & Hulthen 2004). strenghten the suspicion brought on by the Hiksdal axe in BA IV: there was a movement of styles. 13). using foreign pottery types and foreign architecture (cf. gold arm rings. tweezers.

i. Summing up. The third is the trail of socketed axes with links to Arctic bronzes from Rana to Jæren.6). type Ananino and related. . 4. The first is the resurrection and bolstering of the cross-peninsular network between the Central Zone and eastern Central Sweden. are more in line with conventional Nordic moulds. and the mould has its only parallel in Northern Finland. moulds are found at Jæren while actual castings corresponding to the moulds are found only further north.e. This is also interresting. The Vestre Goa mould is for casting an axe with an unusual flat cross-section. add significantly to this situation. In several cases. But there are no indications that this North Way was linked to southern areas. Tjesseim and Randaberg is an additional indication that these moulds represent an intimate link to the Arctic. The small loopless ornated axes (group 9). The second is that rather than Nordic style bronzes north of the Beitstad-Dala river line there are now only Arctic style bronzes and moulds. much similar to the situation in BA I. dated to BA V. and they might have been the distributors of commoditites such as those seen in the Hassle hoard.139 have had effective communication with their home area. The 5 moulds from Jæren can actually all be placed c. and the appearance of moulds for such axes at Jæren in the south. The Forsand mould was found in a post-hole for a house. As will become clear in chapter 7 on moulding practices.8. I believe there are four significant changes on this map. as Jæren is often sited as a having the largest cluster of soapstone moulds in Norway. that bronzes entered via Jæren from the south. This is the case for the two moulds for volute-ornated axes from Brualand and Stangeland.e. The two other moulds from Rogaland C. Vestre Goa. Accordingly. i. and all of them are at odds with the conventions of Nordic soapstone moulding practices and designs developed from BA III onwards. the lack of facilities for core-suspension on Brualand. there are clear indications of a rather direct maritime relationship between Jæren and Trøndelag. and the mould has a close parallel from Vretakloster in Östergötland (chapt. but they might both belong to BA V rather than VI. The fourth is a collapse in the networks that linked Jæren and the North Way to metal supplies south of Skagerrak.4. Axes corresponding to the Tjesseim mould are found only north of Jæren. XI. Nordén 1925: Pl. but also bronze and iron in general. and thus of a still existing North Way. typical of Arctic axes. from Forsand and Talgje.. 800-500 BC.

These valuables were mainly pelts from fur bearing animals dwelling along the arctic coasts north of Rana.140 6. and variously aimed at the southern highlands. . One scenario that would account for the above would be that the links between Jæren and Jutland were broken and that the full extended North Way collapsed c. the most likely candidate for a larger scale migration in the Bronze Age. in the interior north of Beitstad and on the southern alpine plateu. The Ananino-KAM features introduced from BA V onwards represent. The first was a remarkably stable overland/riverine network at work at least from BA Ia to BA VI. The North Way in particular. I have discerned two major trajectories and networks. along with a parallel North Way along the Swedish coast. brought the Nordic and the Arctic Bronze Ages into increasing interaction from at least 1500 BC. The second was the more unstable maritime North Way. with shifting participants in the far south. in my opinion. Interestingly. 700 BC. and that attempts to access these shaped the history of NW Scandinavia in the Bronze Age. one that linked the western Central Zone to Central Sweden. and Jæren seems to procure metal from the northeast rather than from Denmark. Jæren now went from a position as prosperous middle-man to a position mainly at the receiving southwestern end of both Arctic and Nordic networks running across the interior of the central and northern parts of the Scandinavian Peninsula. the end of the Bronze Age replicate the beginning of the Bronze Age: Nordic bronzes are restricted to the area south of Beitstad. This process ultimately led to the introduction of significant Arctic styles and technologies down to Jæren.10 Towards Bronze Age history I suggest that there were three major sources of valuables in Northern Scandinavia. the interior north of Beitstad and the Arctic coasts. there is a prosperous Central Zone with bronzes derived from the area east of Lake Vänarn.

is at heart of archaeological knowledge. cross-dating and map-making. each with distinct sets of networks. and we have also gotten a clearer view of the general routes through which metal was displaced.141 Part II – Exploring Dense Webs Through the first strategy aimed at the wide webs of bronze I attempted to have a thorough archaeological look at the bronze data from NW Scandinavia. 2) across the southern interior and alpines to the fjords. and wielded the tools of typology. and 3) across Skagerrak and the sea to Jæren and Lista. we have gotten an impression of which artefacts and what kind of artefacts that most likely were made within the study area. . 1). On this basis I have organized bronzes in time and space. It seems that bronze entered into NW Scandinavia via three major channels: 1) across the Arctic interior to the coast between Rana and Varanger. and I have been particularly concerned with issues of the directions and routes through which NW Scandinavia was linked to the outside world. A central claim of the introductory chapter is that transformation and displacement of matter discerned through basic archaeological analysis. chapt. I have also stated that specific explanations and constructions in archaeology should be evaluated along the lines of: are these explanations and constructions able to transform and displace matter in accordance with the initial analysis of data? Part I has brought a foundation for an in depth exploration of the transformation and displacement of metal. The main results of part I and the first strategy was a chronological trajectory involving nine historical horizons. It is now time to shift to the second strategy and dive into the dense webs that surrounded metal as it was transformed and displaced (cf.

In this chapter. Both arsenic and tin bring certain qualities to the alloyed metal. the first metal artefacts in the Arctic Zone (cf. Jantzen 2008: 7). Intentional alloying. but these were most likely oxidised to such a degree that they had to be melted and cast in moulds in order to release and remove the oxygen embedded in the metal (cf. Copper exists in nature in pure metallic state and such occurrences were probably those first exploited. with arsenic or tin. Chernykh 1992: 180p. but challenging when it came to shaping. In addition. 7. Significant is the increased hardness of bronze. behaves and changes under circumstances induced by human operations in general. 7. ductility. In theory. The finished product as-cast becomes harder. and in terms of how it behaves during melting.5mm its hardness is increased with more than 150% (cf. bronze will be used as a loose term for copper alloys in general (cf.142 Chapter 7: Transformation This will not be an attempt to probe deeply into the metallurgical insides of copper alloys or the chemical processes of metallurgy. is likely to have been a result of a desire towards some of the qualities of these impure coppers. coppers bound with other minerals were extracted through more complex pyrotechnological procedures. Map 9) were most likely the result of proper melting and casting procedures. moulds and moulding procedures. What is important here is how bronze reacts. In due course. in terms of hardness. These coppers contained more or less impurities. and then focus on the issue of what to pour into. No extra measures may be . and its higher fluidity. and high impurity levels changed the quality of the metal and the finished artefact. Qualities of copper and bronze The term bronze is commonly used to designate metals made from copper mixed with more than 2 % tin. much more so than copper.).1. and in particular the operations performed within our area. Tylecote 1987: Fig. malleable stone. Tylecote 1987: 179. The brittleness of bronze was useful when it came to hardening edges. I will first focus on how to get bronze into a molten state and ready to pour. its lower melting point.4). These could be hammered and beaten into shape and treated much like a soft. i. Hence.e. Since the majority of the artefacts studied here have not been analyzed for metal composition. The copper industry around Lake Onega was most likely based on such ores. and the redness of pure copper yields to a more golden finish. I want to get closer to copper alloys in order to frame the multitude of ways these present themselves to human sensory systems. bronze gets harder by compression through coldworking. colour. this means that if the edge of a bronze axe is hammered from a thickness of 1mm to 0.

difficult castings. This means that in a modern foundry. bronze might be heated to over 1300 ࢓ & allowing some time to pass before casting at 1250 ࢓ &. or overheat. In this respect too bronze was advantageous since it is less attracted to oxygen than copper. When the crucible is retreaved from the furnace. The recommended casting temperatures for tin-bronze in modern foundries are 1150-1250 ࢓ & for thin castings and 1048-1150 ࢓ & for heavy castings (Ammen 2000: 408). But in order to coil a similar rod made of a high tin-bronze alloy. At this stage the founder will open the furnace and sprincle a powdery substance that will stick to the metal scrap in the crucible and protect its surface. while copper are more easily hammered into complex shapes than bronze (cf. It is thus easier to achieve a crucible full of gas-free metal ready to pour when using bronze. . But it is necessary to have a surplus temperature. copper much more so than bronze. In short. This is a compound that consists of materials for adherance and materials for burning oxygen (e. As the metal melts. these were qualities that facilitated casting. Jantzen 2008: 8).143 needed in order to coil up a thin rod made from pure copper. Not only does bronze melt at a lower temperature than copper. In a modern foundry copper and copper-alloys are melted in a slightly oxidised atmosphere with a floating cover to protect the metal from oxygen. Oxidization refers to the process in which metals attract oxygen and together they form oxides (Ammen 2000: 261). the cover and slag is removed from the surface of the molten metal. This reseting of the internal structure through heating is called anealing (Tylecote 1987: 247). but made mechanical treatment more difficult: bronze can be cast in more complex moulds than copper.g. Copper and bronze are relatively difficult metals to melt and cast successfully. If not it is likely to break. At this stage the founder might also stir additives into the melt. additives that facilitate the release of any gases and impurities that were already in the scrap metal from the start or that entered during melting. As the metal reaches 550 ࢓ & and turns dull red. silica and charcoal). in cases of thin. otherwise the bronze will solidify once it is removed from the source of heat. more powder it added in order to form a tight cover floating on top of the melt. They are both prone to oxidization. one has to proceed step-wise and heat the rod to more than 500 ࢓ & several times in order to reset the hardening that takes place inside the rod as it is bent. Bronze (copper with 10% tin) melts at about 986 ࢓ &. it also becomes more fluid than copper. This operation is referred to as degassing or deoxidizing. it starts to attract oxygen and other impurities if they are available in the atmosphere.

Lithium or phosphorous are the most used such additives today (Ammen 2000: 260p. 6: Temperatures. pure copper was usually melted with a generous cover of charcoal – but never on a rainy day (ibid: 244). There is no simple universal rule as to what will work and what will not. Charcoal is also a good protector against oxygen since it burns oxygen before it enters the melt. We . any metaloxyds in the melt will be deprived of their oxygen and return to a metallic state. but it has positive effects on the melt in terms of unwanted gasses being burned by charcoal. colours (in the dark) and melting points.144 Fig. Ammen states that in his early days in a foundry in southern USA. By stirring in a substance that is even more attracted to oxygen than copper is. Melting in a charcoal fired pit in the ground might be a dirty business compared to modern procedures.). Even in modern ”traditional” foundries cheap alternatives and precausions are made.

With most metals simply re-melting again under the correct conditions will correct the problem. .] will resemble a cold shut or look like it was poured short. A bubble creates a casting that: “[. When pouring a casting. Blowy metal refers to a situation: ”[. The other is related to the critiques against the sciences of nature presented in the first chapter: it is only in a laboratory. you can cause this defect.. and barely there.] should not be poured unless it can be saved by degassing or deoxidizing.” (ibid: 219). the amount and speed of draft..] when a metal is gassed in melting to the point that it kicks and churns in the furnace or ladle.. This defect is usually caused by a metal too cold poured too slowly or a gating system improperly designed so that the mold cannot be filled fast enough” (ibid: 241). If you slack off or reduce the velocity. What is needed in terms of precausions like crucible covers and degassing depends on the kind of furnace... Blows are: “[. the kind of fuel.. 2) as precautions in a casting handbook from 2000 AD they demonstrate that bronze casting has never been and is still not an activity in which the outcome can be guarantied... A great percentage of lost castings is caused by pouring improperly” (ibid: 219). it [. that it is possible to control. Metal poured into a wet or incompletely dried ladle will kick and blow.] two streams of metal in a mold fail to weld together. measure and take into account all relevant agents in melting and casting bronze. start-stop-and-start. A cold shut is when: “[.] round to elongated holes caused by the generation or accumulation of entrapped gas or air” (ibid: 218). types of moulding material. the metal must be poured at a constant choked velocity. the shape of artefact being made and attitudes towards what is a satisfactory casting and what is not.. Some of the terms and definitions used in modern bronze casting indicate some of the crucial challenges of melting and pouring. and casting a large thin belt plate with intricate spiral ornaments. are entirely different projects.. I quote Ammen on these matters for two reasons: 1) it is likely that these problems were relevant in the Bronze Age and that these same flaws can be seen on bronze artefacts from the Bronze Age. The problem was a slacked or interrupted pour. only for a second you may cause a bubble. If you interrupt the pour.145 here arrive at two important lessons: the first is that bronze casting is a complex interrelated web and casting a flat axe that is to be hammered and ground into shape.

weighs 980g and. Casting is about containers. clearly a flawed casting with pitted surface. the qualities of their skins. 1340-1300BC and 1100-900BC in the Central Zone. and the younger shaft-hole axe from Raknes (nr. are: the swords made in the Slottsvik mould (M 2) which would probably range somewere between 700 to 800g. Håheim (nr. these are the most convincing indications that bronze loads above 1000g were being melted 16001500BC. 417).2. And more important than heat and states of heates in an age without measuring devices for temperature. ranging from Blindheim (nr. 416) at 1250g and Viset (nr. 415) at 885g. churn and blow. a full cherry red. Årekol (nr. 6). along with the axe from Raknes and the Slottsvik mould. and finally the yellow and the light yellow associated with bronze shifting from solid to liquid state and a proper overheat (Fig.146 That bronze in given circumstances might kick. 396) at 57g. 425) with its provincial ornaments at 1300g. the bellows with their flexible walls and the air that enters and leaves. brings us to the importance of sensory experience and sound and vision in particular. 394) at 281g . The melting of bronze Although making a bronze artefact is an integrated whole. the qualities of their contents and aspects of the emptying and filling of them: the furnace and its fuel. 7. and focus on the melting and pouring. a deep orange. Some of the flanged axes of Håheim-Steine type are also likely to have been made within the Central Zone. The heaviest artefact from the area is the axe from Rimbareid (nr. through a full blood red. It is quite possible to frame the melting projects made within NW Scandinavia. It is important to keep these qualities of copper and bronze in mind when evaluating indications of how copper and bronze were transformed in the Bronze Age of NW Scandinavia. the crucible and the mould and their metallic contents about to melt or solidify. There are rhythmic sounds of cold forced air meating the heat-centre of the fire.424) at 2248g. let us for a while forget about the vessel that we are going to pour bronze into (the mould). was the colour spectre from the faintest red. The heaviest objects that we have reason to believe were cast within the area under study. some of the Faardrup axes ranging from Tjelta (nr. The Faardrup axe from Kvanngardsnes (nr. The process from scrap to finished artefact is focused on a number of phenomena that might best be recognized as containers with contents. 419) at 1731g. but this is perhaps less likely to have been a local casting. I believe this is a fertile framework for exploring and illuminating the dense webs of bronze casting.

double-studs and razors typically 5-15g. The great majority of artefacts are less than 200g: tweezers. Tårland (nr. ribbed bracelets typically 40-110g. 407) at 318g. A GK I crucible would have been capable of melting loads for the majority of the functional axes. we may focus on the melting of loads of bronze between 100-1350g. 7.2.381) at 203g. In light of the general decrease in size and weight of axes through the Nordic LBA. Idse (nr. This is the entity that is exposed to the harshest treatment. The small axes from BA V-VI often weighes no more than 50g. As bronze weighs 8. In a Southern Scandinavian perspective. nor by the melting procedures used.1. the shaft-hole axes and the Slottsvik mould indicate that GK II and III crucibles were handled within the Stadt-Tingvollfjord area. In this respect it is interresting to note that the axe from BA IV from Garå (nr. 3) pouring and 4) protecting its . The flanged axes type Oldendorf from Rogaland ranges from Line (nr. has always been at the nexus of the web that transforms bronze. GK II. 391) at 550g. a medium sized belt plate with spirals in two zones typically 110-140g (the Rege plate weighs 420g). this correspond to volumes 11-113 ml. and in fact heavier than all the BA III axes that have been weighed (the axes from the BØ hoard is likely to be in the same range). the cup that holds the load of bronze during melting. 25-40 cm³/225-350g. But importantly. Crucible The crucible. Hence. A crucible might be explored in terms of its qualities for: 1) withstanding high and shifting temperatures. The burial assemblages are thus rarely impressive in the amounts of metal. The heaviest specimen is the axe of the Norwegian variant from Slæn in Voss (nr. the most extreme shifts in temperature and to the strain of being moved while hot. it is also clear that the long-necked axes are at odds. and large EBA neck-collars typically 140-180g. 461) at 374g.9g pr. Helleve (nr. 515) weighs 279g. The socketed axes from BA III do not exeed 250g. and that also those cast in the moulds from Nyhamar (M 16-17) seem to be heavier than BA IV axes in general.147 and Steine (nr. more than 120cm³/1070g (Jantzen 2008: 197). 408) at 309g and “Ortøy” (nr. daggers and knives in our area. and the mould from Voile (M 28) is likely to have contained similar amounts.8-8. but by the complex moulding procedures used. 406) at 303g. jewellery. the most extreme temperatures. GK I.383) at 160g. 386) at 173g. 2) handling. GK III. 382) at 351g (“Thune” and Holen have not been weighed). The full-size paalstaves of “Norddeutsche” type make up a tight group: “Jæren” (nr. ml (Kock 2001: 23). 40120cm³/350-1070g. Jantzen has grouped crucibles in three sizes. and “Haugesund” (nr. axes from the LBA are socketed and generally small and light weight.

Quartz grains in particular increase the performance of crucibles (Martinón-Torres et. In addition there might be added some organic elements which are transformed to pores and holes as the crucible is heated. a kind of sand. This is done by thongs. there has to be a mineral component. have only recently been revealed (Martinón-Torres et. Clay has been the most suitable binder until recently. A crucible must be made of materials that can stand the high temperatures without smelting. Next. ranging from a pair of simple wooden sticks to specially fitted iron thongs. The wooden variants most likely used in the Bronze Age. do not show comparable innovations (1987: 189p. Hence. complex refractory mixtures. al. became reknown for their stability and endurance. 2006: 437). and their secret. In reality the clay ought to be a stoneware clay with smelting temperatures above 1200 ࢓ &. 2006) The shape of a crucible might be a compromise that facilitates handling. on the other hand. Other areas in which clay with sufficient contents of sand could be dug right out from the ground. crucibles withstanding 20 ordeals were something else .). at least until it has been burned at high temperatures. From the 15th century AD crucibles from Hessen.and true refractory crucibles withstanding hundreds of meltings were probably not made until the Middle Ages. potentially equipped with a pouring spout that facilitates control of direction and size of the stream. there is the rim. Tall narrow crucibles . a content of mullit. Thus. carried and poured while its skin is a burning 1100 ࢓ &. Then. at least once. Iron thongs were a noticible innovation as they gave a stable and secure grip.148 metal content against gasses and impurities. Experiments and data makes clear that medium quality earthern ware clay mixed with 50 percent of quality sands can do the job. Those areas that lacked proper clays show greater innovations towards true. Germany. Such a mixture must contain some kind of binder that holds the cup together. In addition the overall shape of crucibles might to a larger or lesser extent work as a protector between the metal and the outside. These concerns are central to the subject of refractory mixtures. and these are generally not available in Scandinavia. The crucible must be retreaved. being more refractory than the clay. will burn and can never give a stable grip since its surface constantly changes. making a porous crucible-wall. crucibles must be designed so that they can be handled with confidence with the thongs and tools at hand. As important is that the crucible must withstand swift shifts in temperature. al. Tylecote sees the natural availability of proper clays as a cause of divergent courses when it comes to innovations in crucible technology in Medieval Europe. while it is relatively easy to make a crucible that can do the task once or twice. pouring and protection of the metal.

These two features indicate that melting in the Bronze Age was done by heating crucible and metal from above. Beyond this information.149 like medieval and modern crucibles expose only a relatively small surface of the metal to the outside. Scandinavian Migration and Merovingian Period crucibles were made in this way (Söderberg 2002: 255). moulds and from the artefacts themselves. compared to more recent crucibles. They also show a disproportionate degree of heat-damage on the rims compared to the sides and bottom (cf. Crucibles may also be constructed as closed. They are. the Bronze Age variants are low and wide and expose a relatively large surface of metal. 7: Bronze Age melting procedure From the crucibles.e. Jantzen 2008: Abb. . the crucibles carry quite a bit of information as to how melting was conducted. 71-72). low and wide. disposable containers. for total protection of the metal. we get some hints as to how much bronze was melted and cast. that forced air was directed towards fuel resting on top of the loaded crucible (Fig. Quite on the contrary. Fig. 7. i.

as these refractory mixes never blow up during firing in the way that an ordinary ceramic vessel would. These are not a big problem. VI) I gained some insights into the making and use of crucibles. Such a crucible is easily made with a thumb-ball method in the palm of ones hand. more robust against high temperatures. The sharp grains support this idea.. 2006: 437). and is thus not quite comparable to clays found in the ground. Quartz can stand temperatures up to 1700 ࢓ & and it serves the purpose both of making the clay-mix more robust against temperature-shifts (thermal shock). Jantzen 2008: 193. a coil-procedure was used in their manufacture. it seems that the same basic type of crucible was used throughout the Bronze Age. It is difficult and time consuming to add a large amount of dry sand into plastic wet clay by hand. It is very stabile. It is therefore likely that clay to was dried and crushed. Authentic crucibles generally show a high level of quartz. The measure of temper.150 Zimmer 1990: 150p. but this demands quite a bit of fuel. Summing up. and moist escapes easily and rapid. such cracks could develop into larger cracks. App. 1030 ࢓ &. Goldhahn 2007: 124). My clay has been industrially cleansed for impurities. On the other hand. al. for small and large meltings. In this way. and against direct blows (Martinón-Torres et. bronze might penetrate. The crucible is not a complex form compared to other ceramic vessels. particularly at the rim. The clay used for my simulations was industrially processed clay imported from Denmark.g. there is insignificant shrinkage. But the extremely low plasticity from high quartz contents makes small cracks occur. there seems to . and it is unlikely that e. clay could be beaten and fused together more confidently. Quartz burned at high temperatures is quite easy to crush and grind into sand. Jantzen 2008: 194). is likely to have been as much as possible without loosing the plasticity needed to shape the mix into a crucible. and that particles of dry clay and quartz. and probably for casting both simple and complex moulds. solidify. so high that it is likely to have been added intentionally. the melting procedure was basically the same. This might indicate that despite the heterogenous body of artefacts made in the Bronze Age. shrink and expand again – and these cracks could turn out to become the end of the crucible. and possibly from some organic substance. were mixed in proper proportions before adding moisture. how much to add. It is of the same general earthenware clay found throughout Scandinavia resistant to temperatures up to c. From the simulations and trials (cf. On the other hand. One way to shape a crucible from maximum tempered clays would be to use a template of wood with the internal shape of the crucible. and indicate that quartz was burned and crushed for this purpose (cf.

the bottom. made it easier to get hold of the crucible without tilting it. and remains there until it is time to cast. Through the simulations I found that a horseshoe shaped furnace with a simple groove in its floor for a thong to slide underneath the crucible. yellow rim at 1100 ࢓ &. To prevent loss of heat through this opening and to make it easier to keep charcoal in place. I suspect that it was not done with loads more than 1000g. one stick against the flat bottom and the other resting on two sections of the rim. The crucible is placed on the bottom of the furnace. In this way the coldest part of the crucible. and since it was a problem for me with loads of 300g. This could easily fail in two ways: the crucible slips half way up. What becomes clear when attempting to get hold of and move a red hot brimful BA type crucible with simple wooden thongs. A problem with the horizontal grip is to get one stick underneath the crucible in the first place. grabbing the crucible horizontally.151 be great variation in details on crucible-sherds from one and the same site. This is . stone slabs or even solid pieces of wood during melting. This could also be achieved by placing the crucible on two stones or blocks of clay with some space between them. a large piece of wood or a suitable stone could be placed in the opening. This means that if one forces a stick between the crucible and the floor of the furnace. an indication that they were made by hand without such facilities. while the upper thong keeps it from capsizing. The thongs are burning and there is low friction between the crucible and the thong. in order to keep high friction the caster squeezes the thongs to hard around the crucible. breaking or at least spilling all bronze on the ground. This is more challenging the heavier the crucible. gives much more control. A furnace with one open side has advantages: it is easier to get the horizontal grip on the crucible and it is easier to shovel charcoal in and out of the furnace. is that the shape of the crucible makes lifting from a vertical position very difficult. But heat loss upwards could also be prevented by covering the furnace with blocks of refractory clay. In this way the advantages of complex furnaces are gained simply by separate disposable pieces that are shifted around during melting. A crucible ends its trajectory sooner or later for a variety of reasons: 1) a crucible melts from too direct and too high temperatures relative to the quality of the clay. The topdown melting procedure does not lend itself to domed furnaces. only a small tilting of the crucible would lead to spillage. this would be enough for a spillage. crushing the crucible and making an even more uncontrolled spillage of bronze. or. If molten bronze levelles to about 10mm underneat the rim. The flattened rim on some preserved crucibles could very well be the result of the upper thong pressing down on the soft. rests on the lower thong. On the other hand.

Many a crucible might also have ended its trajectory by simply being dropped. more trees have to felled and split. It will to a certain degree occur also with careful use and proper materials. Fuel Fuel in Bronze Age casting technology is an interresting question: plain firewood or charcoal. possibly preventing liquid bronze from entering into tiny cracks. 2) Although a high quality refractory crucible is very robust against extreme shifts in temperature. Typically.2. When using low quality fuels the founder runs a higher risk that he do no reach the necessary temperatures or that the metal is left unprotected against the airstream from the tuyere. even low quality species. The removal of slags before they solidify might also be hazardous. the founder is for some reason delayed emediately after pouring and slags are already sticking to the rim and getting solid when he is ready to clear the crucible. to such a degree that it is discarded. is best done while the crucible is still hot and the slags still plastic. and even uncarbonized firewood (Hirsch & Trachsel 2001) can melt bronze.2. and if slags are too solid and too much force is used. 3) Clearing the crucible after use for slags and impurites around the rim. constantly refilling cold fuel into the perimeter of the fire. it is less predictable. If this is not done. a lot of waste products (Belbo & Gjølstø 2008: fig. combined with misplacing the crucible relative to the tuyere and the air-stream. The signs of repair on many crucibles clearly indicate that many of them had a lifespan well beyond a single casting. to keep constant watch on the furnace. Quality made charcoal is almost pure carbon while wood contains. It seems that these repairs were largely about restoring a smooth inside of the crucible. 7. Hence.152 either a result of an excessive heat development. any woods or dense hardwoods only? What are the prerequisites of the laws of nature? Charcoal made from medium quality species. and in the end the rim of the crucible will have been reduced. clay containing low-melting minerals. maintainace is likely to sometimes have ended in failure. This melting will occur on the rim and reduce the height of the crucible walls. important for the protection of bronze against oxygen (cf. or it is the result of bad crucible material. For this reason charcoal also creates a more carbon rich. slags will grow and choke the crucible and reduce its volume. in this context. one might tear the crucible apart. but it takes longer. reducing or oxygen-starved athmosphere. and thus the volume of the crucible. and constantly moving pieces of fuel from the perimeter to the center of the furnace. it is not very robust against direct blows. and it takes more in volume. During melting the founder will have to be more active. This means that if using firewood or low quality charcoal. . too little quartz etc. more heat is spilled on the surroundings.5).

While charcoal from birch would have a calorific value c. The purpose of this is simply to remove as much as possible of the contents exept for carbon. My general impression of BA melting practices is in line with that of most experimental founders: that of small fuel-effective. charcoal fired heat-chambers. beech on top with 3000 kwh and birch at the bottom with 2650 kwh pr. My own simulations are all made with charcoal made from birch and in my experience birch works fine for castings of medium size and complexity. and they operated after an agricultural expansion in the BA/IA transition which exhausted forested areas. and finally 4) a phase of cooling. The founder that cast the paper-thin large diametered belt plate from Vigrestad (nr. Charcoal for forging and welding. Then there are species of medium quality such as pine (Pinus). they had a colder climate. ash or oak.153 Harding 2000: 217). The calorific value is moreover almost doubled when wood is made into charcoal. often birch (ibid: 346. Beech (Fagus and Nothofagus). they had different logistical factors to concider. and birch and rowan are likely to have been available almost everywhere. a small intence heat encapsulating little more than the crucible. Around the lowland agricultural settlements in the Bronze Age there would still have been a variety of high quality species in the BA. maple (Acer). ash (Fraxinus). The low scale of bronze casting in the Bronze Age would have made it possible to prefer high quality species such as beech. 5200kwh. beech would approach 6000kwh. in which there must be absolutely no oxygen available. European alder (Alnus glutinosa) and willow (Salix) between 2350 and 2290 kwh. the structure of the wood changes and the heat rises. 1000l16. It is important to recognice that the later iron smelters operated on an entirely different scale. 155) might have preferred this extra energy in order to bring bronze confidently to its extreme fluidity above 1200 ࢓ &. aspen (Populus tremula) and grey alder (Alnus incana) between 2000-1900 kwh. A variety of . as well as historical copper and iron smelting industry from this area we learn that pine dominated for charcoal fuels (Leirfall 1968: 345pp). The latter is simply more difficult to work in and around. 2) a phase of dehydration with reduced access to oxygen. though. rowan (Sorbus aucuparia) and birch (Betula) are high quality fuels as a result of their high density. There is thus a 50 % potential gain to be made by using beech in stead of spruce. From the iron smelting sites of later prehistory. 3) an eksoterm phase in which there are no oxygen. and low quality species such as spruce (Picea). The technology of dry-distillation or charcoal burning in its ideal form has four phases: 1) a phase of combustion with ample access to oxygen. oak (Quercus). rather than a large and fierce fire. 374). in which moisture is released. was made from broad-leaved trees.

It is thus likely that the founder preferred to do all splitting and cutting while the wood was green. Such a pit need not necessarily be cut into sterile underground. but logs have to be processed into relatively smaller pieces. bone and antler. The process from standing tree to charcoal is a process of fragmentation and removal of moisture. A lot of these technologies are or were related to large scale iron smelting. and were adjusted to this purpose. the round pit would need pieces cut down into lenghts of c. while an elongated pit could burn split logs of 1. chopping a 4m tall tree down and into 80 cm lengths equals the felling of 6 trees.154 technologies for making charcoal are known from etnographic and historical sources. and for cutting the log into suitable lenghts. the wood could now be placed for drying until the final removal of moisture in a prosess of dry-distillation. charcoal could be burned in a shallow pit in the top soil. The challenge of the long pit is to get a balanced fire burning in the entire length of the pit. fire or a prolonged killing-and-waiting process.5-2m length. Most common is the carburization of wood in a pit in the ground in which fire is deprived of oxygen by a layer of turf. explaining why we have not found them.e. and it need not be very deep. A freshly cut log containes 50 % moisture in summer. and what we conventionally concider as dry firing wood contains about 20 % moisture. If operating at a larger scale the round pit could again become the more effective when there are enough long pieces to stack in a circle. made it much more rewarding to work in the green. Within 6 days the level of moisture sinks from 50 % to 35 % (cf. though. note 16). It is important to acknowledge that each cut is comparable to felling a three. i. . facilitating the direct burning of longer pieces of wood. two trees at the time).g. 80 cm or smaller. Chain saws have made it common-sence to fell trees in the winter season before sap has risen. The first step in a trajectory from tree to fuel was getting the tree down. probably getting the more balanced and effective burning. the Bronze Age charcoal maker would need a certain level of moisture in order to cleave the log using only tools of stone. Still. If a tree cut down during summer is left lying on the ground with its branches intact the level of moisture sinks drastically within hours and days. and rather wait longer for the wood to dry. These pits could be round. Early prehistoric tools. This alternative would leave traces easily distorted by plowing or hard to recognice in the forests of today. It had to be felled either by axe. Pits could also be rectangular or elongated. If operating on a small scale (e. The founder needed quality fuel for the furnace from the log since the heating effect of grown trees is much higher than from branches or younger trees. If so. If turf was plenty at the location.

40 l charcoal in a steel-barrel. a birch mallet and oak wedges.5 tons. 70% reduction in weight. 95 l wood (branches excluded). I calculated that a birch trunk 20 cm in diameter at the ground contained c. e. i. Charcoal might of course also have been used for other purposes. Still. fences etc. of cut and split birch wood as well as branches and large amounts of birch-bark ready in a dry place. and potentially enough fuel to transform more than 32kg of bronze into artefacts. the same result could have been achieved in a rectangular pit in the ground. The 95 l processed wood was dried and later distilled into c. It was felled in 13 minutes and within a total of 2 hours intensive labour the tree had been felled. probably as many as 100 castings. In theory. I believe the above indicates that charcoal was not a limiting factor to bronze casting in the Bronze Age. enough to make four of the heaviest paalstaves or socketed axes. Importantly. until next summer. cf. processing and drying: bark for vessels. . the result would be 6 loads of 40kg each that could be carried on back to the foundry. A likely scenario would be that trees were processed in summer with maximum sap and left in a dry place until winter. They would now have fuel for at least 80. Harding 2000: 217). It was a factor that demanded a certain degree of planning but it could easily have been linked up to other cycluses of gathering. e. outside the settlement. hafts. and wood for a range of other purposes such as bows. more than 1. If each casting session takes 30 minutes the 2 hours spent on processing wood (chopping not distillation) would equal the time spent on casting.g. for burning clay moulds in separate furnaces. Finally. These 40l of charcoal would be enough for 4 castings with a large GK II crucible containing 300-400g metal. posts.5m and split into halves and the larger pieces into quarters (5 splittings in total).e. and could be carried to the foundry with more ease (50% reduction in volume. The distilled charcoal would have minimized volume and weight compared to whole trunks or processed wood. there ought to be a significant delay between processing wood (while wet/green) and distillation (while dry). children and two males using two heavy bronze axes and a kit of mallets and wedges could probably in two good summer day’s work have 800 l. branches removed. or better.155 I made a trial in order to simulate the process from standing tree to charcoal in furnace. Next summer this could be distilled through 3-4 full diurnal sessions to charcoal in a single pit. The equipment was a hafted paalstave.g. A household with an adult woman. trunk chopped into lengths of 1. roof thatching and pitch. An efficient method would be to store the processed wood and distil it in the vicinity of where the trees grew. arrow-shafts.

The decorative attributes seen on several original tuyeres also had to be added before the clay lost its ability to be fused.156 7. Melheim 2008). experience with the plasticity and workability of clay would clearly be useful.3.2. A straight tuyere would have to be tilted at least 40 ࢓ in order to produce sufficient heat (Zimmer 1990: 150). smooth and tapering wooden template. Jantzen 2008. The angle prevents this templete from being removed and used anew. while the wax at least could be collected in a vessel. the template is carefully released. dung and coarse sands. and the front piece of the tuyere is carefully bent into shape. When the clay has set but still not lost its plasticity. such as those well known from ethnography for making straight tuyeres. and there is still some space between the fuel and the mouth. I have found that grass or straws are useful also as armament during the making of the tuyere. On the other hand. A refractory quality comparable to the crucible-mix is not needed for the tuyere. 70 ࢓ LV DGYDQWDJHRXV LQ WKDW WKH PRXWK RI WKH WX\HUH LV QRW SODFHG straight above the crucible and the heat centre (2008: 32). but this would definately lead to increased strain on the rim of the crucible. This means that such a tuyere could be made from a mixture comparable e. . Jantzen argues that an tuyere with an angle c. A wooden template would in this case be ruined. Such angular tuyeres used in combination with low and wide crucibles strenghten the idea of a top-down melting procedure in the Bronze Age. The challenge here is to work within the right stage as the clay goes from plastic to hard. Although the making of pottery involved quite different procedures. Cool air flows through the pipe continuously. rather it would have to be burned away. A number of tuyeres with a bent front section have come to light within the Nordic Zone (cf. with some experience such a tuyere can also be made on a straight. rotating and retrievable template (ibid: 32). The markings on the insides of original tuyeres indicate that they were made on a straight. another advantage of a top-down method of melting.g. If the front section of the straight tuyere is kept under a moist cloth. An angular tuyere could be made most easily and safe by using a disposable template of wood or wax shaped like the insides of the tuyere. the rear section will dry faster and give better support when working with the front. Tuyere A tuyere is a refractory tube that leads the air stream into the furnace. The latter would have demanded quite a large amount of wax/pitch. A similar effect might have been achieved by a straight tuyere tilted down towards the crucible. to that of the roughest of household wares or for the furnace: heavily tempered with straw. and to not distort the entire tuyere.

Both principles can be worked in pairs to obtain a more continous stream of air. Bellows would also have to be sized in proportion to the size of the furnace and the crucible. but gives the air stream less speed or pressure. ibid: nr. versus a shallow and wider heat from the large nozzle. 258-264). i. with some exercise. Another are the so-called mandolin or concertina bellows with wooden plates mounted in the bottom and the top. in order to get a more efficient filling and emptying of the bag. Again. Jantzen’s experiments with a copy of the tuyere from Store Heddinge. The first is a movable piston that forces air out of a stable tube fitted around the piston. It is also possible to complicate matters of ideal nozzle sizes: a large nozzle working poorly with a large pile of low-quality fuel on top of crucible.g. in which a bag is tied around the rim of a vessel. This seems to be popular in areas where proper tubes are easily available.157 The nozzle of the tuyere. using two bellows with 80 l volume each. might have worked well with a smaller pile of top-quality fuel on top of crucible. to heat properly in the vertical direction. known from medieval Europe and Scandinavia (Tylecote 1987: 115). One version is the pot-bellow popular in the Near East. but they are generally either of a piston prinsiple or a bellow prinsiple. rather than hot low-oxygen air from the furnace. There is thus the choice between a deep and narrow heat from the small nozzle. airtight. together with the size of the bellows. Bellows Constructions to produce an air stream come in a wide variety. High speed and pressure is advantagous in order for air to penetrate the pile of charcoal on top of the crucible. bronze casting is a highly complex web of interrelated enteties. mid-section made from skin. The bellow on the other hand forces the air within a flexible container by the collapse of the actual container walls.2.4. It is assumed that the method of air-supply in the European Bronze Age was some kind of bellows. The increase in nozzle size from 14mm to 20mm. . led to a significant reduction in speed of air from 163km/h to 80km/h (2008: 32p. notes 20-21). but heat more superficially in the horizontal. demonstrated that it was both highly robust and effective. On the other hand. 7. is a crucial component in the air-supply system. a wide opening brings a larger volume of air..e. in the shape of bamboo. Both also have to make sure that fresh air is sucked in. e. This variant could be improved by making tops and bottoms for the bag from harder materials. The simplest variant is a bag that. All bellows seem to be based on the flexible. can be emptied and filled with air. with an angle of 70 ࢓ DQG D nozzle of merely 14mm. It must be noted that the majority of tuyeres are fragmented without nozzles preserved (cf. A large nozzle makes it easy to deliver the full air-volume of the bellows into the furnace.

158 For large bellows one would have to use skins from larger animals (cattle. and two pine boards 35cm broad and 1. Trials indicated to me that an internal floor-valve was both easier to make and more efficient than an internal top-valve: simply a skin-flap raized by the vacuum and pressed down by the pressure. the skin could be taken off the animal with a procedure particularly suited for getting a ready made bag. or in fact any small rod of bronze. thus only ¼ of those used by Jantzen in his experiments (2008: 32p. I calculated the volume in these bellows to 20-23l each. because of the type of stitching chosen relative to the size of the holes made. nr. and one would have to join together two or more boards for the top and bottom sections. much more so than making highly functional tuyeres. In order to gain maximum volume from each skin. . furnaces or fuel. 359) heated in the furnace. worked quite well. Then each bellow was assembled and the skin sewed on with modern treads with pitch on.. This burning of holes with a bronze awl. A pair of conventional mandolin bellows was made from a pair of sheep skins. This was also a time consuming task. horse. Between the insides of the skin-walls I fastened a skin strap in order to keep the distance and make sure that all air would leave the bellows. To avoid making a mandolin-bellow. Holes were made with a red-hot awl (like the one from Døvingen. 519). In Norway such a skinning procedure were used until recently for the purpose of making floaters to be used at sea. nr. Each board was cut in half. Such boards could have been made by splitting a large trunk. deer). possibly around 15 l. In my trials I explored a minimum alternative in terms of size in an attempt to avoid some of these time consuming tasks. including Northern Europe. and they also make the quality of the fuel more critical. or make an airtight joining of several smaller skins. and avoid sowing together a bag from a skin skinned with conventional procedures. These trials seem to me an indication that large mandolin bellows with a capacity more than 30l were quite significant projects of wood and skin working. and the four pieces were cut into a mandolin shape with a hafted paalstave. around the perimeter of the plates for the skin and for the handle as well as for fastening a piece of skin working as a valve in the bottom. Such skinning procedures are known from many areas. crucibles. The holes for the valves were cut with a socketed chisel (like the one from Årnes.2m long. Smaller bellows certainly work but they demand more of the person handling the bellows. the skins were cut into several pieces and sewn together again. This indicates that simple bellows made from the skin of a single sheep or goat (without top and bottom boards) would have even less capazity. but it was still a time consuming task to make this many holes. notes 20-21). Interestingly.

A rough mixture of dry and crushed clay. and preventing heat loss. depending on its quality. one could probably complete such . only stirring once in a while.e. In terms of insulation we could choose between thick walls above ground. vitrified and glazed clay-sands. its walls and its floor. Stone. might be a very small and rather indistinct structure (cf. access to the crucible. But an evolutionary trajectory from simple skin-bags to mandolin-bellows is likely to have involved a phase in which mandolinplates were simply fasten onto the skin-bag. would keep its walls vertical. It might have been bellows of this type that were used in the Medieval Period. Mixing in some clay for binding the sand. If we combine these features with the assumed top-down melting procedure. Water was added and the mixture was left for several days while the moisture evaporated. Furnace There are some universal demands on a charcoal fired bronze-casting furnace: access to refill charcoal. Then a pit was made in the ground. This is seemingly at odds with depictions indicating that mandolin-bellows were used at least in the early Medieval Period (Tylecote 1987: 115). or more careless walls in the ground. is significantly improved by making the pit open ended. That we have trouble finding them is not a mystery since a highly functional furnace according to the above. and this procedure might have kept the term ”bellow-skinning” alive in the Norwegian language. horse-shoe shaped. During all my trials I used a simple horse-shoe shaped furnace.5. is exposed to significantly lower temperature than the crucible. coarse sands and generous portions of straws were mixed well while dry. and the walls would collapse. particularly for reaching the crucible. literally meaning “bellow-skinning” (Lightfoot 2007). It is important to acknowledge that the furnace. would not be formed on the furnace. but the boards would add nothing to the volume of the bellows.). and gradually increased during 4-5 hours. i. is prone to crack from thermal shock. 7. If temper is generous and well mixed into the clay. keeping the charcoal in place. an angular tuyere and a low and wide crucible. The accessibility.159 the procedure is termed belgflåing. or lining the pit with stone. or the nozzle of the tuyere. This would make an airtight joining of skin and wood less critical. and the furnace was built in a single operation with walls 3-4cm thick. The problem with sand is that without any clay binding it would dry from heat.2. This means that one of our most significant indicators. a small fire was lit inside it. Söderberg 1992: 255pp. we get a rather clear image of Bronze Age furnaces. A pit made in sandy soils would satisfy the demands for insulation. But careful warming and a careful selection of stones would in fact be sufficient. When the furnace had dried for 24 hours (in dry summer time).

For instance. reusable bi-valve moulds for mass-production of simpler shapes.g. complex artefacts (”art”). Tylecote 1987: 209pp. This analytic apparatus stem from descriptions of the typical moulding practices used historically in Europe: a complex lost wax technique for unique. a less complex sand moulding technique for less complex artefacts. This rather simplistic terminology tends to hide nuances and variations that are relevant in order to close in on prehistoric practices. The making of moulds Bi-valve (clay. the data is more rewarding. A cavity in a stone mould simply has to be carved by edge-tools. lost-wax or cire-perdue highlight the principle of melting wax templates out of the mould (”loosing” them). This tends to hide the fact that wax templates have other qualities besides being ”lost”. 7.). Lost-wax procedures have also been intimately linked to complexity in both technology and social organisation. Thomas 1995. stone. Soft moulding might be explored along degrees of moisture (wet and dry). since closed moulds necessitate the ”loosing” of the template. A good place to start a more open minded presentation of moulding principles is by making a distinction between hard and soft moulding materials. lost-wax and sand moulding.3. other than the amounts inferred from moulds and artefacts. are the most common concepts for describing different moulding practices in prehistory (e. This might lead to the view that wax templates are used only together with closed moulds. This brings a floating continuity between the extremes of a wet ”clay” slur to a dry ”sand”. Birks 2001).). and sand-casting proper . A bronze mould is also a bronze artefact. bronze). and that other materials than wax might also be ”lost”. and along degrees of binder. It is useful to have the tuyere to be used at hand during the construction of the furnace. and must be made aided by some other moulding technique (probably a lost-wax procedure). and the use of stable.160 a project in shorter time. Ammen 2000. and make a good fit for the tuyere by simply pressing it into a thick slab of clay left on the ground at the tuyere-end of the furnace. When it comes to the crucial containers that were to receive molten bronze and whose walls would decide the shape of the castings. There is little information available about the specific nature of melting projects in NW Scandinavia. It is important to realize that the above terms are biased as they highlight only single aspects of complex operational chains. Soft moulding mediums will in fact always be compounds of sand and binder (clay etc. both extremes typical of modern bronze casting (cf. Let us first take a look at soft moulding materials.

This is partly because in a mould with two or more valves. Fig. 8).e.161 designates a moulding medium with so little binder that it cannot hold itself together without being rammed into a box or frame. It is also worth considering that it might in many cases be easier to make the same form in wax than in wood. The advantages are that the mould can be cast instantly. a significant first step in making bronzes through soft moulding techniques is the making of templates. And here we arrive at another crucial aspect of wax: it can be made into shapes that other materials cannot. and that the porosity of the medium transport gasses well. When taking a look at the Nordic Bronze Age gallery with template-making in . claim that template-making. studied by Lee Horne. Thus. coiled. and may in principle be made from a wide range of materials. i. and a parting face that is not to be distorted (cf. Brass casters of the Bihar and Dariapur districts of India. was the most difficult part of the entire technological project (Horne 1995: 276). burning). that a significant part of the moulding medium can be recycled. 8: Mould terminology (bi-valve mould with core for socketed axe). there is a cavity to be shaped (the one that is to receive bronze). from resin and bees wax. It is difficult to shape more than the simplest of cavities in a soft medium using fingers or small tools. that it is the versatility of wax rather than its potential for being “lost” that makes it a preferred medium for templates. A template is simply a copy of the artefact to be cast. bent. stretched etc. without curing (heating.e. i. twisted. Fig. This is the main reason why templates are so fundamental to soft moulding.

socketed spearheads and shaft-hole axes.162 mind. 415-16). to trace tin classes 5 and 6. of 15% or even 20% tin-alloy. All analysed specimens from the area have more than 7% tin. is whether such decoration could have been made mechanically? I doubt that they could.e. Or.e. i. with a chisel tool made from bronze. cast? Faardrup axes are conventionally grouped into decorated and undecorated specimens.5% tin. styles that are likely to have been produced at the same time. This strengthens the suspicion that the making of complex tracings on high . in the same areas. but comparable surfaces are found on Tjelta and Årekol as well (nr. the latter two often decorated with geometric patterns. 3). it becomes clear that there are potentially a multitude of unexplored challenges. and no one has yet published a convincing demonstration of such a procedure. E.. 7.4. This assumption was based mainly on the flawed appearance of the axe from Kvanngardsnes (nr. In my opinion. and I find it an unlikely hypothesis (in agreement with Rønne in Vandkilde 1996: 227). tin levels above 4% prevalent in Faardrup axes (Vandkilde 1996: 31. The first question to be addressed. fig. a chisel containing 15 % tin with a cold hammered edge was needed (2002). and Faardrup axes in general. 417). Early moulding projects in the Central Zone The spine of bronze technology in the Nordic BA I was the making of axes with developed flanges. Johansen 1984: 138). 155). In what kind of moulds were these axes. containing only 2. Pernicka and C-H. Let us have a look at the moulding projects deduced from our specific data on a general Nordic background. I doubt that such markings can be made on a 10% tin-alloy with a bronze tracer/chisel e. more precisely. Wunderlich on the contrary demonstrated that in order to copy the simple markings on the star-disc from Nebra.g. Fig. Several of the western Faardrup axes have been considered products of local casting (Shetelig 1936: 274p. We lack any convincing chisels/tracers from the period. i. Faardrup/Bagterp/Underåre styles. and the decorated specimen from Lågsand had 10% (cf. there is a lack of studies that compare moulding techniques used in e. This doubt stem from attempts to trace ”bronze with bronze”. previous studies have been either too vague or too narrowly concerned with single artefacts or categories. and sometimes probably in the same foundries by the same people. or that different procedures were used for each category as well as for decorated and undecorated specimens. One of two assumptions might be made on this basis: either that these were all made using basically the same moulding procedures.g.

but still a wax/resin template would have been easier to make. and easier to ”loose”. This means that the decoration was already in the mould. Such flawed specimens are valuable data. These large triangles were no doubt cast. If the mould is not cured all the way through. It is also worth considering that undecorated and flawed castings might very well have been made in decorated mouldcavities. and these walls need longer curing and burning. To make a perfect mould is only the first step. In this case it is its typological features that indicate local production: the lack of a collar around the shaft-hole. could have been achieved by a wooden template.g. that it was also present on the template. So. From this I conclude that the heavy shaft-hole axes from both BA I and II. This means that they must have had their in-gates at the edge. made from decorated wax templates. a mould for a flanged axe. The simple morphology of the axe. This extra heat necessitates thicker mould-walls. pitted surface. capturing these patterns in bronze is another. molten bronze will do the final curing at contact. This is an even clearer indication that a closed mould was used. as well as the simple ornaments. were cast in closed moulds built around wax/resin templates.163 tin-alloys with bronze chisels is an unlikely hypothesis. and intended as decorated axes – but something evidently went wrong. parting lines are unlikely to have ever been present since removing them through hammering and/or grinding would have left traces on a decorated surface as well as on a flawed. and that a soft moulding medium was used. and the rough but unique decoration of triangles at the neck. Decoration on Faardrup axes is found on all four sides and on the neck. This means that a square-centimetre of the wall in such a mould is exposed to much more heat than e. which leads to gasses attempting to escape through the molten . and in this case they indicate that also simple. built around a decorated template probably made from a wax/resin compound. The BA II shaft-hole axe from Raknes (nr. and a bi-valve mould is unlikely since a parting line would have come into conflict with these triangles. the axes from Højsted. The lack of parting lines on Faardrup axes is also of interest.g. poor bronze or poor pouring: A crucial difference between early shaft-hole axes and all other artefacts in the Nordic BA gallery are their thickness and weight. and both undecorated and decorated specimens. undecorated specimens were cast in closed moulds. Holbæk C. (AK II: 978). and that they were cast from the edge. 425) represents the second generation shaft-hole axes (or third if counting the Valsømagle type). e. what went wrong at Kvanngardsnes. Årekol and Tjelta? There are mainly three alternatives: poor mould. blade or spearhead. as well as flawed specimens. In the case of decorated specimens.

The first indication of bronze casting in our area comes from the rock-shelter site of Skrivarhellaren dated to BA Ia (cf. and Viset. melting 1-1. Using an unflanged template for an unflanged mould. most likely in the Hustad area. Although I suspect that it was a metal-hilted dagger or sword that was broken into pieces at the site. I believe that some of the Faardrup axes were made within NW Scandinavia. . bronze got to much oxygen from the bellows. Using an unflanged template. I also assume that the techniques used were strongly influenced by those used in eastern Central Sweden. 3.164 bronze. but cavities for flanges are carved directly into the mould valves (flanges are cast in bi-valve moulds). On the other hand. Particularly in cases in which the load of metal in the crucible is too small or just adequate. For this reason they might have been cast horizontally. Such a procedure would make a more gentle casting. that the persons responsible for the deposits in Skrivarhellaren. It could be that during this lengthy melt. it seems an uncontroversial assumption to make. Tjelta. Although stone moulds for both flat and flanged axes are known from continental Europe. but rather cavities produced by bits of charcoal. the majority of axes were most likely made through soft moulding techniques. Pouring such a “blowy metal” into a perfectly made mould would result in a flawed casting. Summing up. with an extra vertical in-gate and funnel from the edge (still cast from the edge). were familiar with the production of flanged axes. 5. the crucible needs to be emptied and tilted more than usual and charcoal fragments enter along with the last drops of bronze. These were heavy castings in closed clay moulds built around templates made from a wax/resin compound. A third alternative is that the surface pits are not ”blow holes” from gas.2).3 kg bronze is a lengthy and challenging project. 2.3. The morphology of the contemporary HåheimSteine axes also suggests that some of them were made locally. flanges are made mechanically through subsequent hammering (flanges are not cast). Using a flanged template for a flanged mould (flanges are cast in bi-valve or closed moulds). This is a typical mistake of the novice: not sufficiently skilled in keeping charcoal fragments away from the stream of metal. Casting such an axe vertically from the edge puts tremendous pressure and heat on the mould walls. Kvanngardsnes.6. but it would also allow any charcoal-bits in the metal to float to the top of the axe – the one side that is heavily pitted on Årekol. 6. There seems to be three alternatives of making a flanged axe from a soft moulding medium: 1. These procedures along with the metal itself and finished axes were brought from eastern Central Sweden in the period 1600-1500 BC.

clay is displaced and tends to distort the rest of the cavity as well as the parting face. Although alloys of 8-10 % tin-alloys are hard to shape by hammer. though. Kienlin has argued. carving the clay. from low flanges to high and extreme flanges. Southern Scandinavian hoards with numerous. This carving. I believe that the thin. The mould from Feudvar is dated to Br. similar axes. Still.). Far from a conclusion regarding the potentials of these procedures. this is certainly a possibility for the low-flanged axes.3 and 9. might also be interpreted in disfavour of the wooden template: e. in-gate at the neck. then treat them as a hard moulding medium and carve the flanges (removing clay rather than displacing it). the six Virring type axes from the Torsted-hoard. It is also possible to let the mould-valves dry at this point.1. I experimented with using simple unflanged templates made from wood and carving the flanges directly into the mould. 7. is very time-consuming and delicate work.3 (at scale 2:3). we must also acknowledge a technological break with the introduction of high-flanged axes in BA Ib. All types of flanged axes could be made from wooden templates. tends to rip up sandgrains embedded in the clay and make a rough surface. 8. 39497). 8. This variance might indicate that they were not cast in re-usable moulds. and that a wooden template was not used. made by a wooden template (1999).5.g. The difficulties with this procedure lie in pressing versus. based on the internal structure of flanged axes.9. To make a wooden axe-template. using a bi-valve ceramic mould. Hirsch and Graff for instance. From this experience.2. I doubt that the high flanges of the sort seen in Underåre and Oldendorf types could be made by hammering. replicated the low-flanged axe of Ötzi. and that they received their morphology in the casting process. If simply pressing the flanges with a pointed tool. but they measure 5. I shifted to the use of a wooden template with flanges. narrow and low flanges seen on the two axes from Blindheim. Hence. this would imply a procedure . If the Virring hoard is interpreted as the products of a single foundry. A2 (corresponding to our BA Ia) and displays features which are to become characteristic for axe moulds throughout the rest of the BA: bi-valve. This is also in line with a preserved ceramic valve for a bi-valve mould for a flanged axe from Feudvar. and have slightly variable curvature (AK X: 4761). are unlikely to stem from such wooden templates. Serbia (Kienlin 2007: 6pp. 8. if we argue that low-flanged axes were made by hammer. while saving such narrow flanges on each face. lines for matching at the bottom. though. have an almost identical appearance. Håheim and Kvåle (nr. that they received only superficial mechanical treatment. I experimented with making flanges mechanically by hammering a flat-axe.165 During my trials and simulations.

One way to proceed was therefore to prepare a slab of moulding medium. replicating both Oldendorf and Håhem-Steine type axes. The main challenge is that flanges on both front and back have to be pressed simultaneously. one mould. Such a wax template is a very delicate. A second slab is prepared. On the other hand. hatchings. I shifted to experiments making wax templates with flanges. decorative patterns seen on some flanged axes in Southern Scandinavia were easily made: facets. the outside of . Such a procedure would involve making disposable templates. I started out by making an extra broad unflanged wax template. this could be done quite quickly and smoothly. and built on top of the template and the first valve. Sheep and deer-tallow seemed all too brittle. Even so. When a wax template had been made. until edge and neck flush with the top-surface of the slab. The wax had to be heated to an even. From this line of thought. warm temperature in order to get the flanges right. This would most likely be templates made from a wax/resin medium. were somewhat of a surprise.e. and their transition to the blade. This was not straightforward to a novice.166 that led to small variations in size and outline. and then carefully pressing flanges from the sides. The Feudvar mould suggests that bi-valve moulds were used for flanged axes (Kienlin 2007: 6pp. The wax axe is now carefully pressed half-way into the slab. It is impossible to do touch-up work on one side of the axe without distorting the flanges on the other side. making templates with flanges. and thus moulds with cavities for flanges. pig-fat too soft.). if axe moulding is seen in relation to the procedures used in the contemporary large-scale production of decorated spearheads (see under cored castings. Different ingredients and mixtures were explored. one axe. The problem with all my full-flanged templates was first and foremost the top of the flanges. preferably with a finer mixture as a thin strata on top. below) and shaft-hole axes type Faardrup. one template. light thing to handle and any misses are hard to fix. Simulations and attempts with template-making in a plastic medium available in the Bronze Age. was much more of a challenge than expected. the next challenge was to rap it in a moulding medium. So. i. shaping a lump of a wax-pitch compound into a HåheimSteine axe was much more difficult than expected. but possibly with enough experience in wax-compounds and their ideal temperatures. punctures. the parting face is smeared with liquid pig-fat or wax. and I concluded that any suitable compound had to contain a high amount of a ductile substance such as beeswax or pitch made from birch-bark. resin to soft and sticky. Rather than attempting to retrieve the template at once. building either a closed mould or a bi-valve mould. When stabilized. Before the medium sets. it is left in the valve while it dries. This makes more sense.

rather then disposed of? If it was disposed of. My conclusion is that early moulding was based on the simple and basic idea of: making an artefact in a combustible medium and rapping it in a refractory medium. This is based on the fact that among the many flaws seen of the flanged axes in the area. When the mould has dried for a day or two. skills in rapping the template in this refractory medium. and it explains why there are no parting lines in conflict with the decoration seen on Faardrup axes and Bagterp spears. single-valves (open moulds) to bi-valves to closed moulds. On the paalstaves on the other hand. was one that demanded skills in recipes for template mediums. I lean towards the latter. it was probably because it was difficult to retrieve it without distorting the valves or the template. . To me the flanged axe is still somewhat of a mystery. loud and heavy hammering. both parting lines and such miss-match can be seen. I assume that a wax template was used simply because it was easier to make than a wooden template. This trajectory seems to be based partly on an assumption that closed moulds and wax templates are more complex than bi-valve moulds and wooden templates. or the extremely delicate shaping of tender wax templates with clean hands. 1700 BC. This turns the conventional evolutionary trajectory.167 both valves are now shaped. there are no examples of a slight mismatch between two valves. If it was retrieved. and it seems that we have to choose between two radically different alternatives: the casting of a rough flat axe that is subsequently shaped by intense. resulting in castings in need of only a slight polish. Summing up. Why was not the template simply retrieved and saved at this point. it is heated slowly above 70-80 ࢓ & – the templates melt and the valves come apart. skills in the delicate shaping and decoration of this medium. skills in recipes for soft refractory moulding mediums. I also lean towards the use of closed moulds rather than bi-valve moulds. on its head. and marks for matching made. and skills in burning such closed moulds carefully. the procedure of metal-transformation that was transmitted from eastern Central Sweden to the Central Zone from c. and no parting lines. This is a procedure that is able to account for the slight variance in axes and spearheads in large South Scandinavian hoards of the time.

The quality of the Vigrestad assemblage in particular is impressive. since it would be close to impossible to hammer a triangular bronze-stamp into a massive high tin-alloyed bronze. No such marks are detected. One is that the bow was cast with a small hole through this section. The decoration is perfectly executed. This would in fact have been the only way to make the wolf-tooth decoration. A more likely alternative would be to build the wax template for the bow directly on to an already finished. seems again unlikely. If the plate and the bow were made thinner by mechanical hammering from a rougher casting. But this would have been a repoussé technique in which bronze was dented and moved. I suggest that both the plate and bow were cast in moulds built around very thin decorated wax templates through a lost-wax procedure. Hence. and cast the bow onto the spiral. These were stylistic innovations without exact parallels outside the area. these operations ought to have left traces on the back of the plate and the bow. There are two likely alternatives for how this double-spiral was added. importantly. have in common an almost paper-thin quality. and a straight rod was afterwards inserted through the hole. These are the assemblages from Vigrestad. The large diametered spiral decorated belt plate seems to me as a novice an impossible achievement. Casting such a hole. But if this procedure was used. bronze double spiral.5. Gjørv and Kleppe projects There are also a few very complex artefacts that I suspect were made within our area. and. all dated to the end of the 14 th century. The brooch-bow has a massive section with a rod coming out of each side and coiling into spirals. would be to cast a fork. The bow of the unique brooch and the large belt plate. On the bow it is possible to observe the wolf-tooth pattern running unchanged from the thin area to the thick base of the bow. or at least that their producers were intimately linked to the North Way (although situated elsewhere). Making such a pattern on this thick section through mechanical procedures. The pin from Gjørv has made use of the double-spiral in a less complex fashion. and coil up the spirals . means that a very thin clay-core inside the mould has to withstand molten bronze entering at a high speed. but also those from Rykkja II. and then coiled into spirals. such marks could just as well stem from stamping the decoration on a wax template. One way to make “two come out of one”. there are no marks on the backs of neither the belt plate nor the bow. and the ceremonial axes from Lunde and Rimbareid. The Vigrestad. rather than removed or compressed.168 7. Gjørv and Kleppe. I would admit that mechanical post-cast decoration would have been possible. Even if they had been present. I have seen them as part of an intervention into the North Way by persons from Northern Zealand.

it is very difficult to assess whether these bosses were made in the wax template and cast. large diametered belt plates with four spiral zones. The discrepancy between the Raknes project (see above) and the Vigrestad project in terms of know-how and skills is striking. and the use of a centering-device for the template for the belt plate. to an environment that produced some of the most exquisite castings from the European Bronze Age: the thin. The persons that made the artefacts from Vigrestad. They also imply perfection in template mediums. They also made both bronze and gold vessels decorated with repoussé technique comparable to the Kleppe plate. finesse and accuracy in the outline of patterns. the wolf-tooth stamp and the pearl-band stamp. I believe we here get a glimpse of separate foundry buildings containing several furnaces for melting bronze. or whether they were made on the casting through a repousseé technique proper. it would demand life-long experience resting on the shoulders of generations of bronze casters. They imply total control of melting procedures.169 afterwards. These were large moulds that needed careful burning and needed to be heated probably above 800 ࢓ & in order to increase the fluidity of metal. bronze and fire in the Bronze Age. My conclusion is that the belt plate and bow from Vigrestad were cast with no or insignificant subsequent mechanical modifications. and in modelling techniques. And they were closely related to the operation of a network that included both the North Way and the area south of the Elbe. Kleppe and Gjørv were part of the most innovative technological milieu in Northern Europe at the end of the 14th century. The Vigrestad assemblage in particular convinces me that we are largely ignorant of the boundaries of clay. And rather than complex meltingfurnaces I believe such projects demanded separate furnaces for the moulds. A clarification of these boundaries. They imply perfection in the making and use of the spiral stamp. with boss-collars identical to the one on the Kleppe plate. These impressive achievements are best considered in light of their historical context. While the rest of the decoration is clearly cast. moulding mediums and procedures and the fluidity of bronze. They have features that link them to founders in Zealand in late BA II. melting and heating wax and for burning moulds. or more likely. . recipes of wax/pitch compounds for different temperatures in the work-shop. of what is possible and what is not possible would demand long series of experiments. The belt plate from Kleppe is extraordinary with its multiple zones of circular bosses.

but also potentially to the use of soapstone moulds in the Seima-horizon north of Beitstad.e. and although these were made from square blocks bought from quarries. E. Sawing a larger block in two with a bronze saw like those in the hoard from Ekudden.26). 23-24). nr. If care is taken in this operation the parting faces of the two halves will now make a tight fit.170 7. Zealand. Only three stone moulds for paalstaves are known from the Nordic area: a complete mould from Valby.6. and were all designed for casting the very same variant of paalstave. Södermanland C. saving both material and time. Interestingly. One way to do this is simply to finish the outside of the first valve. and make a . (Minnen 1020) would be a very effective way of making two plane valves. The first step would be to release one large. Zealand. 141. a single valve from Trørød. with the straight V-rib on the broad side (Jantzen 2008: 134. Else.185. and the complete mould from Voile (M. or two smaller blocks from a bed-rock of soapstone. one would best finish the faces of the valves on some kind of planer or level base: a sand stone slab. possibly for an awl or a nicked-flanged chisel. The next step would be to synchronize the perimeter of the valves to each other. not of clay moulds. these experiences allow me to sketch how such moulds might have been made in the Bronze Age. Taf. with more than one mould-cavity. The simplest way to do this is to simply make both sides flat and plane. and the innovation was probably related to the use of bronze moulds in Northern Germany. Now the two halves must be adjusted to each other so that they fit together. They are all made from soapstone. A relatively long tool with a narrow angle of edge would have been preferable in order to make deep. 140. This practice of plane parting faces is an important point to make. On the side of one of the valves is a simple cavity for a long narrow artefact. or perhaps a wooden board with sand on it. if a single large block was released. In either case. Again a long narrow tool is preferable for saving material. the Voile mould might be the very first ”combinationmould” in the Nordic Zone. The paalstave mould from Voile To the same period and the same network belongs the soapstone mould from Voile (M 26). i. narrow grooves. These might be the earliest examples of soapstone moulding in the Nordic Zone. especially for someone with limited access to soapstone. since it is typical of stone moulds. The soft soapstone that seems to have been preferred for moulds. hold it against the second valve. this had to be split into two halves. In my simulation and trials I experimented with the carving of moulds for both paalstaves and socketed axes. could have been cut easily by both stone and bronze tools. one could quite easily plane the halves into shape with bronze or stone edges. Then.

the C-facet and the V-ornament. For this purpose various stone flakes and blades with various facets. and has a hole that corresponds to the outline of the axe to be cast. The second valve could now be reduced down to this mark.e. down to the same level. its different cross-sections. Carving a paalstave in the negative is not simple and straightforward. and when assembled. The experienced carver will have a clear strategy for what to cut first and what to do next: he might e.g. The paalstave-shape was in fact particularly challenging in this respect. The novice will better proceed slowly and carve little by little. The novice . mainly because he does not have a clear image of bulk-sections that can be removed roughly and rapidly. controlling its depth at certain points. It requires that the carver has a thorough understanding of the morphology of the paalstave in three dimensions. except for the internal cavity itself. At this stage a complete bi-valve mould is ready. even finish one valve. Experience leads to a deeper understanding of how the paalstave looks without the V-ornament and without the flanges – in the negative. i. One way to proceed would be to make a thin template of stiff skin that fits the outside perimeter of the valves.e. The next challenge is that these cavities must be placed identically in relation to the outside perimeter of each valve. When the axe has been outlined on both valves. angles and edges could have been used. i. and it would insure that both cavities have identical outlines. But there is more to this than shape and symmetry. To me the ideal tools were a copy of the socketed chisel from Årnes (nr. it is crucial to avoid undercuts. and then simply copy its placement by eye to the other valve. Then he carves the flanges. 519) and various fragments of bronze beaten and ground into miniature edges with hafts. to make sure that the walls and facets in the cavity are sloping in the right direction so that a future bronze casting can be released. This knob becomes a particularly fragile part of the mould. Such a template could now be applied to each valve. This tends to be time-consuming for the novice. This works well with smaller moulds such as axes. The high flanges demand a narrow and deep groove that creates a knob that will make the haftsection of the axe.171 tracing around the perimeter of the first valve into the second valve. marks for matching could be cut on the sides and bottom. and explore the shape as he proceeds – one cut to deep ruins the mould. carve a groove along the perimeter of the axe-shape. and then remove material in between on the blade section. the next step is to actually cut or carve the cavities. A more direct approach would be to just make a cavity in one valve. In order to make a reusable bi-valve mould. and that these outlines are located identically relative to the perimeter of the valves.

but in my opinion they were used for direct bronze casting.172 might see to that. I will return to this question. Immediately after casting. Wax. is an old controversy (Jantzen 2008: 156p. The experienced paalstave-maker has future castings in mind as he works on the mould: he conjures up an image of how these valves are to be assembled when hot. much because of these same qualities (Miller 1987: 110pp. and to check if a casting is easily released. pitch. with further references). However. Such trials had to be made in moulds that were soaked in water. were available lowmelting mediums for this purpose. In addition. If something unforeseen occurs after pouring. stones or perhaps straws. or simply an accident. Remnants of wax/fat on soapstone moulds could also stem from such trials before putting them to the final test of bronze. The final step might have been to put the mould to trial with a softer and less risky medium than bronze. and the knobs of the mould . tallow or a mixture of these. 5mm band of soot on the face around the perimeter of its cavities. Whether soapstone moulds were used for direct bronze casting or just for making wax templates for clay moulds. since soapstone is porous and able to hold water. In my experience this feature only occurs as a result of the gas pressure from direct bronze castings.. to see if the valve-cavities match. it gets stuck and when the mould is opened it tears apart. as well as the sharpening of the edge. and understands that this is the point where a long mould-life can be insured. the hafting and use of the axe. When the cavities have been carved they are brushed and polished to a glossy finish by sand. Soapstone is actually very well suited for such wax castings. and images of the pouring and the release of the casting. A too sloping angle. Today gypsum and plaster are the preferred mediums for casting wax. in order to observe the positive shape of the cavity. The mould-valves from Voile have a characteristic c. in theory.). his investments in a durable stone mould will be wasted. on the other hand. the knobs of the haft-section are damaged on both valves from Voile. they might also have been used for making wax templates. delaying the release for 20 seconds more than usual: the axe cools and shrinks more than usual. in certain settings. The same happened during my simulations after eight successful castings in a paalstave mould. so that the castings did not stick to the soapstone. would probably weaken the precision of the axe in the haft and the performance of the tool. The experienced soapstone moulder takes into account the rapid shrinkage of the casting. The damages on the Voile mould might be the flaw of the first casting in a new dysfunctional mould made by a novice. Even a functional paalstave mould must be handled with care. If the mould is ruined or it produces dysfunctional axes. the mould must be opened and the axe released. the casting can be released.

In BA II ceramic moulds made by wax or wooden templates. In the Smørumovre hoard there are many similar but not identical axes. parting lines are lacking on most axes. but in many cases the parting lines from bi-valve moulds are visible on original castings. i. There are several large hoards with series of similar but not identical axes – much like the situation with flanged axes and spearheads in BA I. a result of their close links to the Lüneburgarea on the one hand. The plane faces of stone moulds produce straight parting lines on the castings from neck to edge. the straight. and their engagement into the North Way north to Beitstad on the . the axe from “Jæren” was cast in a bi-valve mould in either clay. the axes from Helleve and Tu were definitely cast in a bi-valve mould made from a soft moulding medium.173 is stuck to the hafting section of the axe. and that they were introduced rather late. Not necessarily. Tu (nr. Such curved parting lines easily occur when pressing an axe-template (wood. At least three paalstaves have such lines: Helleve (nr. Helleve and Tu have curved parting lines.e. The Voile mould represents a novel practice of hard moulding mediums and is intimately linked to Northern Zealand and to the Vigrestad-GjørvKleppe phenomenon in the late BA II. Northern Zealand stand out as a central node with both soapstone moulds and bronze moulds. Hence. These can of course be removed by hammering and grinding. 411) and “Jæren” (nr. 408). stone or bronze 3. plane face of the stone moulds is a direct consequence of the procedures used for making bi-valves from a hard moulding medium. but often – depending on the moulding compound. and several also have curved parting lines (AK I: 354). So. The only lessons from a study of the parting lines on the paalstaves are that: 1. at the very end of BA II. This strengthens my suspicion that soapstone moulds did not make a significant contribution to the total number of preserved paalstaves. My reading of this is that soapstone moulds had still not made a significant effect on axe production. amount of moisture. wax or bronze) into a valve made from a soft moulding medium (clay or sand). and shape of template. they were cast in closed moulds 2. The third axe from “Jæren” has rather straight parting lines. Bi-valve moulds made from soft mediums might very well have curved faces as well as straight. were the preserved paalstaves cast in soapstone moulds like the one from Voile? As demonstrated above. 406). probably a ceramic bi-valve mould. were still the spine of axe production. The Voile mould seems to have experienced exactly this kind of mishap. because they were removed or because they were never present.

The next step would be to rap it in moulding material without distorting the template. soapstone might have been much too valuable to be used for such a purpose. 1-2). In order to appreciate these moulds. But for the Central Zone there might not have been a continuous tradition for blade production in the EBA. handling and burning 60-100cm long blade moulds. also Liebel 1985). bent or broken from shrinkage. they bypassed critical stages in the traditional southern method of making blades.7. curing. The main point I would like to make is that the conventional BA method of making bi-valve blade moulds was particularly demanding (cf. most likely to prevent it from being distorted through curing or burning (Jantzen 2008: Taf. Original clay moulds demonstrate that the latter was an issue: blades seem to have been cast in bi-valve moulds. blade casting was embedded in strong foundry traditions involving significant cross-generational teaching as well as foundry-buildings with extra facilities for making. to be able to cure such a long. The moulds from Olset. is quite demanding. they might have found it surprisingly challenging. 7. And third. Possibly. I suggest that these persons were able to pick up innovations both from the Seima-network north of Beitstad and from the Elbe in the southwest. M 1-9).174 other hand. and each valve has a hole running lengthwise through the entire valve. and when persons and groups first attempted to make their own blades in BA III. In BA IV there was widespread use of soapstone also in Denmark. Slottsvik and possibly also Bremsnes (M 1-3) demonstrate how the entire process of template making. Either way. we need to see them in light of conventional procedures for blade moulding in the Nordic BA. To the Danes. often with decorative line-bundles and central ridge. But most of all. thin and narrow mould without it getting slightly twisted. the sword moulds from Olset and Slottsvik in particular. The great majority of bronze swords in the Nordic BA must have been cast in clay moulds built around templates from wax or wood. Blade moulding The high number of soapstone moulds for double edged blades within the area is not paralleled anywhere else in the Nordic Zone (cf. valve construction and curing was bypassed. straight and without dents. The making of such a thin delicate blade template in either wax or wood. These holes stem from wooden rods embedded into the valve during its making. It is not entirely clear whether these moulds were used for making templates (wax castings) or for direct bronze castings. but it was used mainly for sickles and axes. these . I have suggested that these innovations were made in late BA III and IV. and they had already developed the skill and means to do it without.

but for casting wax templates and as the ideal foundation for the template to rest on while the first clay valve is being made: first.g. perhaps. it was still a challenging task. and that these were probably not their first experimental moulds of this kind. Concequently. The performance of these moulds in direct castings has not been explored. these moulds would also be ideal. Using edged tools for carving or scraping tends to make such dents. The first valve is now replicated in a refractory mix of clay/sand with a straight. the valves were helved plane on their backs. The second soapstone valve is removed and replaced by a second clay valve. On the other hand. An Olset replica was made in gypsum. e. and the original carvers probably made use of small pieces of sandstones with proper facets for grinding.175 moulds indicate that their makers had ample access to soapstone quarries. the bronze castings turned out too heavy. It was only at this second stage the Slottsvik mould got its delicate. the half soapstone half clay mould is turned around and left to rest on the clay valve. the cavities were damaged etc. For some reason the founder was not satisfied. that they had the bronze to fill the moulds. not for direct castings. I believe the Olset and Slottsvik moulds in particular were the products of hands experienced in similar operations in wood or soapstone. tender appearance which seems to be a risky project to be conducted with direct bronze casting. and left to dry. is that it represents a process. The carvings are clearly high quality: the faces seem absolutely plane and the cavities seem smooth and without dents. and a new and smaller cavity was made. and the template rests in the second valve. liquid wax/pitch was poured into a mould that had been soaked for some time in water. and its valves had cross-sections comparable to the Bremsnes mould (M 3). Rather than making a new mould from scratch. One possible scenario would be: the Slottsvik mould was initially made for casting one type of blade only. This procedure was explored with an Olset-replica made . and these will be very visible on the finished polished casting. dry wooden rod embedded. Then. The Slottsvik mould is somewhat curious in that it is a combination-mould for two slightly different blades (M 2). This might of course indicate that the caster supplied two variants for a large market. and although gypsum is a far more homogenous and soft material. More likely. One might suspect that they needed pre-heating and that they demanded careful handling as they became fragile through repeated pre-heatings and castings. I had difficulties finding proper lengths of soapstone in the right soft quality in order to make replicas of the Slottsvik and Olset moulds. The difficulty lies in carving such a blade in the negative: dents easily occur. One valve is removed.

the art of cored moulds was brilliantly executed on the bronze-hafted halberds of northern Germany (Wüstemann 1995: nr. 98-136). is very difficult to remove. 3. 2. Starting by making an outer. the core must have some kind of facility that links the core to the mould in order to hold the core in place during casting. and then make a bi-valve or closed mould around the template with core in place. It should be porous in order to let gasses escape. is their internal cavities. In procedures 1 and 2 above. 7. either from clay aided by a template. 4. and this clearly indicated that a blade mould from wood or soapstone would have been a significant aid when attempting to build a bi-valve clay mould around a wax template. Starting from within by making a clay core (which will make up the cavity). especially if they cannot escape through the mould wall (e. the airtight soapstone). This facility is termed a core-print (Fig. and then making a core that fits the mould (the classic LBA soapstone procedure). 9). 3. There are basically three ways of making such a hollow artefact: 1. 2. the core medium also better be ductile and plastic so that it can be shaped. Starting by making an outer. The phenomenon was familiar from spearheads from the earliest Bronze Age onwards.g. In procedures 1 and 2 above. Cored moulds The most immediate challenge presented by the socketed axe and the socketed spearhead. filling it with liquid wax and then emptying it. or in stone. This core ought to fulfil the following tasks: 1. A1b). .8. and building the artefact in wax around this core.176 from gypsum. Even at the end of LN (Br. bipartite mould. All three of the above involve a clay core. A well burned core made from a clay-sand mix only. It ought also to be porous so that it can easily be crushed and removed from the socket of the casting and give room to the hafting. bipartite mould. This creates a wax template shell that can simply be filled and rapped in a moulding medium.

e. which created a porous core when burned through. furnace.). tuyere. crucible and mould mediums). hair. In modern sand-casting wax strings are often embedded in the .177 Ic Fig. 9: Elements of core-print designs appearing alone or in combinations on Nordic and Arctic moulds We might thus assume that the recipe for core mediums in the Bronze Age was different from other mediums (i. and that it contained a fair amount of organic material (dung. straw etc.

296. while Mellom-Bodal and Foss are fragmented without information on this feature. The moulds from Søllerød. Let us have a look at the two complete moulds from Nyhamar (M 16-17. and effective moulding procedures are of little value if the removal of cores is very time-consuming. 4.1 First generation socketed axe moulds There are in fact rather few soapstone moulds for EBA socketed axes. Let us have a look at the first soapstone moulds for socketed axes. while the Lugnås mould is for the Central Swedish type with a decorative. This feature makes an interesting link of shared technological procedures between Orkla valley and Østfold in BA III. Østfold C. hoard 19). Taf. and possibly Mellem-Bodal. Jantzen 2008: E 179) and Foss (M 12). Västergötland C. XXXII. (Minnen 998. cores that were made from clay-sand mixes with a too low portion of organic temper. and members of the first generation moulds for socketed axes are: Søllerød. Zealand C.. 7. A heavy portion of organic temper would also make the core more easily removed. 25). . in the vicinity of one of the paalstave moulds (Jantzen 2008: nr. Jantzen 2008: nr. and that they procured their soapstone from this area. Lugnås has notches at the upper face (type Ia). possibly a less intentional result of carving the axe-cavity. This also strengthens the idea that groups in Zealand turned their attention away from the North Way and to the Glomma-Göta area in BA III. “Lugnås”. Mellem-Bodal and Lugnås are all for large axes with C facets. chapt. and the need for such channels would be even larger when using a clay compound.4).142.8. I have had a hard time removing well-burned cores from axes even with modern steel-tools. Søllerød has a broad vertical groove (type IIa). BA IV seems to be the significant breakthrough of soapstone moulding. The dating of these moulds rests entirely on the chronology of axes (cf. and Foss for a large axe with A facet. while Foss and Mellom-Bodal both have core-prints of the rare type IId (Fig. From this first generation of cored stone moulds. Johansen 1981: Pl. 9). Loops are present on Søllerød and Lugnås. The fragment from Mellom-Bodal corresponds very well with the Søllerød mould. E 108).178 sand-core. These strings are “lost” and produce channels for the air to escape (Ammen 2000: 152). This is worth noting since the sand used is in itself a porous medium. (Oldeberg 1943: 142. we see that the designs of coreprints are highly variable. vertical rib. A successfully cast spearhead or axe is of little use if the core cannot be removed. When the first socketed axes were made in the Nordic Zone we might assume that the procedure and materials used were similar to those used for making spearheads in BA I and II.

Jantzen 2008: E 101). and it will ”refill” material from the area above. and Nyhamar B at the BA III/IV transition. but hardly meant as a stylistic feature. the Nyhamar A might be somewhat older than Nyhamar B. Along the parting faces of one of the Nyhamar A valves. The large size of the axes is more in line with BA III types. well made and show several unusual features. which would be the most effective way of making the valves fit. Västergötland (Minnen 1067. As bronze solidifies it shrinks. 183-187). The significance of Nyhamar A is that the valve and three dowels were made from a single piece of stone. at the transition between the thin walls of the socket and the thick section of the edge-section below. Alignment-dowels and pits were not unusual on stone moulds in Continental Europe. and ideally bronze is fed evenly from the ingates through the casting. The Nyhamar B mould was intended for casting a rare variant of late Y-ornated axes. From simulations of casting large socketed axes. there were three alignmentdowels corresponding to pits on the other valve. That these depressions should have been made by mistake is in sharp contrast to the otherwise very precise execution of the carving. The Nyhamar A has another interesting feature: a vague. They seem to be intentional.2 The Nyhamar projects The two complete moulds from Nyhamar are significant in that they are large. It could i. and this would also be in line with the use of a different more complex core-print on the Nyhamar B. circular depression on both valves on the lower broad sides of the axe-cavity. As far as I am aware. The problem of the socketed axe is that the thin walls around the . not be planed against a level base.8. while levelling the areas in between. This potential relationship puts the dating into question: is it possible that the maker of the Nyhamar A mould was inspired by bronze paalstave moulds? The transverse bevel on the Nyhamar B mould is the late element in the Nyhamar hoard that points to BA IV. This shrinkage always occurs just below the core. and then separate dowels were inserted into one valve.179 7. paralleled in Swedish axes and a single mould from Kinneved. no other stone mould in Eurasia has this feature.e. Therefore. but the procedure was different: holes were made in both valves. The Nyhamar A mould was intended for a looped axe with B facet. and this would enable a possible link between the bronze paalstave moulds of Denmark and Schleswig-Holstein. I have often noticed depressions from shrinkage on the castings. Comparable facilities are found on paalstave moulds made from bronze (Jantzen 2008: nr. This would place the making of the Nyhamar A within BA III. This means that a lot of extra work was invested in saving three knobs on the valve.

In short. Both types could. I . and from where the inspiration stemmed for such a decorative pattern. complex and well made. without doing actual experiments with a range of different textiles and procedures. can be seen on the Hiksdal axe. 7. This is valuable insights in persons in the Central Zone engaged in bronze casting and expeditions through the inlands beyond Lake Vänarn. like a cloth. 9. In a modern foundry such a design would most likely have been cast from the other end. fig. and nice axes. safe. Ammen 1979: 148.2). like a net. producing similar patterns but opposite in terms of positive and negative. Judging. I experimented with some of these variables without really arriving at a conclusion. and how this actually can be solved is difficult to assess. Such a pattern typically results from using some kind of stamp and a stamping procedure. massive area just below.3 The Hiksdal axe The Hiksdal axe is unique with its net or textile pattern (Engedal 2010). the mould and the core. The Nyhamar A demonstrates a very direct and fool-proof remedy to the problem: a depression in the valve as an exact opposite to the shrinkage-defect on the casting. From a close examination of the pattern. Relevant variables are the thickness of the axe below the core. the heat distribution and probably also the temperature of the bronze. the precise shape of the core-end.8. Whether this was a common problem. or a reservoir would have been made in the mould to feed the area in danger of shrinkage (cf. with different procedures. the crucial question is how such patterns were made on the mould-cavities. c. could be made in a conventional manner. The first is a textile of tightly woven broad. the thickness of the walls. and then a mould could have been made around this model. I suspect that the Nyhamar A mould demonstrates the latter solution. and thus the in-gates and pouring motion. Alternatively. by a skilled and experienced person intent on making many. That such shrinkage actually occurred in the Bronze Age too. There are basically two candidates for stamps. a clay mould. I doubt that it was carved into a soapstone mould. and finally the ability of mould and core material to conduct heat. flat fibres. that the depressions were made as a kind of reservoir to counteract shrinkage defects just below the cavity/core. The Nyhamar moulds both stand out among the other axe moulds as large. might also be relevant.180 core might cool and solidify before the thick. How rapidly bronze enters the mould. A cloth might have been applied on to a model of heated wax or plastic clay. produce a Hiksdal mould. The other is a textile of thin threads loosely knitted. from the edge. 1100 BC. and a net applied directly on to the still plastic insides of the mould. smooth without pattern.

this stamp makes both the mould cavity and the parting face. both Nyhamar B and Skjeldestad are linked to the same mould from Kinneved. but before it had lost its plasticity.4 Small socketed axes The largest group of moulds. as well as less demanding melting and casting projects. Interestingly. This might have occurred when the east-west relation across the alpine plateau prevalent in BA I-III. 7. M 23). is those for casting small socketed axes from BA IV-VI. and demonstrates that it was meant for one valve or left-valves only. . This is a ceramic model or stamp for making bivalve ceramic moulds for socketed axes of Akozino-Mälar type (Kuz’minych 1996: Abb. it would have been possible to press a textile cloth against the face of the axe-model. Skjeldestad thus combines Västergötish technological style with a predominantly Danish design. in Western Norway as well as in Scandinavia. M 14). IIIa (Garå. Coreprints of variant Ib are only known from Skjeldestad and the mould from Kinneved. Eastern Russia provides insights into aspects of Arctic moulding procedures as well as a possible solution to how the Hiksdal axe was made. a finding from Satinskoe. Ia/IIa/IIIa (Stangeland.181 would favour the first alternative and the ‘cloth-onto-model’-procedure. and prevent the core from being lifted up as the mould is filled by molten bronze. These represent significantly smaller projects of quarrying and carving. These show common core-prints like Ia/IIa (Eide. but also a merging of procedures from bronze technology with procedures from ceramic technology (Engedal 2010). Ia/IVa (Forssand. 10). Thus. such as resting the crucible on the core-gate. When such a stamp had been made. the other valve or right-valves had to be made from a stamp with loop on the opposite side.8. More complex than merely a model-axe. Västergötland. M 21). met an increasing activity in the southern highlands linked to a new Jutland-Telemark network in BA IV. This could of course be prevented by other methods. Vestre Goa and Litlebø have somewhat unusual core-prints. Such a ceramic stamp used in combination with some kind of cloth could have produced a Hiksdal axe with slightly different decoration on each side. The Satinskoe stamp is furthermore asymmetric. I see the Hiksdal axe as a merging not merely of Nordic and Arctic designs and procedures. Quite similar patterns were widely used at this time north and east of the Nordic region. on so-called textile-ceramics – but never on bronze. Simulations show that these extra grooves give extra precision. Brualand. Grøtavær. The moulds from Skjeldestad. the common notch added horizontal grooves. M 20). The Skjeldestad mould has a core-print of type Ib.

Randaberg (M 25) and Eide (M 18) lack conventional Nordic style core-prints. Östergötland C. the moulds from Brualand and Vestre Goa have no core-prints at all. The moulds from Stangeland (M 23). and the other has Ic/IId.5 Arctic and Nordic methods of handling cores The three moulds for large axes with extended necks.64). The core-prints strengthen the idea that the area north of Tjeldsund was linked in a direct manner to Rogaland (Forssand) and Northern Jutland in BA V (cf. Brualand (M 24). Map. 2008: Abb. Taf.11 I argued that the small loopless axes were related to northeastern axes. These are not just another variation of the coreprints seen on Nordic moulds. It is important to be aware that identical core-prints might have been used on clay moulds as well. Jantzen 2008: nr. from Tjesseim (M 22). The moulds from Eide (M 18).182 The mould from Grøtavær (M 11) is for a very common axe type of BA V-VI. The IId design was found on the BA III moulds from Foss and Mellem-Bodal. In chapter 4. 107). and Eide (M 14) and Vestre Goa (M 26) for loopless axes without ornaments (group 8). i. both were for casting loopless axes with facet B.6. 62. and possibly also on a mould for long-necked axes of the Norwegian variant from Luusuavaara. cf. all Danish and Swedish moulds have core-prints. (Norden 1925: Pl. Northern Finland.e. While the Eide and Stangeland moulds were equipped with rather complex Nordic core-prints (cf. on a mould for long-necked axes from Kemi. I have also suggested that the sudden appearance of a regional NW . E153. These are tempting to relate to core-prints of type VI found on Ananino moulds from Northern Finland (Isalmi) and North Karelia (Valtimo). and these lines might have been used as a core-print. except for a mould from Vreta Kloster. 7. The core-prints of group IV is characteristic for Northern Jutland (four specimens) and is paralleled also on the mould from Forssand (corresponding to Jantzen var. 16). Ananino type axes. looped with B facet. Moulds without core-prints are in fact rare in the Nordic Zone. Rovaniemi. above).8. VIIIa. and Litlebø seems to have a type VIc core-print. 107). corresponding to my type IIc). and none of the Swedish or Danish moulds carry this core-print (Mellem-Bodal is designated type V by Jantzen. but are different also in their location. taf. On the moulds from Tjesseim and Randaberg the decoration of the cavities continues to the top. and Litlebø (M 13) are moulds for small loopless decorated axes (group 9). Northern Finland (Pl. One valve has a core-print combination Ia/IIIa/IVc. Tjesseim (M 22) and possibly also Litlebø (M 13) have notches on the top rim.4. The Vreta Kloster mould is actually very similar to the mould from Vestre Goa. but with a more lenticular cross-section than what is typical of Nordic axes. 57. XI.

perhaps making extra use of the top-rim and sometimes core-prints type VI. The links between the western coast and the interior of Northern Sweden and Finland can now be strengthened: • • • • • • • the lack of core-prints the use of core-prints type VI the volute-motive paralleled on a mould from Akonlahti. particularly at Jæren but also Hardanger and Sunnmøre. and a core-print best paralleled at Kemi the Randaberg mould has a large face relative to its cavity best paralleled on a mould for a long-necked axe from Kemi When evaluating the nature of Nordic-Arctic interaction it is important that this technological data is taken into consideration. these moulds were intended for casting wax patterns and there was therefore no need for core-prints 2. The moulds from Vadsjöbäcken and Sandudden are also for axes closely related to the Ananino type. the volut-motive. these moulds were intended for direct bronze casting and they simply demanded that greater care was taken when core and valves were assembled and positioned. The procedure prevalent in the northeast is likely to have been one of the following: 1. but have typical Nordic core-prints type Ia (Pl. but it has a unique combination of face-notch and pits.183 Scandinavian ornamental style. was related to the Ananino axes. the groove on top of the valve from Gullvika (M 10) might be indicative of the same procedure: using markings on the top of the valve for holding the core in place. These procedures involved different procedures of assembling the core in the mould. In light of this. Karelia the fringe-motive paralleled on Ananino and pre-Ananino axes in the Arctic the eye-pattern seen on Ananino axes is also found on the back of the mould from Randaberg the mould from Tjesseim has a close parallel from Luusuavaara. the fringe-motive bridges the gap and this pattern is found both on the above Norwegian axes with volut-motives and on Ananino axes proper. it is possible to see the spread of distinct Nordic core-print types into the interior north of Beitstad. Interestingly. The early stone moulds for Seima type axes . The mould from Hotingsjön is for an axe closely related to the Ananino type. 64). Ia/IIIc. indicating the presence of not merely Arctic designs but also of Arctic moulding techniques. This happened at a time in which there was a developed tradition of specific coreprint designs in the Nordic Zone. In fact another ornament.

There was a movement of persons taught in Arctic moulding procedures and designs to Jæren in the south. The latter two. point to Northern Finland and Karelia (cf. The more convincing explanation is that it was people that had been taught to do it this way in a “purer” Arctic context that made and operated these moulds in Northern Jæren. along with the intimate link between Tjesseim and Luusuavaara. In addition there might enter more or less gas into the metal being melted. A modern . possibly also along River Pasvik-Lake Enare. E. might not work in an identical mould made from soapstone.76. and that they adapted some features of Arctic designs to this new context. The Arctic designs that spread to the southwest was on the one hand the fringe-pattern. my main point here is to argue that Arctic-Nordic contacts during the LBA were more dynamic and fundamental than the mere diffusion of Arctic designs.184 in the east clearly demonstrate that the eastern axe-tradition used moulds without core-prints.). I contend that the context for these transmissions was the full-blown North Way linking the Southern Zone directly to Tjeldsund in combination with the Tjeldsund-Torne River channel. meaning that the entire cavity was intended for the axe and not for holding a core (Chernykh 1992:fig.6 Casting in cored soapstone moulds The soapstone mould is different from the clay or sand mould in one important aspect: its walls are absolutely airtight.2-3). characteristic of the interior east of Rana. 64. Rostovka. and on the other hand the volute-motive and core-prints type VI. The gasses in the empty mould represent a minimum that has to escape in order for bronze to enter. If we include the axe from Hiksdal. the loop is placed just beneath the rim of the mould. Map 16-17). Ammen 1979: 16p. on the axe mould from burial 21.g. There are a number of indications of transmissions of both designs and moulding procedures between the Arctic and Nordic Zones. using typical Nordic moulding procedures. The Grøtavær mould demonstrates that typical Nordic designs were cast in the Tjeldsund area. 7. there are indications that these movements started in BA IV. This transmission seems to have occurred through two nodes: Lofoten and Rana. Summing up. This means that a melting/casting procedure that will work with a clay or sand mould.8. I find it unlikely that founders in Jæren picked up or got inspired by Arctic designs and in particular Arctic moulding procedures. Pl. while clay and sand moulds will have more or less porous walls and a higher permeability (cf. If we take a look at the earliest soapstone moulds for making paalstaves it seems clear that this problem was solved with a particular pouring procedure.

As the core dries and gets stronger. probably intended as exits for gasses. It was not large loads. or from gasses. and put aside to dry.185 founder would have designed a mould with separate inlet for metal and exit for gas. To make sure that it still has the right shape after all the trimming is done. it can be assembled in the mould again. it is carefully released. but they needed relatively higher temperatures (compared to flanged axes and paalstaves). In some cases the flaw probably stemmed from imprecise coreassemblage. the end of the ”sausage” sticking out is shaped into a funnel. When the core has dried for a while. cut so that they fit the axe-cavity. The paalstave mould from Valby has a number of thin channels on its parting face. The Voile founder. The preserved axes clearly indicate that flaws were common. on the other hand. are pressed around a ”sausage” of core-mix. several axes have holes and incomplete mould walls. While holding the mould assembled. from a ”cold-shot” in which bronze cooled so that it left a hole open on the mould wall. It must be placed standing vertical. one valve is lifted off. The two valves. so that the air inside the cavity could escape through the in-gate next to the bronze entering. Several ways of making a core might be suggested. a groove for internal haft-support in the axe can be cut. When one side is finished. and now the other side of the core is trimmed in the same way. In the case of the cored soapstone mould. Hence. The tip of the core is cut to shape. and one in-gate channel can be trimmed. In this way the in-gate was also an exit for gas. resting on the funnel. greater care might have been taken to pour carefully (letting air escape beside the incoming stream of metal). the core is shifted so that it rests in the other valve. would have poured slowly and not choked the ingate. since in these cases gas has to escape through the core itself. each with its skin-piece in place. and in-gates are made by a thin wooden stick. Although these paalstave moulds may have been identical to conventional clay moulds. and he would pour fast so that both the in-gate and the funnel are kept full or choked from start to end. Casting socketed axes put demands on melting practices. so that the risk of the core bending during curing is eliminated. which again put higher strain on crucibles. and the pouring technique was the same. the initial use of soapstone might have involved difficulties in this respect. there might have been a change towards more porous cores. The small size and high number of both socketed axes and moulds for such should not lead to the impression that making a . Some of the gasses that would normally escape through the clay-walls are now forced to escape through a different route. I used the following procedure: pieces of wet and malleable skin of proper thickness are pressed into each valve.

The novice is inclined to underestimate the heat-radius of the small crucible. The skilled one therefore has gloves on the safe side. A charcoal fragment slipping into the mould can make greater damage to a cored casting than to a massive casting like e. The experienced founder will plan this act and get rid of as many eventualities as possible. 451. 439. not too close so that his hands are placed above the furnace when in .186 socketed axe was a simple project. he reaches his limit of pain just as he is about to pour into the mould. and moving into pouring position. Some of the axes have very thin walls and an almost shell-like appearance (nr. To accomplish such thin walls the core has to be assembled very precisely. and the assembled mould into the clam. resulting in burns if he is tolerant and spillage of bronze and potential catastrophe if he is not. and makes everyone according to this. Heating the valves and the core separately enable a last check of the insides to be made before casting. 435. 516). but in clay moulds that in principle could be preheated almost to the temperature of the metal. in a clam made by two green sticks. the larger the size and the thinner the walls the more risky it gets. with thick gloves while the crucible is about to get ready. it is rather dangerous. 510. It might be that these thin-walled axes were not cast in soap stone mould. Casting a hollow bronze artefact is always complex and risky. particles etc. a flanged axe or a paalstave. Thin walls also necessitate relatively hotter bronze with maximum fluidity. the better.200 ࢓ &. 200 ࢓ & means that it can be handled with thick skin gloves. This is hotter than it looks. Such gloves tend to make precise work difficult – and indeed. He has also learned that the shorter the distance between mould and furnace. Although. After this it can be assembled with the mould valves preheated to c.g. might enter the mould and ruin the casting. is frustrating for the novice. and once the process has been instigated it has to be continued and completed. Such a casting also puts high demand on the melting and pouring procedures. The experienced founder will also have decided what is the optimal shape of a crucible and thongs.1150 ࢓ &. 432. A core made from a compound with a high level of organic materials must be burned well. fitting a hot core into hot mould valves. and both the mould and especially the core ought to be preheated. Regardless of specific procedures the experienced founder will plan this act of getting the mould ready for casting thoroughly. bronze ought to be heated to c. It is risky to attempt to heat an assembled mould with the core in place without the wooden clam (this would burn): soot. 469. and might make an attempt too thinly gloved. The final step in any casting project involves taking the crucible out of the furnace. In this way he is able to achieve a certain degree of confidence in moving the crucible.

furnaces. since this would burn his gloves and his hands.e. There might also be an unexpected change in wind suddenly leading both heat and smoke in an otherwise safe position. clay. Finally. charcoal etc.187 pouring position.g. Slottsvik. giving more information on the nature of the skills that was transmitted It has brought to light a number of crucial non-human entities involved in the transformation: e. and easy/complicated) Four cultural-historical phenomena in particular are highlighted by this exploration: • • The early metallurgical activity within the Central Zone involved the use of a soft moulding procedure. by differences and similarities not in the castings but in the tools and procedures involved in their making (e. The transformation of metal in NW Scandinavia A more thorough inquiry into the transformation of metal has led to the following insights: • In some cases the direction of networks have been strengthened. the Grøtavær-Forssand-Northern Jutland link. Valuable information is gained from the design on the Nyhamar A cavity. wax templates and closed moulds. • It has brought information on the experiential qualities afforded by the project of transforming metal (colour. Bremnes and Skjeldestad. the glowing charcoals that he rakes swiftly of the surface of the molten bronze must not land on a spot that he is about to step or kneel onto.9. The quality of the moulds testify to an intimate knowledge of the ”type” in question. the other Rogaland-Arctic links) • • In some cases the nature of networks has been illuminated. tactility. i. Olset. tuyeres. Gjørv and Kleppe assemblages indicate that highly advanced casting projects were performed in Jæren and probably also at Beitstad at the end of BA II. the core-print on the Skjeldestad mould and the general appearance of the Slottsvik mould. • The complexity. and how to carve it in negative. fire. The Vigrestad. 7. fuel and their specific forms as crucibles. the Nyhamar-Kinneved link. as well as a . size and quality of soapstone moulds from the SognefjordTingvollfjord area in BA IV. probably a clay/sand mix.g. intimately related to foundries in Zealand. seen in the moulds from Nyhamar.

188 familiarity with soapstone. the hands that made these must have made moulds before this. and from Northern Finland via Torne River to Jæren and Sunnhordaland on the other. This indicates that the overland networks of the Central Zone were still going strong in BA III-IV. The moulds from Nyhamar. . i. but for some reason few bronzes were deposited. and most likely involved the movement of people from the interior of Northern Sweden to the coast on the one hand.e. a signal of access to metal and the scale of production. Olset and Slottsvik could hardly be the work of novices. • The novel axe-designs of Arctic inspiration in LBA were accompanied by the spread of Arctic moulding practices.

it might be rewarding to consider. Thus. as 2) “walking food” for the journey. food for the entire journey has to be brought along – a significant addition to the total assembly. i. These might have been part of long-distance journeys. but moving assemblies attuned to features of specific paths – land. Towards moving assemblies When it comes to reconstructing some likely routes and paths for prehistoric networks. to cattle and horses. how many middle-men to include? I believe this uncertainty is somewhat easier to handle if we stick to things and paths a bit longer before we start modelling social organization on the basis of long-distance travels and contacts. ranging in size from the dog via sheep. are brought along – potentially also a significant addition to the assembly. as 1) something brought along for exchange. I am first going to explore the technology of movement in a narrower sense.189 Chapter 8: Displacement Chapter 8 is about the displacement of metal. the means of propulsion ranging in complexity from the human feet to the boat. elevation. snow etc. This is no doubt one good reason why we rarely see specific paths discussed in Bronze Age studies. whether it was path X. 8.g. convince us that we better not be specific. fish or game. Y or Z that was used. I believe there is something to be gained from once in a while choosing a path.1. If there is no food available along the path.e. there is much to be gained by taking a holistic perspective: I am chasing a moving assembly of humans and non-humans along a specific path with specific qualities.e. fauna. The second uncertainty is about which route or path was used between place A and place B. The problem is that if we let this uncertainty. we are never faced with the resistance embedded in every path in the real world. 8. vegetation. . and will take us to the ground level in order to explore the resistance and hindrances along specific paths. temperature. There are two major uncertainties when reconstructing human long-distance movements in the past.1 Animals There were several domestic animal species in the Bronze Age. and the wrong path rather than no path. i. If there is food available along the route. While we are quite good at exploring how far an artefact has been moved we have greater difficulties when it comes to the question of how far each person actually travelled. this might be available only if certain tools for procuring and processing e. goat and pig. not merely moving humans.1. water.

While animals might ease the journey in terms of food. These depictions seem to be closely related to those of Bohuslän. horses might be relevant to the overland networks during BA VI.1. as 4) traction. 102). at Fordal (ibid 2001: fig. they might also narrow the choices of paths.3) is probably the first depiction of a horse in our area. 123) and Leirfall III (ibid 1999: 43). but they are unlikely to have made significant contribution to long-distance mobility before this time. Skis are usually used in combination with one or two poles for propulsion and balance. Particularly the Stjørdal and Beitstad areas have many animal depictions. Animals might have difficulties with narrow and steep stretches.137). Bjørngård (ibid: fig. In Norway the earliest horse bones come from layers in the rock-shelters of Ruskeneset and Skipshellaren with only a general date to BA (Østmo 2005b: 190). Berg 1993: 10). in terms of carrying goods or hauling or carrying humans. While four-legged animals are extremely rare in the rock art of Rogaland (Fett & Fett 1941: 126). dragging humans and/or non-humans on runners or wheels. for gliding across frozen water. would necessitate a wide. possibly also the first indication of actual horses.2 Snow technologies Snow and ice-technologies like skis. 8. often with distinct horse-like features (Sognnes 1999: 25. skates.190 as 3) pack-animals. Driving a large herd of animals for exchange. Hence. 136. skis are long runners that also decrease friction and allow the skier to glide forwards. The horses at Reppe were probably carved after 500 BC. and horse-back riding seems to have been introduced at the very end of the BA. sledges and snow-shoes can be defined as tools that enable movement on snow or ice through a redistribution of weight and/or a decrease of friction (cf. Horses seem to become more common in rock art towards the end of the Bronze Age. 2001: 68).). or in the first centuries of the PRIA (Kaul 2004: 204pp. 2001: 68). The horse seems to have been introduced to Scandinavia in the Early Bronze Age. carrying a significant part of the non-human assemblage. The rugged topography of NW Scandinavia excludes the wheeled wagon or chariot from longdistance journeys. Nord-Trøndelag has a large number. chapt 5. The Unnestad-charioteer (cf. In this area there are also depictions of riders. or for 5) carrying humans. The sledge is a vessel mounted on one or two runners that can . Skates are shorter and narrower runners also used in pairs. Reppe (ibid: fig. while those at Vikan and Gråbrekk might have been made at the end of the BA (ibid 1999: 25). Fordal in Stjørdal is unique with its more than 150 horse images (ibid: 25. open path with few hindrances and plenty fodder. While snow-shoes are simply “large shoes” that enable a person to walk on top of deep snow. deep snow or river crossings.

and Jiebmalukta. Seima-Turbino and Ananino horizons. (Østmo 2005d: 327). Nordland C. Hence. dated to 3623-3110 BC. snow makes highly favourable paths for humans with the proper skills and equipment. In combination with frozen rivers and lakes. according to rock art and actual findings. There are three Neolithic findings from FennoScandinavia. Finnland. Salla. a species that did not grow west of the Urals (Edgren & Törnblom 1992: 66pp.4. fig. Torgersen 1999: 26p. Only two more skis from Norway. Snow is in principle a hindrance as much as water for human mobility. Østmo 2005d: 326). 37. Finnmark C. Berg 1993: 14.e.). carries a sculpture of a skier holding on to the reins of a horse – a horse-drawn skier (Pl.3. from Nordland and Finnmark C. from Kalvträsk. dated to the Neolithic and the Early Metal Age.191 be moved by either human or animal traction. NordTrøndelag C. 12). thus shortening the distances. These might have been used with both human and dog-traction. This is interesting in light of other links to Seima-Turbino assemblages (cf. and from Vefsn. No snow-shoes are known from prehistory. No skiers are depicted on Nordic Bronze Age panels. dated to 3316-3096 BC. Here too.. It is conventionally attributed to the “naturalistic” phase 1 of the regional typo-chronological schema and dated to the earliest Neolithic (Sogness 2001b.. A bronze hilted dagger of Seima-Turbino type. there are indications that extensive long-distance journeys were made on snow during winter in the Taiga and the Arctic.. 60. Several runners for sledges of different types are known from Finland and Northern Sweden. dated to 3343-2939 BC. 22).. Russia. chapt 4. Chernykh 1992: Pl. are dated before 0 AD. heavy snow also levels the irregularities of the landscape. from the burial ground at Rostovka. both from the PRIA (Edgren & Törnblom 1992: 68. i. radiocarbon dated to 6000 BC (Burov 1989. a skier is depicted along with a bird almost in realistic scale. Rødøy. The oldest skis known are the fragments from Vis I. skis were known from at least 3000 BC in the area north of Trondheimsfjord. Nordland C. They are shaped as conventional footprints but are added a net-pattern – possibly referring to a frame with crossing strings like a snow shoe. At Bøla.11). Skis are depicted in Fenno-Scandinavian rock art in three cases: from Bøla. Possible indications of the use of snowshoes are some atypical rock art foot-print motives. Sweden. Stafseth 2006: 41. from Särkiaapa. Interestingly. Østmo 2005d: 326). and might have been of particular relevance to the Taiga-connection during the Bronze Age. eastern Russia. some of the Finnish specimens are made from Cembra Pine (Pinus cembra). It might of course be a reference to some kind of protection underneath a . On the other hand.

with references). snow covered terrain. The boats depicted seem in many cases to be large vessels with large crews.l. . Marstrander 1963: 109pp. Boats are. would have been covered by heavy snow from late fall to late spring/early summer. and thus integral to the displacement of a significant portion of the bronze explored in this study.a. The important question is whether these were used across the highland and interior of the Scandinavian Peninsula south of Beitstad. both during the Seima-Turbino and Ananino horizons. there is much information available on boat technology in these images. were significant to large parts of NW Scandinavia – accordingly. Crumlin-Pedersen 1970.. skis and snowtechnologies might have been both the vehicle of this impact as well as a part of the impact. the most numerous motive in the rock art of the Nordic Bronze Age. I have argued that the impact of relations with the taiga-area.s. it is interesting that the two known specimens come from Benan in the Beitstad area (Lindgaard et al. One uncertainty in particular has precluded this potential from being realized. details that can be seen as elements of construction. The Bronze Age rock art artist has in fact been rather consequent in certain details. Snow-technologies would certainly have been relevant if not absolutely necessary for crossings during the winter season. The alpine crossings above 800 m. in combination with frozen rivers and lakes and level. The technology of building a large skin boat is radically different from that of a large planked vessel – in terms of tools. Potentially. 2006: 20p. 8. strengthening the idea of long-distance journeys on foot or on snowshoes between Trøndelag and Lake Vänarn17. Although the data is meagre it would seem that the taiga-networks during the Neolithic and the Bronze Age involved a highly effective high-speed technology for wintertransport. operations and rawmaterial. Long-distance journey on skis would be one of the swiftest and most flexible technologies in this world.) and Högebyn. Even if this is dubious evidence for snow-shoes.1. Dalsland. with more level terrain and less snow.192 conventional shoe. are these figures of vessels with a skin hull or a hull made from wooden planks? (cf. The inner fjord areas. Snow-technologies would create the shortest overland paths between two places. In southern Scandinavia these technologies were of less relevance.3 Boats Boat technology is highly relevant as both a maritime and inland technology. the eastern lowlands and particularly the alpines receive heavy snowfalls in the winter season. except for the cup-mark. We would know quite a bit of Bronze Age boats if we only could decide whether the building material was skin or wood.

In case of patterned hulls. at 1:14. Engedal 2006). 10m long. the Pearyland reconstruction presented by H. or 11m including the extension of the stringers. or it might be a 3) South Scandinavian innovation inspired by northern skin boats (Marstrander 1963). 52.3. fig. The southernmost variant of these. The eponymous Rørby boat carries a crew of 32 (AK II: 617).7m high amidships. The height-length ratio of the Pearyland-hull is thus 1:14. 2003: 230). If we take a look at the relative size of type 2 carvings within our area. 38A. 21 at Hamarhaug. the same arguments would tend to make most if not all BA boat carvings representations of skin boats. Is a crew of 40 realistic or even possible? I would like to use an Inuit umiak.6. 6. in light of the Pearyland umiak: The Pearyland boat had a hull c. This means that if type 2 boats had a comparable height of hull. 20.16. patterns might represent the seams of the skin-cover as well as the frameworks behind the cover (Engedal 2006: 175p. This boat might be 1) a Nordic EBA innovation inspired by Mediterranean plank-built boats (Crumlin-Pedersen 1970: 237. Hence. 23A.38.C.1): they have low height-length ratio (short vessels with high hulls). The argument so far is uncontroversial: the EBA boats 1b-c represent a skin boat with roots in northern traditions. It weighed 223 kg (dry).). chapt. 39 at Bakke I. Petersen (Petersen 1986: 187. and was intended for a crew of 12-13.2). A qualified guess to the construction of the type 2 boat is thus crucial to in-depth investigations into Bronze Age maritime journeys. These are all features easier to make through a skin technology than through plank technology. It seems clear that Bronze Age boats were paddled. Type 2 boats are the first of the large category of classic Bronze Age boats. the . 19 at Haustveit (Mandt 1972: Pl. Boat type 2 as a skin boat. boat type 1a can be seen as the direct forerunner to boats type 1b-c (cf. all of which are likely to have been made by a similar technology. 30. and there are thus limits as to how high the hull of a paddled vessel could be.13).193 There is wide agreement that the “Arctic” boat-images of the Mesolithic and Neolithic represent skin boats (Marstrander 1963: 117. 17 at Åmøy IV and 16 at Haga (Fett & Fett 1941: Pl. and it was 0. if one argues that the type 2 boats are skin boats. 182) and the reconstructed Hjortspring boat “Tilia” (Crumlin-Pedersen & Trakadas 2003). they lack keel-extensions and they are often asymmetric with a hull that is higher in one end. we see that crew members numbers 41 (47 including the “lures”) at Bardal (Gjessing 2007).24. which in fact resembles the ratio of the eponymous Rørby boat. it might be 2) a South Scandinavian plank technology developed during LN (Østmo 2005a). as foundations for sketching some alternatives: a type 2 boat made from skin versus one made from wooden planks. The real issue is introduced by boats of type 2 (“Rørby”).

a part of the internal framework has to pass through the skin-cover underneath the water-line. is the keel-extensions. The bottom-keel would have to be 8-10 m long. and sewn in a tutittitat-pattern (ibid:138). and makes it long enough for a crew of 40. it is possible to get a glimpse of the scale of such a project realized in the medium of skin: 28-31 skins of the smaller harp seal. The keel would have to be strong. and at least in some cases they did not actually pass through the hull. Basically. or the skin-hull might have been secured to a keel-frame above sea-level. On the other hand. A third alternative would be to let an entirely external keel run underneath the skin hull like Marstrander did on his skin boat the “Kalnes” (Johnstone 1972. Edgren & Törnblom 1992: 67). This makes me suspect that the artists have not been realistic on the number of the crew. This would also be a likely solution for the moderate extensions seen on the early boats (phase 2 according to Helskog) in Finnmark and the White Sea (Helskog 1988: 90. When the Greenlanders used the large hooded or bearded seals for cover. rather the skin-cover was fitted around the entire extension.e.194 length of their hulls would have been about 10. 33). the “horns”. plus additional length for the curved extensions. Such joints would also ease the making of strong. 10. 25m – the height of the hull is c. If so. The Hjortspring boat had a hull 13. Assuming that the artists were less accurate with the crew strokes. c. These were moderate extensions. and deciding on a length of hull within the range 8-10m. it is no doubt possible to let the keel extend through the hull. In historical times keel-extensions on skin-vessels seems to be known only from Alaska and the Aleutians (Johnstone 1980: 32.2m (Rørby). and might be joined together from two or more pieces. skins were used lengthwise from one sheer stringer to another. 2m. If we keep the height-length ratio of the Bardal boat. 1980).4m (Haustveit). Lindquist 1994: fig. the extensions serve less purpose as protection of the hull when beaching. that boat type 2 was a skin-construction.6m (Bardal).6m long. and it could even function as a runner if the boat was hauled across land. i. 14-16 of the larger hooded seal or 12-14 skins of the largest bearded seal (Petersen 1986: 123). This is not a realistic height on a paddled vessel. 8. 37). The weakness of this argument. as Valbjørn did in his reconstruction of a Bronze Age skin-version of the Hjortspring boat (Valbjørn 2003a: 140). and was 70 cm high amidships . This could have been achieved through principles comparable to those seen in the arctic sledge-runners (cf. or 19m including the extensions. fig. Type 2 boat as a planked boat in light of the Hjortspring boat: Sketching a plank alternative for boat type 2 based on Hjortspring boat is relatively easier. curved keel-extensions. This would give much better protection to the hull. This might be the equivalent of 12-14 cow skins.

The keel-plank and the strakes were made from single-lengths without joints.3).). was work relying on high-quality axe and adze edges. and finally the four characteristic horns fitted to the stem and sternposts. sowing the skins together. The process from split timber to finished construction parts. The strakes as well as the keelplank have carved cleats. such a boat would be nearly twice as heavy (1. a stem post and a stern post.9m. This would have been somewhat easier to procure for a shorter vessel. and joining the multiple ribs to keel and stringer. two keelstrakes (“lower planks”). Comparison: In the skin alternative. two sheer-strakes (“upper planks”). the Tilia. the most time-consuming task would be preparing the skins. procured from Poland for the Danish reconstruction. and 14kg per paddler. and time-consuming particularly in terms of axing. and put on horns with stronger curve to get a glimpse of a type 2 boat in wood. or not. We need only shorten the keel-plank and the strakes. 130-170 years of age. It weighed 530 kg. would have been in high demand. the description of reconstructing the Hjortspring boat. and time-consuming and demanding in terms of sowing. was no less than 140 000 Danish Kroner – and even these turned out to be a bit too small. Although the principle of construction used in the Hjortspring boat is very light-weight compared to other wooden constructions both planked and dug-out (CrumlinPedersen 2003: tab 6. On the other hand.195 – identical to the height of the umiak above. The umiak version would be 22. is highly relevant in the scenario of planked Bronze Age boats. there would be 23. carving and drilling. high quality timber. to such a degree that it should change our view on Bronze Age economy. There would be 38kg per meter of hull. The total cost of four linden trunks. moose or cattle. It . Assembling the pieces also necessitated a high number of drilled holes for sowing. the production and maintenance of perhaps the largest known skin-covers. and consisted of the following main parts: a hollowed out keel-plank. the latter would be much more robust against blows and rubbing. The existence of such a technology.8 kg per paddler to propel or to carry. large skins from seal. linden in this case (Valbjørn 2003b: 70pp. a total of 198 on the strakes only.7 times as heavy) as the umiak principle.3 kg per meter hull. If type 2 boats were skin boats. Accordingly. and less in need of maintenance. The winged stern and stem posts were each made from single large trunks with a diameter of more than 0. The making of the Tilia demonstrated the demand put on large. and with a crew of 16 and a 10m long hull. carried a crew of 20 paddlers. has immense consequences for the demand of skin. The plank alternative is expensive in terms of timber and tools. This would be an expensive vessel in terms of skins.

Engedal 2006).3). would demand a high number of high quality tools. and/or by boats used by the coastal Bell Beaker groups.).11) as a tool for burning holes in the planks for sowing. I suggest the following scenario: a skin technology in the Arctic and Northern Sweden preserved and developed from early Mesolithic boats. this vessel would put the bronze axe more in demand than the skin boat. Engedal 2006). This is a difference that would have been of relevance particularly to inland travel. It is also possible to relate the Skagerrak-traffic in both the LN and the early BA II to Atlantic boat technologies.1). Either a plank boat of the “heavy” British tradition. temporary craft. relevant. This would no doubt be the most time-consuming and complex task put to a bronze-edge. If so. are likely to have been used for overland travel across the interior of the peninsula. chapt. A characteristic feature of the early British planked-vessels is their heavy weight: 211kg per paddler for the North Ferriby vessel (ibid: 224p. This still leaves two significant gaps: what kind of boat was used in the flint dagger traffic across Skagerrak in LN. 6. It is also possible to see the bronze “awls” (cf. tab 6. Meanwhile. Accordingly. the maritime Bell Beaker network that extended north to Limfjord and . possibly a gendered activity. compared to the 23. temporary craft. far beyond the mud-walled. The planked technology does not offer the same flexibility.. certain areas with proper timbers would be nodal. spread southwards as boats type 1a in the LN. If they on the other hand were made of planks. Engedal 2006).8kg and 14kg per paddler in the above scenarios. These.. such as those preserved from North Ferriby and Dover. It could be applied to smaller. The skin technology would have another advantage.196 would also make the technology of leatherwork and sowing. This task being both large scale and complex. lightweight. a complex planked vessel is developed in eastern Scandinavia. dated between 2000-1500 BC. as it is difficult and somewhat irrational to apply the plank technology to a small. used in BA I-II south to Lista (cf. made in a day or two (Adnay & Chapelle 1964: 212pp. or a skin boat related to the historical curragh (Crumlin-Pedersen 2003: 211pp. 3.. and inspired the making of boats type 1b-c. thatch-roofed long-house.. Wood technology would here probably shift from plank to dug-outs. Anderson 1977:115p. and this is introduced to NW Scandinavia in late BA II with the Zealand-intervention. boat type 2. For this reason Crumlin-Pedersen doubts the use of the British planked boats for navigation at open sea. and what kind of boat was used by the Elbe-Kiel Bay Centre in BA I and early BA II? The Skagerrakbarrier might have been conquered at the transition MN-LN by northern type skin boats (cf. tab. particularly the light type 1b skin boat. and argues that boats of the curragh type was used for this purpose in the west (ibid: 228p.

Vättern and Hjälmaren and the Bay of Mälaren (the historical Lake Mälaren was actually a fjord/bay until the 13th century AD). To summarize the above argument: the skin boat was used in the LN traffic along the North Sea coast of NW Scandinavia. I was not able to find any convincing middle-men in the lowlands to the immediate east of the mountains. throughout the Bronze Age. In several cases. most often east of the Vänarn-Göta line. and a deeper exploration of it is of outmost importance to an understanding of the Bronze Age of NW Scandinavia. an Atlantic and an Arctic.2. 1330 BC. and this vessel was introduced to NW Scandinavia by Zealanders c. or 2) the diffusion of skin boat technology from the Arctic to the Atlantic.2. the breaking of the Skagerrak barrier c 2500-2300 BC might have been: 1) the meeting of two different skin boat traditions. and was also used in the voyages between Elbe-Kiel Bay and Jæren 1600-1340 BC. This extreme inland network seems to be a stabile network at work throughout the Bronze Age. Such potential middle-men were rather located east of Glomma. was focused on either log boats or more likely. pointed eastwards to Sweden. I will term the Central Swedish Water System. A first issue to be explored is the nature of the CSWS. In the Bronze Age it is possible to discern a water-network of . 8. The CSWS has the potential of effective boat-travel. the lakes and rivers in the interior of Central Sweden. Consequently. The Central Zone and the Central-Swedish-Water-System (CSWS) In part I. 8. It was also used for overland journeys across the interior of the Scandinavian Peninsula. Jutland and the Netherlands to the Atlantic. on skin boats. separated since the Middle Mesolithic by log boat traditions.197 even Slettabø in Rogaland.1 The CSWS The dominant features of the CSWS are the three large lakes of Vänarn. The eastern half of this network. and to what degree it can be extended westwards towards the Central Zone (Map 18). I found strong indications that bronzes in the Central Zone of NW Scandinavia. The Central Zone-CSWS Network refers to the relations between western Norway between Trondheimsfjord and Hardangerfjord/Boknafjord and the Swedish east coast. and the abbreviation CSWS will be used throughout the rest of the thesis. The “light” Scandinavian plank built vessel was invented by groups in Skåne-Zealand inspired by east Mediterranean vessels.

South of this.1. This route will be referred to as the Roxen-Tåkern-Vättern Channel. The distribution of both rock art and bronzes indicate that the main route from Lake Roxen to Lake Vättern. all the way to Lake Vättern. went via River Svartån and Lake Tåkern. variant Mälar. The Olofsborg axe was found at the crossing between Lake Tynn and River Loftån (cf. This will be referred to as the Nyköpingså-Tisaren Channel. via Lake Glan and Lake Roxen. in the west towards River Glomma. by the South-Swedish highlands.2. just north of Lake Vänarn. 4. Lake Vänarn is linked to the coast through River Göta.. via a crossing to River Loftån running eastwards to the coast. One of the Rümlang axes and one Faardrup axe point to the existence of a fourth east-west channel in the CSWS at the beginning of the Bronze Age: from Lake Roxen via River Stångån to Lake Åsunden. Lake Hjälmaren and River Svartån make up a water-path that reaches 190km in a westwards direction almost to Lake Vänarn. A likely water-route between Vättern and Vänarn would be along the modern channel Göta Kanal. On this background it is possible to recognize a similar network in BA I. while both the southwestern coast between Rivers Nissan and Göta as well as the eastern coast. chapt. In the north. River Motala Ström reaches 100km from Norrköping. To the southwest. are empty. The most important issue . probably through a crossing from Lake Hjälmaren. That the CSWS actually facilitated effective movements of people and displacement of bronzes is demonstrated particularly by a few bronze types. this system extends northwards towards River Dalaälv.198 three main east-west running routes that could be linked to each other at various points. we can see how the Mälar-Hjälmar channel is linked to the western part of the Roxen-TåkernVättern channel. At this time there is a zone with 12 Faardrup axes. chapt. Skåne and Halland C. the core of the CSWS is the three main channels linking Lake Vänarn to the east-coast. Although the latter would seem to be the best route for travel between the eastern coast and Lake Vättern. From Mälaren. River Eskilstunaån. But in this case too. It also demonstrates a close link between the two largest clusters around Mälaren and south of Lake Vänarn (cf.5). findings seem to indicate a southern overland crossing through the Falköping area. Even the distribution of type ID flint daggers draws a comparable network (cf. Map 16). This is referred to as the Mälar-Hjälmar Channel. isolated by the South Swedish Highlands from the southern main zone of distribution. this seems not to have been the case in the Bronze Age. In the case of socketed axes with extended necks. Thus.5). River Nyköpingså stretches 150km from the coast westwards to its source Lake Tisaren. the CSWS and the lowlands are isolated from the southern coast. South of Mälaren. Further east.

and could be seen as a link between the CSWS and the axe from Bjørnes and the awl from Døvingen (nr. and a northern Trysil/Klarälv route. It is tempting to make this a link in the network behind the largest known hoard of Ullerslev spears. Map 14). Three of them are highlighted by Bronze Age findings: a southern MangenFoxen-Östebosjön route. A complete mould for tanged daggers and sickles was found near Klarälv. 3. From Jösseforsviken in Glafsfjord. chapt. This is the place. where River Glomma makes a sharp turn westwards. A Faardrup axe was found by the rapids Stälpet on Jösseälv (Old 2627). The axe from Stälpet is the most likely link between the Faardrup axes of the CSWS and Skåne on the one hand and those from NW Scandinavia on the other. River Jösseälv can be followed up to Lake Nysockensjön. The Mangen-Foxen-Östebosjön route: An extremely long spearhead of Ullerslev type was found at sea at 2m depth. Dalsland C. and follow River Noreälv into Lake Hugn and then River Vrånsälv north to Lake Vingeren at the edge of River Glomma. 359.199 is therefore: to what degree can the CSWS be extended westwards towards the Central Zone? Beginning at Lake Vänarn. Old 2617). It is in fact the nearest finding outside of the western zone (cf. 245. Lelång and Laxsjön. From Östebosjön it would have been possible to reach Lake Foxen via Lakes Åklang. and cross over to River Glomma near the BA III hoard from Steinerud. From Lake Nysockensjön it is possible to enter Lake Askesjön. In cases of high water. The hoard from Steinerud contained a socketed axe with Y-ornament (group 3 in this study) and an awl (Johansen 1993: nr. at Blia near . Råvarp. (Jacob-Friesen 1967: nr. Kongsvinger. in principle a direct western extension of the CSWS. River Glomma is in some cases. The Vrangsälv-Glafsfjord route: From Byviken in Lake Vänarn. 451. beginning in the south. 21). and possibly more often in prehistory than today. from Svenes in the west (hoard 17). Glomma runs over its south bank at this place and flows into Lake Vingersjø just south of the bend. there are several riverine routes leading towards Glomma in the west. From Lake Foxen it would be possible to travel on smaller rivers to Lake Mangen. Let us take a look at each of them.10). Two flanged axes strengthen the idea of this route between Vänarn and Glomma: from Bastugärdet (Old 2636) and Djursgård (Old 2634). Accordingly. 3m out from the western shore of Ruvön in Lake Östebosjön. The Trysil/Klarälv route: From the northwestern shore of Lake Vättern it is possible to follow River Trysil/Klarälv 460km to its sources just south of Lake Femunden. River Byälven can be paddled through Harefjord and Lake Gilgabergsjön into the long Lake Glafsfjord. a central Vrangsälv-Glafsfjord route.

a flanged axe and a Valsømagle spearhead (Old 2840). chapt. This is the most likely link between the numerous “Mälar” axes in the CSWS and the single specimen from Hovde. 4. which is a short overland crossing away from Harbo/Vretaån. This mould has features in common with the mould from Slottsvik. are highlighted by early bronze findings. rapids and overland crossings. Old 2628). the smaller River Bjöklingeån. i. a central Trysil/Klarälv route and a northern Dalälv route. The Blia mould is accordingly an interresting contemporary paralell to the Slottsvik mould in BA IV. and the low flanged axe from Lima (Old 2872). and that the CSWS could be extended westwards to Glomma and the highlands around Lakes Femunden and Aursunden. and another crossing away from River Dalälv. East of Lake Vänarn.5).e. Together these indicate that the Ullerslev spear from Fiskvik and possibly also from Sørnesje on the west coast were procured via the Fyrisån-Dalälv route (cf. Consequently. the Dalälv routes: Two routes northwards from Mäleren. and further downstream River Harbo/Vretaån comes the hoard from Torslunda. The socketed axe with Y-ornament from Torgård (Old 2873).. through Rivers Fyrisån and Örsundaån. Clearly. A somewhat atypical Faardrup axe from Mällersta (Old 2816). indicates a crossing between River Trysil/Klarälv and the western Dalaälv river. we glimpse three main routes into the CSWS from the west. there is a long way from the west coast to these gateways to the CSWS. but also BA V. a southern Glomma-Vänarn route.200 Munkfors (Boudou 1960: 230. Boudou 1960: 47). River Dalaälv is also marked by an Ullerslev spear from Store Skedvi (Old 2874). Hedmark C. Although it is difficult to asses the resistance in the above riverine routes in practical detail. Map 13). (Johansen 1981: 22). The type of sickle cast in the Blia mould are dated mainly to BA IV. However. both from Dalarna C. the CSWS extends through several rivers north towards River Dalaälv. was found not far from this route. One of the potential crossings between Rivers Fyrisån and Harbo/Vretaån. River Örsundaån leads northwards to Vansjön.4. I believe the distribution of relevant bronzes support the idea of water-transport. such as numbers of falls. is marked by a type Ullerslev spear from Solvallen (Old 2865). indicate that River Västerdalälv was a route used between the western and eastern coasts. (cf. it could also have been used in combination with Rivers Kolbäcksån or Arbogaån in order to reach Lake Hjälmaren or the eastern end of Mälaren. with a Faardup axe. Nord-Trøndelag C. and in one case BA III (cf. The socketed axe variant “Mälar” from Ljørdalen. .

into Lakes Slidrefjord and Strandafjord.l. from Sperillen. e. Begna runs into Lake Sperillen at 152-55 m. with evidence of Bronze casting. Lake Tyin lies in the high alpines and a number of paths leading eastwards are available. Along Sperillen there are one or two more potential crossovers to Lake Randsfjord. From here the path runs through more sloping and open terrain through valley Tyedalen to the shores of Lake Tyin. means that one has to pass Lake Randsfjord. and on top of this first step lies Skrivarhellaren. and meats River Randselv coming out from Randsfjord. River Begna enters the falls of Hønefoss. The Etna-route is marked by Stone Age rock art of the hunters’ type on the shore besides the rapids Møllerstufossen (Mandt & Lødøen 2005: 270).a.a. This might have been done in cases when River Begna was large and difficult to paddle.s. and I will explore a few of the more likely alternatives.a.2. Southern Central Zone. in Hardangerfjord and Sognefjord.l. a likely second-day journey. via Lakes Bygdin and Vinstri and down into the major River Lågen.l.a.2 From the fjords to the CSWS There are numerous paths from the coast to the central highlands from each of the main fjords. The southern alternative would go from Lake Tyin into Lake Vangsmjøsi and down to Lake Slidrefjord and River Begna. The bronzes from Lomen. was part of the Årdalsfjord. 1-2 days walks.201 8.a. via Lake Torolmen to its source Lake Tyin at 1080 m. and would have been the easternmost part of the large Sognefjord (Prescott 1991a: 12-13). From here. Svenes and Bø clearly demonstrate the nodal position of the Begna route.s.l. Before the LIA. The first major hindrance here is the climb down from Lake Tyin at 1080 to Lake Vangsmjøsa at 466 m. The first part through valley Moadalen is steep up to 790 m. are steep and mostly between 30-60km long. the rock shelter from Skrivarhellaren with thick deposits from LN to EIA. Here Begna passes the rapids of Eidsfoss.e.a. Lake Årdalsvatn at 3 m.s.s. Map 17. One of the main alternatives would be a northern route.s.g. Årdalsfjord: The paths from the fjord-bottoms up to the alpines in the southern part of the Central Zone. hoard 13). Getting into River Glomma and the CSWS via River Begna. On the latter stretch lies Bagn and a chance to make a short overland crossing over to River Etna that runs into Randsfjord at 134 m.s. Finally. From Vangsmjøsa Begna continues southwards through the rapids of Ryfoss.l. Årdalsfjord makes an interesting case since there is ample evidence for the use of this route in the Bronze Age. i. The Avlund hoard might indicate one route used between Vinstri to Lågen (cf. then it continues through the rapids of Faslefoss into Aurdalsfjord. From the end of Lake Årdalsvatn a path runs eastwards along River Tya. This is well suited as a first-night stop when arriving from the fjord.l. and .

3). and none of them are close parallels to those of the Central Zone. It is also of interest to take a look at the area just north of Lake Tyrifjord. and this would ensure .s. both leading into Glomma at Fetsund. In BA VI the Vestby hoard parallels the disc-headed pins found in the Vikedal hoard and the spiral neck-ring from Støle. Still.a. the clear-cut CSWS BA III type socketed axe with Y-ornament from Seim.s.a. an area that is likely to have been rather densely populated. Sandnesenget and Tomsvik. the Mindelheim sword from Lekve. It would also be possible to bypass Randsfjord by using the crossing at Bagn. at least in BA V-VI.l.l. From the rest of the Bronze Age there are few findings from this area. The best candidates would be from the southeastern shores of Lake Randsfjord and cross into the smaller rivers of either Leira or Hakadal-Nitte.a. such a shift would have had consequences for the Central Zone south of Årdalsfjord and particularly south of Sognefjord. the closest parallel to the one from Raknes (chapt.a. 5.l. 4. Even Randsfjord and Mjøsa could be bypassed. both in Hordaland C.5). the southern part of the Central Zone accessed bronzes from the CSWS: the BA II and III hoards from Svenes and Bø. strengthening the idea of close relations with the Central Zone (cf. Regardless of which route is used to access Lake Randsfjord. by passing Hønefoss and follow River Randselv upstream into Randsfjord at 131-4 m. closely related to the Håheim-Steine type axes – particularly to the axes from Steine in Aurland valley to the immediate south of Årdal valley. further east between the rivers Leira and Hakadal/Nitte. This indicates that western travellers had dealings with people at the southeastern shores of Lake Randsfjord. While Lake Tyrifjord lies at 63 m. Clearly. and extend the crossing to Lake Mjøsa. from BA VI. the hoard from Vikedal and the spearhead from Tjelflot.l. the BA IV moulds from Nyhamar and Skjeldestad. In BA II. In BA I there is the flanged axe from Skalstad. In BA V there is a pair of lures from Rossum and several tanged swords comparable to those from Ulstein.202 this is the last chance to do so. and Randsfjord at 134m.. This might indicate that the preferred routes shifted from the southernmost Begna-route to northern routes crossing into Randsfjord or Glomma. to the east of these lakes. there is the cult axe from Åmot.s. chapt. but none of them comparable to western axes.3. These overland crossings would pass through an area with a cluster of bronzes (Johansen 1981): In BA I there are the flanged axes from Morstad and Grumstad. There is also the axe-shaped slate pendant from Bjørkebakken. if one travels by boat now a more significant overland crossing has to be made. the terrain rises above 300 m.s. the Ananino spearhead from Luster. and one that had to be passed through by travellers using the full Begna-route. These routes went through thinly populated areas except for the southern part of Randsfjord and around Mjøsa.

But also vessels of wood and birch-bark and iron ingots from Lesja are mentioned. The cluster of Bagterp type spearheads and a Wohlde sword from the Mjøsa area in BA I might be an indication of attempts to intercept Central Zone-CSWS journeys. as along many others in this area.a. For this reason easterners often stored goods bought at the market at Veblungsnes. After the two-days journey on foot from the fjord. Eidefossen. One of the rapids on this stretch. For BA long-distance travellers it would be possible to paddle the 10km long Lake Lesjavatn. Mid Central Zone.l.s. In recent history there was a large marketplace Veblungsnes at Rauma-estuary. as well as salt and horses from the coast (ibid: 79. From the estuary of River Rauma a path winds 40km up the steep Bjørneklev (“Bear-climb”) to Stuguflåtten. then it continues another 30km as River Vorma. From Vormsund it would be possible to paddle upstream Glomma and make a crossing into the CSWS. a likely two-days journey.a. is marked with hunters’ rock art from the Stone Age. before continuing in a calmer terrain 28km to the source of Rauma. the highest altitude on this route is no more than 610 m.l.a. While other routes typically cross altitudes above 900-1000 m. 106.a. the lures from Rossum and the cult-axe from Åmot could be seen as indications of large scale rituals that also involved guests from the west.a. No doubt they paddled these waters since the carvings are located at a block in the midst of the rapids (Mandt & Lødøen 2005: 274). Lake Lesjavatn at 611 m. The Romsdal-Lesja has historically been one of the most travelled paths between west and east (Standal 1996b: 106pp). possibly under East-Jutish influence. before finally joining River Glomma at Vormsund. Thus.s. at Lake Mjøsa..l. It seems clear that the pack-horse and horse-sledge were crucial in the historical long-distance trade along this route. and of avoiding overland crossings through the southeastern centres. The goods traded were mainly fish from the coast for cereals from the interior. it might have been an issue of safe-guarding the journey and the cargo. In the 17th century 3-4000 pack-horses passed down this path in early October each year. it seems clear that pack-horses were used because there was still no snow. Although it was considered a winter-market. On the other hand.s. and returned for them by horse and sledge around Christmas when there was ample snow (ibid: 106).. at Lake Lesjaskog to 120 m.l.s. 112).203 that all overland crossings into Glomma were made through unpopulated highlands or forests to the north. The first part of this route descends from 611 m. From the lake runs River Lågen 204km into the 117km long Lake Mjøsa.s.l. there is . Romsdalsfjord: One of the most comfortable routes across the mountain-plateau was from Romsdalsfjord across Lesja.

and then through a maritime link to Mälaren.a. but also as a major crossroad.204 potentially a 360km long water-path available for the daring rafter. particularly to the Bronze Age. Sandvik 1987). This situates the many early carvings at Leirfall. the Trondheimsfjord area has been linked through overland routes in two directions. One likely route between Stjørdal and the CSWS would be: along River Sona through valley Sona to its source Lake Sonavatn at 389 m. this area would have been not merely important as a rein-deer habitat. and that it was relatively isolated from the rest of the CSWS as well as from the Central Zone.. much travelled by kings as well as pilgrims (Selnes 1997. it would seem that Stjørdal.l. The sea level at the estuary of River Stjørdal is estimated to have been 20m higher than at present at the beginning of the BA. Hegre. across the highlands to the east coast. but this would mean that Stjørdal was linked mainly to the northwestern corner of the CSWS. it would be possible to reach Lake Aursunden at 684-90 m.a. Stjørdal and Verdal included. and proceed to Lake Essandsjø at 706-29 m. was linked to the CSWS through southeastern. across a series of small lakes.. In my opinion.s.s. Bjørngård. and thus a 470km long path from Romsdalsfjord to the Glomma-bend. along with the rest of Trondheimsfjord. The other is the east-west routes between particularly Stjørdal and Verdal in the west and the Swedish Counties Jämtland and Härjedalen in the east (e. and then across the mountains Storskarven and Nautfjellet to Lake Lødølasjøen.l. Clearly. it is likely that the fjord reached all the way to Forra-estuary (Sognnes 2001a: 38pp. This is somewhat problematic to transfer back into prehistory.l.a. Stjørdal: Historically. It would seem that the Trondheimsfjord area. Kil). the source of River Glomma. procured very little bronze via these routes. From here one could stick to the highlands east of Finnkoisjøn. fig. From the highlands around Lake Aursjøen there would be easy access to Rivers Dalälv. interior routes. Kollandsrud 1997).s. Ingstad.. but instead from the CSWS in a southeastern direction. with many figures paralleled in Sweden. From here. making it difficult to reconstruct the landscape. Trysil/Klarälv as well as Glomma. Northern Central Zone. The sites in the valley further east are dominated by horses and footprints and these are all considered to be late carvings (Fordal. and 15m at the end of the BA. 8). One is the north-south routes between the medieval centre of Nidaros (modern Trondheim) and Oslo. Although dramatic changes such as land-slides have occurred since the Bronze Age. The Stjørdal area with its numerous rock art panels.g. This is certainly a possibility. and Ydstines at the northern banks of a fjord. might have been linked through Stjørdal-valley. The above route from Stjørdal to Lake Aursunden is also interesting since it passes no less than .

415km from Årdalsfjord to the Glomma-bend. and 440km from Orkla estuary to the Glomma-bend. 450km from Romsdalsfjord to the Glomma-bend. There are significant differences between boats made entirely from wood. even if the boat had to be carried past rapids and from one river to the next. and both put demand on quality edge-tools. they can be given metrical estimates: c. From the Glomma-bend to Lake Vänarn there are c.3 The Central Zone-CSWS journeys Although a poor estimate of the character of the Central Zone-CSWS journeys. both planked or dug-outs. large parts of these routes could be paddled in a southeastward direction at a much higher speed. timber for boats would still have been confined to the fjords and low-land valleys. The southern part of the Trondheimsfjord. Probably. the heavier. and via Gaula and Orkla one could also choose a southern route and cross into the Lågen-channel. Clearly. Straight trees of high quality. Both types are time consuming in terms of cutting wood. and with large diameter are necessary in order to make a dug-out or the keel-stem and planks for a composite wooden vessel. tied together by . Gilså Gruve and Lillefjell Gruve (cf also Melheim 2009).205 three historical copper mines: Dronningens Gruve. If we calculate 30km a day by foot.2. Dug-outs are heavy. to the highlands around Aursunden. Gaula and Orkla. would have had shorter routes into the CSWS. short vessel. it is rather unlikely that travellers returned to the highlands with boats. A small vessel for crossing one of the tributaries that run across the Orkla valley. Historically. 270km and 9 more days. the dug-out in particular. it would take between 14-15 days to reach the Glomma-bend from the western fjords18. for crossing the many tributaries into Orkla River. can be made in large and small scales according to its purpose and the materials at hand. could probably have been made from a single moose skin stretched around a simple framework made from thin branches of birch. these lay permanently throughout the year at these crossings. Although trees grew at higher altitudes in the Bronze Age than today. On the other hand. and the poorer the quality of the wood. That Central Zone-CSWS routes were asymmetric in this way might be significant. Let us take a closer look at travelling by boat. and this is one advantage of wooden boats. c. dug-outs (Øskje) were used on the paths through Orkla valley. on the one hand and boats made from wood with a skin-cover on the other. 8. Both types are also difficult to make in small scale: a rather big tree is still needed for making a small. The skin boat on the other hand. along Rivers Nea. and 620km from Gaula-estuary via Trysil/Klarälv to Lake Vänarn.

and steering down rapids in the rivers east of the highlands. the type of boat or the topography might prevent the loaded boat to be hauled. rather than leaving the vessel or bringing it along. moose or reindeer could have been hunted for new covers for the boats as well as for food.1. The ingredients for skin boats. The heavy cargo is accordingly a significant addition to a moving assembly. but rather the problem of a large crew having to move in synchrony along steep and narrow paths from the fjords to the alpines. even up to several kilometers. it could be assembled and only the cover might be carried. the lightweight boat type 2 built on a Hjortspring principle could also have been carried. And. As the cargo increases the weight might reach a point at which the boat with cargo on board can not be carried by the crew. The small and relatively simple boat type 1b (cf. If so. there are several alternatives when it comes to boats in the CSWS journeys launched from the west: 1. Clearly. could be found at both low and high altitudes. The problem would not be the weight in itself.3). were activities thoroughly embedded in projects of long-distance journeys to the east. On top of this comes the added weight of the cargo itself. When it comes to boat journeys with such light boats the number and length of landcrossings is only problematic if there is a significant cargo on board. and the crew must return for the boat. Were boats carried from the fjord across the alpines? 2. In this case the skin boat would have been a lot more manageable. Were boats stored in the alpines or beyond? 3.206 twigs or skin. as there would have been few persons per boat and only 14 kg or less per crew member to carry. and the weight. It could have been used for different purposes: along the coast. most likely activities performed away from lowland settlements. Thus. the boat must be unloaded. could easily have been made from seal along the coast. and weight per person increases. characteristic of the Central Zone. either small and simple or large and complex. joints and impregnating the hide.1 and 8. and the cargo carried on foot. chapt. A large cargo means that there is space for fewer crew-members. moose and deer in the lowlands and reindeer in the highlands. In the hunt primarily targeted for more precious hides and furs. and it might inflict on the choice of paths and the duration of the . paddling the high alpine lake systems. With a boat type 1 with a skin-cover it would have been quite manageable to use many landcrossings. Were boats made in the alpines or beyond? It is likely that maintenance of boats. repairing frames. or putting on a fresh hide. with its mere 24kg per paddler. crossing a side-river while on foot. 5. but the skin boat might also have been carried unassembled or been made from scratch in the slopes east of the mountains.

it will be necessary to extend the westerners’ stays in the CSWS. 20 average sized Faadrup axes would amount to 20kg. and 2380 km from Lista to River Pasvik in the northeast (cf. skin. metal enough to make 70 flanged axes similar to the one from Håheim. chapt. in the case of a “boat-crew” assembly. do not make up more than insignificant weights that could be carried by a single person and carried with ease by a crew. the “North Way”. riverine paths with high cargo to the southeast. Even extreme scenarios of bronze displacements. intensified them and made the boat less relevant. possibly 200-300 kg. the bypassing of 500m of rapids makes little difference to the duration of the journey. Possibly. Consequently. During the EBA only the boat and cattle as pack-animals were able to displace large cargos into the CSWS. paddling 55km a day19. pitch-wheels etc. by a straight route in the open waters. 8. the . With favourable conditions. In order to also bring in knowledge of funeral-traditions and metallurgical knowledge. weights are likely to have been of an entirely different scale. while in the case of a “boat-cargo-crew” assembly such a bypassing would implicate unloading and loading. Assuming that the return-cargo was bronze. E. Considering the plan for an escape and the aim of the second strategy (cf. I find it likely that if such cargoes were brought all the way into the CSWS. and walking back and forth the 500m stretch. The large hoard from Svenes which might have originally contained as many as 30 spearheads. and more time-consuming.207 journey. 1. Potential western commodities are all relatively high bulk: fur.3.3): is this a scenario of displacement that is in accordance with the data analysed in part I? Are such journeys needed or sufficient in order to account for the displacement of metal into NW Scandinavia? If some of the above journeys are extended not merely to the edge of the CSWS but to the rock art centres at the eastern edge. Map 19). in early history. would have weighed no more than 5kg. Maritime journeys along the North Way “Norway” originates from the area’s status as the maritime route to the arctic. they had to be large.g. I believe it is a workable scenario that is able to bring bronzes and rock art motives into the Central Zone. soapstone. snow-technologies introduced from the Taiga and the horse changed the nature of these journeys during the Bronze Age. or even include people in the return cargo. overland paths with small cargo to the northwest.3. there might be a relationship between the character of the paths and the character of the cargos working in resonance in the Bronze Age: speedy. There are totally 1580 km from Lista in the south to Tjeldsund in Lofoten.

The waters outside Lista: This is the maritime gateway to the western coast from the south. 22. including those outside the Lista peninsula. I assume that the slightly warmer temperatures and the often higher sea-levels during the Bronze Age did not radically change these features (cf. It is important to acknowledge that although it is an entirely flat and even path compared to the interior. some waters have gained a reputation as particularly harsh and dangerous. Kvalø 2007: 65pp. or more precisely. unprotected coastline (ibid: 67). Less skilled. there are rough waters north of Sira estuary.l.1 Barriers and bypassings Historically. But this coast is. I trust that these have not changed the main characteristics of the North Way. Kvalø 2007: 65). It is relatively heavily guarded by harsh waters. I will explore these feared stretches and the routes that bypass them. would have been a protected fjord or lagoon behind the reef and accessed through present day River Orreåna. Historically as well as in modern times. and potentially also in other relevant features. The waters outside northern Jæren: From Eigerøy to Jæren Reef there is a 56km long stretch of naked. or overland routes across short isthmuses. For coastal traffic. These areas are marked on Map 19.).e. Horpestadvatn and Ergavatn on 4 m. tides and waves. for navigators coming either along the coast from the east or across Skagerrak from Jutland. currents. some of the most dangerous waters might be avoided by overland crossings. i. Although there has been changes in sea-levels. along with potential overland bypassings. it is also a very heterogeneous path. In the Bronze Age the Lakes Orrevatn. 45km stretch without protective islands.. But from . In the mind of these navigators. more protected routes. mainly because of shifting winds. This would have been the only significant harbour on the 78km between Hafrsfjord and Eigerøy. The waters north of Jæren Reef are particularly difficult because of the shallow banks outside the coast. and from here to Eigerøy there is a c. it often is a highly demanding path. Below. and the journey from Lista to Pasvik 43 days. Still. The weapon-axe from Hove and the sword from Eia both demonstrate the importance of a lengthy land-route that bypasses this stretch. the coast might seem significantly longer than a 48 days journey. fig. shipwrecks along the North Way have clustered in areas with particular difficult and dangerous seas (Den Norske Los 1: 199pp.a.208 journey from Lista to Tjeldsund would take 29 days. less daring or less wellequipped navigators will attempt to bypass these stretches by using longer. A wide arch will trouble voyages to western Jutland. 8. This is how long the coast would be in the mind of daring and highly competent navigators.s.3. most navigators.

s. This could be achieved by a crossing through the area of Bore.209 this lagoon it would also be possible to make overland crossings in order to bypass the waters north of the reef (cf. These are dangerous waters but mainly to those voyaging by the outer waters. before a second overland crossing 6. The first alternative along Skassvatnet is strongly suggested by the early bronzes from Hole. then across Lura or Stangaland to Gandsfjord. Sletta is rather limited in its spatial extension.l. The large rock art centre of Åmøy also seems better located for such a route. Grude and Kleppe into River Figgjo and then either 1) cross into the now drained Lake Skassvatnet reaching in an arch from Voll to Soma.l. These occur as a result of heterogeneous topography at the bottom. Compared to some of the other dangerous stretches along the coast. This stretch too might be bypassed by using one of three likely . Stokka and Tjelta (nr. and down to the fjord. The peninsula of Stadt is famous for the rough waters outside its coast. Both Karmsund and Sletta can be bypassed by inner protected routes. The cult-axes from Lunde might indicate the importance of this crossing in BA II.s. When coming via an inner route from the south. or 2) follow Figgjo upstream. 385. One such crossing would be 8km across from Sandeidfjord to Ølen with a maximum altitude of 60 m. a 2km crossing from Vatsfjord to Lake Vatsvatn at 15 m. Shallow banks in combination with winds from the SW to NW bring waves from the North Sea into collision with coastal currents. and make a land crossing over Sandnes to Gandsfjord. and make journeys around Stadt difficult.a. BA III findings in the Hafrsfjord area mark the two southern land crossings and entrances to this fjord: across Risavika-Haga and Solavika-Sola. and there are safe harbours at each end as well as in the middle. Here the vessel could be paddled 6km. could be made. also Map 30). The waters outside Stadtlandet: Between Karmsund and Stadt it would be possible to travel along protected routes.l. 401. These short distances would make it easier to plan the journeys and to make them in good weather only. The dangerous seas outside Sognefjord could also be bypassed by paddling east of the many islands.a. the dangerous stretch is limited to the narrow Stadt peninsula itself. Voll. 390. 415). Alternatively. The rise of Karmsund in BA III signals the importance of the outer direct sea-route.s. and it indicates that the waters of Sletta were conquered on a regular basis.a. The waters north of Karmsund – Sletta: All journeys that pass through Karmsund will face the rough seas at Sletta just north of Karmsund.8km across marshes and altitudes of 45 m. and rough seas increase when waves collide with tidal currents (Den Norske Los 1: 202). from 2m to 250m depths.

One isolated Mesolithic round axe from Stakanes diabaze (Map 4). From here one would have to cross 6. For a crew carrying a light-weight paddled vessel. 8. it might have been preferable to use a western route involving a series of lakes at altitudes from 10-50 m. Here it would be possible to launch the vessel and paddle 6.l. Clearly some groups navigated these waters in the Stone Age.a.l. The only candidate for bypassing Folla would have been through Trondheimsfjord into Beitstadfjord.210 overland crossings.2km over marshes down to Lake Nåsavatn with direct access to the sea. is the most likely candidate.s. Fræneidet.l.s. slate projectiles decorated with transverse lines are clustered here (Map 6). The crossing over Mannseidet is c.l. And west of this lays a third alternative at Dragseidet which is highlighted by a BA cairn with coffin and an asbestos-tempered pot from Drage (B 4708. The shortest and innermost at Mannseidet is highlighted by the mould from Eide (M 14). Ågotnes 1986: 95 nr. Bakka 1976: Pl.a. type V in particular. The waters outside Hustad – Hustadvika: Again. In this case several short crossings are available nearby. This route would involve a 1km trip to Lake Litlevatnet at 47 m.s. The worst scenarios occur when high waves from the North Sea collide with the shallow banks as well as with coastal currents and outwards running tidal currents from the fjords. shallow banks and waves coming straight in from the North Sea create a highly dangerous stretch.7km via Lake Skellbreia and Lake Langevatn at 43 and 38 m. the last one before the final cluster in Lofoten to the far north (Map 8). Of all the dangerous stretches along the coast this is the most extensive spatially.a. There are 25km across . It is also distinguished in that it does not offer alternative inner routes or short overland bypassings.a. and across either Namdalseid or through Lake Snåsavatn.l. and there are axe-shaped slate pendants type 4 (Map 10).s. might be the reason for the rough climate in this area (Den Norske Los 1: 199). it might be of interest to list those categories that are found. as well as fluted and perforated slate projectiles (Map 7).a. Further west is another potential but more strenuous crossing across Sandvikseidet. 13km long. this is perhaps the most interesting maritime barriere along the coast. 4). and particularly in the MNb-LN. The waters outside Fosen: The west coast of the Fosen peninsula is unprotected from waves from the North Sea. This crossing could probably be done in a day.s. there is a concentration of LN II flint daggers. Dragseidet involves a crossing 5km long and a maximum altitude of 220 m. 3km long and involves a maximum altitude of 192 m. In light of many of the maps presented here. The extreme depths of 300-500m just outside the coast. Since many of the common western categories are lacking on this stretch.

From Ørlandet down to Hustadvika and Kornstadfjord there are 146km.5 days journey to Namseid. Lista is comparable to Fosen in that the stretch is long if not continuous.5km trip via Lake Gladsevatnet and marshes at 25 m. Using the outer route around Stadt would involve a day’s journey .6).211 Namdalseid. it would be possible to launch a small vessel on River Ferja running the remaining 18-19km to the coast. and could be avoided by using relatively short overland crossings further in. Here it would be possible to launch a vessel and follow River Raudhylla 5 km down to River Sanddøla running 16km down into River Namsen. and 2. The route via Namsen is clearly longer. In stead of following Namsen to the coast it could be followed northwards.6km crossing up to Lake Raudsjøen at 202 m.a. Compared to this Hustad and Stadt were short stretches that could be bypassed swiftly and safely through short overland crossings. and with few effective bypassings available.l. After a 6. there would be a 1. Circumventing Fosen would thus take 3 extra days and involve dealings with settled groups at both ends of the overland crossing. The outer maritime route outside Hustad is 32km. The journey from Nærøysund to Ørlandet would be 3 days effective paddling.5 more days in protected waters to Ørlandet. a day’s journey (0. 2 of them through potentially very difficult waters.).2 Travelling the North Way Although it is difficult to assess the specific challenges to Bronze Age navigation along the North Way.7). From Julsund to Vanylvgapet there are 147km. it would seem that Fosen represented the most significant challenge south of Varanger: the dangerous stretch of water is long.l. Lake Snåsavatn was until the end of the Stone Age a fjord and thus a northeastern extension of Trondheimsfjord (Stafseth 2006: 49pp.3. it is continuous and it can only be bypassed through a significant overland crossing. Sletta north of Karmsund is a difficult but short stretch. The difficult stretches outside Sognefjord could also be avoided by using a protected route. The cluster of bronzes in the inner part of Trondheimsfjord ought to be seen in light of the position of this area as the only alternative to a hazardous maritime journey outside Folla. 8. is a stretch that is difficult to bypass. on the other hand. Jæren.s. In the Bronze Age there would still have been easy access through River Snåsa into the lake and thus almost to the Namsen river system. a 3 days journey. or 3 days journey (2. From the end of Lake Snåsavatn there would be a 11. a two days overland crossing. Finally. Finally. Namsen could be followed 48km to the sea.. and when it was used it might have been because of its proximity to interior highlands and water-routes. and the alternative overland bypassing across Fræneidet would also involve a day’s journey.a. Alternatively.s.

and the core-print on the Grøtavær mould. A bypassing across Mannseidet (3km) or Dragseidet (5km) would be both safer and more effective. Thus. a day’s journey.4). or 65km and a day more to Orrelagoon. The first seven days intensive paddling takes the crew 393 km to Sildagapet through a rather daring route across open stretches of water. The first Nordic bronzes north of Rana (from BA IV). They cross Stadtlandet at Mannseidet and start paddling from Vanylvgapet the 8th day. and accordingly 28 days from Åmøy to Tjeldsund. 40 days away from home. An even more extreme journey all the way to Pasvik River would have added 15 days.212 in potentially very dangerous waters (33km). from the centre in Sunnhordaland and Karmsund to Tjeldsund. . 5. or 6. From Karmsund to Tangenes there are 47km. A scenario for BA III expeditions might be sketched: gathering at Åmøy and launching the expedition at dawn. chapt. would take 16 days after crossing Hustadvika. 7.5 days effective paddling. and enters Julsund on the 11th day. adding the return pluss a week stay in Beitsad. From Sildagapet there are 300km to Titleneset. a Åmøy-Beitstad journey of 16days.8. in both planked and skin-covered vessels. cf. And. amounts to a total of c. On the 13th day they start the last leg and reach Tonnes-Holan on the 16th day. a hypothetical BA IV-V extreme journey from Boknafjord to Tjeldsund. In BA IV in particular it is difficult to discern a middle-man situated at Beitstad or Namsfjord. This link is supported by the collars from Tennevik and Trondenes possibly cast in Jutish foundries. was one of the crucial features in the prehistory of NW Scandinavia throughout the LN and BA. and I suggest that we here glimpse some of the most extreme maritime expeditions along the North Way.3 days to Karmsund (346km). the stud from Bø and the reported razor from Pasvik. This means that under ideal climatic conditions a journey between Boknafjord and Beitstad could be completed in less than 20 days. One alternative scenario would involve direct interaction of southern and northern boat crews somewhere in between. all point to the North Way and Northern Jutland (Map 15). the sword from Vinje. On the 12th day they cross Hustadvika. In conclusion. in BA V (Map 16. using the direct route outside Fosen. the 32 days journey (with return) between Trondheimsfjord and Boknafjord.

4 The final act of displacement I have now arrived at the final act of displacement. construction work and farming). to such a degree that it is difficult to assess what kind of associations were present at the time of deposition. through human activities (cultivation. Thus. for the well being of themselves.). Those acts of deposition that did not involve a dead human and a burial structure. Kristiansen 1987: 43. archaeologists often brand as ritual acts with a focus on the “collective” aspects of society. It is not that I have arguments that hoarding was not collective. For what purpose were the missing pieces intended? The fragments from Skrivarhellaren also indicate that complex artefacts were broken with the intention to remelt them. there is hardly any evidence for trade in bronze as bars in the Nordic Bronze Age. Moreover. and in both cases these bodies might have acted on behalf of themselves or others. In fact. I am very much in doubt whether there was a single person or a large group present at these scenes – but in both cases the displacement was made by hands attached to individual bodies. 8. In many cases we have very little information on the exact place and circumstances of the discovery of bronze artefacts. Let us take a look at how bronzes ended their co-existence with humans in the Bronze Age. in many cases the finder reported features of the spot that are of interest to us. Typically. and I assume .213 8. chapt 1). in many cases in which such information is present these places has changed significantly since the Bronze Age. Vandkilde 1996: 276p. or natural processes. I hesitate to acknowledge this division. although it is ritualized and concerned with the super-human. but rather “natural” things like water or stone. and I will attempt to explore what kind of new webs that were made at this final act of displacement. it is rather that the collective/hoard-individual/burial dichotomy is based on such a weak foundation that it should not occupy such a central position in our reasoning – it has become a too dominating short-cut of the social in Bronze Age archaeology (cf. In fact.4. many bronzes have been found simply ”in the ground”. Still. someone else or a larger group. is necessarily a collective act. mainly because I do not take for granted that a deposition in water.1 Recycling The broken flanged axes from the Central Zone make an interesting case (see below). these acts of deposition have come to stand in direct opposition to those that placed bronze next to a corpse in a burial in a funeral celebrating the “indvidual” aspects of society (e.g. This was an act that brought bronze artefacts from one web or set of associations to another.

they were short-lived things. We might speculate that the owner of the Helleve axe managed to shorten his axe this much through a life with many wood-working projects. repaired or broken. e. but none of them seem to have come even close to this limit. These are differences that archaeologist are trained to sift out. clay. This is in fact a rare feature: none of the socketed axes and only a few of the flanged axes (some of the Oldendorf axes from Jæren) have such clear signs of heavy re-sharpening. and then into a new artefact. at different stages in their biographies. charcoal and forced air.2 The condition of bronzes There are differences among bronze artefacts. This would indicate that the owners of most of the other preserved axes participated in significantly fewer wood-working projects. These tasks are likely to have been solved by the socketed axe as there are no other likely candidates preserved. bows etc. Many artefacts must therefore have ended their biographies in a melt-down. or that they did not use their axes very long before depositing them. I will restrict myself to a few cases that I find particularly interesting. This might indicate that socketed axes were rarely life-long companions. It is possible to discern that artefacts were removed from the world of humans. enabling frequent acts of recycling or deposition and demanding constant access to bronze to be added in each recycling or access to new axes. such as the making of houses. 8. and typically ignored when it comes to typological comparison. But some of the differences are due to what they were exposed to between their making and their deposition. . Still.409) seem to have been radically shortened most likely through extensive wood-working and resharpening. from the age of 15 to 50 years of age.214 that most if not all casting projects involved breaking up artefacts of the categories and types known from the Nordic Zone and recycling them (Engedal 2009: 38). fire-wood. Some of these differences are simply due to variations in their making and some are the result of corrosion or other post-deposit processes. And through this transformation they might also have been merged with pieces from other artefacts (ibid). and their final contextual webs were in this way not really final – they entered first into fire. Compared to flanged axes and paalstaves. hafts. and that they were not intended as such. The paalstaves from Helleve (nr. from still not having seen action to worn.408) and Time (nr. boats. there was much wood-working to be done in BA III-VI. There are clearly limits to how much a socketed axe can be resharpened. heat. a total of 35 years. ploughs.4.g. specific features that are not taken into account by typological definitions.

That broken specimens cluster in . (former Västergötland C.20 These axes are not heavily corroded and the damages were clearly made in the Bronze Age. Both types of mishaps are common and both would result in distinctly rounded. and a stone-hammer tends to make markings on the flanges.215 There is a peculiar concentration of broken flanged axes in the Central Zone in BA I (nr. each part becomes slightly bent. Håheim (nr. Although inconclusive. in one of two ways. If heated to orange the axe can be broken easily without bending it. as the metal poured after the hiatus fails to weld into the first (Ammen 2000: 9pp. leaving the neck in the crucible with the edge up and away from the heat-centre. but some appear to be a bit too rounded. These simulations also demonstrated that even if one manages to break an axe in this way. This means that the missing necks from the Kvåle. I arrive at the following: either the axes are to be seen as flawed castings. But in these cases the face of the fracture is covered with sharp points like icebergs. 394). 392-395. It is highly unlikely that such axes would break during axing. and the phenomenon seems to be particularly common in Sweden. Since none of the axes are bent and there are no such markings.g. the axe is broken but complete. Steine and Lomen might never have existed at all. and that the complete but divided axe from Håheim was not broken but disintegrated from birth. or they were intentionally distorted by use of heat prior to deposition. An interrupted pour involves a stop in the pour. there are four more from the eastern lowlands. it will break with a slight blow and with less bending. I have simulated such cases. The first involves flawed procedures well-known to modern founders: short-pour and interrupted pour. both a heavy blow and a stabile mounting is necessary. Pouring short means simply that the amount of metal needed to fill the mould has been miscalculated. I am inclined to argue that these axes were damaged in a hot state. 401). 402). there is also the possibility that similar surfaces could have been made through a partial remelting of the axe. In one case. Smooth and rounded surfaces could only be achieved when bronze is close to molten. If a Håheim axe is heated to 4-500 ࢓ &. No microscopic studies of the fractures have been made. On the other hand. and I found that a tin-bronze axe shaped like the one from Håheim is very difficult to break. e. All fragments in the Central Zone are edge-parts except for Håheim that also contained the neck-part.). and to smooth for any of the above scenarios. and the mould is not filled. While only one of the flanged axes from the Southern Zone is broken (nr. will create a broken casting. To break it in a cold state. This is paralleled in three cases from eastern Västra Götaland C.). even if it is put in a solid mount and hit by a heavy sledge-hammer. Even a second or so interruption in the stream of molten metal into the mould. smooth surfaces.

but it is difficult in these cases to assess whether they were accepted and used in the Bronze Age. Farbregd & Beverfjord 2000). axes in particular. Spears and arrows are in fact not that rare from the alpines.. This reveals something about the concepts of flaw and success and the nature of a proper axe in these specific contexts.shaft and the rest of the socket was retrieved while the point was lost in the snow. have casting flaws. . Among the socketed axes the one from Indre Oppedal (nr. and the blunted. Clearly. hit something hard. in the slopes of Kaldafjell (nr.s. The decorated Smørumovre type spear from Kaldafjell was found by grouse hunters above 1000 m. in which a person sought after a bear. It might also have been a case of attack.216 specific areas. 1991. These damages could be explained by a hard blow at a slight angle to the point when the spearhead was mounted on a long and heavy wooden shaft. This also brings on the issue whether bronze spearheads in general were used for hunting. Aside from the questions of how and why a spear made in the Volga-Kama area came to this area. It is thus possible to see the bronze spearhead in light of this.. many of the deposited bronzes.l. might be seen as evidence of a custom of intentional destruction. 439) has a severe flaw on the socket. Information on the discovery is scarce. The extraordinary Ananino type spearhead from Sørheim in the alpines above Luster has two different damages. missed its target. but broken axes could on the other hand signal production areas as opposed to areas of distribution. but in this case the place is specified to ”Tynningane [. broke . It is tempting to see this spearhead in the same perspective: a spear was thrown. 298). and the flanged axe from Voll all have thoroughly pitted surfaces.. UBÅ 1952/2). Most of the IA projectiles found in the alpines are likely to have been projectiles that missed their targets during hunts and got buried in permanent snow or glaciers – some even have shafts and feathers intact (Farbregd 1972.. what kind of situation was this final act of deposition? It might have been an act of self-defence in which a traveller aimed at an attacking bear. ”in the high mountains/alpines above Sørheim [.] at a bare rock at the transition between Svartavatn and Myrkdalen” (B 10364. slightly bent point (nr.] at the edge of a snowdrift”. In fact a LIA arrowhead carries the same information: found ”in the mountains above Sørheim”. but they are generally from the IA. 332). Årekol and Tjelta. that it might have been found in the same area. The Faardrup axes from Kvanngardsnes. but it seems to have been sharpened and put to use. wolf. and that both were well preserved from their inclusion in permanent airtight snow. probably from the same incident: the fracture at the weakest point of this specific type of spearhead.a. reindeer or human. wolf or human.

i.433) and Sømme (nr. in screes. the axes from Krokan (hoard 4) and the chisel from Årnes (nr. the gold rings from Vikse (nr. Some cases specify bogs under crags. The large hoard from Skjerdalen (hoard 14) and the mould from Grøtavær (M 11) were also found by or near large boulders.359). 404) were found between two stones. steep rock formations or crags: the sword from Blindheim (nr.102). There are instances with two stones: the shaft-hole axe from Raknes (nr. by bedrock in the ground). the hoard from Erdalen (hoard 15). was rock in several variants: single large boulders.4. 394).e.217 8. but hidden by smaller stones and turf.255). and finally the Steine hoard (hoard 16) was found lying on top of a large stone.517).101) and Strand (nr. Several bronzes have been found in or by presumably natural aggregations of large and small stones. Tomsvik (nr. 7.3.g.371-374) and Ruskeneset (nr. The weapon-paalstave from Hove (nr.443. and this stone also removed with explosives. Many bronzes have also been found at the foot of larger. In a similar vein. and in or by formations of solid bed-rock. the Faardrup axe from Årekol (nr. groups of such boulders. farmers and explosives. 245). 405) was found underneath “some stones”. Ulstein (nr. Engedal 2010). screes: The swords from Lekve (nr. The bronzes from Trondenes (hoard 2). Several more discoveries were made underneath stones: the axe from Håheim (nr. the awl from Døving (nr. and the socketed axes from Revheim (nr. Skrivarhellaren (nr. Leiknes (nr. i. 519) under a small. The description of the discovery of the Støle ring argues specifically that the ring lay on a stone and that it would have been visible had it not been for the bog-sediments. and Vanvik (nr. 425) and the weapon-paalstave from Hauge (nr. The axe from Hiksdal was found in the soil underneath a round boulder 1m in diameter situated within an earthen mound on marshy terrain (nr. 486) and Sunndalen (nr. the mould from Slottsvik beside a smaller stone (M 2).151) and the mould from Eide (M 14). 323. the sword from Sandnesenget (nr. 516. in gravel). 254). Two discoveries involve large boulders.109).e. the latter deep in a bog. .8.248). the large hoard from Svenes (hoard 17) was found in a layer of charcoal underneath a large stone in a cultivated field. The stone was demolished by explosives and the axe was later discovered among the remains.3 Rock & water One significant non-human entity in the new webs that bronzes regularly entered. crags.296).375) were found in rock-shelters. the spearhead from Tjelflot (nr. flat stone.217). 416). e.253). and the hoard from Vikedal (hoard 21). the socketed axes from Ingdalen (nr. the spearhead from Hol (nr. the neck-ring from Støle (nr. chapt.

154) underneath a funnel shaped formation of stones on the bank of a river (cf.7. shallow water in small lakes or ponds that later became bogs.390) from Lake Skassvatn. 424). and Høilandsvatnet (nr. The socketed axe from Nes (nr.445) was found in the tidal belt but since the site lay just beneath a sand quarry the context is somewhat dubious.252). Thus.218 Some findings are reported to have been discovered in narrow cleavages in boulders or bedrocks: one of the axes from Blindheim (nr.). particularly in the Trøndelag area stem from or by rivers: the dagger from Borre by River Figgjo (nr. the spearheads from Lakes Orrevatnet (nr. In a single instance is bronze reported to have been found in close relation to saltwater and the sea. The mould from Randaberg (M 25) was found inside a large vitrified stone-block that was cleaved into three parts. 247) by Rivers Gautvella. and it is possible to discern different kinds of water.396) and the spear from Hoddøy (nr. The moulds from Nyhamar (hoard 19) were found in a small stream in sloping terrain. nr.293).419). The Lunde axes was found during maintenance of a well just beneath a scree beneath a mountain side.324). Most often the find-descriptions contain no more than “found in bog”. bronzes have been found in close relation to springs of water: in the cases of the large cult-axes from Rimbareid and Lunde water was still present at places were strong underground veins of water come to the surface as natural wells (hoard 22. The most common is still. The gold ring from Berge (nr. by.326). It is interesting that these rare and very similar axes were deposited at such similar and rare landscape features. also Johansen 1993: 160pp.293). Several findings from Lista and Jæren come from larger lakes. In a few cases. Stavå and Vålebru (hoards 6. not all bogs have been lakes (cf. . and the flanged axe from Voll (nr. Running water is reported in some cases. Importantly. When the Rimbareid axe was discovered a strong water current splashed into the air beside the axe.12) and the sword from Søndre-Holme (nr. the hoards from Gunnesøyan.321). Several bronzes. The other significant element is water. Våla and Verdalselv respectively. Mandt 1991: 438). underneath and within various forms of rock seems to be a characteristic feature of the final acts of deposition.107) was found in a cleavage six meter high in a crag. the Faardrup axe from Viset in a river (nr. some of them drained intentionally in recent history: the swords from Lakes Brastadvatnet (nr. Selevatnet (nr. Similar contexts are reported from the LN (ibid: 440). Stavåen. and the neck ring from Brudal (nr.

Melheim 2006: 54pp. Among the 47 coffins excavated at TonnesHolan both types as well as combinations were used (Grønnesby 2009: 68). The most common has long-sides built from small. and that this indicate intimate relations with Limfjord. fragmented slabs placed horizontally on top of each other in combination with single large slabs placed vertically at each end. Holen and Re were built from vertical slabs (Nordenborg Myhre 1998: 139). Grindheim (bur. The central coffin in Kongshaug (C14 dated. and one more potentially BA monument in Etne from the Bronze Age (Nordenborg Myhre 1998: 188).12) and the coffin in Gunnarshaug I were built from small. cf. . During BA III the building of monuments continues and now cremations appear within small coffins alongside inhumations in large coffins. 67).219 As for the rest of the Nordic Zone. Spatially. The other type has both long and short sides made from larger slabs placed vertically.4.) and possibly those in Reheia III and Reheia V.. The most common are those involving the remains of dead humans in coffins made from stone slabs within a monument made from stone (cairn) or earth/sand/turf (mound) or a mixture of both. Johansen 1993: 152. The conventional trajectory goes: monumental burials (mounds or cairns) first appear in BA II. and since cairns are characteristic both to the north and east of this zone. 84pp. Among a total of 46 registered coffins from Jæren. Important distinctions in NW Scandinavia are cairn versus mound. unburned versus burned bones. with inhumations in large stone-built coffins. large versus small coffins. is not a strong one (ibid). 8. Nordenborg Myhre’s claim that coffins made from vertical slabs are typical of Karmsundet as opposed to Jæren. chapt. 30. Jæren and Karmøy with the exceptions of Sørheim (bur. In Karmsundet two of the undated coffins from Storesund and Reheia (ibid: nr. 5.4 Burials and houses Some bronzes ended their trajectories in complex structures created by humans. and primary versus secondary placement of coffin in the monument. 32). From BA IV cremations in small coffins dominate. horizontal slabs.). There seems to be two main types of coffins. VII. fresh-water and various forms of rock were significant attributes of the final webs that bronzes entered into in NW Scandinavia (cf. monuments made from earth exclusively or with an earthen mantle are found in Lista. App. placed secondarily in old monuments or without monuments.. were built of vertical slabs (Nordenborg Myhre 1998: 138p. Hognestad.5. Mandt 1991: 436pp. placed in new monuments or secondarily in old monuments.6. only those from Særheim. In a larger perspective the earthen mounds seem intrusive since there are cairns also in these areas as well as at Jæren and Lista. 33) and Mjeltehaugen (Linge 2007).

spiral shaped walls and pointed ovals (“ship-settings”). chapt. Gunnarshaug I-II. cf. First.). pp. From Talgje. i. also in the very late monuments at Karmøy (Reheia I. cremation seems to have been introduced through the Elbe-Kiel Bay link during early BA II.6. Grønnesby 2009: 68. 75p.5). 94-100). Both cairns and mounds are in many cases complex structures. chapt. The final web The final act of deposition could be seen as a transmission and a transaction between two relational webs. fig. Probably the most common information linked to the discovery of bronze is ”from the ground”. In one of the houses at Forsand. Finnøy in Boknafjord four loom-weights made of burned clay were found in a posthole (Hemdorff 1993)..6. Dominant in the first web is the living humans. and in one of the other houses a complete soapstone mould for a socketed axe (M 21.). Such complex masonry seems to have become common in BA III and is present at Beitstad (Grønnesby 2009: 68. This means that cremation and inhumation. 5.4. Some burials also incorporate features from the sea or the tidal belt such as beach sand. Kongshaug. beach pebbles or molluscs (Larsen 1996: 52.6. a ceramic vessel had been put down in a post-hole. 5.75m long) this early are found at Jæren. I also found reasons to believe that large monuments with inhumations in large coffins were still made at the transition BA III/IV. probably even in the first part of BA IV – particularly at Karmøy. This means that cremations in small coffins were made from the very start of monumental burial tradition in the study area. Nordenborg Myhre 1998: 151pp.60-0. Løken 1987: 239).1.5.5. 8. Jæren and Karmøy. and dominant in the second . small and large coffins had a parallel existence within the same general areas from 1500 BC to 1000 BC. some adjustments could be made to the above trajectory. Etne as well as at Frøset at Beitstad. It is even more difficult to reconstruct the original sceneries in these cases: lakes that became bogs that became fields? Cultivated fields that were left and became ”outfields”? Fields that stayed fields until today? House grounds that later became a field? A burial site that was later levelled and cultivated? The bronzes “from the ground” are simply of little use from this perspective. circular walls.e. and cremations in relatively small coffins (0.220 On the basis of the analysis in part I. This complexity often consists of masonry in its interior. In a few cases artefacts seem to have been deposited in post-holes for houses. and that the presence of one of these features in itself is a very vague chronological indicator (cf. 5.

the previous owner of the axe. the kin of the owner that might borrow the axe. fences. The deposition of a sword in Høylandsvatnet need not be a proper gift to the gods. the owner of the axe. or that they were gate-ways to the receiving entities. houses. We might also contemplate the nature of the original web that bronzes departed from. the person dies or the house is left. In principle. that they were the dwelling of some other receiving entity. In between transformation and displacement I have focused on the transformation and displacement of bronzes. the artefact from which the axe was made. Since rock and water are the dominant entities. the maker of the axe. recycled. we might assume that these were receivers in their own right. It might also be seen as removing an element that has no longer a place among the living (See Randsborgs wider discussion of hoarding. might simply bring the axe and its place in the web into disharmony – and some kind of transaction had to be made.). the important thing was not where it was deposited. 8. moulding and casting projects. whether there was something in this web that made the artefact superfluous – a push factor. one of these trajectories coming to an end. depositions and long-distance displacements? How did humans in NW Scandinavia relate to bronzes in-between these rare occasions? I believe that Marstrander’s statement in his article “Lista-Jutland” is an explicit formulation of a point of view that lies implicit in many accounts of the Bronze Age of NW Scandinavia: .5. either a person or a house comes to an end. A change in these relations. the mould in which it was cast. We arrive at radically different conclusions when placing focus on either one of these webs. 2006: 45pp. and deposition. a gift to some divine entity. the axe must either be given to a new owner. This “original” web was not static and its threads stretched out in every direction: the haft of the axe. or simply removed and hidden in waters or screes. How can we explore bronze in-between castings. if the depositor is not its proper owner. The receiving entity might be seen as a craving entity and accordingly as a pull-factor in the transaction. For most bronzes the above settings must have been episodes and ruptures in their biographies.221 are non-humans and/or dead humans. boats. we see those depositions that did not involve dead humans (burials) as some kind of transaction – a ritualized sacrifice. Conventionally. a new house. If the owner of the axe. as they were in human biographies. but that it was removed thoroughly from its original web among the living. on melting. tools that were made with the axe etc. long-distance journeys.

In particular I shall argue that. have one important consequence: the ”playground” of bronze as historical agent in general is narrowed down to rare occasions of ritual display involving a small segment of the population. much because of our modern associations to copper-alloys in the shape of art and jewellery (quality) I believe all these assumptions can be questioned. as well as stone and steel axes. I believe bronze was highly functional and was used for both violent. my translation) I suspect that this is a view based on three assumptions: • • • the preserved bronze artefacts are relatively few (quantity) bronze was imported from Central Europe and was therefore valuable and rare (distance) the functional qualities of bronze is doubted. for Scandinavia as well as for NW Scandinavia. 8. have brought forth some important insights: sharpness of edge is not the all-important quality of . and on the other hand. peaceful.5. Have the game been shot or the fish caught with bronze implements? No. Comparative simulations and trials with different bronze axes. on the one hand the importance of bronze in the transformation of trees into artefacts has been seriously underestimated. that a large segment of the population extended their bodies and minds into bronze. ritual and mundane day-to-day purposes. Have the sky of the battle been darkened by a rain of bronze arrowheads? Hardly. Edges and points – bronze and physical impact The axe is the most numerous category of bronze in the Bronze Age – this is true for Continental Europe. Have trees generally been felled with flat-axes or socketed axes of bronze? No. that the importance of wood and transformation of trees to artefacts in general has been underestimated.1. Although I agree that bronze did not replace stone in the case of arrowheads. Bronze was first and foremost the common circulating currency in a European exchange” (Marstrander 1950: 65. The ideas that bronze was exclusive in a temporal sense (that it was not used for solving everyday practical tasks) and in a spatial and demographic sense (that because of its value only a small segment of the population had access to bronze). I believe that it was precisely through mundane day to day experience with the sharp edge against wood.222 “Have the Nordic Bronze Age landscape ever seen warlike skirmishes settled by the bronze sword? I have my doubts.

Hypothetically. The effectiveness of the modern steel axe. and in shaving actions. edge-angle and allowed chopping angle. lies not so much in the sharpness of its edge. while the stone axe would most likely break. leading typically to axes with simple morphologies with wide edge-angles. Evaluations of axe performance must also take into account the object being cut. the chain of innovation in hafting facilities from flat to flanged to mid-stopped (paalstaves) to socketed bronze axes. and the Faardrup axe is in fact close to this scenario. and an old. dry oak board. this would have been lighter. Analysis of both bronze axes and swords demonstrate edge treatment through cold-hammering (Tylecote 1987: 248. as did the fragility of the material. axes ought to be evaluated on weight. What is more important is that stone. and be prone to fractures both at the edge and the shaft-hole. Northover in Vandkilde 1996: 321pp. but most importantly it relates to how often the edge needs re-sharpening.). particularly into much thinner and delicate forms. as in its ideal shape: the oval shaft-hole enables a relatively small heavy axe. Clearly there is a significant difference between a green willow full of sap.223 an axe (Mathieu & Meyer 1997). When it comes to working in green wood the bronze edge and the bronze axe were potentially highly efficient. tree and wood. Accordingly. bronze is typically cast in moulds and iron is typically forged by hammer. if identical axe shapes of flint. . It is more noticeable when working in hard or dry-wood. it is also light weight. is clear. and thus “sharpness”. It is important to realize that although this represents a significant increase in hardness. Although the stone axe might be dull. In the hands of an unskilled experimentalist. But drilling a shaft-hole in flint was close to impossible. It is when working with dry wood that the steel edge surpasses the bronze edge. it would have been difficult to measure the difference between iron and bronze. bronze and iron were put to the test of chopping in fresh. this effect is hardly noticeable in conventional chopping action in green wood. rather than dull versus sharp. There is a significant difference between stone on the one hand and metals on the other. Both bronze and iron are distinguished by their ability to be shaped into any form. and certainly an oval one. bronze and iron have different net weights. and that each of them demands their own distinctive technology in order to be transformed into axes: stones are chipped and ground. and be able to withstand these forms against hard blows. It would also have been possible to cast a replica of a modern steel axe in bronze. axe. green wood. and axes must be explored as elements in a dense web of haft. with both a solid haft and a sharp edge-angle. If we imagine a similar axeshape in flint. The haft types necessitated by the flint axe increased the hewing angle. non-plastic and fragile.

of both the flat and flanged axes. but it did not necessitate lighter axes. was that the thin. groups 4. Within our area full size paalstaves with V-ornament weighs c.224 Still. sharp neck of the axe blade was prone to be hammered into the haft and in the end splitting it.. These deep cuts brought on a new challenge . The socketed axe certainly enabled lighter axes. The first and main weakness of the hafted flat axe. The increased flange height seems directed towards this problem. posts. this extra weight would make the axe somewhat unbalanced and unwieldy. This problem was eliminated by the socket. 6-9) makes slower work. In Denmark axes from BA IV-VI are generally lighter than this. The conclusion from this line of argument is that the most effective axes in the Nordic Bronze Age were the heavy paalstaves and first generation socketed axes of BA II-III. bows etc. Summing up.300-320g. these axes of the LBA with links to Volga-Kama and possibly containing Uralian rather than Alpine coppers.that of axe stuck in wood. was a weakness against vertical torsion – such as the movements used for loosening an axe blade stuck in timber. This was remedied by the raised midstop that developed into the paalstave. and Rosendal (nr. 374g and 297g respectively. it cannot be ignored that the narrow edge and small weight of these axes (cf. all axe types could be securely hafted. The second weakness. Mølster (nr. e. But on the Scandinavian Peninsula the large axes with extended necks break the general trend towards lighter axes. 150-240g. The low weight of most socketed axes from BA IV-V is no doubt a serious draw-back in heavy wood-working. The early flat and flanged axes were thin and heavy compared to flint axes – and they simply cut deeper. but the socketed axe was not more effective than the flanged axe or the paalstave – however. ploughs. 463) weighing 299g. Although some weight might have been added by special haft types. In these situations the hafting mechanism becomes highly relevant. beams. and the largest of group 1-3 socketed axes c. 461). In conventional chopping action. . It is clearly a regression compared to paalstaves. when making a plank.g. its hafting was simpler and demanded less skill and effort to maintain. 462). For conventional heavy wood-working aimed at transforming trees into artefacts such as planks. bronze axes were more effective than stone axes. were highly functional. In fact they combine a weight comparable to the early paalstaves with a much more robust type of hafting. In the context of NW Scandinavia I believe that the most effective axes were those of the “Norwegian” variant from Slæn (nr. I believe that with proper skill and energy. It has often been stated that the socket was introduced for secure hafting and for saving raw-material. and these stabilized the axe-haft against vertical torsion. The third weakness was the constant friction of wood against the lashings when chopping at narrow angles.

The smaller of the socketed axes. Then the inside had to be trimmed by axe. it was not the sharpness of these tips or edges that were important: copper could be perforated in the same way as slate could. Large diametered. or as large and heavy arrowheads probably intended for a large animal at close range in combination with a powerful bow (nr. 54) and Vest-Hassel (nr.). of which we have two specimens from Sola V (nr. broad planks or strakes. might also have been used as chisels. 518) has a shape corresponding to a modern wood chisel or mortise chisel. bur. The knowledge of were to find and how to recognize proper timber was handed down from father to son (Leirfall 1968: 349). The socketed chisel from Årnes (nr. and then the back of the two halves had to be trimmed down to proper dimension. since ridges for clamps were to be saved along the back of the board. quartzite and slate. bur. most likely from BA V gives an example of projects ideal for such tools (Marstrander 1979: Fig. straight haft – and might have been either hand-pushed or used with a mallet. our boat type 2 (Rørby boat). Bronze arrowheads also appeared within the Nordic tradition in BA IV-V. most likely for hunting. Of particular interest is the northern group of projectiles indicating that the first metal was put to highly functional tasks: as the killing point in what was most likely a harpoon-system (cf.g. quartz and quartzite remained in use for arrowheads into the PRIA (Prescott 1991: 44pp. Although it is clear that flint. knot-free timber would have been sought after. was long. like e. I have already argued that the damages of the Sørheim spear as well as the location of the finding. 12-13). 261-262). Early boat strakes of the type seen in the Hjortspring boat were especially demanding. With its heavy net weight compared to flint. felled and split. A few bronzes can be linked to more specialized wood-working projects. This opens the possibility that bronze spearheads might have been used for close-range hunting in the highlands of the Central Zone: there is the large hoard from Svenes (hoard 17) in the eastern . copper and bronze were used even for projectiles always prone to be lost. straight. The wooden “stool” or “headrest” from Byåsen in Sør-Trøndelag C. were made in Norway for export long after saws and saw-mills were introduced. and were probably fitted with a short. 263-68). huggenbord). indicate that it was put to practical use. 260. and entirely new tang-shapes extremely long and thin could be made. And again. 259.225 A basic precondition of early plank-built boats. Such “chopped-boards” (Norw. copper and bronze surely brought a new and interesting weight-balance to the arrow. 99). nr. especially those without loops.

This view does not take into account how the Bronze Age wood worker or hunter evaluated efficiency and success. 1).a.226 slopes and the one from Kaldafjell (nr. chapt 1): the categories of matter and mind.l. and the subsequent butchering. But did a novel material have to fulfil all these measures in order to replace old tools? I believe not. it does not take into account how wood workers or hunters evaluate their activities. 298) at 1000 m.s. cutting and division of the carcass. From the Nordic Zone in general.5. The heavy cutting edge 9500-500 BC Above I quoted Marstrander’s negative perspective on the functional use of bronze.2. There is a range of tasks suited for a dagger in working with soft tissues like leather and meat in domestic activities. Since females carry no other potentially martial artefacts. Was an Ullerslev spearhead more expensive 1320 BC than a rifle 1700 AD in this area? And was it more expensive than the rifle fully rigged with up-to date telescopic sights of the modern hunter in these very same highlands? The engagements of the wood worker and the hunter with trees and game through their sharp and expencive equipment are aspects of human engagement with the material world that have been left unexplored by modern philosophy and science. I suspect that the female dagger was not intended for stabbing humans. The female dagger might have been a central tool in the killing of domestic animals. chapt. It is possible to add one major factor that runs much deeper in western philosophy. and solved old tasks more efficiently. on the other side of the mountain. and that it did so on a larger scale because it was cheap. The manipulation of trees into artefacts was a significant aspect of BA life. In a pastoral economy the season of slaughter in fall is important. Behind every stone arrowhead at Skrivarhellaren and Nyset-Steggje there was an arrowshaft and a bow. doing and thinking. we suspect that iron was important because it solved new tasks. the longdistance from ores to deposition and the dull and fragile quality of bronze tools. to such a degree that it should be placed alongside procurement and preparation of food. . one that relates to the bifurcation that makes the modern mind run into two separate rivers (cf. and that it was cheap because it was produced locally. and a sharp edge is essential in the project of getting from the still living ox or sheep to suitable pieces of meet to roast and finished leatherwork. The bronze dagger is also a type with potential practical qualities. Or significant to this thesis (cf. Conventionally. we know that both males and females were buried with daggers. and argued that this perspective was based on three assumptions: the low number. efficiency and success in any time or place. 8.

Flatebakken. axes of reasonable quality but less expensive than bronze were no longer available. Summing up. the many boat images to either planked or wooden frames. the post-holes to houses and fences. In . 2) that from the mid BA there were no longer cheap alternatives to the bronze axe available. but simply that these crucial tasks were now solved by bronze. charcoal pits to fire-wood and digging implements. Vollsvika (Ågotnes 1984: 46pp. was the way bronze poured through the day to day life of a large portion of the population. through the sharp edge against wood. and if such quarries and such networks had existed would we not have found remnants of them? The harsh alternatives for a poor household in the LBA were either 1) to procure bronze or 2) to live and adjust to a technology that was far simpler than those seen in the Stone Age. and behind every hole and pit there was a wooden diggingimplement. A high-quality chopping-edge stood at the centre of living. rare and valuable. Many of our source categories can be traced back to wood and wood-working: the plough mark to the making of the plough. And this. To fall outside the metal-networks in LBA had much more profound consequences than merely returning to a LN way of life. And the point is also that edges were from the initial colonisation of NW Scandinavia procured from relatively few circumscribed locations: first from the few beaches with major occurrences of flint pebbles. Behind every plough mark at Forsandmoen. How did poor people solve their day-to-day tasks when flint pebbles were no longer available on the beaches.. cultivation. The point is not that bronze was a significant improvement from stone in this respect. behind every system of post-holes a complex construction of many pieces of timber. one that did no longer exist. There were no one to resurrect the old greenstone and diabaze quarries. Thus. and 3) that the place of the edged tool in prehistory has been seriously underestimated. and hunting. functional edgetools and axes in particular were always relatively exotic. It was not possible to “remain in the Stone Age” because the Stone Age was also an intricately woven world.227 both known from ethnography and history to be delicate projects of woodworking. Bakkevig 1998) there was a ridging plough. then from a handful quarries in the MMMN. and enabled what we think of as a BA way of life: heavy built long-houses. then mainly from flints brought from Denmark in the LN-EBA. or when persons in nodal positions in the LN flint network instead turned to bronze? The point I am getting at is that when flint quarries in Southern Scandinavia stopped producing flint axes or blanks for such axes in BA I-II. I suggest. I have argued 1) that bronzes were used for solving practical tasks. when the quarries at Hespriholmen and Stakaneset came to a halt after several millennia.

• There are major differences between these expeditions and forms of displacements: o the maritime North Way demanded complex technologies of boat building and navigation. 8. • The final act of displacement in which bronzes ended their coexistance with humans was seen as a transaction from one network or web to another: .6 The displacement of bronze into NW Scandinavia A closer exploration of the displacement of bronze has led to the following insights: • • Bronze was displaced along two distinct types of paths. made available. riverboats. were regularly made throughout the LN and the BA. and journeys from the fjords to Lake Vänarn of similar duration. and from Jæren to Jutland along the maritime North Way o expeditions from the fjords and highlands of the Central Zone. and it allowed journeys to be made mainly in summer. pack-animals. possibilites and technologies. riding. Although it is difficult to assess whether trading partners met up somewhere in between the nodes that I have discerned from mappings of bronzes. skis. feet. o the Central Zone-CSWS overland routes opened for the use of a range of different technologies. I believe that journeys between Trondheimsfjord and Boknafjord of two-months duration (with return). snow-shoes and sledges. and expeditions could potentially be made through all seasons of the year. it is possible to conclude that the heavy cutting edge was a driving force through the Stone and Bronze Ages in NW Scandinavia: a new edge is introduced. Of particular importance when it comes to accounting for the networks and displacements recogniced in part I. • • I have argued that boats were crucial in both types of displacement. are: o expeditions from Boknafjord to Trøndelag. across the eastern lowlands and into the Central Swedish Water System. and ways of life adjusted to it – and when the distributors of the edge turn their attention elsewhere towards another yet more exotic edge. from Trøndelag to Tjeldsund. their actions put all of their former recipients into a crises. maritime and overland.228 light of the above arguments. Such journeys I believe to be necessary in order to account for the displacement of bronze recognized in part I. implicating distinctly different challenges.

• Finally. the bronze axe in particular. has been underestimated in BA archaeology. . is to be seen as a significant motor in the prehistory of NW Scandinavia. I argued that the weaving together of the phenomena of long-distance journeys.229 o one category of such webs are dominated by still or running fresh water and various forms of rock o a second category of such webs are dominated by the remains of human bodies and intentionally constructed monuments of various forms • A short consideration has been made of the position of bronze points and edges in human engagement with the material world. exotic materials and day-to-day transformations of wood into artefacts. I argued that the importance of transforming trees into artefacts has been seriously underestimated in general. and that the importance of the sharp edge. sharp edges.

Hence. It is no coincidence that this attempt comes at the very end of the thesis: I consider the time-scale of human biography as one that can be reached only through in-depth investigations into the “acts” and the “double-centuries”. Part III and the final step aim to stay in the stream of the river (cf.3. distributing agency to the dots on the maps.e. i. intend and explain. 1). Part II brought to light a different set of affairs. how one state of affair shifts into another. The previous sections have been attempts to gather. (Bronze Age) archaeology might be seen as the “act” within the “double-century” (i.to cause. Alfred Gell described anthropology as distinctly biographical. and that the characteristic focus of anthropology is “the ‘act’ in the context of the ‘life’”. the short and long bronze rhythms.230 Part III – Shifting Webs “Explain: to make (something) comprehensible. or webs of related entities. locate and sort. Chapter 9 takes on the task of exploring these loose ends as well as explaining this trajectory.1). at their coming into being. by giving a clear and detailed account of the relevant structure. If so. operation. cf. not from the perspective of modern metallurgy or archaeologists. etc” (Collins English Dictionary). esp. 1-523) and moulds (M 1-32) have a multitude of threads leading out into much wider networks. From this point of view anthropology occupies the middle ground between the intra-biographical cognitive psychology and the supra-biographical sociology and history (Gell 1998: 10). surrounding circumstances.e. but from the perspective of those minds that were once immersed into these dense webs. The Maps 9-17 that deals with metal artefacts (Nr.e.e. to make bronze flow . i. i. chapters 2-10 might be seen as essentially a byway to get in position for discussing biographical scales and issues at heart of social anthropology. Explanations are aimed at states of affairs. Chapter 10 takes on the task of explaining these affairs. . Part I and the first strategy yielded a nine step trajectory and nine states of affairs displayed on Maps 3-17. chapt 1. to humans with bronzes in their periphery. these states of affairs were not circumscribed in space in a convincing manner. from bronzes with humans in their periphery. chapt. in order to describe and arrange chronologically a great many states of affairs. of dense webs. Chapter 11 represents a decisive shift in focus.

231 Chapter 9. explore the full scale of historic as well as prehistoric trajectories leading towards their specifics. i.e. chapt 1. it seeks explanation. through our distinct archaeological mode of seeing and reasoning through the type. It is a return to the heart of archaeology as a historical discipline. 1). these maps make up a body of facts that archaeologists add to the world. Clearly. from the Alps and the Ural. and causation in the wide webs of bronze types and it necessitates a compression of the “long rhythm” of bronze down to a rhythm compatible with those encountered in the discipline of history. in order to see and discern something that is not readily given in experience – neither in our experience nor in the experience of Bronze Age people. 3) Northern Zealand. this chapter is an attempt to reason in a style that does justice to what is given in our experience as archaeologists. In light of Gabriel Tarde’s and Bruno Latour’s ideas of natural sciences adding themselves to the world. and 5) the interior between Beitstad and the White Sea. compensations and mechanisms in Bronze Age networks When things have been gathered. From the Alps & the Ural – explaining wide webs This chapter aims at the Bronze Age as historical trajectory.1 Enigmas. and explore the dynamics that these outside agents participated in. intention. 9. we have no alternative but to treat our maps as facts. one of the basic archaeological strategies is to plot selected types on maps in order to explore their spatial distribution. 4) Limfjord. and acknowledge that these maps need not reflect neither the relative number nor the spatial distribution of artefacts in the Bronze Age (cf. disputable . compared and sorted into types. In light of the broader project of escaping bifurcation in archaeology. But in the end. chapt. 2) the ElbeKiel Bay area. in which the basic mode of narrative is getting from one map and one state of affair to the next. In this final attempt at explaining the Bronze Age of NW Scandinavia I will take on a broader geographical perspective. the period and the type-map (cf. expand the wide webs further. we should evaluate our maps as matters of concern.1.2). In Part I I concluded that metal was displaced from two major sources into NW Scandinavia. I also concluded that five areas/groups/agents outside NW Scandinavia played significant parts in the historical trajectory of NW Scandinavia in the Bronze Age: 1) the CSWS (Central Swedish Water System).

possibly from the Mitterberg area and the Inn Valley. From the Alps. will sooner or later strand as it cannot with equal certainty assert what went in the opposite direction. Prescott 2006. in my opinion none of the arguments presented yet change the general impression that the majority of metal was brought into NW Scandinavia from mainly two outside sources: from the Alps in the south and from the Urals in the east. By the concept of explaining the Bronze Age. the major categories “AsNi” and “NS” of Liversage 2000: 79pp.). I will seek mechanisms. . A significant challenge when it comes to exploring the Bronze Age of NW Scandinavia is thus to balance the interrogation of these two major streams of copper from the Alps and the Urals. it still becomes an exercise in balance: east-west overland routes versus north-south maritime routes. any attempt at a grand narrative of the Nordic Bronze Age should seek to remove the enigmatic veils that have surrounded three phenomena in particular: 1. 9. In this chapter I will embrace the type-map as a historical state-of-affair. and present series of them as a way of discerning historical change. from the Atlantic in the west to the Altai or even China in the east. Even from such a rather narrow vantage point. far-reaching. In my opinion. Any exploration of either Alpine or Ural copper-networks leading into Scandinavia in the Bronze Age. and along a north-south axis with the Mediterranean in the far south and the Nordic in the northern end. The compensation that brought bronze and thus a Bronze Age to Scandinavia. This will be a view from the northwest. Melheim 2009).1. although there is still a lack of metal analyses of relevant artefacts in the far west. bronze entered via southern Scandinavia (cf.232 and use them with or without modifications. Johansen 2000: 26p.. which treads it chooses to trace and map.1 Enigmas of the Northern Bronze Age Perhaps the most challenging aspect of exploring the European Bronze Age as history is to balance the contemporary.. Any presentation of this vast and complex web depends on its point of view. agencies and intentions deemed necessary for bringing these patterns into existence. coppers arriving from Ural versus coppers arriving from the Alps. From the east came coppers from the Ural Mountains beyond the Kama River (Chernykh 1992.). They are distinctly archaeological images of states-of-affairs in prehistory. Although there has been a revival of arguments of local metal-production within Scandinavia (Nordenborg-Myhre 1998: 24p. I aim specifically at explaining the Bronze Age as we experience it through diachronic series of such type-maps. and interconnected trajectories and networks. Koryakova & Epimakhov 2007: 28pp.

Meinander 1985. 2746 swords deposited in Southern Scandinavia and Schleswig in the EBA (Thrane 2005: 621).) why this region [southern Scandinavia] – more than other regions in Europe – adopted a Mycenaean cultural ideom as a basis for the new Nordic Bronze Age society remains yet to be explained” (Kristiansen & Larsson 2005: 236). the high levels of tin used in Nordic alloys.. Candidates often listed in Bronze Age studies are: amber. Below. The second enigma linked to Alpine coppers and Mycenae I suggest was the result of the ability of South Scandinavian groups to successfully funnel fur from the north and amber from the Baltic. in the words of Kristiansen and Larsson: “(. The unique status of Southern Scandinavia in a European context. the complexity of moulding techniques.. and the transformation of most of it through highly complex casting operations into swords. Taken at face value. and that NW Scandinavia was both a habitat of valuable fur bearing species as well as a gateway to such habitats. I shall argue that the third enigma linked to Volga-Kama and Uralian coppers. wives. in a belt from the North Sea in the west to Volga-Kama in the east (cf. this indicates the displacement of 2. was merely another development in Scandinavia-Volga networks.7 tons of bronze from the Alps to Scandinavia. predominantly within 400 years from 1500 to 1100 BC. porphyr. The third enigma rests in the LBA and is evident mainly in Central Scandinavia: the appearance of looped axes with extended necks. the KAM (Akozino-Mälar) axes. fur. 9. at Jæren in southwest Norway. Kuz’minych 1996). Finally. textiles and fur Any exploration of either Alpine or Ural copper-networks leading into Scandinavia in the Bronze Age needs to propose something that went in the opposite direction. and bring these directly into the hands of both Mycenaeans and copper-producing groups in the Alpines. 3. and the volume of weapons deposited (swords and spearheads in particular). On the basis of the results in part I and II the magnitude of this phenomenon must be upgraded in light of both eastern designs and moulding procedures in the southwest corner of this belt. paint- . To this mystery could be added the volume of imported metal.1. and one that must be considered in light of the declining availability of bronze in SW Scandinavia and the rise of a competing fur trade network along Volga to Caucaus in the east. soapstone. slaves. the volume of local production.233 2. Henrik Thrane calculates a total of c. I will attempt to unravel these enigmas and argue that fur was the main compensation for metal.2 Compensations for metal: amber.

and the city of Bulgar at the Volga-Kama confluence (cf.. Baku. Johansen 2000: 131p. King Alfred in England wrote down the tale of his guest Ottar arriving c. and these refer to two significant actors: the Scandinavian Vareg or Rus closely related to the Vikings of Eastern Sweden. Abaskun). The major trade routes at this time displaced northern furs through Bulgar. Soapstone trade did flourish after 1100 BC. hardly deserves a status as an important bridge-head in soapstone trade (chapt. across or around the Caspian Sea.). Amber and fur are the only two of those listed above that we know were displaced to the Mediterranean and beyond in later history. At the same time in the far west. and bypassed Bulgar through a southern route and traded directly with cities around the Caspian Sea and even directly with Bagdad via a Dniepr-Black Sea-Don-Volga-Caspian Sea route (ibid: 112pp. the Bulgar population was a mix of Finns. Although the other candidates might certainly have existed as commodities.4.234 stone (hematite). to cities at its southern shores (Derbent. Rønne 1996a. Jensen 2002: 211p. Slavs and a ruling segment of Bulgars that arrived in this area in the 7th century from the steppe north of Sea of Azov. and from here either eastwards to the far east or westwards via Near Eastern cities as far as Spain and Northern Africa (Martin 1986: 5pp.g.). in modern Norway). But soapstone moulds were extremely rare in the Nordic Zone before the LBA. I believe this excludes soapstone as a significant compensation for metal in NW Scandinavia.. Magnus-Myhre 1976: 190p. Soapstone has been highlighted as a major commodity from Norway to Denmark (Rønne 1996a. bees-wax and pitch (e. At the market place of Bulgar traders and merchants arrived from as far as Kwarezm (in modern Uzbekistan) and Bagdad in the far south. In the 9th and 10th century. He states that Ottar’s main income came from hunting and from the . they also traded directly with Byzants via river Dniepr and the Black Sea. Map 20). but the material exported to Denmark and Scania at this time was more likely quarried in Eastern Norway and Sweden. 890 from his home in Hålogaland (Nordland and Troms C. Below is a short resume of the historical trade in fur. rather than in the west. 4. along Volga down to the city of Itil´ at the Volga estuary.11). Not only did the Scandinavian Rus become a major contributor to the supply system of Bulgar on the Volga. I believe that amber (from Southern Scandinavia and the Baltic) and fur (from Northern Scandinavia and Northern Russia) are in a different league than the others.). Johansen 2000: 131). and Jæren with its peculiar collection of moulds from the end of the Bronze Age. The first written references to a major north-south trade in fur stem from Islamic writers in the 9th century AD.

Kvene. It seems beyond doubt that Ottar and his likes in the northwest (the Háleygja). located at the northern and northeastern shores of the Bothnian Sea (Carpelan 1992a: 223p. as well as the accounts from Islamic writers in the south. Bjarme. and it was from these that he collected taxes. Ottar reported contacts with groups that he called Finne. because the overland route used till this time had come into conflict with the Kvene situated in the northeastern Botten Sea in the 9th century.). 1992b: 231). Carpelan suggests that Ottar’s expedition to the White Sea c. and from here to the city of Hedeby in southeastern Jutland took another five days. i. a bear fur. 890 was merely another development in North Way-White Sea relations. 900 BC (Carpelan 1992b: 231). The early Rus collected tribute. Svea and Terfinne to the east and northeast of his home. These first accounts of fur trade were written by southerners and their knowledge of what went on along the northern fringes of the fur-networks was clearly insubstantial.235 taxation of the Finne to the north and in the interior. that it was an attempt to find a safe alternative sea-route to the White Sea. we get the impression that during the 9th-11th century a western and an eastern fur-network rubbed against each other in the hunting grounds between the White Sea and Lakes Onega and Ladoga in the east and the Torne and Kalix river systems in the west. typically one black . hunt. plunder and subjugation of groups living closer to the fur habitat than themselves in order to collect tribute. Carpelan 1992a: 223. 5 reindeer furs. a cloak from otter or bear fur. This conflict might have been the result of the Kvene expanding their activities parallel to the rise of Bulgar. and feathers. Still. a rope made from whale(-rus?) hide. if we take information from King Alfred in the west and the Primary Chronicle of Kiev in the east (speaking of the early activities of the Rus). He also reported that the journey to Sciringesheal (modern Kaupang.). trade or plunder (Roesdahl 1996: 122pp. the Vareg or Rus from eastern Sweden as well as the Kvene in Northern Finland obtained fur through a combination of trade.) took a month. Vesfold C. The Finne were most likely identical to those later known as Lapps or Sami.e. Both Ottar in the late 9th century and Tore Hund in the early 11th century made journeys northwards around Kola Peninsula to the White Sea to explore. The tax collected from each of the most wealthy Finne was: 15 marten furs. The result was a marked decline in western imports in the area between Northern Norway and the White Sea from c. a rope made from seal-hide. much like Ottar himself. and were most likely linked to the fur trade of Bulgar (Carpelan 1992b: 231pp. The Kvene were most likely members of a trading organisation consisting of ”armed tax-collectors”. The Bjarme seem to have been located on both sides of the White Sea..

In the 11th century Adam of Bremen comments on the westerner’s taste for marten fur. In the 13th century as German traders expanded their trade in the Baltic. then in barrels by German merchants to Danzig and further west by ship. other martens.). In the late 14th century the fashion among western kings again changed to sable. In the 14th and 15th century the major customer was German merchants organized in the commercial organization of Hansa. These black fox furs evidently came from the Murtas located three days north of Bulgar and the Ves located three months journey northwest of Bulgar between Lakes Onega. While Novgorod had specialized on the narrow niche of trade in squirrel pelts. Each wooden barrel contained between 5000 and 10. The German merchants that now entered the Baltic Sea trade bought fur from Novgorod and paid mainly in silver and Flemish woollen textiles. a species dwelling only in Scandinavia and Northern Russia (ibid: 64). and the eastern trade-networks of Bulgar and Kiev was brought down by the Mongol invasion. marten and ermine.000 squirrel pelts. took over the northern supplies of other luxury furs.236 marten pelt per man. other squirrels. white and black foxes. such as black martens. Later. Kazan and Moscow. the Islamic writer Al-Mas’udi states that the fur from the black fox north of Bulgar was the preferred material for royal garments for both barbarian and Arabic kings (ibid: 7). an indication that fur could be a high-value/low-bulk commodity (ibid: 65). grey squirrels. then to Petershof. While the western kings of the 12th century preferred sable and ermine. In Western Europe legislations made clear that garments made from the northern grey squirrel were reserved for ranks above and including the wealthiest stratum of knights (ibid: 64). two new competing centres. sable. and red. Novgorod came to direct its fur-export exclusively to the west. the English Kings Henry III and Edward I in the 14th and early 15th centuries preferred garments made from multiple furs from the northern grey squirrel. In the five years 1413-18 AD Henry V ordered no less than 625 sable pelts. Ladoga and Beloe. in the 12th century the kings of England and France preferred instead sable and ermine. Thus. otter. two . ermine. Although a range of species are mentioned. While Scandinavian Rus brought fur to Bulgar and later to Novgorod mainly in exchange for Islamic silver coin. both procured via the German trade routes to Novgorod (ibid: 52). from a range of tribes in a large region between Kiev and Lake Ladoga (Martin 1986: 8p. the situation changed to the opposite as the NovgorodScandinavia link shifted to a Novgorod-Germany link. or to Lübeck and overland to Hamburg and to Flanders or England. squirrel fur from the north was brought to Novgorod.

shifting access to old and new markets for fur-consumption as well as the rise and fall of different middle-men. Greenland. By c. a second went to Pskov and Dorpot and into the Hansa network. It also demonstrates that fur both in quantity but particularly in quality depends on climate. and a third went across the steppe to the Italian (Genoese) colonies in Crimea. preferably caught during winter.237 sable linings. silver in the Russian trade. . Now there were three main routes: one went overland through Lithuania to Germany. and that the species in high esteem 800-1900 AD were those of northern Russia. ermine. Scandinavia. Alaska and Canada. between French and British trade companies. Canada (Ray & Freeman 1978: 19p. took over the European fur trade.). French. and woollen textiles in both. and Moscow backed by its northern supply lines as well as fur arriving from Kazan. the beaver felt hat. fox. 20. marten. Legislation was again made in an attempt to restrict the use of luxury fur for the upper classes. and these overseas networks challenged Moscow’s monopoly in fur trade. Vitus Bering reached Alaska in 1741 on behalf of the Russian Navy and brought sea otter fur from the Bering Sea.000 marten pelts and 113 marten linings. The increased demand for beaver pelt in Europe coincided with an incipient beaver trade in the colonies of North America. Novgorod was unable to adjust to this shift in taste in the west. The compensation for fur throughout the fur trade history seems to have been mainly metal and textiles. Italian and English elite. 1550 Moscow had monopolized the fur trade. beaver and squirrel. and Iran and Central Asia in the southeast (ibid: 109). and Russia continued to dominate the fur market through its expansions into Siberia and the Russian Far East. seem to have had a crucial influence over the focus of fur trade. Throughout its history the fashions among the recipients at the opposite end of the trapping-grounds. shifting between sable. Siberia. In 1588 the Cartier brothers petitioned King Henry III of France for a monopoly of the trade in beaver furs in the Gulf of St Lawrence. from which they were brought to Western Europe (ibid: 90pp. and this brought new opportunities in the newly discovered territories in the far northwest. This launched a competitive race over fur supplies in the northwest. A new fashion emerged in Western Europe in the late 16th century. The millennium of documented history of fur trade on two continents is basically a story about shifting access to furs in the boreal forest and arctic zones. the Arabian. but had little effect – the wealthier of the lower strata continued to copy the fashion of the upper class (Martin 1986: 104). iron tools in North America. the Ottoman Empire in the south. and exported fur to Western Europe.).

This clearly brought increased mobility and larger spaces into Bronze Age studies and provided the key . 9. and has tended to expel trade with its commercial associations from the Bronze Age.). big-men. the Gift and the Journey. is seen in light of the gift and the personal relationships and social obligations embedded in it. fused with our vague vocabulary of diffusion. In order to start an alternative account. woollen textiles and amber.1. The concept of the Gift is based on Marcel Mauss’ influential study (1990). Two concepts. Hagen 1967: 138p. maximizing attitudes to goods and exchange. the Journey & the Karoum The notion of many unrepresented links in Bronze Age networks.g. Another study from the realm of social science gained popularity from the nineties. I contend that fur was a crucial compensation for metal in the Bronze Age. White 1991: 94pp. influence and process. just as they were among the North American Indians in their interaction with European traders. chiefs. and that along with metal. replacing the vague concepts of diffusion and migration of cultural-historical archaeology. have come to dominate notions of the displacement of valuable goods in the Bronze Age. the issue might rather be whether the slightest tendencies for such commercial. maximizing attitudes were cultivated and strengthened in face-to-face encounters with traders from the Eastern Mediterranean.). across longer distances.238 I am suggesting that the above dynamics were not essentially new to the 9th century AD. exploring the religious and political significance of long-distance journeys and materials from distant locations. in shorter time. I need more effective mechanisms of spatial displacement of matter. The crucial question in my case is not necessarily whether indigenous hunters. The substantivist/formalist dichotomy seems poorly suited for explorations into meetings of different attitudes to artefacts and exchange. The study of historical fur trade in economical anthropology has been entangled in issues of indigenous versus modern modes of exchange. and by effective I mean mechanisms with the capacity to move more material. Particularly the displacement of bronze in the domain of elites. This was Mary Helms’s Ulysses’s Sail (1988). pastoralist and farmers of NW Scandinavia and Continental Europe “originally” had commercial. has one simple effect: the displacement of matter through space is slowed down and minimized in volume (e. but that a similar dynamic started almost 2600 years earlier. and taken the form of substantivist versus formalist stands (Ray & Freeman 1978: 241. that there might have been agents in-between the dots on the map. it dominated Eurasian long-distance networks from c.3 Mechanisms of displacement: The Gift. 1800 BC.

Generally. 90 kg. Larsen comments also on the trade-exchange dichotomy: “A crude distinction between a market economy and an ‘embedded’. Thus. The rest of the family company. or a combination of 10 textiles and 65 kg tin. status-oriented system has little relevance for the Mesopotamian evidence from any period” (ibid: 49). and the social elite are merged into a dominant model of material displacement (cf. Each donkey carried a cargo of c. artefacts and texts (Larsen 1987. the long-distance journey. The Karoumsystem brought woven woollen textiles and tin from Assur into Anatolia on donkeys in return for silver and gold. including the patriarch and the females engaged in the production of textiles for trade. Although the sources . Younger males acting as representatives for their companies and families followed the caravans and stayed for longer periods at trading stations (the karoums and wabartums) under the protection of local rulers. The Karoum-system was a complex and highly commercial arrangement of caravan trade c.. more than 800km from Assur. The existence and details of the system are revealed mainly by inscribed clay tablets from one of the karoums at Kanesh in Central Anatolia. Engedal 2002: 32p. One reference actually speaks of a single shipment of 15 tons of copper. but they both tend to exclude commercial attitudes to exchange. and Larsen consider 80 tons to be a conservative estimate of tin traded through Assur from Afganistan in a 40-50 year period (Larsen 1987: 51). and it is a crucial lesson on the relation between archaeology and history. Kristiansen & Larsson 2005: 90p. The Gift and the Journey brought new dimensions to the study of artefacts and mobility in the past. Engedal 2002. I argue that this is a model that is unable to account for the displacement of matter that archaeologists have discerned for the Bronze Age. Since it is most often valuable goods that has been displaced over long distances. the valuable artefact as gift. Sherratt 1995. stayed behind in Assur. 1880-1740 BC. ”trade” has been replaced with ”exchange” or ”gift-exchange” and focus has shifted to the social obligations of exchange. and lead into a substantivist position. Kristiansen & Larsson 2005).239 to a renewed interest in Nordic-Mediterranean connections (e. Engedal 2002. hypothetically a single caravan of eleven donkeys would have displaced a ton of valuable textile cloth and tin over 800 km. Kristiansen & Larsson 2005). Roaf 2004: 113pp. and left very few traces at these trading stations. either 30 textiles. These groups of foreign males lived within local architecture using local material culture.). Harding 2000: 187.. plus some tin for unforeseen events and payments along the way (Roaf 2004: 113).g. based on family or household companies situated in the Old Assyrian capital Assur by River Tigris. and the displacements discerned in part I and II in this study.

into the Bronze Age networks 2000 – 500 BC. The karoum-system is also of interest since it falls into a gap in the archaeological tool-box between the long-distance journey with a more or less immediate return on the one hand and the permanent migration on the other. It has been argued that many ideological.g. might actually have been linked via Mycenae. The ”scouting phase” of David Anthony’s migration model (1990). Encounters with Mediterranean traders might thus have opened the eyes of ambitious individuals north of the Alps. . as are the exchange of marriage-partners and foster-children (Rowlands 1998. At heart of the phenomenon lies a certain attitude towards artefacts and exchange. at the time.). as well as Mary Helms’s long-distance journey (1988) are important remedies to this vacuum. What the karoum-system offer is this: rather than being present at a single distant exchangeencounter at a specific time each year. and an urge to trade more and to trade from a distance. and directional commercial long-distance trade as mechanism of displacement. Larsson 1999. such as those read from the Kanesh tablets might have been the most crucial of these features. Below I shall attempt to embed fur as compensation for metal. The NW-Alpine network of the 18th-17th century. attitudes that in my view are needed to account for the large scale displacements of metal. Kristiansen & Larsson 2005: 236). Kristiansen & Larsson 2005). to what could be achieved by moving large amounts of goods the long way from location B to C. religious and institutional features from the Eastern Mediterranean were adopted in the north during the Bronze Age (e. Archaeology generally lack models and tools to handle movements of people that fall outside the box of large-scale migrations (cf. Byblos and Cyprus to the Old Assyrian Karoum-network. Engedal 2002. I suspect that the attitudes to material goods and the scale of displacement revealed in the Kanesh documents were characteristic of all large city-states in the Near East as well as Minoan Crete. the one that brought Alpine axes to Central Sweden and Vevang on the western coast of Norway. and by making sure that their movements were in resonance with the activities of people in locations A and D. Commercial attitudes to material goods and trade. the family/household/company can be represented at multiple such encounters throughout the year at this distant location. It also touch into the sort of commercial attitudes not embraced by the term ”gift-exchange” in archaeology. Kristiansen & Larsson 2005: 367p.240 are meagre.

it fails to incorporate Nordic groups as agents on the larger continental scene. or “A3”. but such daggers are in fact distributed over a much larger territory than that of the Unetice Culture proper. 9. gravity shifts southeastwards to the Carpathians with the emergence of the Hajdüsâmson-Apa horizon and the first swords (Br.A1b). In the following I shall try to demonstrate that it is a model in which the Nordic Zone is poorly integrated: i. 1700/1600-1600/1500 BC) 3. or “A2/B1”. and the “princely” burials of Leubingen. gravity shifts westwards with the emergence of the Tumulus Culture. with the appearance of the “Classical” Unetice Culture. 1600/1500-1300 BC) The above three-step model is a generalization as are all models. A2. I will also propose that it carries an eastern bias ignoring significant western contributions in the shift from step 1 to 2. Regardless of stylistic features. are seen as essential early developments within this time-span. 1950-1700 BC) 2. above). Sherratt 1994. The shifts from triangular to ogival blades and from short to long blades (from dagger to sword). and a consolidation of sword-production with the octagon-hilted Tumulus sword (Br.): 1. it ignores the shear volume of bronze in the north and Nordic production of first generation swords and spearheads.1 The fall of the Unetice Culture The metal-hilted dagger with triangular blade is a characteristic category of the “Classic Unetice” phase (Br.. and both will be paid particular attention to in the following.2. A1b. the triangular metalhilted dagger. the BA enters into a new mode north of River Danube between Rivers Oder and Elbe. size and complex moulding procedures. Helmsdorf and Leki Male (Br.e. B1C2. with east-west shifts in gravity and routes of importance (cf. Kristiansen 1998: 368pp. eight clusters or . and it fails to unravel the “Scandinavian-Mycenaean” enigma (cf.2 Scandinavia & the Alps The time-span 1950-1300 BC of the European Bronze Age is conventionally interpreted as a three-step development. The typology and spatial distribution of metal-hilted blades provide the lens for an investigation of this trajectory.241 9. It is the most pronounced category of bronze in all three stages with its combination of weight. Jensen 2002: 61pp.

the Cycladian spearhead from Kynha. (MecklenburgVorpommern). and that Scania-Zealand and the Elbe-Vltava centre occupied central positions as middle-men in this network. and demonstrates how a characteristic feature of the NW-Alpine centre. are brought along an “east-central route” to eastern Scandinavia. This network involved the Elbe-Vltava and Meckl-Vorp. 22 It demonstrates that stylistic features of the southernmost centre. enters the Elbe-Saale centre through a western route along the Main and Rhine rivers 23. Map 23 highlights a Vester Skjerninge – Byblos Network. but the Vigerslev dagger is closer to actual Italian type daggers. Dalsland were probably procured via this network. On the dagger from Alt-Schönau the ribs were combined with local features. centres. S-Alpine and Central Apennine centres south of the Danube.242 centres of distribution are defined in Map 21: the Meckl. as demonstrated by a Saxon type dagger from Brøndumgård and a halberd blade from Vester . it is more likely that it was the Elbe-Saale centre that provided Scandinavia with both daggers of Saxon type and British axes through this Atlantic branch. Rather than a direct maritime relation between Scandinavia and Britain. This was probably the same network that brought Mediterranean features across the Alps. type Hagebyhöga. The links between the Elbe-Vltava centre and eastern Scandinavia are strengthened also by the presence of a distinct Central Swedish stone axe type. highlights a Säter – Ripatransone Network. Map 23 also demonstrates how this network had a separate branch along the Seine to the Atlantic. Map 22. In light of this the three Ösenringe from Sweden and the Malchin type dagger from Säter. the Central Apennine. in this area. the Cypriotic “toggle-pin” from the Hilterfingen burial and the copper/goldinlay in the Thün burial. This network extended northwards to Northern Jutland. Elbe-Saale. NW-Alpine. and the features in question are the tripartite ribs found on the daggers from Vigerslev and Alt-Schönau. with Gaubickelheim at a significant cross-road. possibly late.-Vorp. and I suggest that this network flourished in the 18th century BC. I contend that this was a network that extended from the Central Apennine in the south to Lakes Vättern and Vänarn in the north. Elbe-Vltava and Oder-Warta centres in the area north of the Danube. burials with Swiss/Rhône type daggers. since the most convincing evidence of such at this time is found in the NW-Alpine and Elbe-Saale centres: the silver ösenring from Dieskau with parallels at Byblos. and the Rhône.21 Stylistic features characteristic of the two Alpine and the Central Apennine centres are merged with the distribution of other contemporary types and visualized in Maps 22-25 as four separate but chronologically overlapping networks. The first of them.

Dietz 1991. Needham 2000: 117p. Apennine centres possibly via river Inn. and that these were brought via the NW-Alpine centre to the Elbe-Saale centre. The Elbe-Vltava centre was linked to the S-Alpine and C. and to the Atlantic via Rivers Maine and Seine. A1b/A2 c. The second is that there existed exclusive links between the Elbe-Saale centre and Northern Jutland. cf. northern pelts might regularly have entered the two Elbe centres. the downfall of the Unetice . This halberd blade links Northern Jutland to the S-Alpine and Central Apennine centres through the Elbe-Saale centre. one that reached the NW-Alpine centre via the Seine. 177). Map 8). Map 23 attempts to capture four phenomena: The first is the early western distribution of the first convincing indications of Mediterranean contacts. This network probably existed parallel to the Säter-Ripatransone network (Map 22). chapt. and the Elbe-Saale to Northern Jutland.. Gerloff 1993. and probably also into the Alpine centres in the 18th century BC. Thus. Interestingly. This would account for the links between the zig-zag bone pommels in Bush Barrow in England and S-G Iota at Mychenae. possibly also at the transition to Br. the more sceptical views of Gallay 1981: 116. Thus.. This network is entangled in a Mediterranean-Atlantic network and it is best considered in light of a heavy Mycenaean presence in the far west. And the fourth is that pontillé-decoration was a British innovation. France and S-G Ypsilon.5. while the Elbe-Saale centre was linked to the NW-Alpine centre and an Eastern Mediterranean agent via River Maine and the Upper Rhine. 1700 BC. The third is that the ogival blade was a western innovation of Bretagne that arose in combination with increased blade-length. still within the Middle Helladic and before 1700 BC (Schauer 1984:151pp. the wheel-headed pins from Kernonen. and that it reached Continental Europe at Gaubickelheim via the Seine. probably at the Rhône-estuary. Also. These Quimperle “daggers” are often as long as those considered the very first swords (Hajdüsâmson-Apa. In light of the LN II of NW Scandinavia and the distribution of type V flint daggers (cf.243 Skjerninge. below). 2. particularly in light of type IV flint daggers. Maps 24-25 take this argument further and argue that the further development. and parallels in gold-pin decoration on hilts. I suspect that Scania-Zealand could pass on goods from Inner Sognefjord and the StadtTingvollfjord area. On Maps 22-23 rests my argument for the importance of the southwestern and western relations of the “Classic” Unetice Culture. cf. I suspect that Northern Jutland could pass on goods from Jæren and even Lofoten to the Elbe-Saale centre. these networks seem linked up via separate routes to two separate agents to the north: Elbe-Vltava to Scania/Zealand and the Central Swedish Water System.

This belonged to skeleton 1.. across Central Sweden to the western coast of Norway. This could be interpreted as an active engagement from the NWAlpine centre to bypass the Elbe-Vltava centre and get direct access to the eastern Baltic. This can be seen as an active engagement from the S-Alpine groups to bypass the Elbe-Saale centre. Circle B at Mycenae. The first western bronzes can thus be directly linked to this NWAlpine engagement for access to the Baltic. Engedal 2005).25).e. and is dated to LH IB and 1675-1625 BC (Schauer 1984: Abb. These are not necessarily as early as Thün-Renzenbühl. and links the S-Alpine centre to Scandinavia via River Weser 25. these were responsible for bypassing the Unetice centres.30. clearly within . and demonstrates how the Unetice area is circumvented and the NW-Alpine centre linked to the eastern Baltic through an extreme eastern route24. for linking up north and south and bringing the positions of the Elbe-Vltava and Elbe-Saale as middle-men. 1700-1675 BC according to the high-chronology of Dietz (1991). fig. as well as on a blade from Vreta Kloster in Sweden. The Trassem hoard demonstrates that a secondgeneration socketed-hilt was combined with an ogival dagger blade at this time. Dietz 1991: 128p. Map 24 highlights a Vevang – Mycenae Network. i. ultimately a hybrid of Italian and Breton features (cf. and related techniques are also found on blades in the west. Maps 2223). in order to take over the route to the Western Baltic and Northern Jutland. A novel centre and middle-man is now emerging in the Lower ElbeKiel Bay area. Blindheim and Rastorf (cf. The horizon of Rümlang type axes can be linked via the copper and gold-inlays on the axe from Thün-Renzenbühl. but they are plotted on the map to demonstrate their western distribution on the continent. This inlay technique is also found on an axe in the Trassem hoard. The Karlevi. to S-G IV and Late Helladic IA at Mycenae. This extraordinary network is of particular interest to us since the characteristic NW-Alpine axe types of this network can be traced across the Baltic Sea.1. early Br.244 Culture. Felsberg and Trassem daggers might be seen as a direct development from the combination of socketedhilt and ogival blade (on separate daggers) seen in the Gaubickelheim-hoard (cf. and demonstrates how this network bypasses both the Unetice area and the Rhine area. This network seems clearly later than those on Maps 22-23. to an end. the most recent interment. and c. Map 25 highlights a Svanekjær Mose – S-Alpine Network. 82. The gold pin from Trassem resembles the spiral beads from from S-G Omichron. These developments provide the background to the making of the swords with socketed hilts from Nebra. below). and the Central Swedish response to this engagement. A2. was to a large degree a result of the exertions made by the two Alpine centres.

9. Following the argument of Maps 21-25. This takes us to the origin of the sword and Map 26. . these features were combined in the distinctive Carpathian swords from Hajdüsâmson and Apa. Map 21). B1 as well as the difficult “A3” transitional phase. are an Alpine “tanged” dagger from Szentgal and a Rhône type haft from Tata (cf. Map 22 demonstrated that the ogival blade (without metal-hilt) as well as increased length. 6. A2. was introduced from the Atlantic to Gaubickelheim on the Rhine in the 18th century. Map 23 demonstrated that metal hilt. This is an interesting observation since the transference of the metalhilt from the Unetice culture to the Carpathians and the Hajdüsâmson-Apa horizon (steps 1 and 2 above) has often been considered a fundamental step in the origin of the first metalhilted swords (the Hajdüsâmson-Apa type). and these swords spurred the production of imitations in the rest of Central Europe and Scandinavia. These developments all occurred before the Hajdüsâmson-horizon in the Carpathians. The engagement of the NW-Alpine centre in the establishment of this VevangMycenae network also brought eastern Central Europe into contact with western Central Europe. and that this type was distributed to the Alps as well as to eastern Sweden. probably in the context of establishing the network seen on Map 24. before Br. The possibility exists that already at this time persons from the Lower Elbe were present at Jæren.e. The conventional trajectory puts heavy focus on the Carpathians: the metal-haft was borrowed from the Unetice area and the increased blade length from Mycenae. chapt.2. Map 21 demonstrates that both the Carpathians and the central Danube area lay outside the zone of metal-hilts. probably in the vicinity of Gaubickelheim and Trassem on the Rhine.2 From dagger to sword Map 26 attempts to deal with the complex issue of the first swords26. and is best seen as a direct development from Map 23. ogival blade in the mid 17th century BC. In my view. my main intention is to demonstrate the western foundation for the development from dagger to sword. It is worth noticing that the only two metal-hafted triangular daggers southeast of the Elbe-Vltava centre.2-3). and trading the Blindheim sword to a person from Sunnmøre for pelts (cf.245 Br. It seems clear that the metal-hilt was not brought from the Unetice area but from the Alpine centres. a socketed variant. i. these arguments call for an alternative trajectory from dagger to sword. and that the hilt was borrowed from one of the Alpine centres rather than from the Unetice Culture. involved in the building of a three-isled house at Kvålehodlen. was applied to a rather long.

“Hungary” and Zivalji. the largest and most impressive of all the early European metal-hilted swords. these are also conventionally considered to be strongly influenced by the Hajdüsâmson-Apa type.246 The first step is to introduce two intermediate types between the triangular dagger and the ogival sword. In my view this releases the Scandinavian metal-hilted swords from their tight links to the Hajdüsâmson horizon and the Carpathians. On Map 26 is plotted a selection of motives: “halbeswinkelkreuz”. and all four carries “halbeswinkelkreuz”-motives. on a long dagger blade from Barche di Solferino in Northwest Italy. They are distributed in an arch from the Alps via the Danube to the Croatian coast. somewhat concave blades. at Bernstorf and Nitriansky Hradok. striated triangle”. Although with organic hilts. is related to the decorative tradition of the S-Alpine centre with its combination of “hanging. I will focus on some of the decorative patterns. Perjen. “hanging concave. The Sögel type represents another early sword type in the north. 2007). The arch drawn by the Maiersdorf type has its centre close to the fortified settlement of Monkodonja. striated triangles”. Ebbe Lomborg (1960). large circular pommels. 1999. Rather than the number and type of rivets. along River Inn. They are thus clearly interrelated and are best seen as the creations of one or a few artists leaning heavily on decorative patterns characteristic of the Alpine centres. This combination is replicated only in a single case. While the Felsberg dagger with socketed hilt was located to the immediate east of the NW-Alpine centre. the westernmost dagger of the Maiersdorf type from Perjen is located further east. They all have long. indicated by its acropolis and stone architecture (cf. waisted hilts. The second step in order to construct an alternative dagger-sword trajectory is to dissolve the Hajdüsâmson-Apa type as defined by e. striated triangle” and “plaited. These both suggest the formation of a novel E-Alpine centre. I propose that the presence of Mycenaeans at Monkodonja. Hänsel et. still within the 17th century. Three features point in a different direction: The Sögel sword from . Kristiansen & Larsson 2005: 162. It is also clear that the Torupgårde sword from Lolland. concave. Teržan et. is fundamental in order to understand the development of the sword as well as the rise of fortified settlements immediately north of the Maiersdorfarch. “C-scroll”. al. Hänsel & Teržan 2000. and “line-dot flower”. From this it seems clear that the Carpathian swords are isolated from the rest with their use of the “C-scroll” and “line-dot flower”-motives.g. The second is the Maiersdorf type dagger comprising the four specimens from Maiersdorf. striated triangles”. al. “plaited. The first is the Trassem-Felsberg type dagger plotted on Map 24.

Nebra and Rastorf. organic hilts (cf. and belong in the 16th century. is firmly grounded in western traditions along the Rhine. I would suggest that this is largely artificial. and in the vicinity of the significant sites of Nitriansky Hradok and Bernstorf. The NW-Alpine zone seems not to have participated in the development of the ogival metal-hilted blades. Mozolics 1967. I suggest that the Hajdüsâmson – Apa – Zaijta trajectory discerned through Carpathian hoards to the east (cf. both the major early sword types of the Nordic zone carry distinctive decorative links to the Alps. the Quimperle blades of the Atlantic. Some of the western variants of the “Au-Zaijta-Spatzenhausen” category are thus seen as a direct development from the Maiersdorf and Trassem types. largely contemporary to the Hajdüsâmson-horizon in the east. the architecture of Monkodonja strongly suggest that Mycenaeans with their rapiers were present in this area. although there are still no Mycenaean rapiers from the Gulf of Venice. Thus. The Cascina Ranza hoard in the S-Alpine combines what I consider to be very early ogival. and to the trapezoid hilts of the Trassem-Felsberg daggers. was most likely also the result of the early Mycenaean link through the Rhône-Loire channel. concave. especially the running arches on the pommels. The earliest increase in blade-length. metal hilted blades with a sword of this “Au-Zaijta-Spatzenhausen” category. Neither the NW-Alpine nor the E-Alpine centre embraced the ogival-blade but instead created a long blade with parallel sides. Map 26 shows a peculiar void along the Danube and in the Alps. just east of the Hajdüsâmson. Still. Although . and related specimens are present in the Carpathians.247 Frotheim carries a “Halbeswinkelkreuz”-motive. and that this void is filled with some of the swords conventionally designated as second generation (“early Tumulus”) swords: the “Au-Zaijta-Spatzenhausen” category. These. as well as a great many blades with trapezoid. The hilts of these blades reveal strong links to the Maiersdorf type dagger. striated triangle” motive. This would fit well with an origin of the European sword in the Carpathians. with socketed hilts from Blindheim. and a related sword from Hochenlocksted carries a “hanging. Map 27)27. Thus. Apa. a network that bypassed Continental Europe and linked Mycenae to Wessex before 1700 BC. And. I believe that the ultimate inspiration for the increased length of blades and the development of the sword north of the Alps. A third type. and Zaijta hoards. was the Mycenaean rapiers. a characteristic northern Sögel type sword is found at unknown location in Italy. it seems clear that both the metal-hilt and the ogival blade were western features. Lomborg 1960) is not a direct reflection of the chronological development of the area in the far west.

Differences might also be a result of different strategies used by Mediterranean groups at different ports: from the violent establishment of bridge-heads. Their ogival outline was inspired by Atlantic Quimperle blades. Engedal 2005: fig. different continental groups had relations with different Mediterranean groups. i. Recently the western entries have been strengthened by excavations at Monkodonja and Bernstorf. Hänsel et. al. the Sauerbrunn rapier. of the shift in Mycenaean presence from Bay of Lyon to the Adriatic. The origin of the Maiersdorf type and its distribution (the Maiersdorf Arch) is to be seen in light of the Vevang-Mycenae network (Map 22). In light of the above arguments I suggest the following trajectory: 1. i. I have tried to demonstrate the phenomenon of contemporary. 2. In the Gulf of Venice we see a rapier with indigenous features. competing longdistance network stretching across the European continent. via intermarriage and gift-exchange to commercial trade. they are as ogival and as long as the swords from Hajdüsâmson and Apa (cf. 2007). Moosauer & Bachmeier 2005.).e. they are located at each end of the Maiersdorf-Arch. In this way. Switzerland and Scandinavia (Liversage 2000: 73pp. This might reflect the differences in blade traditions of these regions: while Transylvania was basically an axe-using region. the establishment of Monkodonja. 5). and of the start of copper production in the Mitterberg area. The swords from Donja Dolina and Cascina Ranza represent the first step towards the metal-hilted ogival sword. In Transylvania we see a rather pure version of the Mycenaean rapier.e. it was a shift from S and NW-Alpine centres towards a novel E-Alpine centre. both with convincing Mycenaean links (Teržan et. and the outcome of these encounters might have been different at different places. The stylistic elements were mainly derived from the NW and S-Alpine centres. the Adriatic and Breton groups rested heavily on long local blade-traditions. Rather than a shift in gravity from the Unetice zone to the Carpathians. Kristiansen & Larsson 2005: 162. . This is in accordance with the idea that the Mitterberg-mine was opened at this time and that its “AsNi”-coppers came to dominate in the Carpathians. 1999. al. Both carry features related to the Maiersdorf type. And in Bretagne we see the Quimperle sword with ogival blade. This could logically be reflected in several contemporary ports of trade with Mediterranean networks. Hänsel & Teržan 2000. and they are also the only early metal-hilted swords found in the vicinity of the Maiersdorf-Arch.248 they are without metal-hilts.

Stensgård). to the curved scimitars.249 3. both the swords from Rosenfelde and Torupgårde have blades with an outline reminiscent of the Sauerbrunn rapiers. 4. Gräslund 1964. Mosstugan. Thus. the axe from Sösdala and to the sunthrone from Balkåkra (cf. paralleled in Skåne and at Nitriansky Hradok (nr. chapt. From Pella in Saloniki Bay there are only 380 km to Troy. Such ferrules are the most likely source of inspiration for the Nordic scimitars (cf. It is best seen in light of Scanian journeys to Nitriansky Hradok and beyond. The five scimitars make two important points in this respect: 1) they are testimonies of complex modelling and moulding skills.1).5. Bragby. variant “Torupgårde-Mosstugan” of Eastern Scandinavia. Engedal 2002: 66pp. which is rather uncontroversial. fig. The Pella sword might in fact be considered a Nordic sword rather than a Carpathian. rather they were all agents interacting with each other somewhere within the primary Maiersdorf-Arch.. rather then the Carpathian swords were the common inspiration for the first generation metal-hilted swords in Europe. 33). Although the date of the Sauerbrunn rapiers is controversial. The Norre scimitar suggests a link between the CSWS and Skåne through Lake Vättern and the South Swedish highlands. 67. were the only actual curved bronze ferrule has been found. The first includes the bracelet from the Steine hoard. Their extreme length was inspired by Mycenaean rapiers at Monkodonja. and 2) they demonstrate familiarity with Anatolian (Hittite-Trojan) symbolism. A direct encounter between trappers from Aurland and Scanians might thus have taken place at the shores of Lake Vättarn. From Map 26 describing the development after Map 24 and the Vevang-Mycenae network. These Scanians might thus have brought pelts from the Central Zone directly to Nitriansky Hradok. Several production centres outside the Maiersdorf-Arch now start independent production of metal-hilted swords: variants “Hajdüsâmson” and “Apa” in the Carpathians. it seems clear that NW Scandinavia was drawn into southern dynamics via two major northsouth axis. The first point. variant “Nebra-Rastorf” of Saale-Mecklenburg Bay. 3. and these. . cf. their decoration was elaborated from S-Alpine patterns. and ultimately from the Atlantic via the Alps. None of these foundries were primary in relation to the other. I propose that this series began at this time. and variants “Spatzenhausen-Au” of the Alps. located within the Maiersdorf-Arch. strengthens the idea of an independent skilled production of swords in Scandinavia (Torupgårde. and the ogival shape inspired by Donja-Dolina and Cascina Ranza.

The Blindheim sword can be related to the northwestern production of third-generation socketed-hilts (Nebra. At the same time extraordinary artefacts with Mediterranean links are found in Northwest Germany.250 Engedal 2002). and that these very same groups operated a direct network with Bernstorf. evidence of casting and recycling of complex bronzes (Skrivarhellaren). the Mycenaean gold cup from Dohnsen and the sky disc from Nebra. the calendar code hidden within the gold pins on the axe from Thun-Renzenbühl.3 The rise & fall of the North Way The three-isled house from Kvålehodlen and the Blindheim-sword are the first clear indications of close links between the maritime North Way and the Elbe-Kiel Bay area. and Maps 28-29.g. and might ultimately be inspired by Near Eastern astronomy (Kristiansen & Larsson 2005: 267). scimitars and the Sösdala-Hasfalva findings together draw a rather clear-cut route from Aurland to Troy. dynamics have changed beyond recognition from the situation on Maps 21-2427. a sword with its best parallels alongside the unique sky disc in the Nebra hoard (Blindheim). 9. it is possible to discern a network extending from Blindheim in the north to Mycenae in the south. From the distribution of the octagon-hilted swords it is now clear. Rastorf. as migrants or as stationary traders. Thus. a one-of-three bracelet for a child (Steine). I suspect the presence of groups from the new Elbe-Kiel Bay centre at Jæren. These latter expeditions brought northerners in direct contact with Nitriansky Hradok (Scania-Zealand) and Bernstorf (Elbe-Kiel Bay). that the Alpine and the Nordic Zone . and architecture at this time known only south of the Nordic Zone (House 3 at Kvålehodlen). is echoed in several findings in the Alpines. The Kvålehodlen-house supports the idea that this link was forged from the south by placing representatives of the Elbe-Kiel Bay at Jæren. The bracelets. Roum). e. and the “Venus sight” from Hilterfingen (Kerner 2007). The second major north-south axis is represented by the Blindheim sword and moreover House 3 at Kvålehodlen. swords. I propose that the peculiar start of the Bronze Age in NW Scandinavia is best accounted for by magnifying the importance of northern pelts in the expeditions made first by groups on the Swedish east coast. and later by Scania-Zealand on the one hand and Elbe-Kiel Bay on the other. The interest in the relationships between metals and celestial phenomena seen on the Nebra disc (Schlosser 2002).2. following the arguments above. The Bronze Age of NW Scandinavia begins in a rather extraordinary way: a Alpine battle axe (Vevang). as wives. Moving to BA II (1500-1300 BC).

28). Maps 12. possibly even by a short route along the Jutish westcoast. Liversage rules out this as a potential source of tin. Taf. I contend that during the period 1500-1340 BC the Elbe-Kiel Bay centre controlled the North Way. Bernstorf has produced convincing indications . Thus. it seems clear that these owed their peculiar waisted-hilts to earlier swords such as the one from Heitersheim (with copper inlay). these groups were able to draw in goods from the northern part of the Scandinavian Peninsula. At this time ”AsNi” copper dominates in the Nordic Zone. This is also reflected in the composition of copper. perhaps in the form of a bride from the Trondheimsfjord-area. and points instead to Cornwall in the Atlantic. the extraordinary early BA II twin-daggers from Bø. In light of the above. but is less popular in Germany (Liversage 2000: 73pp. 29).10). This North Way worked in combination with both a southern route to Bernstorf and a western route to the Atlantic. in line with the rest of Continental Europe. Maps 13. in Switzerland and the Carpathians. and copper and gold inlays (Trassem. indicates northern influence. and ultimately from the Maiersdorf type daggers. and it hides the for this study important shift in the North Way: from an Elbe-Kiel Bay link in the early BA II (cf. to a Zealand link in late BA II (cf. The direction is reversed in the early cremations at Frøset in Beitstadfjord. Interestingly. I have suggested that the only Norwegian octagon-hilted sword from Madla is late BA II and related to the Zealand link. The Nordic Zone also uses high tin-levels.251 have finally linked up and circumvented the intermediate zone between the Danube and the Baltic. Jæren and Albertsdorf in the Elbe-Kiel Bay area also have octagon hilts (Pl.). 52. Through their nodes at southern Jæren and Beitstad. I have suggested that the Anderlingen burial with rock art imagery from this stage at the Lower Elbe. These indicate an inland. both the Blindheim sword and the Bø dagger can be traced to a stylistic milieu dominated by rare features such as waisted and socketed hilts. Nebra. The octagon-hilted sword was made during the entire Nordic BA II. Since tin-levels in the area around Ertzgebirge in Germany are generally low.) and the Nordic Smørumovre spear from Nijmegen. Heitersheim). the high tin-levels indicate an exclusive trade in tin with Atlantic Europe. 56). A few Nordic bronzes indicate the route used westwards: the Nordic cult axe from River Meuse in Belgium (Jensen 2002: 292p. 1732. While both the octagon-hilted swords and the ”AsNi” copper indicate a direct relationship with the Alps. riverine link from the Nordic Zone via the Rhine and Meuse to the Seine and the Atlantic coast. much more in line with the Atlantic zone than with Continental Europe. Holland (Jacob-Friesen 1967: nr. roughly 600 km from Elbe-estuary to Jæren (Map 25).

Together. During this time (early BA II).252 of Mycenaean relations. was thus due to its successful funnelling of furs from the entire peninsula. Jutland. hostilities along the Oder-route. The reason for this sudden intervention into the North Way – Elbe network from 1340 BC onwards. These indicate that persons from this area sat and drank with Mychenaeans at Bernstorf. Monkodonja and Bernstorf might thus be understood in light of the karoum and wabartum in the Old Assyrian trade-system: Bernstorf as a satellite north of the Alps for Monkodonja. chapt. embracing enigmatic findings such as the Trundholm Sun-Chariot and Kivik. At this time the Elbe-Kiel Bay is unique with their mass of artefacts of Mycenaean origin or inspiration. e. As I have proposed earlier (cf. The best preserved stool was found at Guldhøj. Rimbareid and Lunde. This was furnished with seat of otter fur. Kleppe. and thus potentially in a dominant position relative to Scania and the Danish Islands. 6. might have been because of obstructions.). Guldhøj thus combine undisputable Mediterranean symbolism with pure tin most likely from Cornwall and fur possibly trapped somewhere along the North Way. Thus. in the late BA II Zealand engaged heavily both in Elbe-Kiel Bay and Lüneburg areas.g. an early golden diadem and an amber piece with a Linear B sign (Moosauer & Bachmeier 2005). and dendrodated to 1389 BC. Scania and Zealand probably operated the routes along the Oder to the Danube and procured octagon-hilted swords from the eastern end of its main zone of distribution in the south. The distinctive “brimmed hats” on the Stockhult figurines is best linked to the image of a brimmed hat on the Kivik-coffin. as seen in the findings from Vigrestad. or it might have been because of the increasing domination and success of the full North Way-Elbe-Bernstorf-Mycenae network. these . If tin really did come from Cornwall rather than the Ertzgebirge. and beside it was a wooden bowl adorned with ornaments of pure tin pins (Jensen 1998: 134pp. e. The cult-axe from the Meuse is also best linked to the Scania-Zealand centre. As Zealanders started to engage heavily in both the North Way and the Lower Elbe area. and the brimmed gold-hats from the Main-Rhine area. as well as in Jæren and the North Way. Both engagements can be seen as intentional acts to seize control of furs from NW Scandinavia. as indicated by the burials from Kivik and Sagaholm.5). The extreme richness of this centre at this time. such as the cluster of “camp-stools” and metal drinking cups.g with its control of Arctic furs and Atlantic tin. during this short phase 1340-1300 BC NW Scandinavia was linked into the same Scania-Zealand centre via both maritime and overland routes. Scania strengthened its relations into the waterways of the interior. Gjørv. this would put Elbe-Kiel Bay in control of the import of tin to Scandinavia.

Thy might have rose to power from its position as a stepping-stone for Zealanders engaged in the North Way. demonstrating that Kalmar. Especially the gold-findings seem to indicate that an inland route southwards now dominated. Rogaland.. as the “AsNi” copper disappears and the extremely widespread “NS” copper is introduced (Liversage 2000: 81pp. Jutland (Quillfeldt 1994: 181). near Kalmar in Sweden. 58 %.). Between 1200-1100 BC the palace-civilization in the Eastern Mediterranean came to an end. linked to Mycenaean specimens (Schauer 1971: 112). Ca. but with a less characteristic profile. And again the Nordic Zone occupies a central position with early specimens such as Dollerup and Ørskovhedehus. fig.253 indicate the magnitude of the western engagements of these groups during 1340-1300 BC. And again the number of deposited developed flange-hilted swords in the north exceeds the numbers of Continental Europe (cf. variant Lorch from Limfjord. Although imported metalhilted swords are rare in the Nordic zone in this period. Among the significant changes from BA II is also a significant drop in the import of foreign metal-hilted swords: a Riegsee-sword. was probably a crucial foundation for the rise of the Thy centre. and northern raiders armed with flange-hilted swords. If we . the Nordic scene is characterized by the rise of the Thy-centre in Northern Jutland. and type Zsujta from “Ringkøbing”. Schauer 1971: taf. 125). Now Thy came to occupy a central position at the gate to the North Way. both in relation to Scania-Zealand on the one hand and southern Jutland and SchleswigHolstein on the other. 60m long. and from the transition BA III/IV. 118). a “dreiwulst”-sword type Illertsen from Eia. Drews 1993: 192pp. The origin of the flange-hilted sword is no less debated that that of the metal-hilted sword. and its production of female accessories and male swords in the distinct BA III style. From nearby Öland comes a pin imported from the Lüneburg area. 118). ”AsNi”-copper is still dominant. dated to 1500-1300 BC (Kristiansen & Larsson 2005: 278p. Such an inland caravan route in combination with an extended maritime route along the North Way to a strengthened centre at Beitstad (Tonnes-Holan). as well as gold in the form of twisted arm-rings and coiled finger/arm-rings. At Bruatorp. 1100 BC the area north of the Alps witnessed the first major change in metal supply in half a millenium.. Öland and Bornholm were also involved in the Lüneburg-intervention (Old 2051) Moving to BA III (1300-1100 BC). leading from Limfjord along the Jutish mainland to the lower Elbe. less tin than in BA II but more than in BA I (Liversage 2000: 27). the largest known EBA long-house has been found. most likely played some part in the widespread attacks (cf. the pattern of octagon-hilted swords from BA II is now replicated in flange-hilted swords of type Traun and Annenheim (Schauer 1971: Taf. Popham 1994: 285).

before it looses its significance on the wider North European scene after 700 BC.4 Decisive events in the history of North-South Networks My main argument above is that the period 1800-1100 BC can be read as a trajectory in which middle-men are excluded in a north-south axis in networks that brought northern valuables to the cities of the East Mediterranean. possibly also for silver and gold. there seems to have been an eastern shift in its southern end: Karmøy and Jæren now engaged in maritime networks towards Halland. But the NW-Alpine centre in particular arose at an intersection between Central European and Atlantic networks. it was Mycenaean expeditions to the west and into the Gulf of Lyon that brought the European Bronze Age into a new pace. This spurred an interest in the origin of the goods that arrived irregularly and in smaller quantities from the north. Later it was followed up by attempts to circumvent these centres and forge direct links to both the western and eastern end of the . Possibly. Initially. and the vast but uneven displacement of its yield of 18 000 tons of “AsNi”-copper (Liversage 2000: 80). BA III. numbers of burials and size of monuments. the northern networks were extended. primarily amber and furs. These expeditions ran parallel to the final erection of monumental burials. 1300-1100 BC is also the peak in NW Scandinavia in terms of number of bronzes. with complex internal structures and ship-settings. The collapse in the organization of copper-production at Mitterberg might be one such effect.2. The collars from Trondenes and Tennevik and the mould from Grøtavær are the last traces of the fully extended North Way. from the Atlantic. this led to increased attention towards the ElbeSaale and Elbe-Vltava centres of the Unetice area. and it lead to exertions to access larger amounts of these goods. the collapse of the palaces in the eastern Mediterranean would have had significant repercussions north of the Alps. A scenario might be suggested: the individuals of the NW-Alpine centre that first came in direct contact with Mycenaean traders changed their attitude to goods and logistics as they saw how these traders acted towards artefacts and materials. By its use of the Rhône-Loire and Rhône-Seine channels this network bypassed most of Continental Europe. might have been a reaction to the changes in the southern end of the BA III network: as the southern trade collapsed. 9. These were aimed mainly for amber and tin. Parallel to this expansion in the northern end of the North Way. The extreme extension of the North Way into the Arctic from ca. Mecklenburg and the Oder-route. It is also the story of the rise and fall of the Mitterberg-mine.254 upgrade the Mycenae-Monkodonja-Bernstorf to an “Assur-Karum-Wabartum” system. 1100 BC.

The most important single effect emerging from the early Mediterranean-Alpine encounters was an attitude to the displacement and exchange of objects. this explains why the Nordic region picked up so much of Mediterranean beliefs. in their attempts to bring more goods. logistics. fur from the Arctic and tin from the Atlantic. Elbe-Kiel Bay and Eastern Sweden. Mycenaeans established a colony at Monkodonja in the inner Adriatic.255 Baltic Sea. groups in Scania-Zealand and Elbe-Kiel Bay organized access to northern furs. In these encounters in the far north. The shift in pace was also a result of new southern markets and an entirely new market and demand for northern fur and amber. These Alpine groups brought this attitude to each end of the Baltic Sea. as well as combined raiding-trading expeditions to the heart of the continent. relative to the rest of the Continent. These networks might thus have been competing for pelts trapped by the same trappers. Crucial to this shift in pace. regularly and directly from the north to the Mediterranean. two areas in particular were involved. From this scene arose sites like Bernstorf and Nitriansky Hradok. between a commercial attitude characteristic of the Near Eastern city-states and attitudes dominated by the gift and its social obligations north of the Mediterranean. and this would . If the trappers operating in the highlands of the Central Zone in NW Scandinavia were turning their attention towards the North Way in stead of the CSWS to the east. At c. These dynamics emerged because Mediterranean markets were mainly interested in amber from the Baltic. and different routes to the hunting grounds in the north on the other hand. materials and mobility. And these two agents explored the North Way and the Central Swedish Water System respectively. was the clash between attitudes to exchange. In the northern end. dynamics within the Nordic Zone came to be dominated by the competition between different groups in the south over access to different routes to the continent on the one hand. this would have brought the Scania-Zealand groups into a crisis. artefacts. in order to access furs trapped in the highlands of the Central Zone and in the Arctic. 1500 BC. In this way Nordic groups and Mycenaeans came to meet face-to-face and in some cases bypassed much of Central Europe. In light of these new networks north of the Alps. thus in commodities from the northern and western fringes of Europe. and from here they launched expeditions across the Alps possibly in attempts to intercept the long and winding routes and to bypass the Alpine middle-men. Finally. Such a development might have been underway in BA II. ideas and material culture. and thus brought NW Scandinavia into a Bronze Age. pelts and amber from the north had become an integral part of the exchange at Bernstorf and Nitriansky Hradok. Once this ball was put in motion. I propose.

The Svenes hoard on the eastern fringe of these highlands is the largest single collection of Ullerslev type spearheads. role. their engagement in the North Way. Alternatively. The nodal settlements at Spišský Štvrtok. with accessories from the Lüneburg zone in Northwest Germany.256 account for the Zealander’s intervention in the North Way – to secure access to northern goods in order to operate on the continental scene. the development of distinct and highly complex bronze and gold technologies.e. These females were probably crucial in the establishment and the dynamics of this network. From the perspective of the dwellers of these sites there were both friendly and hostile northerners. and finally. On the other side there is a trail of Smørumovre type spearheads from Jæren into Hardangerfjord and into the highlands at Kaldafjell. Thus. Some of these groups entered the gates of Spišský Štvrtok. Bronze Age history from 1700 BC onwards is also a story of an arms-race in which Southern Scandinavia played a significant. 2000: 67. ports and networks. between Kaldafjell and Svenes. probably brides. and thus the need for protection. The accumulation and displacement of larger amounts of valuables from the 17th century. warriors from the southern part of the Central Zone armed with spears of Ullerslev type procured via the CSWS might have faced boat-crews of warriors from . at Jæren and Trondheimsfjord. Women with accessories of Lüneburgian inspiration also dominate the burials along the North Way at this time. the access via the CSWS was simply too unstable and ineffective in order to fulfil their continental ambitions. the incorporation of Mycenaean imagery in their burials. indicate that they also faced the risk of hostile visitors (Osgood et. Indeed. Moosauer & Bachmeier 2005). al. 20-30 highly functional weapons. Nitriansky Hradok and Bernstorf as traders. i. fortifications in wood and stone and tower bastions. The Scania-Zealand centre stands out in late BA II by a series of women. theft by raiding and warfare. One of the likely scenarios for warfare in our area would be conflict between the Central Zone and southerners operating the North Way. others attempted to put fire to the fortifications or raid caravans on the route to and from. These defences might very well have been intended for protection against raiding warrior-bands organized from the Nordic Zone. skirmishes might have been a continuous feature of the Nordic Zone. We might imagine hostilities over access to hunting grounds in the southern highlands. paved the way for new mechanisms of displacement. That they were enclosed by huge ditches. if not leading. Nitriansky Hradok and Bernstorf were located to receive traders from the north. between different groupings claiming access to the same routes.

These centres procured its furs from the north mainly via Kama and Upper Volga Rivers. Kama and particularly their confluence that we find clusters of both Seima-Turbino and Ananino sites.6. Together.3. It is precisely along Upper Volga. these copper and slate “harpoon-points” are distributed along the coast from Varanger in the north to Jæren in the south. chapt. If these coppers were procured from the east in exchange for furs.11).6).g.4. The presence of skeletal remains of small children and females. the late BA II Zealand network. copper dominating in the north and slate in the south.1 Volga-Kama and the Seima horizon From the advent of written history it is clear that political power in Russia was linked to the fur trade (Martin 1986).3 Scandinava & the Ural I have argued that the perforated copper projectiles from Karlebotn (nr. 262) ought to be seen in relation to a series of perforated slate projectiles. first Bulgar and later Kazan. otter). These copper projectiles suggest that forging technology was introduced to the northwest. 4. In this case there is massive evidence of violence from Sund (cf.). as well as to the peculiar void in BA IV findings. In any of these scenarios this could be interpreted as the outcome of a battle over access to the gate to the Arctic and furs. 9. at the gate to the Arctic and the northern interior. and that the introduction of copper was linked to complex and innovative hunting technologies – possibly for some fur-bearing mammal swimming in the sea (e. 9. indicate that the losers were locals being ambushed rather than members of a long-distance expedition. Chernykh 1992: 187pp. chapt 5.) and KareliaOnega (Huggert 1996. the era of the T-H burial ground in BA III. The next horizon of eastern metals is linked to the Seima-Turbino phenomenon. Soapstone moulds common on Seima burial grounds east of the Ural. The wide dates allows a link to the establishment of a node in the early BA II Elbe-Kiel Bay network. 2000-1700 BC. this was a network in competition with the southern flint dagger network centred on Northern Jutland and at this time extending north to Lofoten. disappears in the west only to . and again the northwestern end takes on an extraordinary position (cf. Two of the major centres in the fur trade were located at the confluence of Volga and Kama Rivers. and together they bridge the void between the fringes of the southern and eastern Copper Ages: Northern Jutland (Vandkilde 1996: 177pp.257 Zealand and Jæren armed with Smørumovre type spears. dated to c. 261) and Pitsusmurust (nr. Another potential area of conflict would be at Beitstad.

but reappears in Northern Scandinavia. Gundeslev or Ullerslev types.63). Koryakova & Epimakov 2007: 106pp.258 reappear in Northern Norway and Sweden. The Kaskelouktemould. figurines are unknown in the steppe. That the stone mould industry disappears west of the Ural.).). on frozen rivers by horse and sledge and a range of other ski and sledge technologies. Secondly. and here perhaps splitting in a northern (towards Varanger) and a southern (towards Finland and Vektarlia) branch. 60). To this can be added the strangely isolated Borodino hoard with its combination of two characteristic Seima type spearheads.g. with links to the BA II hoard from Stockhult (Galich) and spearheads with spiral-decorated sockets (Borodino) of Valsømagle. as well as the character of the Jarfjord-moulds. 1500-1300 BC (chapt. Poland and two specimens from “Ukraine” (Bouzek 1985: 69p. I concluded that the two westernmost assemblages with Seima types from Galich and Borodino pointed to Nordic BA Ib-II (1600-1300 BC). Smørumovre. the taiga. indicate a migration directly from Irtysj river: e. c. This increase in bladelength in the far west could be seen as influence from Nordic swords. probably derived from the Hittites or Trojans (Pl. the daggers cast in this mould seem to be larger than those known from eastern burial grounds (Pl. the only three figurines with a comparable early date are Near Eastern “standing arm” figurines from Scheren. core-moulding for socketed axes and spearheads.11). complex stone knapping techniques and lamellar body-armour made from antler (Kohl 2007: 168. Firstly. 4. with a typical straight Seima style haft. It is thus likely that both the Galich and Stockhult figurines had a common inspiration in these Near Eastern figurines. Interestingly. a dagger with vague Mycenaean links. and Central Europe at this time. and a fragmented spearhead with spiral-decorated socket reminiscent of Nordic types (cf. has a complex ribbed cross-section unknown on eastern blades (Pl. We might thus envision swift long-distance movements of warrior-bands. while the large Jarfjord mould corresponds well with the Seima type. 63).4. Kirke Såby. Hachmann 1957: . horse-drawn sledges. Most researchers that have dealt with the SeimaTurbino phenomenon have seen it as indicative of extensive long distance migrations westwards from the Altai-foothills. nephrite maze-heads from the Altai. It introduced a range of novel features to the foreststeppe belt north of the steppe proper: cire-perdue moulding. I have argued for a late date of the Seima-horizon. tin-alloys. crossing the Urals and following Volga to Lake Onega. A focus on the similarity between the leg-calves on the figurines from Galich and Stockhult opens interesting new avenues. from Rostovka.

might have been the result of direct interaction with Hittites through this network. and Hittites/Trojans.688. 1420 BC (Müller-Karpe 1994: 436). sometimes spiral-decorated Valsømagle type spearhead might also have been entangled in this network. Map 29). and that the “Great Tin Road” from Altai to the Baltic (cf. might have been inspired by encounters with Seima type axes (Pl. There . This opens for a more complex origin of the Seima-Turbino phenomenon. Map 12. 67. It is thus possible to gather the findings from Galich. Old 11. the Seima-network. this might also remove the need for postulating separate autonomous innovations of very similar forms in the far west and the far east. This sword carried an inscription celebrating King Tudhalija’s destruction of the land of “Assuwa”. Pl. but also at the northwestern gate to the Seima network. the profilation in the Seima mould from Kaskeloukte is in fact closer to the “Tudhalyias sword” from the Hittite capital Bogazköy than to Nordic blades (Müller-Karpe 1994:434pp. the early iron artefact from Ganovche high in Tatra mountain between the upper Vistula and Tisza rivers (Furmanek 2000. 29): to access tin flowing in the Seima-Turbino network via Beitstad. Borodino. really was a two-way street from the beginning (cf.4.1). 4. 170pp. chapt.. Engedal 2002: 45p. The origin of the long. 8.11). 60.g. Stockhult.3. Finally. the “standing arm” figurines.259 nr. Kristiansen & Larsson 2005: note 11).2-16. If the Seimanetwork had reached Vektarlia by 15-1400 BC. particularly common in Southern Sweden from 1500 BC (e. and late BA II (Maps 13. according to Müller-Karpe an event dated to c. The experiments with socketed flanged axes. If the origin of the Seima-Turbino network on the other hand was entangled in Nordic and Anatolian networks along the eastern fringe of the Carpathians c. it is worth noting that the Elbe-Kiel Bay centre established a node not merely at the very fringe of the Nordic Zone. Taf.63).). 1550-1500 BC.3b. abb. Maps 12. one that bypassed the tell-cultures of Balkan and the Carpathians. This scenario thus adds potential intentions to the establishment of the Beitstad-link both in the case of early BA II (cf. Chernykh & Kuzminykh 1989 in Koryakova & Epimakov 2007: 40).. one that ran east of the Carpathians Mountains. 28). The mass of imagery with Hittite analogies in southeastern Sweden (cf. There are only a few miles between the Seima mould from Vektarlia and the cairns with early cremations on Frøset in the Beitstad-fjord (cf. Larsson 1997). 1584). One consequence of a hypothesis of a simple linear migration from Altai to the North Sea is an autonomous invention of both the axe and spear with cast sockets in the Altai to the far east (cf. chapt. Lichardus & Vladar 1996: 43. and postulate an eastern Baltic-Black Sea network involving Scania. 67. taf. 22-23).63.

9. I am thus inclined to argue for a late date of the Seima-horizon. App. makes me suspect that this was the establishment of a network much similar to that of Bulgar and Kazan more than 1..260 is thus a possibility that the Seima network contributed to the high tin-alloys of the Nordic Zone in BA II.3. Map 20). flat and loopless “Ananino” type and the large. Although Seima-artefacts west of the Ural is generally poorer in tin-levels (Koryakova & Epimakov 2007: 40). the KAM axes or the “Akkozino-Mälar” type (both are generally included in the Ananino Culture in Russian studies). in three cases alongside spearheads with lunate openings like the . Of particular relevance to Scandinavia is that these burial grounds contained burials with two types of axes: the small. at Beitstad and MälardalFinland. 1011). Variants of the second type are heavily represented in Central Sweden and Western Norway south of Trøndelag. and for a scenario in which the Nordic and the Seima networks met up at several points. These are extremely rich in both bronze and iron artefacts.. The sudden boom in the Volga-Kama area and the intimate. The first is known in the west primarily from Finland and in Sweden from Mälardalen northwards.). Fig. KAM axes are generally found with other types characteristic of the Ananino culture. 194p. but I have proposed that this type also influenced the western coast down to Jæren..5 millennium later: one that brought fur from the north to the Caspian Sea and Caucasus and to southern markets beyond (cf. 200).2 From Seima to Ananino The Ananino culture of the Volga-Kama area embrace series of large burial grounds. the earliest burials of 800-500 BC are relatively richer in iron artefacts and demonstrate links to the Caucasus. such as Akhmylovo with 937 burials and Akkozino with 110 burials. but moulds for both types are also found in Suossalmi. as well as both open and fortified settlements on river-banks (Koryakova & Epimakhov 2007: 252p. Martin 1986: 107. as well as along a southern route to the Black Sea. At this time there are no comparable iron industries in-between Volga-Kama and the Caucasus (ibid: 158p. Northern Finland (Lavento 2001: 124p. KAM axes appear e. Interestingly. direct links to the Caucasus. this has consequences for our understanding of the later developments between Volga-Kama and the Nordic Zone. looped axe with extended neck. might have been paralleled in a reappearance of high tin-alloys. In the far west the two types overlap in Mälardalen. In the east they are found on the same burial grounds. but rarely in combination with the small Ananino axe (Meinander 1985: 25. 9b). If we accept this and upgrade the importance of east-west dynamics in the period 1500-1300 BC. the reappearance of soapstone moulds in the far west.g.

While Nordic interrests in this area might initially have been fur (traded for bronze or textiles). After a peak in BA IV and V of Nordic bronzes in the north. It seems clear. 408.7. it might have been in the traffic on River Kemi in the high north that the Norwegian KAM variant was invented. it was the volute-motive and the “top-notch” core-print from North Finland and Karelia that found their way to Jæren. 332. Meinander 1985: bur. in which a Lofoten-Jæren-Jutland network was linked to the interior both through the Torne river system. C. but also to Nordic groups. 29. but not the Norwegian variant. It is rather in Northern Finland that we find moulds for both Ananino types and KAM axes both of Mälar and importantly of Norwegian variants. 3) a reflourishing of the Central Zone-CSWS network. and through a martime route eastwards to Pasvik Valley in BA IV-V. and a group primarily linked to southern groups at Mälardalen. e. I have suggested a similar scenario. It also explains why. these two networks might have tangented a fur network linked to Volga-Kama through the Onega-Volga channel. This coincided with a set of changes in NW Scandinavia: 1) the appearance of Ananino-inspired axes from Rana to Jæren. This is in essence.g. by persons involved in a fur-copper trade between Kemi and Volga-Kama. and a second major movement from east to west – it was the eastern core-techniques that became prevailing in the west. but from the Central Zone to its north. chapt.8). the flow might at some point have shifted and bronze from Volga-Kama started to flow not merely towards the northern hunter-gatherer populations (in the form of Ananino type axes). In the latter case.261 one from Sørheim (nr. These might have leaped over to the competing North Way network . there seems to be a total void of Nordic BA VI bronzes north of Beitstad-Mälardalen. 6. This network thus collided with Swedish networks into the same area via an “eastern North Way” (cf. Hence. including the Mälar variant. 816 at Achmylovo). and ultimately to Caucasian centres for further distribution. possibly to avoid conflicts with the Kvene on an overland route. 6. And as a parallel to the situation in the Viking Age. that the greatest typological variation in KAM axes is found in the Volga-Kama area. This might indicate that the eastern fur network won this first battle of the north. in line with Tallgren’s perspective (1937b: 41). among multiple Arctic features. 890 AD Ottar from Hålogaland opened a maritime route to the White Sea. The distinction marked on eastern burial grounds might be between a group with close relations northwestwards towards Northern Finland and Sweden. I believe Närman’s proposal of the LBA as the “first Viking era” is interesting when it comes to the above situation. 2) Jæren no longer procure bronzes from the south. though. I suspect first a western impulse on the east.

The . This scenario explains why distinctly eastern moulding practises appeared in the southern end of the North Way. The existance of a Lausitz trade-colony at Vistad 1000-400 BC by Lake Vättern might indicate that the furs supplied by the Central Zone again came to dominate Continental Europe. making eastern coppers and bronzes more relevant. often with Central European Hallstatt imports. in Mälardalen.e. Map 16). and no typical Nordic axe types. This means that the Volga-Kama is a highly relevant. The Vistad-colony might be seen as a Karoum type settlement. This duality in axe types is strangely replicated at Jæren at the end of the BA: an axe and two moulds with extended necks. i. We have failed to embed this network in the EBA. and copper rather than fur flowed into the Nordic Zone from the north. I believe it is possible to discern a Scandinavian – Kama network operating from 1600/1500 BC throughout the Bronze Age. This might indicate that the Central European imports found in the CSWS and Western Norway was not the result of groups in Mälardalen engaging directly on the Continent.262 and in this way a rare eastern variant amongst many others would come to dominate NW Scandinavia. but rather goods procured from the Lausitz-traders at Vistad (cf. looped axes with extended necks. Ananino-like axes. Within the fortified settlement at Vistad. Öland and Gotland (Jensen 1997: 180). a group mixed heavily with migrant warrior-traders from Mälardalen. at Jæren. and therefore the massive evidence from the LBA has become such an enigma. This has been interpreted in light of metallurgical activities. might be explained by a largely local group vs. I suggest that the Volga-Kama centre and its northwestern relations escalated both because of its link-up to Caucasus in the south and to the Nordic Zone in the northwest. groups from the Polish Lausitz-area used foreign pottery. Thus. Larsson & Hulthen 2004: 24). build foreign. For this reason fur from northern Scandinavia now started to flow predominantly in a southeastern direction. The duality seen on the eastern burial grounds of Akozino and Achmylovo. but the least understood outside agent to the Nordic Bronze Age in general and to NW Scandinavia and Mälardalen in particular. loopless Ananino axes and burials with large. between burials with small. At the end of BA VI there is a field of gravity of rich multi-type hoards. and three moulds for small. Larsson 1993. The collapse in the Mediterranean 1200-1100 BC might have brought on a reorientation in the north. via the CSWS but also via the Göta-Glomma Zone. that these groups came to Lake Vättern primarily to refine local iron ores and bring refined ores or iron to the south of the Baltic. square houses with roof-supporting walls and used a range of cupola-shaped kilns (cf.

263 large hoard of socketed axes of both Mälar and Norwegian variants at Balsmyr. better explored than at Jæren. east and south. and that it has taken the maritime North Way for granted once it was opened at the transition MN-LN. cf. I believe that the full blown North Way. The distribution of findings in Jæren (Map 30. one would expect this soil to have enabled people at Jæren to procure bronzes from Jutland in a less variable fashion. Possibly both bronze from the Volga-Kama as well as locally produced coppers and iron were traded south to the Oder. and that bronzes would have been clustered more clearly on the best soils. from the Central Zone in western Norway in particular. suggesting that they were mainly seeking furs from the north via Gandsfjord and from the interior highlands. a favourable location in order to access land-routes from Gandsfjord and the eastern interior. was a highly fragile network compared to the eastern overland networks in terms of organization and equipment. in its BA IIIII variants. 22). The settlers from the Elbe-Kiel Bay area chose evidently the southern interior of Jæren. also Map 19) suggests that the coast of northern Jæren was feared. On the contrary. one of several possible nodes between hunting-grounds and copper-mines. this would make Jæren more sensitive to the activities of other agents to the north. If the position of Jæren in flint and particularly in bronze networks was mainly that of a middle-man. east and south. Northern style rock art at Nag and Bru suggest that northerners . Map 8. Bornholm. a farming-bias has created the notion that Jæren’s position in LN-BA networks was rooted mainly in its high quality soils and large population. 9. largely bypassing this coast.4 Jæren – a close up view A closer exploration of the bronzes of Jæren is a key to an alternative Bronze Age history of NW Scandinavia: perhaps nowhere else is the merging of Ural and Alpine networks. If this was the case. I do not doubt that the Vistad-colony was engaged in the production of metal. might be a southbound cargo of bronzes procured from northern groups visiting Vistad. The location of the Vistad-colony and its Polish origin is strangely reminicent of the relationship between eastern Sweden and the “Alpine-colony” at the lower Vistula at the very beginning of the Bronze Age (cf. I have argued that Norwegian BA research has suffered from a maritime bias in terms of logistics. In addition. and that there was an effective network of rivers and lakes across the interior from Gandsfjord to the coast south of Orre. but I suggest that the main purpose of its establishment was the same as it was at the beginning of the BA: to access fur via the CSWS.

This means that boats and scenes typical of BA V are rare.). type III (24stk). The dominance of this area is also clear in MNB (Hinsch 1956: 206pp. In fact. These might have been procured and deposited by the same groups that brought neck-collars from Jutland to the Tjeldsund area in the far north. Østfold and Bohuslän. Hå and Time: This zone contained 11 loose-found bronze axes from the EBA. A few comparisons can be made if we look at the three municipalities of Kleppe. type V (9stk). and this need not have occurred later than late BA V. 493-94) in their vicinity in the Hafrsfjord area. The above perspectives on the end of the Bronze . type VI (52stk). Zinsli 2007: XXXIV). This might indicate that the large population of Jæren at the end of the Bronze Age was short on material for edged tools. I find this convincing evidence of northern groups settling in Northern Jæren. Nordenborg-Myhre has also argued that the majority of the rock art of Rogaland dates mainly from BA III-IV. 800-700 BC. Hardanger. there is only a single axe found south of a line drawn between the southern ends of Gandsfjord and Hafrsfjord. These moulds are mainly located north of the Klepp-Hå-Time area. This is a Scanian variant (nr. Time. Interestingly. it is possible to argue that the final imports arriving by boat from the south were the lures at Revheim and the axes from Myklebust and Sola (nr. 476) from Anda. type IV (4stk). groups that were involved in a maritime network from Northern Jæren to Tjeldsund. The Zealand intervention seems to have been aimed at southernmost Jæren. In fact. This zone comprises Hå. this is remarkable. simple shafthole axes (49stk) and sickles (43stk) (cf. From the 600 years of the LBA though. most likely procured from the north. Compared to the other significant rock art centres of Trøndelag. as well as boats related to the “Hjortspring” type (Nordenborg-Myhre 2004: 203p. What happened at Jæren after 800 BC? The soapstone moulds from Jæren indicate that something significant did happen: 5 out of 6 (the sixth is fragmented) moulds hint at casting procedures and styles at odds with those of Jutland and Southern Scandinavia in general. and it scores on top on all statistics of major LN types: daggers type I (83stk). there are few bronzes from the heartland of LN flint daggers. axes of the types cast in these moulds are found only to the north. The hoarded octagon-hilted sword from Madla and the type 2 boats at Haga and Revheim suggest that these groups also explored bypassings across the Hafrsfjord area.).264 preferred to enter the Boknafjord basin rather than the outer coast of Jæren. Hååna river as well as the area immediately to the north. Klepp and southern part of Sola Municipalities. Burials with bronze do not appear in the Hafrsfjord area and to the north of Særheim-Orre Lagoon until after 1300 BC. except for the 200 years of BA III.

and a hierarchy of agency: farming>pastoralism>hunting. the north. i. in combination with coastal expeditions both to the south and the north. and as a target of outside interventions. they did not incorporate the full Funnel Beaker or Corded Ware modes of economy. my interpretation of Map 30 is that of Jæren as a maritime barrier. Thus. It was mainly in the period 1300-800 BC. these groups had specialised in fur-hunting over extensive hunting grounds both along the coast and in the highlands. 2. explains the quantitative and qualitative features of bronzes discerned through the previous chapters. and the area between Stadt and Hustad in particular. in light of both the Lausitz-colony at Lake Vättern and the links to Volga-Kama: the beginning of iron-production. The total dominance of South Scandinavian flints in a limited number of types through the 500 years of the LN tends to cover up the real complexity of the networks at work. Through an assessment of the spatial distribution of individual dagger types and sub-types as well as various slate types. Possibly. Is it possible that Jæren converted to local iron production at such an early stage? Finally. depriving Jæren of some of its local agency. In particular.1). The activities of these groups might not have put the western Stone Age onto an entirely new track. I believe that making Jæren mainly a meeting place for groups to the north of Jæren and groups to the south of Jæren. What they did do. as a gate to the Arctic and the northern highlands. Clearly. material culture and burial practices. was to develop a deep tradition for the organization of long-distance expeditions into the interior of the peninsula. it explains why so few bronzes were procured from Northern Jutland. and this complexity of networks. long before the LN. 9. It was this capacity for long-distance mobility.e.265 Age open interesting avenues for a re-evaluation of the beginning of the Iron Age. that local groups were able to establish themselves as middle-men and operators of a full North Way. also procured daggers from the Glomma-Göta zone across the highlands. the idea of a simple North Way network from Jutland to Jæren and northwards crumbled (chapt. an arrow of agency from south towards north. 6. and indeed. In chapter 2 I stressed the importance of the area north of Hustad (Meso-MNA) and north of Stadt (MNB-LN) in the Stone Age.5 Explaining Bronze Age history Throughout this thesis I have argued against a set of biases that dominates perspectives on both the Stone and Bronze Ages of NW Scandinavia: maritime rather than overland.5. The events that shifted . that would come to change the historical trajectory of NW Scandinavia.

it is now clear that the decisive Alpine cross- . the actions launched from the Stadt-Hustad area. In light of these interactions Alpine groups established far-reaching networks in order to bring amber and pelts. launched maritime expeditions that bypassed the Jutish peninsula. means that they were probably linked into the Säter-Ripatransone network in LN II. Carpathians. I thus suggest that there was a bridge between the two major rock art regions of Europe – Val Camonica and the Nordic – running from the western Alps to eastern Sweden in the 18th century BC. and later at Beitstad at the gate to the Arctic.266 the direction of the inland-networks from the Glomma-Göta and Lake Vänarn area eastwards towards Lake Vättern and Mälardalen seem to have been related to the beginning of the BA. At the far southern end of Europe. Thus. dominated by Scania-Zealand and the Elbe-Vltava (cf. Tumulus (cf. the Pelepones and the western Alps were decisive in bringing NW Scandinavia into a European Bronze Age. and established nodes at Jæren at the gate to the North Way. considering the conventional trajectory of Nordic relations with Europe. The making of the peculiar signs on the Oppeby panel is likely to have involved persons from the Alps that were familiar with written symbols such as those from Lipari Islands (cf. Renfrew 1972: 470p. logistics and exchange was transmitted to the southern fringe of Central Europe. directional commercial trade.). along routes that bypassed the old routes controlled by the Unetice Culture and Scania and the Danish islands in the north (cf. That the Stadt-Hustad groups visited Lake Vänarn throughout the LN.). was a revival of the ideas surrounding menhir-statues of the Alps (cf. Rather than towards the heart of Southern Scandinavia. Map 22). above). In these encounters novel attitudes towards goods. Its distinctive features of depicting artefacts. and initiated the Nordic Bronze Age rock art tradition in Eastern Sweden. Kristiansen & Larsson 2005: 167pp. Thus. Unetice. also in close contact with Alpine groups via western routes. Marinis 1998). They also led to a meeting between northern hunters’ rock art and Alpine rock art. and the Bronze Age writ large into a new pace. already at this time. Mycenaean expeditions beyond the Apennine Peninsula into the Gulf of Lyon and particularly their meetings with people in the Alps were decisive events that would bring the European Bronze Age into a new pace. their attentions might have shifted towards the area east of Lake Vänarn. weaponry and clothing in particular. these networks were directed against the eastern and western extremes of the Baltic and the Scandinavian Peninsula. In this way these networks came to bypass not only the Unetice Culture. In the west the Elbe-Kiel Bay centre. Thus. but also its northern periphery in Scania and the Danish islands.

Such furs could only become significant as long as there were people skilled in trapping and hunting them. The seas provided fish. in the sea and in the arctic were crucial. The decisive changes in the LBA were largely brought on by the extension of several north-south networks. These were all significant agents in Bronze Age history. more than they trapped themselves. French and British upper social class far from their natural habitat. The fur-bearing animals in the alpines. These exerts aimed at each end of the Baltic. that they spurred large scale historical changes in their attempts to procure them. more radiocarbon dates from the Ananino sites are needed. river and snow. The strengthening of the Arctic-Volga-Kama-Caucasus network from 900 BC might have been linked to the formation of the state of Urartu south of Caucasus and the rise of significant centres in the Caucasus (cf. households and lineages within the trapper-zone. These skills had deep local traditions in NW Scandinavia. the North Way being linked variously to Elbe-Kiel Bay. Throughout the Bronze Age valuable furs accumulated in the hands of different individuals. From later history we learn that different species of northern furs created such admiration among the Arab. also a food easily combined with chasing fur-bearing animals in the sea. at least their presence left a significant impact in our data. both sources of food easily combined with chasing animals with more valuable furs. especially north of Stadt. another from the Lausitz culture to Central Sweden and into the Arctic. On the basis of the above it is possible to stress and highlight some human and nonhuman agents in the Bronze Age of NW Scandinavia. Kristiansen 1998: 192p. continental copper producers and diverse continental and Scandinavian middle-men in some way or another regularly figurate in Bronze Age . In order to further explore the significance of this network. Zealand and Jutland. The people of the Central Zone as well as those of the Northern Zone brought hunting-skills. While the Mycenaeans. high mobility on sea. Italian. and finally a third along the North Way to the western Arctic.).267 continental expeditions of the 18th century that drew NW Scandinavia into the Bronze Age have not been discerned in previous studies. in fact cultivated an already existing duality of NW Scandinavia: between a Central Zone extending into the CSWS and a coastal North Way extending across Skagerrak. and their skin boat from the Stone Age. One of the consequences of these expansions was a potentially significant migration of groups from the Arctic southwards along the North Way. one from Caucasus to Volga-Kama and into the northwestern Arctic. This duality came to dominate NW Scandinavia until 700 BC. The highlands provided open pastures for both reindeer and domestic-animals.

.268 accounts. For this we need to have a closer look at metal and the human mind. Although this chapter has drawn into light more relevant agents or actors in order to explain trajectories of displacement and transformation. their tanned pelts. and metal in mind. it does not alone accomplish an escape from bifurcation. the trappers and these trapperaggrandizers within the fur-bearing zone. these fur-bearing animals. make up one crucial set of agents that has largely been ignored in the study of the Eurasian Bronze Age.

It is conceptual. this chapter is an attempt to reason in a style that does justice to what was given in their experience (cf. Our fundamental experience of being bodies is demonstrated by our use of terms designating body parts or body processes to designate a range of other phenomena. auditory and motor experiences. but may be physically instantiated. In light of the introductory plan of an escape from a bifurcated archaeology. room. Metal in mind – agency in dense webs This chapter aims at those minds that in some way or another were extended into bronze artefacts in the Bronze Age: it seeks explanation. Fredriksen 2005: 208p.269 Chapter 10. grounded in an experience of the body as a container.). are all rooted in perception of movement (Lakoff & Johnson 1999: 140. One concerns human conceptualization of movement. This means that we have a basic experience of being vessels with contents. The fundamental concepts of causation. causation and change The framework for handling dense webs on the time-scale of acts and events is drawn mainly from two theoretical strands. boundary and outside (ibid: 32). 157. and we use these basic concepts to understand our surroundings. The second concerns human conceptualization of causation. a body. Significant among these are the container schema. and openings were substances enter and leave (cf.g. drawn from the works of Alfred Gell (1992. Our conceptualization of bodies is thus shaped by our sensory-experience of bodily processes. or what is done in a sequence of the process of baking a cake (ibid: 32).1. 10. The human being experiences two basic kinds of motion or movements: the movement of its own body. or as a bounded region in space. space and time. 1). and that the great range and complexity of our spatial-relation concepts are built from a smaller number of image schemas that are grounded in basic experiences of the body (Lakoff & Johnson 1999: 30pp. Concepts of containment.g. as e. agency and art. Tomasello 1999: 74). Lakoff and Johnson argue that concepts of spatial relations are fundamental to our understanding of the world. cup. e. when we think and talk about what instruments play in a particular part of a musical composition. 1998). The container schema may also be imposed on visual. chapt. intention and causation in the dense webs spun around bronzes and it seeks short rhythms compatible to those typically found in cognitive psychology. like a football field. containment and causation.). drawn from the work of George Lakoff & Mark Johnson (1999). This container schema has a basic structure of inside. and .

time. also. . because we. and from this resistance a desire to posses arises: “The resistance which they offer. In order to proceed with the exploration into our recognition and understanding of different kinds of forces and changes. and his “anthropology of art” is actually an instrument for exploring human conceptualization of its surroundings in general and “things” in particular. and causation. reconstructing their histories as a sequence of actions performed by another agent (the artist). and which creates and sustains this desire. are persons” (ibid: 67p). and when we fail to grasp the forces and processes that brought them into existence. Such objects work as breaks on our minds and our mental processes. the kinds of changes and the ways in which forces produce them (Lakoff & Johnsen 1999: 206). Our total metaphorical elaboration on causality is vast. it is useful to move to Alfred Gell’s dealings with art. Alfred Gell presented a theory of art in its broadest sense: a theory of the social relations that obtain in the neighbourhood of works of art (1998: 7).] This means playing out their origin-stories mentally. they appear to us as products of enchanted technologies: “In reconstructing the processes which brought the work of art into existence. the difficulty I have in mentally encompassing their coming-into-being as objects in the world accessible to me by a technical process which. take up the point of view on the origination of an artefact which is the point of view of the artefact itself. We cannot... the artist. is to being possessed in an intellectual way rather than a material sense. the power of the collectivity on whose behalf the artist exercised his technical mastery” (ibid: 1992: 52). Through these two kinds of movements we knit together a range of metaphorical combinations involving space. according to the kinds of forces. he is obliged to posit a creative agency which transcends his own and. in its surroundings. At heart of Gell’s theory lies the argument of a basic human tendency for inquiry into changes and causes: when we see or sense “things” our minds automatically start working on how the thing came about: “Any object that one encounters in the world invites the question 'how did this thing get to be here?' [. hovering in the background. Gell’s main thrust is that certain objects present us with incomprehensible origins. in general. I am forced to construe as magical” (ibid: 49). in the instance of collective works of art such as cathedrals. or a multitude of agents. since it transcends my understanding.270 movements outside of itself. Our natural point of vantage is that of the originating person. Gell’s perspectives can readily be merged with theories on basic human conceptualization of causation.

e. • Recipients are “those in relation to whom.] the means we generally have to form a notion of the disposition and intentions of ‘social others’ is via a large number of abductions from indexes which are neither ‘semiotic conventions’ or ‘laws of nature’ but something in between” (1998: 15).). artists are the painters. but not necessarily”. .271 The concept of abduction is crucial to Gell’s understanding of the type of inferences we make when we encounter works of art: “Abduction. A patient is also a social agent. it belongs to logic rather than semiotics) is useful in that it functions to set bounds to linguistic semiosis proper. His main focus is on the polarity between entities. indexes are considered to exert agency. by abduction. though a semiotic concept (actually. An agent is a performer of social actions.g. to be represented in the index. [. Conventionally. In order to follow Gell further we must grasp his sets of positions and entities. but in a patient position vis-à-vis an agent-in-action (agent in agent-position) (ibid: 21pp.. often by virtue of visual resemblance. by mathematical formulas and arrows (ibid: 28pp. sculptures or bronze founders. complex relational webs spun around an index. by abduction. cognitive interpretations. while remaining free to posit inferences of a non-linguistic kind. artist. etc. In addition to these positions. Gell makes no attempt to restrict his concept of agency. that may all enter positions as either agent or patient (ibid: 26p. index. Typically. • Artists are those “to whom are ascribed. causal responsibility for the existence and characteristics of the index”. These sets of positions and entities enhance our ability to explore nuances in dense. recipient and prototype. and the direction of this “action” whether it is physical or psychological (ibid: 66). the artefact. by abduction. and the agent acts on and has effect on patients. Typically. and in my case. or who exert agency via the index”.): • Indexes are “material entities which motivate abductive inferences. bronze artefacts are to be considered as indexes. recipients would be audience and spectators.). the person portrayed would be a prototype.” This is the work of art. Gell illustrates the specific relationships and the direction of agency among these entities. and sets no limit to the type of “action” involved. he presents four entities. There are two positions: agent and patient. • Prototypes are “entities held. so that we cease to be tempted to apply linguistic models where they do not apply..

Equipped with this framework I shall now explore how agency might have been abducted. Another example would be cases in which spectators attribute creativity to themselves as spectators. have an effect on someone. say a drawing (index and patient) makes (arrow) the one who is drawing (artist) laugh. shared and distributed in dense webs involving bronze artefacts in the Bronze Age. does not take the experience of the indigenous seriously. as “interpreters”.).g. and generally cases in which the portrayed is more significant than the portrayer. The formula artist (A) ĺ index (P) designates the obvious case of a painter (artist and agent) painting a picture (index and patient). i. it is self-made and a closed system of causation (ibid: 41pp. In a recent study of animism Willerslev argues that the metaphor model prevalent in anthropological studies. A final case illustrates the possibilities of the framework: index (A) ĺ index (P) was exemplified by Gell with a case in which yams among the Abelam of New Guinea are being indexed with agency in respect to themselves – the yams is both agent and patient. say the doll representing a person being penetrated by needles in order to hurt the person portrayed. when the employer of the painter. sees himself also as the author (agent) of the work (index and patient) made by his craftsmen (which are reduced to patients or mere “tools”). The formula index (A) ĺ recipient (P) indicates a typical case. The “A” behind the index indicate that the index is in the agent position. Here an image (index and agent) is damaged in order to damage the one represented by the image (prototype and patient). 10. a patron (recipient). The formula index (A) ĺ artist (P) indicates that.2. and the “P” behind the recipient that it is in a patient position.e. Such cases are illustrated by placing the index in an agent position at the left. seemingly sympathetic to indigenous world-view. The formula recipient (A) ĺ index (P) indicates a case e. In cases were the art-object is in a patient position. the index is moved to the right. The formula prototype (A) ĺ index (P) indicates a case in which the human mind is led to understand the man on the portrait (prototype and agent) as the agent.272 Crucial to Gell’s perspective is that objects of art can exert agency. Further examples demonstrate why the complex terminology is needed: index (A) ĺ prototype (P) indicates a typical case of “volt-sorcery”. Molten metal & malleable minds How did people in the Bronze Age conceptualize bronze as a material substance in general? Students of the Bronze Age have for long recognized a metaphorical relationship between bronze and the sun. bringing the picture into being. say a drawing (index and agent) makes (arrow signals agency) a spectator (recipient and patient) laugh. The scholar as a rule adds “as if” to .

and that white metal must be manure cast of by the moon’” (Tudela 1977 in Hosler 1995: 105). situated on the bend of Niger River in Mali. if I am to do justice to the Bronze Age experience. copper and gold. but actually part of the sun? And what if the sun was a lady? Since nonwestern perspectives on bronze are hard to come by in the literature. the sun is surrounded by eight spirals of copper which are light and which give it its daily movement. 282pp).. The Dogon priest. The name Xipe Totec might be derived from terms related to foreskin: to scrape or peel. is intimately linked to copper. These spirals are also considered to be the excrement of the god Nommo.. or it might also be interpreted as the dry husk containing a living seed (Townsend 2000: 121). ‘Look brothers.It was very yellow. I might have to link bronze and sun in a more profound manner than we conventionally have done. “water of copper”. The entire religious system of the Dogon. and carried the chicauaztli. this yellow [metal] must be manure which the sun casts off. gold was intimately linked to the sun-god Tonatiuh (“He Who Makes the Day”). and I might have to allow both sun and bronze a portion of personhood. literally means “yellow divine excretions”. In some renderings the rattle-stick is substituted with a snake. The rays of the sun is called mênn di. thus probably the excretions of the solar-deity Tonatiuh. I have settled for some views on other cast metals. Western Africa. What if bronze was sun? Not metaphorically.] Seeing that yellow gold and white silver. A legend reveals similar beliefs among their western neighbours the Tarascans: “[.).] to provide themselves with copper to drink on their long voyage”. Hiripan said. Evidently Mesoamericans recognized gold and silver as the bodily excretions or manure from the sun and the moon (Hosler 1995: 105p. wore a skin flayed from a human sacrificial victim. there appears in the dawn something like a little bit of diarrhea. in some places. For the Aztec. and are equated with water and with the Word. Thus.. This is a place were the souls of the dead go before the start on their journey south: “[.. a rattle-stick with metallic bells. very wonderful. cuztic teocuitlatl. to the head of penis and to layer. He . Mendi is also the name of a specific mountain containing both copper and water. The Aztec god of vegetation and patron of metal-workers. the Hogon. resting like an ember. like molten gold” (Hosler 1995: 106). and those impersonating him. The term for gold.273 indigenous statements and he argues that they speak and think in metaphors (Willerslev 2007:2p. which attracted thunder and rain. The nature of gold is further elaborated on in the Florentine: it “derives from [the fact that] sometimes..). seems to rest on the correspondence: voice-spiral-copper-rain (Herbert 1984: 34. In the Dogon myth of creation.. Xipe Totec (“Our Flayed Lord”).

in Anfinset 1996: 116). But this victory turned into a fight among the devils. The smith was thus even more intimately related to copper and Nommo than the priest. and the snake as the momentum of change.. metaphors from the body are also dominant: the sun is conceptualized as a body which gives out (or has given out) excretions. amrit. Ch. The Hogon is referred to as impregnated with copper. However. Dogon and Hindu. One side was pulled by the gods. the lady took the amrit and gave it to the gods instead. Everyone agreed to this because of the beauty of the female body. both belonging to Nommo. Vishnu showed Shiva the eternal life. the other by the devils. will take back any copper passing over the waters reserved to him. and this turned into gold and copper (Shirimadbhagt. 282pp). butter and ocean might in fact be recognized as hard. The Dogon smith on the other hand. In the above cases. as “water” and as “male sperm”. soft. Liquids are moreover central in the form of life-giving rain among the Aztec. The butter in the Hindu case is somewhere in the process of shifting from fluid to solid. He told them that he would distribute eternal life equally among the devils. animals and vegetable (ibid: 33p. A mountain was used as a stick and a snake was used as a rope. and gave alcohol to the devils. The Teachings of Krishna. and Nommo is the offspring of the creator god and the earth: “Nommo and the smith are of red blood. This focus on consistency is reminiscent of . In all three cases the consistency of these excretions are specified as fluids: “like diarrhoea”. 12. and fluid. Since he is like copper he cannot cross over any water – because Nommo. and he had moreover the ability to change himself into all sorts of beings. disguised as a lady among the devils. Shiva heard about this and wanted to meet this beautiful lady. part 8. gold) is linked intimately to the sun. The male sperm of Shiva were therefore spread all over the world. is said to be of a different biological status than the eight ancestral families. Lebe is descendant of both the seventh and eight ancestor (eight ancestors in total). both are red like copper” (Herbert 1984: 34). Clearly. and requested for Vishnu to help him. and gives life to both man and the land by coming to the Hogon at night to lick him. One version of creation in Hindu religion speaks of the gods and devils trying to churn butter in the ocean.274 is said to mediate between mankind and Lebe. Nommo and the smith are twins. and Shiva got extremely exited to meet this lady (Vishnu in disguise). Dogon and as divine nectar/eternal life in the Hindu myth. He was formed by the placenta of Nommo. Water and copper are thus of the same essence. being the owner of copper. Vishnu appeared. the serpent. metal (copper. Aztec. After a long fight the devils won and received eternal life. The central entities in the Hindu opening scene: mountain.

I am trying to treat these cases as Gabriel Tarde treated scientific laws or philosophical systems (cf. the deity of the Niger.]” (ibid: 298). seem to have introduced gold eastwards through the Niger Valley.. it is the crafting god Ptah who moulds man. More distant to these impulses.1): they must be seen as originating in the minds of individuals. before being written down by religious specialists. who placed them on earth and in the sky respectively (Budge 1912: 4pp. and this may symbolize exactly what happened historically. it seems to have preempted the primacy of copper. Thus. We cannot say exactly whose individual perspectives have come to dominate in these specific cases (priests. The above perspectives on metals must be recognized as products of history. and is worn in jewellery as the symbol of purity and changelessness. kings etc. But neither of them is the testimony from the perspective of individual metalworkers. ejaculated (in another version he spat).] one of the metals belonging to Faro. the sun and the moon. I am thus seeking to highlight the events and persons particularly important in the generative formation of collective knowledge. Herbert describes an interesting correspondence between the historical use and spread of gold. In the cosmology of the Word. acts and artefacts..e. in the continuous process of making tradition and cosmology (Barth 1989: 84)... classified gold: “[. put forward as oral utterances. and produced Shu (air) and Tefnut (moisture)..275 one of two Egyptian creation scenes: Ra sat on a mound in the primordial waters masturbating. chiefs. but I propose that they all originated in direct bodily engagement with metal and metal casting.] ritual and myth are no more static than any other aspect of culture [. [... Rather they are all presented as shared bodies of knowledge handed down orally through generations. that they . Commercial currents centred on coastal Senegambia in Western Africa. In the other version. Gold was generally little valued in African societies at the time of colonial contact (1984: 296). to a large degree cut off from these impulses.. on the western coast gold did have a central position in myths and rituals. i. The Dogon. historians and ethnographers.). enabling Faro to hear the most secret and powerful utterances” (ibid: 298). of long and complex trajectories of transmission and negotiation over the meaning and nature of metal. Shu and Tefnut then mated and Shu gave birth to earth and sky. and the status of gold in indigenous philosophies. the Bambara considered gold as: “ [. and spread to the minds of others. and hammer out the copper sky (Mackenzie 1915: 31). Earth and Sky engaged in continuous copulation and had to be separated by their mother.).] as the ‘younger brother’ of copper. chapt. metalworkers.

a cosmology in the making that has artificially been frozen by the writings of ethnographers. make claims of relationships to non-human forces and mythological precedence. and daughter of the sun.276 carry remnants of the metalworker’s experience. the priest seems to have a superficial (skin deep) relation to copper (and the gods of creation) compared to the smith who shared a biological origin with copper (and the gods of creation). Germanic. there are also striking similarities. priest. sun. and unable to cross water because Nommo (also being water) would take back his copper by right. priests and smiths is particularly revealing in the Dogoncase. Old Norse. Metal seems thus to have been part of explorations into the causes and intentions of the moving sun. “being the twin of”). water. The sun is in all three cases considered as an entity with human-like intentions and body-like functions. myth-keeping and myth-distribution. sister of the sun. Moreover. such as dawn. Although there is variation on the themes and characteristics of these entities. copper and oral speech (word) could be interpreted as the temporary outcome of a continuous process of competitive oral speech in which smith and priest. The Dogon smith is described as being of the same blood as Nommo (“from the placenta of”. This relational web spun between smith. mind and word. The sun is best treated as a complex of several intimately related entities in IE mythology: the sun. possibly a reflection of an . I propose that the above metaphors and myths reflect and highlight different stages in metal biographies: the linking of copper to water in the Dogon case highlights copperartefacts in their coming-into-being and copper in its liquid state. In northern Europe (i. and the focus on skins and container-change (skinshedding) in these cases. sister and daughter of the sun. I believe practical experience with metal casting is the crucial element explaining the focus on metal as fluids and as out-of-container elements. they all tie metal to solar movement and solar intentions. Irish) on the other hand the sun itself is also female. but those intimately related to him. their perspectives have come to dominate over others. and he was not subjugated to a taboo forbidding him to cross water. The Dogon priest was merely “impregnated” with copper. historians and religious teachers. night.e. I take my cue to an exploration into concepts of bronze in the Bronze Age from the sun in comparative Indo-European mythology (West 2007). as female. Clearly. powerful individuals and institutions. dawn. This could be seen as a result of the strong influence of the Dogon smiths in the creative process of myth-making. night. The relationship between gods. Most of the southern IE myths describe the sun itself as male. Baltic.

The specific link between horse. I suspect that the Unnesetcarving represent the introduction of further specifics of this myth. If so. Many texts also indicate a more complex transport system of the sun: chariot during day and boat during night (ibid: 208p. e. Possibly.g. in the poetic phrases “suns of the forehead” for eyes. the same myth was probably introduced via the North Way from Northern Zealand (chapt. the sky disc from Nebra). e.3). Venus. is not evidenced in the Nordic Zone until the Trundholmchariot in BA II. There seems to have been a specific focus on the combination of different metals in the Alpine material at this time and in western Central Europe in the following centuries (e.g. Mycenaeans and northerners disagreed on this specific issue. sun. Regardless of gender the sun is ascribed two interesting abilities: she sees. If bronze was considered as actually part of the sun. these perspectives are also likely to have been relevant to the first introduction of bronze to NW Scandinavia: both the Vevang axe and the Blindheim sword can be linked directly to this environment. as well as in a range of other IE myths. and she rolls. wheel and chariot. though. Also in the case of the Aztec and the Dogon the sun did not move by its own forces. 2000 BC northerners adapted many aspects of it on to their all female sun. Greek. 6.277 older substratum (West 2007: 196). Bronze might thus have been considered fragments of a sun-goddess Sol.2. the Pleiades and other celestial phenomena.). and as this myth was brought from south to north after c.). tin. and that she was not self-propelled but moved by other forces. 9. Vedic. actually bodily excretion of a sun with personhood. The sun riding in a wheeled chariot pulled by horses is evidenced in Norse. and the imagery from Kivik in late BA II. ”roaming wheel” for moon and ”beautiful wheel” for sun (ibid: 199p. as well as copper. and that it was spread through the CSWS across the highlands 1340-1300 BC from the Swedish east-coast.g. gold (cf. From this I take it as likely that the sun in the Nordic Bronze Age was a female. The early IE sun in the north seems thus to be an all-seeing female sun travelling by both chariot and boat. This is evidenced also in Norse mythology. moon. there would have been a female aspect to bronze. I suspect that the early Mycenaean-Alpine interactions that I highlighted in the previous chapter involved the transmission of novel perspectives on the sun. also ibid: 233 for the entanglement of Venus and the Moon in stories of the sundaughter and the Twin Horsemen). Above I . but by the “breath of gods” and the “spiral rays of copper and water”. in practical terms. Although the Unneset chariot points to Mälardalen or Östergötland. Possibly this attention to metallic variation and combination reflects even more detailed sun-myths involving sun.5. I also suspect that concepts of the sun were intimately linked to metal.

and it presents itself typically through hard matters of facts: melting points only experienced through a temperature gauge. his foundry used the first casting as a guinea-pig. we create the impression that once the proper procedures have been learned. Since the sun was familiar to all at every stage in prehistory. Birth of bronzes In chapters 7 I attempted to close in on bronze casting with particular focus on projects carried out in NW Scandinavia. Thus. and the laboratory typically attempts through repetition and experiments to control and stabilize agents – keeping the majority constant. when doing everything right. clocks. admitting in advance that the first attempt would most likely be a failure. one crucial question should be: how were concepts of the sun remodelled on basis of bodily engagements with bronze from c.3. Indeed. internal structure seen only through microscope etc. Therefore. concepts of both bronze and sun were modelled on such experiences. testing and learning in controlled environments. And this is crucial. There are still. In order to appreciate the sharing of agency in bronze casting. too many small things that might fail. and explore how human artists extended their minds into these projects. Metallurgy diverges from most other prehistoric technologies precisely in its involvement of the many. writing. the intended index will appear. . gasses not visible to the human eye. and instead planned on learning the most from studying the flaws (1979: 150). Such a procedure is close to impossible outside the laboratory. Natural science produces matters of fact through working. one must appreciate the risk of failure. too many agents involved. and our bodily experience with the world outside. Through the citing of these matters of fact as well as the citing of successful experiments. bronze casting diverged from the bodyclub-flint assembly of the LN. complex systems of calculation etc. even in a modern foundry. I shall now have another look at those entities and potential agents involved in the coming-into-being of bronzes. Thus. without measuring devices. since bronze casting in our modern world tends to be placed on the hard bank of the river alongside the science of nature. ideally one at a time. Ammen states that when ever getting an order for a novel complex shape. In these settings agents are separated in wanted and unwanted categories. while varying a few. 1700 BC onwards? 10.278 have argued that our concepts of the world are shaped by our experience of being in bodies. bronze casting has been and still is an art of surprise: no modern or pre-modern founder outside the laboratory would feel confident when about to open a mould for a belt plate like that of Vigrestad or Rege.

chapt. As we have already seen. are closed off from direct sensory experience since it goes on inside the mould. We should therefore list them as potential agents and as potential artists in Bronze Age minds. made their crania and their eyes into jewellery and sent them to the king and the queen. and the variables to be vast in number. Master-smith Völund was captured by King Nidud in the land of Svitjod. 7). and then he raped the queen and made her pregnant. the “tools” of the bronze caster. tuyere etc. It is likely that the development in Europe went from simple skin-bags to composite bellows with top and bottom made from wood. the palettes etc. I believe. and forced to craft under his patronage. Völund now speaks to King Nidud: “32.279 The insecurity is of course intensified by the fact that the crucial phase of transformation. indeed. even if they are of the exact same brand and type. 10. is interesting in this respect. (cf. mould. bellow. crucible. In both these variants the skin was the essential flexible part that allowed filling and emptying – that made them able to breathe. He has started distributing agency among his tools. Breath of Celestial Horses Bellows are simply containers that are rhythmically filled and emptied of air. of the Old Norse poetry. One of Alfred Gell’s examples of possible cases of abduction of agency. which thou has made. A verse from the “Lay of Völund”. The heads I severed of thy boys. He was hamstrung (sinews severed at knees) and placed on an island to keep him from fleeing. molten metal taking its shape. is typical of an artist engaging in a technology in which he experience the outcome as uncertain. and this. When a painter gets sufficiently attached to his tools. there wilt thou the bellows find with blood besprinkled. To the smithy go. and under the prison's mixen laid their bodies”28 . the latter at least present in the early Middle Age (Tylecote 1987: 115). He killed the two sons of King Nidud. fuel. he might hesitate to use others. Völund rebelled and took a cruel revenge. the paint.3. compared to the pencils and palette of the painter. are much more inclined to be seen as autonomous agents working in cooperation with the bronze caster: fire. concerns the painter and his tools. furnace.1.

but under the “water-pit” of the bellows. bellow-skinning. The hunter was tired and he sat down on the skin. in Norwegian. Looking at the different translations of this verse. the youngest brother was making knives at the fire and the hunter threw the skin down by the fireside and told his brother about the wonderful deer. not under the “mixen”. Anfinset refer to the use of such bellows and comparable skinning procedures in Nepal (1996: 50). The youngest cried out at once. Air is then forced by mouth in between the skin and the muscle-tissue. and incisions made around all four legs.. It is also worth considering an alternative scenario in light of the creative nature of Volunds actions: he has not merely raped but made pregnant.e. which was full of air.. tied the skin at the neck and at the back. deals specifically with the origin of bellows and forced air: “[. and the content is taken out through the opening at the throat. i. skinned it. and this deer got caught in the net. The hunter killed the deer. and went home. and the blacksmith got his trade” (Scheub 2002). Swedish and Danish there seems to be some variance in the description of what happened to the bodies: the Swedish translation state that it is the bones. It designates a specific procedure of skinning in which the abdomen is not cut open in the conventional manner. he should give its skin to a blacksmith. When the hunter came and saw the deer and was going to kill it. ‘Then I will be a blacksmith. This practice was in recent history used particularly for airtight floats at sea (Lightfoot 2007). My intention with the above is to propose an intimate link between the simple skin-bellow and the living (animal-)body. the deer told him that if he killed it. The Norwegian states that the bodies are simply thrown into the “corner”. When he sat on it the air came out and blew up the fire. the skinned carcasses that were thrown away. In stead the head is cut of. with one large and five small openings: the throat. The procedure produces a nearly ready-made bag. In the Norwegian language is still preserved the word belgflåing.’ This is how the first bellows was made. The myth of “Meketa and the First Blacksmith's Bellows” from the Kono district in Sierre Leone. not merely beheaded but made crania and eyes into jewellery. the four legs and the rectum. not the bodies that are put. and gradually the entire skin is released from the body. It might thus have been the contents.] The hunter had his nets spread in the forest. Similar procedures seem to have been common around the world for water-bags and bellows.e. The bellows with “blood besprinkled” might indicate that they were made from the skin of the two sons. and that the conceptualization of the bellows as breathing .280 Why are the bellows stained with blood? It might simply be because he killed the sons within the smithy. i. When he got home.

101. and potentially the panting team of horses in front of the sun-chariot. Östergötland C. procreation. it would seem that Bronze Age bellows were linked specifically to the horse. Thus. Randers C. containerconcepts and the animal in Bronze Age minds. Tylecote 1987: 189pp. although among the smaller tools and with the most rugged looks.2. Odense C. 10. The specimens from Mörigen and Thorsager. In the LBA there are interesting clues to specify these general concepts. The attributes of human faces could be taken as support for my suggestion above that Völund actually operated with bellows made from human skins from the sons of Nidud..281 bodies is close at hand. nozzles as mouths and manes. Breath is often considered as breath of life and the essential sign of life or soul. Stone nozzles for historical bellows in Norway. Jantzen 2008: Abb. but manes with semi-circles that might be interpreted as some kind of harness or reigns (Thrane 2006.. 76. and that bellows provided an essential element of life-giving breath. noses. . The bellows as a potential agent in the making of bronzes might thus be seen as a modified animal body: a shell still breathing but under human control. Balslev. This might reflect a notion that forced air from bellows moves metal from a solid to a liquid state. has always been an essential and most demanding element in the casting of metals with high meltingpoints. Engedal 2009: 42). This is because the crucible will be exposed to such extreme temperatures that no material could with-stand it – only compounds. synchronized to an almost continuous breath. and Pryssgården. and the air current to horse-breath. The tuyeres from Polleben. Bronze can very well be cast into a soapstone mould but it cannot be melted in a soapstone crucible. have no facial attributes. decorated as a human face with the nozzle as mouth (Gansum 2004: 144pp. It is also interesting to note that the Aztecs saw the breath of the gods as the motivating factor of the sun. Bellows might thus have been linked to forced air.3. These nozzle-stones thus imply a logic of forging as creation. was termed avlstein. are fashioned with eyes. Østigård 2007: 176). 157). Vehicle of the Sun The crucible. literally breeding-stone. SachsenAnhalt C. The paired bellows. might have taken on the concept of paired horses. This is in accordance with the perspective that we have a basic understanding of changes as movements – the change from solid to liquid as a temporal movement (Lakoff & Johnson 1999: 140. Goldhahn 2007: fig. breeding. These are known from the Late Iron Age. Quartz and clay was the ultimate combination for crucibles until the MA in Scandinavia (cf. Potentially “horse-teams pulling the chariot of the sun-goddess” was paralleled by “paired bellows bringing bronze to a molten state”..

in the scenery of bronze . between the locus of melting and that of pouring.] winged. The threefold mission of the crucible is to receive. it crushes and splinters when hit. These have rather opposite qualities: clay can shift back and forth from solid to liquid according to humidity. but if crucibles had been able to carry decoration and complex morphology. molten. to transport and to relieve. When it is again revealed. Bronze was. in precious gold – as he in grateful sleep skimms o’er the water from the Hesperides” (West 2007: 208). The crucible is thus the crucial vehicle and link between the spatially separated loci of furnace and mould. when it is bodiless and fluid. Thus. towards the mould outside the furnace. receiving bronze as it moves into fluidity. The crucial transformation from solid but fragmented pieces of bronze to a homogeneous liquid. but it never leaves the hard. in Greek poetry and art the sun seems not to travel in a ship across water. A spout will face left for the right-handed as he tends to pour towards the left and the centre of his body.48-243). metal and water at the same time. The chariot and ship may not have been merely means of transport for increased speed. The crucible could thus be recognized as the body of bronze while bronze is in a state in which it cannot contain itself.. and like Nommo of the Dogon. which is grey-black if soapstone or red and glowing if clay.. by Hephaestus intricately wrought. solid state. indeed. she might have been sun. The second mission is to keep and contain the molten bronze on the journey from the furnace underneath the mouth of the tuyere. relieve itself and give. they might very well have been fashioned as chariots or ships. the crucible goes into the furnace in a cold grey state and is hidden underneath dark charcoal. like bronze. Pure speculation. The crucible-shape is a simple container often specified with a spout (cf. Actually. takes place in the crucible. Visually. bowl or goblet: “[.282 Goldhahn 2007: 124). not self-propelled and not self-contained in this manner. like the sun-goddess. Jantzen 2008: nr. to pour. they are bodiless. The final mission is to fill the mould. This could be considered the first of three missions of the crucible: providing a container for the shift from solid to liquid. and evidently it shifted from solid to liquid at extreme temperatures. but vessels essentially containing and keeping the sun-goddess. She might have been. but rather in a cup. The chariot and the ship might thus be seen essentially as different bodies of the sun-goddess fitted to the different terrain of her diurnal journey – sky. Liquids are essentially in need of vessels as external bodies. sea and underworld. Quartz is hard. it is bright yellow and the transportation of it creates a glowing arch from the heat centre of the hearth to the mould. like the tuyeres.

the flames (fire) and air (breath from the bellows). This is best explored as a process: bright grey to white ash is a by-product of the fusion of black fuel.2. it consumes. 10. the prime mover. The third mission of the . The main problem with using a simple pit. transforms and cleanses. might be recognized as fourfold: charcoal (fuel). There is also a clearly sensed process of fragmentation running parallel to the colour change: larger pieces of black fuel turning into fragile brighter fragments and then into powdery still brighter ash. keep and protect bronze as it goes from a liquid state to solid. keep and protect bronze as it changes from solid to liquid. Another mission of the mould is to hold.e. is that the walls of the pit will not stay vertical. Thus.3.3.283 artefact-coming-into-being. If the crucible is to be seen as being the body of bronze in its molten state. fire and the charcoal that nurtures fire – preventing it from diffusing into the surroundings. 10. The living fire eats black charcoal and defecates white ash. the crucible is the receiver. The furnace is a container into which black fuel and colourless breath enters and from which bright ashes leave. i.5). and focus its energies on the narrow locus of the crucible. This is one mission of the mould: to shape bronze. the purpose of the clay lined furnace might be specified to focus fire and heat horizontally. and the deliverer – the body of bronze. it defines and determines the new body of bronze. the body of IE god of fire Agni or at least a variation on him. Body In-Between The mould is first and foremost a container whose inside defines the final shape of bronze as it solidifies. ashes. The formation of ash is closely synchronized with the dwindling and shrinking of the fuel and the play of flames. 7. The fire-heat will tend to have a larger width-height ratio because of the walls made from sand or earth. might be understood in light of basic bodily experiences of containment. Body of Fire The furnace need not be a very complex structure (cf. Flames and fire exist and depend on this process of fragmentation and decomposition. This “feeding and defecating” combined with the heated. This purpose is analogues to the crucible's mission to hold. lively play of flames within. red-yellow-white flame and colourless air. to gather.3. keep together and contain fire. while extending it vertically – keeping fire and heat high rather then wide. then the furnace would essentially be the body of fire. beside the crucible. The contents of the furnace. Its main purpose is to keep and concentrate heat. chapt.4.

While not in control of all variables. Its outside upper part is shaped into a rim reminiscent to those found on contemporary domestic vessels made from either soapstone or asbestos-tempered clay (cf. Pilø 1990). Ågotnes 1986. One explanation of this would be that the hostile and repellent agent residing inside the mould is turned friendly and receptive by this gift of wax. to let bronze enter. which agent exerted the negative influence on the process: was it the size of the nozzle in the tuyere. . This might easily be conceptualized in the way that bronze does not enter because there is already something in the mould. i. This is also a modern scientific explanation: the air within the mould must in some way escape in order for bronze to enter. København C. putting to much air into the bronze (bad breath)? Was there already to much air in the bronze in the first place (bad bronze)? Was the mould not burned through (bad body)? Not enough organic temper (bad dung)? Or did I execute the pouring to hasty? Although there are many possible agents. were designed to let the inside air escape right through the porous mould-walls.e. I readily imagine that this could be the source of a multitude of ways of conceptualizing the mould.1183). Were lies the problem. On the parting faces of these valves channels had been cut as paths for the airy insides to escape (Jantzen 2008: nr. VI). entering and consuming the hostile agent for a gift of wax. and Råbeløf. used by Nepalese bronze founders (cf. or a too eager bellower. The dropping of a lump of wax into the red-hot preheated mould in the last second before pouring is one way of making the mould receive the molten bronze. or a related agent of fire. That this was recognized in the Bronze Age is clearly demonstrated by the moulds from Søllerød. 140. The soapstone mould from Eide has a rare reference to other types of vessels (cf. The design of the Eide mould might thus be a link to the logic of cooking. This became evident through the trials and simulations: bronze do not always enter the mould without problems. Skåne C. one mission of the mould is also to allow its contents to escape. Thus. Anfinset 1996: 86pp. App. Montelius 1917: nr. It seems also clear that the soft-moulding techniques using the medium of clay-sand-dung compounds.284 mould is to receive bronze. and not through a complex gate-system like those used in modern moulds.). and not in the possession of scientific understanding of them. the most immediate to blame is the discontent mould reluctant to make an exchange of its contents. The violent flame that the wax creates might be seen as Agni. Through the simulations I have pondered on ways of making the mould better receive bronze and ridding itself of its contents. sometimes the culprit was the metal but sometimes it was the mould (cf. M 18). Moisture could also be still left in the mould and this certainly tends to reject bronze.

The mould was. . The “eye” might thus have been carved on the back of the Randaberg valve in order to safeguard the casting. from one vessel to another. chapt. If so. hair) characteristic of Ananino axes was toned down in this new environment. a symbol I suspect was borrowed from Arctic axes. the serving of essence to body (bronze to mould). and that the facial attributes (eyes. bronze solidifies and attains a body of its own. A further clue to this logic appears if we look at the mould and its workings as process. The moving of substance into containers might thus have been conceptualized as serving and giving: the serving of food to the fire-god (charcoal into furnace). the body of bronze as long as bronze remained liquid.e. it is again able to hold itself together. or “mould serves body” to the bronze artefact. crucible receives bodiless bronze and serves it to mould. That the “eye” still was included at the back of a mould might indicate that the facial attributes of Ananino axes were not merely about ornamentation.8. I propose that all bronze artefacts were conceptualized as having bodies/skins and contents. Why could it not be placed on the insides? What good did it do on the outside? I propose that it was made by northerners staying at Jæren. or the snake before shedding its skin. i. In this way.4). The mould from Randaberg (M 25) carried a decorative mark on its outside. 9. the “eyes” of the face-like Ananino axes (cf.5. nor about the axe as a “head”. to shape/mould bronze-bodies. I arrive at the following logic: fire and breath release bronze from its body. the mould has three missions: to receive bodiless bronze. In this way. much in the same way as mother and child about to give birth. there might also have been available a logic of “mould gives body”. mould receives bronze and serves the new axe. Although socketed axes are more readily seen as containers. or it might have called upon and drawn in an agent capable of safeguarding the project. But still inside the mould. the Eide mould would best have attained features of the human body (the receiver). and to serve bronze to its final bronze-body. rather than those of the cookingserving vessels. Such logic seems particularly fitted to the casting of the socketed axe which seems to be a clear-cut container in itself. but also about them acting as creative agents in the process of casting. and make the mould receptive and friendly towards bronze. boundless and bodiless. Following this argument strictly. 7. like the crucible.285 serving and eating/drinking. At this point the mould has become a somewhat superfluous body of a bronze body.

. An important interpretative step has been made that separates bronze body from bronze content. Thus. but as soon as something goes wrong this formula might be turned around. Keeping both the human artist and bronze at the far left and right respectively. the founder skilled in axe-casting failing in his initial attempts to make a belt plate. a formula that differentiates the non-human agents can be made: (Hĺ (HB-F) ĺ (BB2-BB3)) (A) ĺĺ B (P). On the basis of the above explorations. 10): o BB 1 (the bronze body) o BB 2 (the crucible as a body of bronze) o BB 3 (the mould as body of bronze) o B (bronze as content) o F (Fire) o HB (Horse Breath. The melting of bronze is a challenge relative indifferent of the kind of artefacts made. This describes a case in which a human artist is the main agent harnessing the non-human agents as mere tools and exerting agency through them onto bronze as an index and patient. Thus.BB3)) (A) ĺ BB1/B (P). most metalworkers are likely to develop relatively stable and predictable results in this phase. Making bronze artefacts I am now in position to explore the coming into being of bronzes as series of dense webs involving multiple potential agents. This might be fairly self-evident. Fig. its complexity relates to amounts of bronze rather then complexity of the bronze artefact to be made. five important non-human agents could be sketched (cf. and subject these webs to Alfred Gell's analytical framework. and place bronze as an index in the patient position at the far right in a formula.3. fire and air takes precedence over crucible and mould in the transformation of bronze. forced air from tuyere and bellows) o H (human artist in charge of handling and pouring of crucible) Let us first take the conventional perspective of bronze as something being made. the human agent takes a dominant place: (Hĺĺ (HB – F – BB2. In a “conventional” distribution of agency to the above agents. In this case. This would appear to be a mould refusing to receive bronze properly. highlighting the melting of bronze.286 10. designating liquid bronze as bodiless bronze in need of alternative bodies. is likely to blame the other end of the project: entities and actions linked to the mould.5.

this would look something like: (Rain ĺ HB) (H-F-BB2-B3) (A) ĺĺ BB1/B (A). The immediate suspect in such a case might thus often be the BB2. But such gassed bronze is rarely noticed before pouring. If the real culprit was located (in our view). 7. the founder might have concluded that the problem was either angry/bad/gassed bronze or angry/bad/moist/airtight mould. to locate the real culprit (rain) would take the founder searching from one end to the other of the dense. If so. this reverses the entire formula. 10. chapt. the mould as body of bronze: BB2 (A) ĺ B (P). could be made into an example. From this. But to move from this insight. In the Bronze Age such moist air would have entered through the bellows and tuyere as moist breath.287 Fig. Rain has made the bellows produce “bad breath” which again has made “angry” bronze (cf. but rather when pouring or when opening the mould. and place the entire HB-H-F-BB2 complex in the dark: the main observation made is that the mould is not willing to accept the bronze served.1). but still immense web of agents involved in . Agents in bronze casting in light of Bronze Age imagery and IE mythology Ammen’s hesitation to cast copper on a rainy day (Ammen 2000: 244). blowy metal.

It is a change or rather a cycle with an extreme phase (bright. hair etc. bodiless) and a return. bronze as index would be a patient relative to the coalition of agents to the left. 10). The . 244p. It might also have led to a general avoidance of melting bronze when the storm-god let its semen fall as rain to fertilize the earth (cf. but attained a new. a 3) move from furnace to mould (spatial movement). The incorporation of nails. the manipulation of an entity (prototype) through direct manipulation of a model (index) of it.288 the project: was it the clay used or some of the additives. Seeking the cause of flaws in bronze casting outside the laboratory is a complex venture. but not entirely to the point of departure since there is a permanent spatial movement (furnace to mould). while at the same time be in the agent position relative to the sun at the right. from the prototype in the voodoo-doll. breath. and since there is a permanent morphological shift. while bronze is moved to the agent-side. bronze might also be seen as having the changing sun as a prototype. as a means to influence the sun. is a 1) shift from solid to fluid to solid again (a full cycle in consistency). is a case in point. a 2) shift from grey to red to bright yellow and back again (a cycle of colours in centre of furnace). These characteristics could easily be compared to the cycle of the sun. This is a specification of Gell’s general formula index (A) ĺ prototype (P). This might easily lead to restrictions on the human agents involved and their behaviour: humans must bend to the needs and cravings of the non-humans. both its diurnal and its annual cycle (Fig. i. mould. bronze did not return to its original shape. crucible. and different bodily shape. and on and on. Who is the prototype? Although the axe being made might have other axes as prototypes. hot. West 2007: 181.). the sun is the index and patient onto which agency is exerted. Thus. Thus. designated as the classic case of “volt-sorcery”. some mishap in the long trajectory from clay in the ground to mould. It is possible to describe the nature of the agency exerted on to bronze as patient in more detail. fluid.e. A reversed case is: (Hĺ (HB-F) ĺ (BB1-BB2)) ĺ B (A) ĺĺSUN (proto) (P). the more he would put in revere his fellow non-human agents: fire (and its food and body). The immediate results of the exertions. the higher degree of risk and potential failure in the mind of the artist. Here. We might thus include the sun as a prototype both in the patient and agent position. a d) shift from bronze-body to crucible-body to mould-body to bronze-body (a series of skin sheddings). and the further to the left he would have placed them in a Gellian formula. was there something in the air?. The bond between the index and the prototype is often considered to be strengthened if the index incorporates elements from the prototype.

this afforded a qualified link between index and prototype for such “volt-sorcery”. and aid the diurnal and annual renewal of sun and cosmological order. Thus. This formula indicates a case in which the prototype of the index being made is considered as the main creative agent in the making. an essence of bronze that could be set free. From this I suspect that there might have been something inside the bronze axe. poetry. liberated. like bronze proper is the molten bronze in crucible. to shift colour. above). sacrifice etc. The potential of such a case is largest in a case were other potential agents are hidden. safeguard. If our Bronze Age artists and recipients shared this basic concept. This would place bronze casting alongside other strategies for similar purposes: dancing. What was important was the successful exertion of agency through bronze onto the sun. of the sun as a celestial body with contents. and bronze as a part of these contents. the work of the bellows might be paralleled in the liberation of the Sun or Dawn from her imprisonment at sunrise (West 2007: 227. If sun is considered to be in danger at dawn/spring and dusk/fall. if not parts of the sun. to shift consistency and to shift bodies and to shift shape – to make its cycle. It would also be possible to reverse the positions of prototype and index. singing. seeing sun as an agent exerting agency onto bronze: SUN (proto) ĺĺ (Hĺ (HB-F) ĺ (BB1-BB2)) (A) ĺ B (P). This would indicate that “molten bronzein-crucible-between-furnace-and-mould” equals “hot-summer-sun-at-cenit”. Making a bronze artefact. in order to manipulate. the Dogon and the Hindu all described copper and gold as. might have been a strategy for calling upon a series of agents. than at least its excrement or semen. if we put the prototype/sun in the patient position towards index/bronze. it might equal the “final melting and withdrawal of crucible” and “the pouring and solidification”. released. We might take the position of a recipient other than the artist. we would also suspect that the purpose of the agency is to safeguard and aid the movement of the sun at critical passages. one that encounters a piece of art beyond his own abilities and . In light of the Greek and Vedic myths of Daughter of the Sun being liberated by her brothers in horse-drawn chariots. sun proper is the creative free-running sun on sky. page 189 and 230 for arguments that the Greek Helen corresponds to the Vedic Daughter of the Sun).289 Aztec. something like a creative force. This corresponds to the notion of bronze artefacts as bodies with contents (cf. Bronze casting might thus have been performed with less attention towards the specific kind of artefact made. The agency exerted onto the sun might have been similar to that exerted onto bronze: an exertion to make a spatial movement. Liberation of the sun from containment equals bringing bronze out of its stiff solidity.

in line with the Vedic and Greek versions (featuring Dawn or Daughter of the Sun). The panting horse-team draws bronze up. small cycles within large cycles. fire and breath. note 13). in line with the chariot and the ship. Such a recipient might move attention from the agency exerted by artist onto bronze. Such workings are important in order to explore how persons making and wearing bronzes are conceptualized by different categories of recipients. On this foundation I shall move on to explore some of the specific indexes from the Bronze Age. The true artist (human founder) might thus become an agent/tool of the sun. “early-awake”) indicates that this occur. Kaul has argued extensively for the dangerous transitions of the sun at dawn and dusk. the “recipients in possession of bronzes”. while safety is growth and light. liberating the sun-goddess and drawing her onto the sky. at dawn (Kristiansen & Larsson 2005: 297. Danger is here linked to darkness. Alternatively. the heavenly twins. This extensive set of helpers indicate that the sun has to pass through several critical transitions.g. bird and snake (Kaul 1998.290 understandings. I will highlight the humans most directly available to us. The cycle of the sun is seen as a risky movement through several stages. and explore how they might have understood themselves and how recipients and artists understood them. liberates it. The sun went regularly through phases of darkness in the underworld/sea at night and winter. and the name of one of the horses of her chariot (Arvak. as well as in bronze technology. shimmering state with regenerative potential. he might wield the sun as a tool or he might manipulate the sun through bronze. and wakes it into a molten. which he is unable to imagine. horse. that it has to be moved by other agents and even that it is not self-contained (rather in need of external containers). the human artist is placed at the far left. and the recipient interprets the artefact as sun-made. or that the sun has worked through a human artist. The crucible and the mould are vessels that safe keep and transport bronze. reconstruct and visualize. and focus instead on the necessity of other more powerful agents such as the prototype the sun. E. possibly a reference to the shift in transport for the sun. 2004). and the recipient interprets the artefact as made by a human artist in control of not merely bronze. fish. the scene at Unneset actually embraces a boat to the immediate right of the chariot. In Old Norse mythology the wolves Sköll and Hati chase the sun. but of the sun-goddess herself. Bronzes “in action” will generally be held or wore by . Through such an abduction of agency the sun is shifted to the far left. They are the horse-team of the Dioskures. This all-powerful but still in-danger entity might have been paralleled in the domain of earthly females. and the importance of a range of agents and helpers along its cycle: ship.

female bodies may be grouped into pre-fertile. The preserved textiles from the Danish oak-coffins provide us with two distinct female costumes: one with a short skirt and short loose hair. by out-of-container phenomena of menstruation. There are two likely links between females and loom-weights and weaving. We might thus generalize and assume that there was a shift in the costume of females at the age of c. and that they were both modelled on the female body. child-birth. in that she is governed by short and long cycles of menstruation and child-birth. The Egtvedt coffin contained a female. 67). that both had female aspects. . The female body is characterized and distinguished from male bodies. I propose that in the Nordic Bronze Age there existed a pattern of work-division that linked the female to weaving. and the female body was therefore the ultimate container. fertile and post-fertile.291 human beings. food-processing and pottery. one from Denmark (Broholm 1946: burial 1399). cloth. I suspect that there was a tight link between the concept of the sun and bronze. Sticky spirals and tempting waists I have argued that Bronze Age concepts of both sun and metal were modelled on the human body. The short skirt/short hair costume might be linked to a “fertile un-married” or “fertile not-mother” stage. clay and cereals. axes and weaponry seen both in burials and rock art. both with a long dress and long hair in complex hairstyle (Bergerbrandt 2007: 54pp. In light of their capacity for reproduction.4. and that two female gender categories are reflected in burials (ibid: 63p. 17-19.). and breast-feeding. At hearth of the concept of female was the capacity to reproduce. and in the burial from Nese (bur. The female in her fertile phase. and to contain and safeguard a child to be born. 16-18 years of age in a short skirt. female and male. and grounded in specifics of bodily experiences with the world. both marked by bloodletting and out-of-container phenomena. and their attributes of sexual organs and breasts. and the long skirt/coiffure might be linked to a “married” or “mother” stage. while the Skydstrup coffin contained a female 18-20 years of age and Borum Eshøj a female in her 50’s or 60’s. 10. containers and foods. is distinguished from all other categories of humans. For this reason I structure this investigation according to two major categories of human beings. There is a significant link between males.). and thus to wool. and thus be considered integral parts of the entire costume and even extensions of the human body. There are few clear indications of the specifics of work-division between gender and age categories in the Bronze Age. and another with a long skirt and long hair arranged in a complex hairstyle.

Rege I. Gjørv. To these might be added Bore I (bur. A significant difference was the agency exerted onto a spectator. this means that the females from the Bronze Age of NW Scandinavia that are clearly visible to us. I would add the cap-stone from Kyrkje-Eide decorated with what I have interpreted as female accessories including a short corded skirt (cf. 12. most likely used as accessory for the short corded skirt. 63) with a small bronze tube similar to the one from Rege I. 20. with tutuli and female bones). the Gjørv. while Orre is dated to late BA II or III). Nese.3). 6. are those nine buried with neck-collars or belt plates: Vigrestad.6). 78. Særheim. chapt. 92). 70. Tjøtta and S-Braut (bur. With an exploration of the belt plate and the spiral I will attempt to do justice to how these females experienced bronze and how other spectators experienced them when wearing their bronze accessories. chapt. 55. Rege. These women are illustrated in Fig. Rykkja and Vigrestad women carried extremely large and visible jewellery holding their garments in place. Tjøtta. It is of interest to note that modern scientists have. I have argued that these burials date from late BA II (Vigrestad.292 There are mainly two artefact categories that are exclusive to female burials: neck collars and belt plates. chapt. Archaeologists and metallurgists have also been recipients to these indexes. 82. Compared to other Nordic females. 72.5). Orre. a “recipient-not-in-possession”. 4. Rykkja I. I thus assume that the intentions of the artists who made these accessories were partly to exert a different kind of agency onto recipients. Gjørv. if not abducted agency. The complex procedures that the artist made use of to make two-come-out-of-one on the Gjørv pin and the Vigrestad brooch in particular. Bore. Elsewhere in the Nordic area. Kleppe II. From a distance of 4-5 m. 77. contributed to make them less comprehensible – even to an artist skilled in making conventional Nordic types (cf. brooches were relatively insignificant in size at this time (except for brooches on Bornholm) and pins were quite uncommon (except for pins on Gotland). 6. 67. the second was linked to Northern Jutland and these females seem to have combined new artefacts from Jutland with old heirlooms from Zealand (cf. Rykkja. Finally. and that they were part of two distinct wide webs: the first was linked to groups in Northern Zealand that were also heavily engaged in the Lüneburg area (cf.5). 5. 7. than at least disagreed on how spirals were made in the Nordic Bronze Age. Since skeletal remains are rare and female figures are rare in rock art. most variants of Nordic brooches would look rather similar. chapt. Kleppe) and from BA III (Særheim. They seem intent on innovating in order to distinguish rather than copying in order to conform. Also the burial from Nese could be assigned as female (bur. and . and details such as the spiral-terminations would not be clearly discerned as spirals at more than 2-3m.

Herner 1987. 1993. Oldeberg 1943. Rege and Tjøtta . in the mind of the experienced. Gjørv. their structure and characteristics. Hence.one mould. to hide his operations. Rykkja and Kleppe did not. The lack of such marks. Although the spiral-motive is not exclusive to female types of artefacts. seems impossible to cast. This distinctive spiral-pattern appears to the human eye as a curling multiple-line of shadow and light. along with the way the bow envelops the mid-section of the double-spiral.g. Rønne 1989. 17): the modern scientist would at first glance see the paper-thin bow as unlikely to have been cast. The human eye and mind will be drawn into the spiral. rather to have been forged by hammer. and possibly to Lüneburg women (in the upper Elbe area). The experimentation with the spiral-motive in the Nordic Zone might be seen as an artistic effort towards representations of the sun. axes or even belt plates would initially attempt to conceptualize a single making . but to hint to otherness. would be troubled by this index. But the details on the front and back of the bow is puzzling – if each triangle in the “wolf-tooth” pattern at front was forced into the bow by hammer and stamp they would. A case at hand is the Vigrestad brooch (nr. not to blend in among the best of Nordic females. the bow and a straight rod. An artist of e. The brooch-pin suggests a third casting and the forging of a second and third spiral. they have disagreed on the procedures used (cf. I believe that these women from Vigrestad. The spiral-pattern is thus a complex pathway for the human eye and mind. even a skilled bronze caster might get troubled when attempting mentally to reconstruct the process of the brooch coming into being. intend to make a reference to other wealthy Nordic females. I suspect that the artist also intended to complicate the reading of his creation. and lured into an attempt to wander the labyrinth. Thus.). and probably sensed. He achieved this by making an artefact that slowed down the mind of a recipient.293 even armed with significant insight in metals. a close reading of the bow of the Vigrestad brooch suggests two separate castings. Thus. seem instead to point towards a casting procedure. spiraldecoration reached a particularly high level on the female belt plate. to trace the path of light towards the centre (cf. one casting – but be forced to explore other multiple procedures. have left marks on the back side. Liversage 2000). nor did their suppliers of bronze accessories. The spiral is really made (cf. and possibly hide himself as an agent. The protruding spiral though. Rønne 1989). Gell 1998: 83pp. and in a sense sticky or adhesive. On the belt plates from Vigrestad. and one act of forging the rod into a double-spiral. a recipient himself an artist of other bronze indexes. as a labyrinth.

294 there are two ridges of light, flanked by grooves of shadows, and each triple band of shadow-light-shadow come from the neighbouring spiral.

Fig. 11. The path of the Bronze Age spiral ornament

These create two ridges of light that curl back to back inwards and join up at the centre. Thus, the spiral-pattern on the plate creates a vision of a single, continuous ridge of light that curls up, in and out again. To actually trace the ridge is tricky, as the eye has difficulties deciding which line to follow, typically one is tempted to try but gets lost. On the plates from Orre and Særheim, the tutuli from Vigrestad as well as on the collars from Rege and NBraut, a slightly different pattern is found. Here, there is a single groove, a single path of shadow to trace. Did the individual spiral, the individual zone of spirals and the complete decorated disc have prototypes? One and the same prototype or different? The belt plate could be considered to be a straight-forward representation of the radiant sun. But it is also possible to see the matter as more intricate. Randsborg has argued that on some of the more complex belt plates the number of spirals contain a mathematic code, i.e. calendar symbolism. He argues that the duration of human pregnancy, 265 days (9 months), lies hidden in the composition of spirals on the plate from Langstrup, Zealand (Randsborg 2006: 68). Neither the Vigrestad plate nor the Rege plate have patterns immediately recognized through Randsborg’s formulas. On the other hand, each spiral might be a general representation (without exact mathematical correspondence) of the short cycles of both the female and the sun (menstruation and diurnal), and the individual spiral-zones as representations of the long-cycles of the female and the sun (pregnancy and year). The spirals might at the same time be representations of the risky phases in the journey of the sun-goddess: getting tied-up and released again, getting caught up before flowing freely again. The ridge of light in the

295

Fig. 12. Reconstructed women from the Bronze Age of NW Scandinavia.

spiral is analogue to the sun-goddess that gets captivated and set free by her brothers at dawn. Thus, the prototype of the belt plate is not merely the sun as a static radiant disc on the sky, but the living, animated sun including specifics of its movement, its disappearance and reappearance and the hazards along the way.

296 The formula index (A) ĺ artist (P) signifies cases in which the artist feels that the work of art or the medium he is working on, makes him do things. Examples would be the sculptor arguing that he has merely released a form already present within the rock (Gell 1998: 28pp.). Could there, in the mind of the bronze caster, have been something in bronze to be released? Something to be realized? The fluidness of bronze might have been a quality that the artist not merely made use of in order to shape bronze it might also have been something that he released and tried to capture in his art. The running spiral could be seen as a way of preserving the fluidity of bronze after its solidification. The never ending, never starting qualities of the spiral could be the artist’s expression of the never dying bronze, and an attempt to keep bronze fluid beyond the context of casting. This would correspond to the proposition above, of melting as movement and as an act of liberation comparable to the liberation of Sol at dawn. The spiral-art of the Nordic artists might be interpreted first and foremost as an expression of fluid movement with the qualities of bronze and the sun as ideals and prototypes. Might the maker of the Vigrestad plate have argued that the expression of fluid movement in the spiral was actually present in the medium of bronze? That all he did was to capture the essence of what bronze is? That spirals as patterns of shadow and light in a vision of fluid never-ending movement, is a quintessential quality of bronze as much as it is a quintessential quality of the sun? If both sun and bronze were women and both characterized by liberation, captivity and fluid motion, might not the bronze founder have been a liberator and a male and a brother to goddess Sol and bronze? Thanks to the well preserved oak-coffin burials we have a rather clear image of what a complete index, a complete body-hair-dress-belt plate assembly, looked like (cf. Fig. 12). Belt plates seem to have been worn at the abdomen or belly – in contrast to the Lüneburgarea where they seem to have been worn at the chest as pendants (Laux 1996: Abb. 58-59). The Egtved girl in particular demonstrates that it was worn on a naked belly between a short shirt and a short corded skirt resting low at the hips. The female from Borum Eshøj carried it in combination with a long skirt (Bergerbrandt 2007: 54pp., 63p.). The belt plate and the short corded skirt have been seen as indicative of sun-priestesses, of females occupying a distinct religious position, i.e. acting as representations of the sun-goddess in rituals (Kristiansen & Larsson 2005: 302). Where all females with belt plates priestesses - or at least those with both belt plate and short corded skirt? I find it plausible that they did act as representations of the sun-goddess, but I am less comfortable with the term “priestess”. This

297 is because the term implies notions of specialization and exclusiveness at odds with the great number of belt plates from burials. How would different recipients react to the index of the spiral-plated waist? Were belt plates intended to do something in particular, and if so, what? No doubt, there would be an erotic sense to these women when combining plate with short corded skirt and short shirt. The shining disc with the pointed centre-boss would draw in the glance of spectators, and framed by the characteristic feminine transition from narrow waist to broad hips, it might have had particular effects on males. The Rigveda describe Dawn (Usas) as a young girl in beautiful garments behaving like a seductive dancer:
”Like a girl proud of her body you go, goddess, to the god who desires (you); a smiling [...] young woman, shining forth from the east you bare your breasts. Goodlooking, like a young woman adorned by her mother, you bare your body for beholding” (RV 1.123.10f., West 2007: 221).

The belt plate on a young woman with corded skirt seems to captivate and draw in on three levels: from a distance by its frame of the female body, from a mid-distance by the circle, centre-point and general outline of decoration, and up-close by the details of each spiral, luring the eye into its impossible pathway. The index might thus have been aimed particularly at male recipients – perhaps enhanced in certain events by the female copying the fluid path of the spiral in her movements, e.g. dancing. The combination of belt plate and short skirt might have been reserved for fertile, still unmarried girls 16-18 years old, and they could also be considered indexes intended to draw in and tempt potential grooms, and draw in prosperity in the form of bride-wealth to her household, kin or lineage. It is also possible to apply a “volt-sorcery” formula, placing the sun as prototype in the patient position. Here it is an attempt to get the attention of the sun, not merely making it shine on the polished bronze disc, but to captivate the all-seeing sun and lock its rays and glance into the intricate spiral-path. The placement of the disc on the waist is in this case not merely to tempt the sun in an erotic sense, but also because it was an area of the body in particular need of sunshine and good fortune. The following formula can be sketched: (Plate ĺ Sun (proto)) (A) ĺĺ Womb (P). The plate is meant to tempt and captivate the sun so that it exerts agency onto the womb, and possibly an unborn child; to draw in and lure the positive glance of the sun for protection, regeneration and growth inside the womb as container of life. Interestingly, Mychenaeans seem to have used both mirrors and sun-discs in rituals, placed at the belly (Kristiansen & Larsson 2005: 302, note 14). This placement of

298 a mirror at the belly seems to strengthen the idea of communication with the sun, and of attempts to draw in the sun and link its radiance to the female belly. The woman from Tobøl, Jutland was buried with a large bronze wheel placed on her abdomen (AK VIII: 3919; Kristiansen & Larsson 2005: Fig. 137). The female wearing the plate would also herself be a recipient to the index: she might feel tempting, at centre of attention, restricted and with a particular intimate relationship to the sun. The abduction of agency in these cases of bronze, were all potentially linked to the basic formula prototype (A) ĺ index (P): the technological qualities of the index suggest non-human artistry and point towards an alternative artist - the sun. This abduction could have been intentionally facilitated by the artist: through the use of extremely complex procedures while at the same time enhancing the sun-like qualities of the index. The likely alternative initially (human-made), is by closer scrutiny made problematic, and the less likely alternative (sun-made) is made probable. One intention of the artist might thus have been to downplay his agency, by increasing the complexity of the index and pointing at an alternative explanation. If we accept shining bronze as speaking to the sun, and that belt plates in particular could call upon the sun, the well-dressed women in a crowd would become those closest to the Sun, and those on speaking terms with the Sun. Especially towards recipients not in possession of belt plates or complex bronzes, the belt plated women would force an abduction of agency; i.e. that they were in control of sun-made objects and even that they were sun-made themselves, in a vein similar to the Dogon smith being born of the same placenta as Nommo, or the Dogon priest being impregnated with copper. Interesting in this respect is that Hittite King Mursili II in this period, c. 1335-1310 BC, changed the conventional royal epithet “me, the king” to “me, the Sun” (Kristiansen & Larsson 2005: 291).

10.5 Re-gathering the girl
“I am wăo´ts’tăăs. I come to be your wife, princess of the chiefs of the tribes. A copper is my seat. Many privileges and names will be given by father to my future husband. ha ha aya ha ha aya. For now is finished the weaving of mother for what is to be my belt, when I look after the dishes, the dishes given as marriage present by father to my future husband when many kinds of foods will be given in the marriage-feast by father to my future husband; ha ha aya ha ha aya (Kwakiutl, Song of chiefs daughter; Boas 1966: 347).

299
“Good-looking, like a young woman adorned by her mother, you bare your body for beholding” (RV 1.123.11; West 2007: 221).

I have proposed that the imagery on the stone slab from Kyrkje-Eide referred to female accessories from BA II-III, and belonged originally to a coffin (cf. chapt. 5.3, Fig.13). Depicted is a comb, a dagger, a sickle, a belt with fringed termination, a belt plate and a corded skirt. This leaves only 5 symbols in the dark: the wavy, snake-like figure, the concentric circles, the hook and the axe-like figure, and the three bent lines. The hook and axe are at odds: the axe-figure could be a shaft-hole axe seen from the top, i.e. a simple stone axe or a Faardrup axe. But the haft is of the hooked variant and would not work with a shafthole axe. More likely, it is a hooked haft for some kind of socketed tool – a socketed bronze axe or perhaps an antler pick for working fields. The axe-figure might thus be a socketed antler tool depicted in the “X-ray” view common in Nordic rock art. The three bent figures seem to depict three artefacts of the same type but with slight differences in size. We ought thus to look for the kind of tool that comes in series with small variation in length, size, angle etc.; precision tools, were there is a tool for different intimately related tasks: like the wrenches of the mechanic, the carving tools of the wood-carver, or the pencils of the painter. They look very much like spatulate tools often made from pieces of naturally curved antler or horn, used for modelling wax (cf. Tylecote 1987: fig. 6.20). The depiction of a set of three spatulas for wax modelling would seem to point to rather advanced wax-models, and thus complex moulds and castings. Within the Central Zone I found strong indications of the use of wax templates from BA I and II: the heavy shaft-hole axes from Kvanngardsnes and Raknes in particular. The “snake” and the concentric circles might be abstract symbols rather than “depicted artefacts”, the snake might refer to the woman buried as a skin-shedder both as potential child bearer and as creator of templates and moulds. Gell explored two issues of importance to the above: a) the notion of personhood being distributed out into space and time; and b) the notion that images (indexes) of something (prototype) are parts of their prototypes:
“[...] the idea that sensible, perceptible objects, gave off parts of themselves – rinds or skins or vapour – which diffuse out into the ambience and are incorporated by the onlooker in the process of perception” (Gell 1998: 223).

300

Fig. 13. The carved slab from Kyrkje-Eide and interpretation of the motives: 1-2. Corded skirt from Egtved and belt and plate from Borum Eshøj (reworked from Broholm 1952: nr. 228-29), 3-4. dagger and comb from Borum Eshøj (from Boye 1896: X.5, XII.9), 5. Iron Age bone tools for wax modelling (reworked from Tylecote 1987: Fig. 6.20), flint sickle (from Gjessing 1920: Fig. 236), 7. tentative reconstruction of digging implement with hooked haft with leather strap and antler/bone tip. The carved slab is reworked from Mandt (1991: Fig. 12.40).

301 Gell explores these issues through the case of the New Ireland practice of carving the Malangan. The Malangan are wooden artefacts made for mortuary rituals:
“[...] they are gradually imbued with life by being carved and painted, brought to perfection and displayed for a few hours at the culminating point of the mortuary ritual – only to be ‘killed’ with gifts of shell-money. Once they have been ‘killed’ they no longer exist as ritual objects (which is why they may subsequently be sold to collectors). The gift of money which ‘kills’ the Malangan entitles the donor to remember the image on display, and it is this internalized memory of the image, parcelled out among the contributors to the ceremony, which constitutes the ceremonial asset – entitling the possessor to social privileges – which is transacted at the mortuary ceremony and transmitted from the senior to the junior generations. [...] The purpose of a Malangan is to provide a ‘body’, or more precisely a ‘skin’ for a recently deceased person of importance. On death, the agency of such a person is in a dispersed state. In our terms, indexes of their agency abound, but are not concentrated anywhere in particular. The gardens and plantations of the deceased, scattered here and there, are still in production, their wealth is held by various exchange-partners, their houses are still standing, their wives or husbands are still married to them, and so on. The process of making the carving coincides with the process of reorganization and adjustment through which local society adjusts to the subtraction of the deceased from active participation in political and productive life“ (1998: 225).

Thus, the Malangan images are parts of the deceased person, they gather and bring together the agency of the person, and redistribute it among the living. In light of the above, the Kyrkje-Eide woman could be seen as a girl that through the course of her life had distributed herself as a person across time and space. Her death left her, in the mind of the living, distributed, and created the need to reassemble her. The carved slab could thus be seen in light of the New Irland Malangan as an attempt to reassemble her agency, and as being a “body” or “skin” of these qualities. I this way the slab was dressed up with the image of her garments, her comb and a selection of her tools. The image of the sickle and the hafted pick might have been conceptualized as containing parts of her real sickle and pick, and thus parts of her agency through these tools: the harvested vegetables and the places were they grew. The carving of the tools of cultivation and harvest might thus have gathered her agency, her relations and her rights to specific places, crops and fields. The spatula images would have contained parts of her real wax-working tools, and thus gathered her agency exerted onto wax, and thereby her agency exerted onto templates, moulds, bronze castings and the people in possession of them. She was the maker of moulds and thus of temporary “bronze bodies”. The snake might thus have referred to the slab as

302 “temporary skin” of the deceased, or to her role as maker of temporary skins of bronzes. It might generally have referred to the process of shedding of skins, the shifting of containers. The wavy line might not have been a snake at all, but referred to water in general, or to a river – e.g. the meander-like Stryn River that ran in the vicinity. The concept of gathering a distributed person through carving her/his belongings or deeds onto a part of the burial coffin, seems to have been a phenomenon particular to the eastern and western coasts of the peninsula, and thus a concept distributed along the westeast inland route. Kivik and Kyrkje-Eide are unique in their depiction of artefacts on burialslabs. It is important to note that it was not the dead woman from Kyrkje-Eide that made the carvings, but probably someone among her close kin. And someone among these represents to us a crucial bridge between the Central Zone and the CSWS. The skirt might indicate that the woman from Kyrkje-Eide was young. If she died 17 years old her mother might have been in her late thirties or early forties. Her mother would be a likely candidate for the artist that made her real and highly intricate textiles, as well as the maker of the carvings on her coffin. She might have come 20 years earlier from the coasts east of Lake Vättern, as newly wed to a distant male kin or ally of her father or brother in the far west. She might have been a member of a leading household and lineage somewhere east of Lake Vättern, and as a youth she might have participated in funerals such as those at Sagaholm and Kivik, and attained various ceremonies at the rock art centres along the CSWS. Such a hypothetical eastern wife would be a significant aid when it comes to account for the practice of depicting artefacts, especially textiles on stone, depicting the myth and image of the sun-chariot. Young women arriving as foreign brides from the east might be a significant mechanism when it comes to explaining the transmission of myths, moulding techniques and specific rock art motives across the Scandinavian Peninsula.

10.6 Woven & cast
In the aftermath of the rich BA III in NW Scandinavia, evidence is suddenly meagre all along the coast. I have argued that this was not a total collapse in the North Way. On the contrary, I argued that the area rich in BA IV burials in southern Hordaland and Rogaland now engaged in extreme maritime expeditions towards the Arctic. And with these expeditions they instigated a new mode in the relations between the larger cultural blocks Nordic and Arctic (cf. chapt. 6.7). The axe from Hiksdal is seen as a crucial piece of evidence of these new dynamics. It is a typical Nordic style socketed axe, with a unique net

303 or textile pattern on both broad sides. This I have interpreted as the presence of Arctic moulding techniques, Arctic ceramic techniques and designs, as well as Arctic weaving or braiding techniques, in northern Rogaland (cf. chapt. 4.4.10, 7.8.3). One way to bring these features and skills to the south is to sketch a marriage between a southern male engaged in the Arctic expeditions and a northern female skilled in moulding, ceramic and weaving procedures. Her specific moulding procedures, in contrast to those of her husband, enabled her to make an impression at the two clay templates used to make each mould valve, at a stage in which they were still plastic. This impression was made with a piece of net or woven textile. In her original environment in the Arctic this textile and this act of stamping were significant in the production of ceramic vessels. The woman from Hiksdal was thus engaging not merely in a merging of Arctic moulding techniques with Nordic axe styles, but in a merging of the containers of pot, mould and axe, a merging of the technologies weaving, pottery making and bronze casting, and a merging of fibre, clay and bronze. Whether she also made textile-impressed vessels for serving and cooking for her household, we do not know. The Hiksdal woman might thus have crossed some significant borders, more so than the other females above. She crossed over the Arctic-Nordic boundary, potentially from a Finno-Ugric speaking people into an Indo-European speaking people, from a people relying mainly on hunting and fishing into a people based on farming, and she was not brought up in a long-house. She is also likely to have crossed different marriage and kin-systems and different gender constructions. It might have been the experience of crossing these borders that spurred the creative making of the Hiksdal axe (cf. also Engedal 2010).

10.7 Facing the other
The well preserved Danish oak-coffin burials demonstrated the clean-shaved faces of Bronze Age males (Jensen 2002: 210). The standard sets of razors and tweezers in male burials were thus for trimming facial hair such as beard and perhaps eyebrows. The burial from Lille Dragshøj also indicate the use of a particular hairstyle in which the sides were shaved like a “Mohawk”, also known to be used by young males in Mycenaean Greece (Kristiansen & Larsson 2005: 228). In the relatively cold climate of Scandinavia, the face and hands will often be the only visible parts of the body, the only parts not dressed by cap, shirt, cape, trousers, tunika, leggins, and moccasins (Bergerbrandt 2007: 50pp., 62p.). Thus, the use of razor and tweezers can be seen as dressing the undressed, and the completing of an overall “dressed” personal appearance (cf. Treherne 1995). Hematite is a red stone likely to have

189. The first step would be to fell the timber and to severe the tree from its origin and roots. the specific consistency of the content of tree-as-container. In our area razors and tweezers first appear in BA III in burials from Jæren in the south and Beitstad and Skjeggesnes in the north. Valleberga.. and when beaching after crossing substantial distances at sea. 184p. i. work in the woods was governed by the rise and fall of sap. Central among these were boats and houses. shaved males of the broader TumulusUrnfield Complex. fig. The face might have been particular important at meetings: when meeting outsiders.. and finally other adult. or the state of being “not home”. Facial hair is a liminal “not entirely body” phenomenon. It has been found in three burials from Tobøl. Ribe C. and Jahrsdorf. two of them male. 6. Southern Schleswig. After this phase. Goldhahn 2007: 152. those that could but did not shave (grown males not adhering to the shaved style). facing allies and competitors. while . except for the reported razor from Pasvik in the high Arctic. Bohuslän C.19). The 20th of January (brødremesse) was considered the start of rising sap. and in particular in the encounters and meetings at each end of these journeys. It was also found on a settlement at Bokenäset. when facing opponents. complex wooden constructions. were significant to prehistoric tree-felling. and removing or trimming it might have been both an act of purification as well as an act of preparation for the face-to-face encounter of battle. Skåne C. The shifts in moisture of wood. the third unknown. It might have been a rite of purification. competitive oral performances etc. of marking some of the boundaries they crossed: when entering and leaving the state of warfare as a container in space and time. bargaining. the razor-tweezers phenomenon retreats to Jæren.e. In nature it is found mainly in Norway and it might thus have been an object of exchange (Jensen 2002: 211p. The significance of razors and tweezers might be analyzed in the setting of long-distance maritime communications along the North Way. note 40-41.. or “on the move”. Who were the recipients? Onto whom did the shaved faces exert agency? Who did these males shave for? The mass of recipients might be divided into several categories according to their own faces: the unshavable (women and children).8 Making & breaking bodies The bronze axe was used for transforming living trees into large. In addition to shavedunshaved there might thus have been a second distinction in facial appearance: that of the painted-unpainted. In historical time in Norway. Karmøy and Sunnhordaland.304 been used for producing a red-brown paint. 10.

from a container-perspective. Wood cut in a new moon would also burn better and hotter. not to crush and break bones and crania. or rather re-erection of the now dry wooden parts. to penetrate the beating muscle of the heart. But the felling of trees was also ruled by the phases of the moon. and straws on top (hair.305 the 20th of august (Larsok) was considered the date when sap returned to the roots. from early on in the Bronze Age bronze edges took a central place in this project of transforming tree-bodies to house-bodies or boat-bodies. both significant vessels containing significant collectives such as the household and the male crew. The final phase was that of erection. clay and human bodies. the bark and the skin of the tree was removed and in a careful manner if it was to be used for other purposes. cut and penetrate the human skin. to penetrate the lungs and damage the “life breath”. wax. Thus. and trees cut on a new moon would grow up again swifter. but rather that the entire conceptual web of trees. and thus to spill the contents of the human container. fur). Such purposes might have been containers. Thus. Their life long experience with slaughter and the dismembering of live-stock and wild game made most adult males skilled anatomists – and potentially skilled killers. if the internal content of trees was considered in light of the contents of humans. The vision of the house as a body with internal skeleton of wooden upright posts and skin of clay and branches. but to slice. boats. The tree would also be a living container with dry and wet contents and a skin of bark – much like a human body with wet flesh and dry bones. The bronze sword and spear were designed to damage the body of the opponent. The rise and fall of sap in trees might readily have been linked to the transform-while-wet logic of bronze. the skin of the tree went into the skin of food-vessels and houses. mounted on a long shaft and launched from a distance. . or severe the muscles that enable the limbs to move. aimed preferably at the central torso or below. Next. houses. The sap rose quicker and stronger in a new moon. or for roof-thatching. Thus. it was the bones of the tree that now were erected to a house. The crucial point is not that the bronze edge was much better at this than the stone edge. and axes changed as the stone edge was replaced by a bronze edge with its novel qualities and its unique story of coming into being. The spearhead was designed for forceful penetration. The skilled fighter would design his movements and attacks in order to hurt arteries and veins to make blood flow. such as the birchbark vessels found in the oak-coffin burials (Boye 1896). Next came the dismembering and shaping of the log for posts and boards. If the intention was to clear a field for trees permanently these ought to be cut in an old waning moon (Hodne 2008: 181). might have been completed by using the skin of trees (bark) for roof.

the young girl is an index of the prototype Durga. France. and would have been of significant formative character for male concepts of self. memories and minds. Gell argues that this is paralleled in western performance art (1998: 67). as the goddess Durga during Nepalese festivals. as javelins. opening the body of ones opponent at close range. It also calls for an embrace of the place of warfare and combat in male experience.). the character is the prototype. 2000: 21p. Bergerbrandt 2007: 92pp. particularly Bagterp. A significant aspect of the male ethos in practical terms would have involved: skills and daring in the wielding of spear and sword. gold-adorned arm and cloak. such as the Vigrestad woman with belt plate. we need to contemplate the likely possibility that killing and the severing of bodies by the bronze edge was a skill and activity in high regard and the subject of poetry and songs. were most likely intimately linked to warfare and the supplying. 10. rigging and organization of male warrior bands and crews.e.7. and Hernádkak in Hungary (Osgood et al. fig. The significant skill and amount of metal invested into weaponry in the Bronze Age call for attempts to embrace the subject of armed conflict. face to face. In four cases broken bronze spearheads were embedded in the vertebra. Although we may not like it.. . double-spiralled brooch and garments. i. Acting. The overrepresentation of spearhead (and arrow) wounds may simply be because sword wounds left less clear evidence on the skeletons. kumari. and attempts to reason in a style that does justice to their experience (cf. 2. Such encounters are likely to have represented the most risky and dangerous experiences in male biographies. in the same way as the cult idol is in other rituals. The forceful penetration of the spear has produced some of the most clear-cut cases of violence in the Bronze Age. Gell exemplifies such a case with the worshipping of young girls. Over Vindinge in Denmark. Thus.306 Most Bronze Age spearheads are light enough to also have been used as missiles. from England. Underneath the axe It is possible to see the entire human being with clothing and accessories as a piece of art or index. eye to eye.2).9. in the conventional western meaning. and argues that it is difficult to distinguish this worship from the worship of cult idols of the same goddess at other times.73. The large-scale production and hoarding of spears in the Nordic Zone in the EBA. pelvis and pubis bones of skeletons. 4. can also be seen as representational art and described by the formula: ((Artist ĺPrototype)ĺIndex) (A)ĺĺRecipient (P). sheath. Smørumovre and Ullerslev types. or the swordsman with sword. in which the playwright is the artist. at high risk.

The axes are elevated above the crowd. a shaman being possessed by a deity. The ritual is thus often “not-made”. such as the bronze axes. Let us sketch a case of ritual performance involving bronze requisites. traditional and unchanging. In this case the deity is the prototype. The context of the performance would steer the conceptualization of the axes as a “sub-index”. possibly wearing a phallic costume. i. the true maker of the ritual. might thus be considered the index. 6.307 the actor is the index and the audience is the recipient.g. (Jensen 2002: 295). their specific patterned movements and their utterances. We might assume that three males carried the axes and were actors or “recipients in possession” of the axes. or alternatively such a “ritual of the axe-deity” would typically have been given to humans at some point by an ancestor or mythical hero.5). Such a myth would be the prototype of the index. cf. The large cultaxes from Lunde (hoard 22) are likely to have been carried on long shafts in some kind of performance art. this ritual or index would appear as a compound with several “subindexes”. the rock art sceneries from Simris. no shadows are cast on . including the axes on poles and other paraphernalia. Typical of the ritual is that the artist. Rock art links axes to phallic males and we might assume that males acted as impersonators of a deity indexed by the axe. there would typically be an abduction of agency from the human playwright or artist to the deity (prototype) or a mythical hero. Skåne C. and the “sub-index” of the axe would steer the conceptualization of the total performance as index. might correspond to another index. To the recipient. These males. and the congregation is the recipient. and a smaller recipient group B of persons intimately related to those carrying the axes (people from Zealand and persons from Jæren involved in the Zealand-North Way network. as indicated by e. words.e. This index. In a case of involuntary roles such as e. the possessed shaman is the index. the “screenplay”. songs of the performance. A congregation in the case of a hypothetical “ritual of the axe-deity” at Lunde. the bronze axes would be a crucial part of the ritual as a compound index. the human index is moved to a patient position: Protoype (A) ĺĺ(IndexĺRecipient) (P). Thus. might have involved a large group of recipients (audience): e. It is the axes more than anything else that forces the recipients to construct a super-human artist involved in the performance.g. the story of the ritual or the performance. From the perspective of Gell's theory of art. chapt. a large recipient group A of indigenous people from southern Hordaland and northern Rogaland.g. The standard formula for secular performative art is: ((ArtistĺPrototype)ĺIndex) (A)ĺĺRecipient (P). is hidden. are all seen as an index. a myth of cosmological origin. if the movements.

a mode that is grounded in mimesis. Rather. In a recent study of animism Willerslev argues that the metaphor model prevalent in anthropological studies does not take the indigenous experience seriously: “[.. and without mimesis the very basis of animistic relatedness is therefore likely to break down. They would also occupy the centre of a vertical hierarchy between sun and humans: sun > axe > carrier.. this would mean that the impersonator in “axe-deity” costume is not actually the deity or merged as one with the deity (the Heideggerian tradition). As much as the rifle in the hand of the hunter in his moose costume is no clear indication that he is not a moose. Animism demands both. might be compared to the relationship between the Siberian moose hunter impersonating a moose and the moose being hunted. I believe that if we are to strive towards a style of reasoning that does justice to their experience.. the axes are significant because of their spatial range.308 them. Adherents to both views have good arguments: that the sun sometimes is supported by a rack or stand seems to indicate a cultic procession. such a mode of being. of course. for an overview). explored from a perspective of theatrical performance. what I am arguing is that mimesis is and must be a prerequisite for animistic symbolic world making (Willerslev 2007: 191). Kaul 2004: 31pp. Thus. And there is. Their size and their elevated position make them within visual range of a large crowd. The issue of whether rock art scenes depict human ritual performances or divine mythological performances is an old one in Nordic rock art studies. the . we must abandon the idea of total coincidence (the Heideggerian tradition) or total separation (the Cartesian tradition) and account for the mode of being that puts us into contact with the world and yet separates us from it. This is not to say that mimesis is identical to animism.] if we are to take animism seriously. we need to explore how the impersonator is assimilated and linked into the deity. How would this dichotomy between myth and ritual have been experienced by Bronze Age ritual participants and actors? The relationship between the impersonator of the axe-deity and the axe-deity in the sky. We can and do imitate things without being animists for that reason. and yet the imitator is constantly being thrown back on himself reflexively. but he is neither himself or entirely human and “not-deity” neither (the Cartesian tradition). while the super-sized bodies carrying boats above their heads seem to indicate depictions of gods playing their part in a myth (cf. without ever achieving unity. In our case. Mimesis is essentially relational in that the imitator has no independent existence outside or separate from the object or person imitated. they carry intricate spiral patterns. 341. and they are many times the size and weight of any normal functional bronze axe. Thus mimesis offers assimilation with otherness while also drawing boundaries and distinguishing oneself.

But these changes. Not that a recipient in any way was tricked into not seeing the hafts of the axes in the performance at Lunde. It was rather that the category “human” was stretched. and a less strict boundary between living humans. We have to acknowledge the possibility of super-humans. In a similar vein. 181pp. Categories could be stretched and blurred: humans. Later. I suspect that one crucial thread tying the hunter to the moose ran through his clothing made from a real moose. At the same time this grinding procedure effectively hid the traces of the artist’s knapping-operations.). their non-human fragments on earth and human participants variously in patient and agent position. things on earth and things in the sky. By using intricate procedures of drill-tubes and grinding- . e. also Gell 1998: 99pp... and between the deity and impersonators at Lunde such a thread ran through the bronze axes and their coming into being.10. Bronzes & minds In the Mesolithic raw-material was for the first time released from the bed-rocks of Hespriholmen and Stakaneset. Through extensive grinding the colours and sharp edges of their insides were brought to light. The presence of racks and stands in rock art scenery is of course interesting to us since they still qualify as indicative of human behaviour versus divine behaviour. the birth of calves and growth of crops. the coming of the sun. humans and metals into hierarchies.309 rack holding the sun-disc in ritual performance is no clear indication that the disc is not the sun (cf. antler and soapstone. 10. Willerslev 2007: 1pp. living ancestors. At this event agency might be abducted in different ways by different recipients: placing the gods in the sky. ancestors proper and gods. and they often failed. Myths often refer not only to something that happened once in the beginning of time. but rather to the continuous regular changes of the world. to the degree that they were seen as originating from a common placenta (cf. were not to be trusted or taken for granted.g. minds immersed into bronzes in the Bronze Age also drew gods. This danger and risk central to human existence is crucial in order to understand how the “ritual of the axe deity” was experienced at Lunde. and effectively slowed down the mind of recipients accustomed to read un-ground flint tools. and novel ways of speaking to and with the sun were demonstrated. The Dogon smith was drawn to Nommo. were not regular and automatic. or that there were not humans underneath the costumes. or he drew Nommo to himself. the makers of battle axes demonstrated the impossible by doing to hard rock what had previously been done only to soft bone. above).

and hinted at super-human artistry. have been brought into existence by humans.310 compounds. Since the Bronze Age an immense amount of non-human societies. our cell-phones. Has this exploration and distribution of agency in dense webs added something to our understanding of the dynamics of the wide webs explored in the previous chapter? Has it added factors of explanation? I believe it has illuminated how bronze but also by implication fur and other valuables. polished surface in line with their bronze prototypes. held and contained the minds of spectators. Bronze was therefore sticky in the sense that it captivated. shoes and foods. things. i. wax and honey. lure. While the artist could have given the dagger a smooth.e. to fire. Does this make them enchanted in our minds? Or has human transformation and displacement of matter been so immense that it has dulled our original tendency for reconstructing mentally the coming into being of things? Has this development changed us in any way. damage. Because of its intimate links to celestial objects. drew in. a circular hole was made trough the hard rock. he left it with its complex history of coming-into-being written clearly upon its surface. butter and milk. slowed down their minds and created desire to . Then came the flint dagger. Bronze was even more enchanting compared to all other known substances at the advent of the Bronze Age. bronze was also able: to protect. procure. It was flint and clay. To anyone familiar with stone. All people with a minimum understanding of stone-knapping could read this story – and be forced to abduct agency to an artist disregarding the laws of fracture. to water. it was also distributed in the Bronze Age world view. If the human being extends his minds into all things within the range of his senses. I believe bronze was extensions of minds in a stronger sense than other artefacts: because it was stickier than other non-humans. may have worked on the minds of humans. Because of its extreme adhesive quality in this sense. I believe it has sketched a scenario for what happened at specific events and series of events: how Mycenaean artefacts came to trouble West Alpine minds. At present the coming into being of the majority of these societies is hidden from most of us – the coming into being of our PC’s. to persons. all at once. but unfamiliar with this specific drilling procedure. has the great mass of potentially enchanted artefacts done something to how we respond to things? to our instinctive inquiry into the coming into being of things? Have western philosophy aided in this process. achieve. this was enchanted technology – the battle axe forced abductions of agency. and stabilized and removed the need for such explorations? Have we stopped pondering? I contend that bronzes were enchanting in Bronze Age minds much more than in our minds. our clothes. ice and water.

They also traded for knowledge of the sun. an increased “enchantment” and “desire to become one with artefacts”. this time embedded in the science of economy. to give and to know. I shall not pursue this issue further. and secondly.311 possess. and the earthly representatives of these. but I propose that this paradox reflects again dichotomies of modernity. fur and amber. In this way they were spurred to do much more than trade for these artefacts. Although “desire to secure access to valuable goods” may still stand as a viable explanation to most of the historical events I have sketched. and for the skills to change themselves as persons relative to others. I believe this chapter adds some insight to how this desire came about. the moon and the morning star. In order to enhance this learning they had to give compensations. and we thus arrive at a deeper understanding of the motivation for establishing the links to the Baltic and the Elbe. . an increased “commercialization” and loosening of the “social embeddedness of exchange”. This brings us to an apparent paradox when sketching two new perspectives on artefacts at this time: firstly. to understand. they traded for the knowledge of how both earthly and celestial spheres interacted and could be manipulated.

their births. As opposed to cultural generation (with a broader and less specific meaning). The mystery of the human story rests within the human ontogeny: the hours. chapt.10. The desire to avoid the hard empirical work necessary to follow out these intermediate processes that occur between human genotype and phenotype is a strong one.g. Currently the length of a generation is 25. and that this change marked status as married or mother (cf. From cradle to cairn . 14 chart some of the relevant knowledge gained in the preceding . years between birth and death. we might calculate that the generation was somewhat shorter in the BA. and it leads to the kinds of facile genetic determinism that pervade large parts of the social. is the concept of generation.biographies of the Bronze Age In the previous chapters bronze has been centre stage. I have attempted to reveal some biographical information from specific bronze artefacts. days. The point is rather that all other paths seem to lead us towards a flawed understanding of the mysteries inherent to all sciences of living organisms: the reproduction of difference (change) and similarity (continuity) through time: “Modern adult cognition of the human kind is the product not only of genetic events taking place over many millions of years in evolutionary time but also of cultural events taking place over many tens of thousands of years in historical time and personal events taking place over many tens of thousands of hours in ontogenetic time.4). I would like to make a shift in position and put the human being. e. and explored them in wide and dense webs. the way humanity is reproduced and the way human lives and genes stretches through time.4 in the UK (2004)30. behavioural. fragmented. In this final chapter. anonymous and most importantly.312 Chapter 11. 20-22 years. and cognitive sciences today” (Tomasello 1999: 216). If we speculate from an assumed shift in female costume at the age of c.2 years in the US (2007) and 27. 18 years in the 13th century BC. Fig. between cradle and cairn. lives and deaths. 11. months. the familial generation is defined as the average time between a mother’s first offspring and her daughter’s first offspring. Although there have been glimpses of humans along the way.1 Becoming human I do not expect archaeologists to be particularly successful in piecing together the biographies of individual human beings in prehistory. An expression of the history of humanity and its rhythm. its life-world and its life-time centre stage. they have been peripheral.

The Bronze Age as history and flow of generations. 14. .313 Fig.

framed on such a generational chart. And. There seem to be no escape from a perspective of life as a multitude of acts. there are no short-cuts that save us the labour . bent and moulded in events that involved bronze. finally... no species specific. This chart clearly demonstrates the contrast between the type-time of bronze artefacts and the life-time of humans. the point is to avoid the passage through the vague notion of society” (Latour 2001: 27).) whenever you want to understand a network. These variations of developmental circumstance.. does not capture the fact that we are not even identical organisms” (Ingold 2000: 391).). Within this culture there are male and female gender categories.314 chapters. most of our thinking is unconscious and most of our understanding is metaphorical. and this potential needs to be developed through active participation in characteristic environments of humans and things: “There is. and is that of Homo sapiens sapiens. are unique male and female persons each with their unique coming-into-beings. we conventionally see as variants of a Nordic Bronze Age culture that took shape at the lower part of the chart. results in cultural variance. if we are to probe deeper into the favourite subjects of students of the Bronze Age such as power. The culture that runs through the chart. and within these. In both cases. go look for the actors.. the extended and thus malleable mind – the way minds were stretched. make us organisms of different kinds [. in combination with a life expectancy of 66 years (not considering accidental deaths). There are no guaranties or recipes inscribed in the child. This time it is less about bronze. essential form of humanity. a vast series of events of more or less impact: “(. and more about the accumulation of all sorts of events in the experience of individual human biographies. but when you want to understand an actor go look through the network it has traced. We learn through our bodies. The genetic code that runs through the history of generations in this chart. asymmetry and hierarchy. authority. not of genetic inheritance. in truth. no way of saying what an ‘anatomically modern human’ is apart from the manifold ways in which humans actually become. promising a future typical adult human being.] To say that the developmental course of growing up in different environments and circumstances. and our bodily activities are rooted in a real world of resistance ((Lakoff & Johnson 1999: 3. cf. Gosden 2006: 428p. In chapter 10 I attempted to explore the unity of mind-body-world. is considered to be unchanging and identical to yours and mine. such characteristics are not genetically inscribed but allowed for. Our mind is inherently embodied.

dresses and jewellery. not walk alone in the woods.). The Ajurveda warns against pregnant women seeing predators or smelly. shifting eyes. ugly. parents-to-be among the Kwakiutl of NW-Coast America should not: “make basketry [. For this reason hunters would cut of the hare’s snout before entering the presence of a pregnant woman.315 of reconstructing the coming-into-being of legitimacy and domination within each human generation.2 Children of the Long-House Both Norwegian folklore and the Hindu Ajurveda agree that the pregnant mother and her unborn child were in danger.. recent Norwegian folklore as well as in Greek mythology..). She should not be alone in her home. but also adders. twist cedar twigs for ropes or sew boards or canoes. There was a direct correlation between defects on the child and the sensory experiences of the mother during pregnancy: A hare led to hare-lip (cleft-lip). or if the mother did not wish to have any more children she could bury it at the high water mark or low water mark at the sea shore (Boas 1966: 362). forest fires and crippled persons. because it was believed to be caused by the mother’s exposure to the killing of an animal (ibid: 28pp. The afterbirth was particularly dangerous and ought to be burned on the hearth by the husband in the Norwegian case. ground and used as an effective medicine by the medieval monk in Germany and Italy (Hodne 2008: 39). particularly the bear. “adder-skin” or evil. an adder to a cleaved tongue. “goat-fall” or “pig-fall”. and a range of “ugly” fishes and birds. dirty or disfigured persons and recommends exposure to beautiful statues. In general. in the Old Norse saga. and should in general be exposed only to tranquillity and beautiful things. Epilepsy was in fact named “calf-fall”.). wounded. and that the health and looks of the child depended to a large degree on what the mother did or was exposed to during pregnancy (Hodne 2008: 30pp. The Kwakiutl could enhance the characteristics of the child by burying the afterbirth at specific locations or expose it to the ravens. all things. 11.]. not fall asleep on the ground after dark. hares. butchering. humans. should be un-tied in order to release the child from its mothers womb (ibid: 36p. a duck to a webbed foot. both on the pregnant and in her surroundings. Other potentially upsetting scenery had also better be avoided: corpses. but could also be dried. The large number of Norwegian taboos on this subject also warns against predators. In a similar vein. I thus assume that there were significant precautions to be taken before and after a . otherwise the navel-string would be twisted around the child” (Boas 1966: 359).

into its surroundings” (ibid: 218).) the many pre-modern and non-Western cosmologies that are anthropocentric in the strict sense of placing the human being at the hub of a dwelt-in-world. Talgje. a micro-world. In the period 2000-1500 BC there are marked differences within the Nordic Zone in house-sizes. ranging from 40 m² to 360 m².. roof of straw and bark. a mould in which a new human could be cast. and is likely to have provided significant shelter against harsh climate at least part of the year. the body and the house are the loci of dense webs of signification and affect and serve as basic cognitive models used to structure.316 birth in the Bronze Age long-house. And still. and that already before they were born. winter and fall were still both cold and dark. walls of planks or clay.. they were intimately moulded by the world. I thus assume that the long-house was the significant hub at the centre of the world for those who made and dwelled in it: “Intimately linked both physically and conceptually. Human perspective is from a central position within a spherical.): “(. the largest two-isled house from southeastern Scandinavia has a floor 360 m².. Despite the clear correspondence in architecture and building techniques. Klepp) to the Kvåle 1 house with its 165 m². Kvåle 2.. think and experience the world” (Carsten & Hugh-Jones 1995: 3) As the founders of a household build their house and home. the house is a prime agent of socialization (ibid: 2). The original human experience of the world is anthropocentric. via houses 60-70 m² (Fremre Øygarden. a quite heterogeneous image of settlements in the Nordic Bronze Age is now emerging. Crucial restrictions and leads were already in place for children to come and humans to become: “[. Stokkset 2. they brought together elements from the world into a specific configuration and constellation: the two or three-isled skeleton of posts from the woods. Stokkset 1). through the activity of the senses. rather than the detached perspective of modern being living on the surface of a globe (Ingold 2000: 209pp. Jåtta). 85-105 m² (Åse.] a ready-made environment fashioned by a previous generation and lived in long before it becomes an object of thought. Frøyland. Although temperatures were somewhat higher in the Bronze Age. and 110130 m² (Skeie VI. a centre of embodied awareness that reaches out. The Kvåle 1 house could thus hold no less then three Stokkset 1 houses. and through this gathering they had already created a highly specific framework. The long-house seems to have been widespread in the Bronze Age of NW Scandinavia. Fiskå). and could with ease embrace seven . 31 Within the sample of two-isled houses from NW Scandinavia there is a span from small houses 40-50 m² (Voll. potentially multi-zoned world.

as the infant starts to learn through the adult. particularly in Norway. identifying “them” from “us”. Skåne. there were significant differences in house sizes within our area. Kristiansen & Larsson 2005: 278). near Kalmar in Sweden. The largest house from the Nordic Bronze Age is now the house from Bruatorp. and thus of understanding self and others as intentional agents. It seems that there was only a single house standing at each farmstead in Western Norway. This facilitates a highly effective way of transmitting knowledge exclusive to the human being. I assume that particularly from 2000 BC onwards.). and they may share attention towards an outside entity. I suspect that the majority of those buried with bronze accessories in NW Scandinavia were once born in long-houses. al. From the almost forty two-isled houses excavated at this site. this has been challenged particularly by excavations at Almhov. Thus. this situation is likely to have prevailed through the EBA. This seemingly small revolution evident in the child after 9 months paves the way for all distinctly human abilities. a highly specific constellation of pieces from the world brought together by their parents. In addition to these differences concerning size and proximity to neighbours. 90p. Animals may be . Recently. From this point onwards the child may share attention with others. Gidlöf et. Although there are less data. Poulsen 2009: 158). but a question of knowing the other’s intention. For long a similar situation has been proposed for Southern Scandinavia and the Nordic Zone in general. and that they were significantly moulded as beings among vertical posts in a two or three-isled formation. perhaps with 2-3 contemporary houses in some cases. at least in the EBA (cf.). and within the Nordic Zone (Poulsen 2009). 2006. This is not merely a matter of categorization of species. Poulsen 2009: 159pp. According to Michael Tomasello the crucial difference between the human primate and the other primates. 2007: 197). comes variations from animals kept outside or within the house – probably a significant addition to the micro-cosmos under the roof. and such village-like core-settlements. II and BA I. Soltvedt et. Problematic of course. I assume that there was also a difference between single houses and farms isolated from neighbours by 1km and more. is its peculiar ability and tendency for recognizing and identifying with other human beings (1999: 84. several clusters seem to have been contemporary: a village or rather a core-settlement (Poulsen 2009: 160). at the coast not far from the well-known site of Fosie (Arthurson 2005.317 Stokkset 1 houses or two Kvåle 1 houses (cf. is that only in rare cases is it possible to separate between LN I. c. 510 m² and dated to 1500-1300 BC (Gustaffson 2001. al.

space-travelling and stargazing primate might thus be this small biological innovation opening the enormous potential of cumulative cultural evolution. is also a biological evolution (not genetic). 1). as highlighted by Tomasello. rather they facilitate and arranges for the child and the environment to meet in certain ways. since the anatomy of the brain changes in the process of learning skills (Ingold 2000: 376. to put oneself in someone else’s position. The bodily movements of adults and parents direct attention and point out how a certain effect occurs from a specific movement. They participate in a moulding of the child. chapt. According to Tomasello the child’s exploration of intention behind movement. the human/non-human environment. These are valuable insights on the workings of the human being. The unique human ability to transmit the skills developed by one generation swiftly to the next. or the Ratchet effect. is . attention and bodily movements of child. on the ways in which the child time and again becomes a typical culturally recognized adult human being. Ingold has argued convincingly that what we conventionally refer to as cultural evolution. but their abilities for learning (lacking insight in intention) prohibit them from passing on these to the next generation. enables the next generation to elaborate and improve further (Tomasello 1999: 37). The unique human ability to know the intentions of others. What the child learns in a staged learning-situation depends on the instructors. is the real motor in learning and transmittance of knowledge between generations. and the memories of past events. and by implication the Ratchet Effect of Tomasello. But they do not mould their pupil all around. and thus their fundamental concepts of causation.318 innovative and come up with a range of novelties. The crucial momentum explaining the rise of the able and curious. Tomasello’s perspectives on childhood might thus to some degree be bifurcated (cf. directing the perception. This distinctly human mode of learning results in cumulative cultural evolution. The joint active engagement between the imitating child exploring the intentions of the attentive and instructive adult is thus one of the most crucial scenes in order to explore humanity and culture in all its variation and in a long-term perspective. and to look at oneself from the outside. Such a full “upgrade” of previous perspectives on culture and humanity has yet to be made – simply because these new insights into the extended mind have such profound and wide ranging consequences (Malafouris 2004: 55). transferring culture as software from their minds to the mind of the child. 379). the media of attention. and he might not take into account the full consequence of Ingold’s argument.

1). One such movement.] and they [children] may also analogize to the self. light and shadows. movement and disappearance of the sun. chapt. 157. but also towards animals (ibid: 566). A second step was the harnessing of electricity that separated heat from light. space and time. Before knowing intention. Tomasello also opens this avenue: “[. The fundamental concepts of causation. and . repeated every day throughout the human cycle of life. 10. flickered and brought heat. there are two kinds of motion: the movement of its own body. and the light.)? If we consider change as a kind of movement. and causation. the human child and the human being seek intentions reminiscent of its own (cf. Thus. the human child searches for an intention. or in what. colours and heat that followed it. time. the child must seek to find intention. meeting the child half-way? Alfred Gell’s works seem to point in this direction (1998. in their causal reasoning about why inanimate objects behave as they do” (1999: 213). it is of use to follow Lakoff & Johnson further. exactly. and movements in its environment. an alternative that moved. The question is rather were. shadows. when perceiving a change in its environment. Such intentions cannot be recognized as anything else than its own human variants of intentions. and could be controlled. are thus grounded in the perception of movements and changes in the environment of the human being.. as it is to find a serious evaluation of the moulding role of the sun on the human being. In a longterm perspective the use of fire was a first step of emancipation from solar government. cf. cf. according to what kinds of forces. the whys and hows. Understandings of causation. Through these movements the human being knit a range of metaphorical combinations involving space. It is as difficult to come up with a more universal moving “thing” in the human environment.319 reminiscent of the empathic projection of Lakoff and Johnson (1999: 565pp. But does it stop there? Might we not assume that the human child is not merely able to know the intentions of adults and to project empathy on to animals. are all rooted in perception of movement (Lakoff & Johnson 1999: 140. The metaphorical elaboration on causality (in the English language) is vast. was the appearance. kinds of changes and ways in which forces produce them (Lakoff & Johnson 1999: 206). also Tomasello 1999: 74). and both heat and light from the sun and the flickering flame. but that it is explorative into intentions in general? Is the instructive adult not merely the one providing clearest feedback and answers. For the human being. somewhat inappropriately.. lit and put out. They argue that this projection of empathy is not only towards humans. Gell 1998: 16p. moved.).

Even though such artefacts are likely to have been covered up or placed out of reach. colourful fire and the sun gliding across the sky? And perhaps were these attempts encouraged rather than held back by adults? As soon as mobility increased. objects such as the Trundholm Sun-Chariot. being at the mercy of parenting adults that carried. But bronze might also have been attached to the arm that guided. ceramics. For the Tlingit of NW Coast America the house and everything within it was alive and acting as persons. Artefacts had names and had the ability to express their intentions and even move around (Mauss 1970: note 277). as might perhaps a foster-child from Aurland Valley in Scania. the built environment of the long-house was explored. exploring their intentions towards themselves and towards outside entities. For the probably privileged children in question. except perhaps for their helplessness. tools. the lurs and the Balkåkra Sun-Throne. wood. and a significant third source of heat was mother’s naked chest. as the child started to follow the gaze of the adults. vessels and humans. were probably safe-kept somewhere within large houses in Scania and Zealand. were taken in from birth onwards in the environment in and around the house. But causal relations of light and dark. this was an environment of living animals. Thus. like the calves behind the wall. their mere presence probably meant restrictions on what the child could do and where it was allowed to be. even those considered communal property. posts. fed and held – and there might have been a coiled bronze or gold ring on the pointing finger that for the first time led the gaze of the child. furs. At first their immobility severely restricted their sensory-motor experiences. its floor. feathers. . woven textiles. A birth into a prestigious line of kinship made a difference right from the start.320 it could be controlled by a finger on a switch. had to be safe-kept – probably within the houses of leading lineages. walls and interior furnishing. leather. flint and bronze. Two lights and heats were fundamental from the very start: that outside and above (sun) and that inside on the ground (fire). earth. They started to “tap-into” their nurturer’s intentions towards themselves and towards other entities like garments. Between 9-12 months a cognitive revolution was evident. In the Bronze Age fire was as dominant a nonhuman towards all inside the long-house as the sun was towards all and everything outside. Perhaps did they also attempt to “tap-into” the intentions of the flickering. In the Bronze Age. bronzes. the cult-axes. heat and cold. For a while these children of the long-house were much like any other primates. placed and arranged their feeding and defecation. The Vigrestad woman for instance might thus have spent her childhood in such a house in Zealand.

and of grass. were more regular features of the “village” settlements. slept and ate in the house and who only visited and slept and ate elsewhere. The sun was in this way highlighted as the ultimate governor. day and night. The latter case might also lead to more rigid and fine-meshed systems of age-classes. leaves and crops. onto ceramic food vessels and the inside and outside of the house. birds. during night and winter. the borders. Affection towards youngsters spurs a more instructive learning.321 Improved motor abilities and mobility extended the child’s concept of containment. drinking. and in that larger aggregations of children to play or to work as a separate force. plants. Children were probably put to work in a household leaning on domestic animals and crop-cultivation. The sun made the morning. all that moved. and the name of and ways of addressing the sun were copied from elders. A Kwakiutl song . the rhythmic processing and serving of softs and fluids for drink and food. The difference between the “island” and “village” type settlements might have had consequences in that “child-culture” was regularly restricted to siblings and cousins in the “island” settlements. and the bordercrossings of pouring. changed and lived. and who belonged. The farmer-parent was probably more inclined than the hunter-parent. The sounds of the world changed with the sun. The house provides protection and shelter particularly in the phase were the sun is gone. Time was created by the movement of adults. The most immediate risk for a future good-life was not the not-coming of the reindeer.it was also fundamentally present. Distinctions of who did what at which time. but the not-coming of the sun and rain. growth of grass and leaves as building material for animals and crops as building material for humans. created an elaborate foundation for concepts of insides. As more time was spent outside. in matters considered particularly important. visual and tactile. Although the sun was far away and always out of reach . but also for the vibrating world of animals. the constant activity around the domestic fire. outsides. The sun created time not only for the human. source and nurturer of all earthly movement. the diurnal rhythmic movements of the sun was experienced. it brought birdcries of different character through its journey. leaving and entering. but their movements were fundamentally influenced by the movement of the sun. to point at and direct attention to the causal relations between the moving sun and the melting of snow. from primary bodily experiences of substances entering (food and drink) and leaving (excrements). In NW Scandinavia winter is dark and cold. This made up the significant physical world for the child in its most formative stages towards humanity.

even the death of the animal. what entered and left pots. As the scope of the child’s perception expanded through its increased mobility. Through the instruction of adults. children. were killed. That is their playground. most of our thinking is unconscious and most of our understanding is metaphorical. grain.cultural knowledge was transmitted. on which the sun seemed to have crucial influence. animals. and privileged the son of the chief: “Don’t play on my playground children. house. Concepts of containment were elaborated from experiences of what entered and left its body.] (children’s song. stories heard about causations and origins of humans. the waxing moon and the rising sea. children [. they were all in the process of becoming. Around the fire at night. emptied of blood and butchered – potentially by the bronze blade in parent’s belt. This is my playground. were spelled out with clarity in the domain of animals: out-of-body processes and the logic of copulation. and their joint attention towards certain moving entities in particular people. a metal knife could be put into cultivated soil before stabbing the animal (Hodne 2008: 134). animals. the soil’s promise of growth. Our mind is inherently embodied.322 reveals that the sharp asymmetry among NW-coast villagers poured into the child-world. the sun. .. It witnessed the occasions when animals. A significant event in many respects. plants. All killing and butchering had to be done in a waxing moon and at a rising sea (ibid: 132). It learned and participated in the long journey of the cereal from its placement in the bowel of Earth to the cereal porridge entering the body. It learned and participated in the logic of bringing the out-of-body excrements from humans. the top of the hill. All things were bound together. Through all ages this has been a potential clash of child and adult world-views. the foot of the hill. their co-dwellers and likely play-mates. space and time through perception of movement in its circumscribed environment. An intimate knowledge of the animal as container was gained. Thus the child gradually broadened its concepts of causation.. as indicated by Norwegian folklore: to ensure a proper bleed from the animal to be killed. pregnancy and birth. on the pastures and fields during day-time. as the wonders concealed in the sphere of human adults. animals and fires (ashes) back to the fields in order to make earth continue to yield. could be directly experienced. Boas 1966: 348). the earth and the sky. “home”. the earth. domestic animals and the sun . it learned the importance of keeping some grains through winter that could in spring be laid anew in the earth for growing. relations and causalities of the world were deepened. It was a world of entangled trajectories and threads.

wonder and controversy of causation. short-lived and secondary. Although. animals stalled inside versus outside the houses. the winds the tides and so on” (Ingold 2000: 200).3 Within rhythms of the world Modern science sees geological formations as congealed temporality and movement. the liberation of Sol by her heroic brothers in their wheeled chariots. underneath the rock-shelter of Skrivarhellaren or on the banks of Elben.g. large houses with many bronzes versus small houses with few bronzes. 11. the mountains.323 There were clearly differences in children’s environment of upbringing within the Nordic Zone: many close neighbours versus a few distant neighbours. for the sole purpose of sharing attention. but the “skin” of the world is populated by a multitude of animate beings. and we know today that even rocks do not live forever – it is just that their trajectories and biographies are so long and takes steps of such immense scale that no individual human being can capture their formation. Folklore and local history from NW Scandinavia provide interesting information on how people conceptualized this world 3400-2400 years later. morning and evening. a concert in which humans are small. screes and in the animated lines of flowing quartz and other minerals in the bed-rocks – and an avalange would not be too rare or too far away to escape human perception. Vinjum 2004: 15pp. Whether on the fields of Kvålehodlen. These thus marked a return to house and hearth for serving and eating (e. but also with a whole host of other rhythmic phenomena – the cycles of day and night and of the seasons. Typical in the rugged topography of NW Scandinavia in recent history is the diurnal rhythm of meals marked by the position of the sun above specific features in the mountains. The more active of these non-humans create a complex symphony of the world through their different rhythms and cycles. one in which they have no alternative but to merge in: “The rhythm of human activities resonate not only with that of other living things. Everything becomes. typically in the rocky and mountainous area of NW Scandinavia hints are everywhere: as crags. A specific hill was attended to for a sign that could be read and acted upon by those working at displaced locations outside house. There are short-cycles with rapid beats: the sun makes the day and night. To the human being. but they have different rhythms and cycles of different duration. was displaying the most crucial human capacity of all. the elder pointing a finger and directing the eye of the youth towards the rising sun. the basic features of oceanography and topography might be more or less unchanging.). as well . The specifics of this rhythm are largely regional and locally specific.

This indicate that basic bodily processes. the new or waxing moon designated a positive phase. the long cycle of the sun making the year. Ebbing tide was a negative phase which could bring misfortune to activities. 5 months. and its rhythm could be read from its changing figure on clear nights.e. while the shrinking or waning moon was negative. and finally 14 days were spent in the fall-pastures before returning home. a significant portion of the year. but merged into resonance with a rhythm held by the sun on the sky and with the rhythm of the other human members of the household. There where non-humans with medium length cycles. The sun signalled their gathering. was attuned to the sun or at least the ball of light hiding behind the cloudy sky. The moon was such a being. and mountain-pastures still further up on the plateau. Summer and mountainpastures were used from end of June to mid-September. work. the coming and going of leaves. evening and night. the summer-pastures further up. 15 visualizes how time rhythms were linked to meals. the movement of the herd lasted from early May to end of September. and having major effects on all beings including the “skin” of the world: snow. and the making and maintenance of tools during winter. The proximity to the sea also made the ebb and flow of sea a significant feature. These rhythms structured activities such as sowing. flooded and drained rivers. The beats within the diurnal was also marked by animal behaviour. was not ruled by urge or instinct. To these people. These often marked the different stages in the transhumance cycle. changes in the wind. active at morning. vegetation. celestial objects. complex and important tasks were to be solved. the coming of certain birds and animals. There where significant long cycles. rise and fall of sap in trees. rising tide was a positive phase in which all risky. Generally. Historically this movement was made in three stages: spring and fall-pastures nearby. Like the ebb and flow of the tides. eating. temperature and direction. Typical of this area is the reading of the situation in the distant highlands from decrease of specific bodies of snow or blossom of leaves on specific trees in the hills within visual distance. the child at work. melting of snow and blossom of leaves (based on examples from Aurland Valley). tending the sheep at a particular pasture at a distance from the house or camp. i. time was intimately related to the feeding of domestic animals.324 as those preparing the meal to be consumed. This rhythm ordered all major and risky projects (Hodne 2008: 132). Fig. harvest. Thus. the pastoral cycle from stables into the highlands and back again. in order to be home before the . movements of herds. Thus. The child would have learned how to time its return with the herd from the point were the sun correlated with a specific rock formation or tree.

gradual development sneaked upon and boundaries had to be made. Fig. bear. As the child gradually became human. 15. and a final phase in which he/she takes on the new status with its potential paraphernalia (van Gennep 1960). a mid-phase in which the being is neither child nor adult (or neither child nor person). height. states marked by ways of speaking.). Sørensen 1997. Somewhere along this rhythm of sun-ups. typically with an initial phase in which the old being is destroyed or erased. Derevenski 2000: 390). moving and bodily change such as size. A new shining armlet would lock body and bronze into continuous . it reached states already foretold. Treherne 1995. sun-downs. meals.325 sun left the sky and left the world to the wolf. Rhythm of the sun in a mountain valley (based on information from Aurland Valley in Vinjum 2004: 14pp. strength or menstruation. This might have taken the form of rites of passage. and as things detached from bodies. sleeps. lunar-months and solaryears. remembered and recognized by the adults. lynx. The child had until this time explored metal as things on the bodies of other persons. wolverine and an array of potentially malevolent spirits in the darkness. This might thus have been events in which the body of the child was marked or extended by things (cf. Such child-bronze relations took at such a time an important turn towards intimacy. The effect brought on by light from the sun-rays or flames might have fascinated from the beginning.

72. i. Metal. 132. They would have been knowledgeable of the dangers and evils in the world. 199. that misfortune and evil was always nearby. slaughter animals. fishing and hunting. I find this a convincing case of the practice of fostering. This is demonstrated in the widespread use of foretelling. marked by fear of the agency of malevolent spirits. This was clearly people marked by insecurity. and skilled in avoiding them. had a place in this logic (ibid: 49.326 sensory experience. We might thus assume that these children of the long-houses as they approached youth had become skilled readers of a wide array of non-humans. attempts to see what comes next. There was a personal relationship and dependency between any individual and the good and evil forces and entities of the world. the bringing up of the child of a distant ally (cf. Hodne 2008: 240).e. intension and expectations towards itself. The combination of weight and thinness took time to get used to and was for a while a constant reminder. Many of these non-human rhythms and entities were probably of equal significance in the Bronze Age. Its shimmering response to the rays of the sun opened new gates to self-reflection and communication. fell timber. This would mean that a child born in a house in Aurland was brought up in Scania. 190). 158. especially silver and iron. and a child born in a prestigious house in Scania was brought up in Aurland. probably made in Scania. humans and non-humans. moulded and cast with the wrist of a child in mind. but also misfortune in crops. and human life was seen as navigation among these relations from birth to death (cf. from leaves on trees. and recognize a change in behaviour.e. what is bronze. cereals. and it reveals a firm belief in destiny. Recent folklore of NW Scandinavia implies that life was filled with risk and danger. and it is seen in the avoidance or taboos: not to sow. from the intestines of animals etc. These potential dangers could be contraworked by the use of diverse artefacts and acts in a complex logic of relational webs. i. and what is the sun? The child could also see itself from other persons’ point of view. Those persons that left the . hunt or fish on a ebbing sea or waning moon (ibid: 150. There arose a certain bond between those bodies extended by bronze. there was a bracelet designed. I proposed that in Aurland Valley in the earliest Bronze Age. Johansen 2000: 82. 218). and so were many of the dangers: sickness and health of people. herd and cereal. bronze and the sun – the change in constellation changed each individual entity: what am I. From the perspective of the child things had changed: its self. 149. their rhythms and the logic of the relational web they participated in. The purpose was to tie a strong bond in order to access the world of the other party. Kristiansen & Larsson 2005: 238). Sickness among kin and herd is the most recurrent dangers.

g. was not a closed world. and they may even be said to marry and copulate” (Carsten & Hughes-Jones 1995: 42). two joint activities linked to the inside. the house and the most basic ”Us”. In addition to the people of the house. it comes as no surprise that natural processes normally associated with people. Kristiansen & Larsson 2005: 236pp. Some kindred of the longhouse were gone for considerable time. and sometimes at important events strangers came in. To the children of the long-house. sister-in-law. Things are brought in and things are brought out – the house is a living aggregate that consumes. and from the perspective of the child. to move and walk. One of the ”things” brought in from the outside is of particular importance. Houses may be said to be born. it became clear that the world of the long-house and its fields and pastures. The males or patriarchs of such a loose aggregation would. there is one crucial bond running out from the house: the ”blood-ties” to the kin of its mother. Helms 1998: 55pp. 2-4 in a valley. a patrilineal. according to the above.4 Beyond the Long-House Consider the long-house as a mere container of essentially sleeping and eating. those involved in the transformation and displacement of bronze and in the carving of rock art. probably be close kin descending from a . 11. are related to other houses and ”Others”: the wife or groom. but possibly such farmsteads were clustered e. to mature and die. The great feast was for the child a first glimpse of the larger world: strange people with strange things and strange habits (Dietler & Hayden 2001). we might confidently list fire-wood. animals or plants may also apply to the house. waste-products of fire and humans. brought outside: “Given its living qualities and close associations with the body. to grow.327 clearest traces for us to study. urine and excrements. virilocal system of the “Crow-Omaha” type has been suggested (see below. as well as the new families of their sisters and father’s sister (cf. had skills that could only be achieved beyond the longhouse and the hub of the world.). grandmother. The typical Bronze Age settlement site seems to be a single house on each farmstead. and ashes. any household would be linked through a multitude of marital links to other houses – more so in a “Crow-Omaha” system than in cases with other rules and prescriptions for marriage. Marriage (most often) necessitates an exchange of humans between houses. According to this model.). Rowlands 1998. when it comes to exploring how this hub of the world. water and various edibles being brought in. and on the basis of comparative IE studies. to feed and be fed. At any point in time.

A related view. the ways in which we find our ways and know where we are in the world. leading to and from places. Ingold argues that we learn to know our environment through movement along paths. we again touch into now familiar controversies surrounding bifurcation and dichotomization of social/culture/mind versus nature/body. “every ‘somewhere’ is not a location in space. from the angle of modern cartography rather than psychology. Ways of life are not therefore determined in advance. Accordingly. The conventional bifurcated view argues that we all have cognitive maps in the form of comprehensive spatial representations of our usual environments stored in our minds. but a position on a path of movement”. grows and reaches out into the environment along the sum of its paths. and whose future configuration can never be fully known. A characteristic trait of the “Crow-Omaha”-system is that “Us” cannot receive two wives from the same “Others” in a row. argues that it strives towards true and objective representations of the world: “There is a paradox at the hearth of modern cartography. and that the traveller knows the way before he attempts to find the way (ibid: 230). With reference to Casey and Gibson. the adult married females in such an aggregation would not be close kin. in a world which is never quite the same from one moment to the next. and how to make something in bronze. on the contrary. far from being inscribed upon the surface of an inanimate world. but have continually to be worked out anew. To find one’s way is to advance along a line of growth. accordingly. as routes to be followed. and our total knowledge of paths . and that we are born with this capacity in the same way as capacity for speech (Ingold 2000: 219. 11. Ingold argues that we do not commonly use such a cognitive map.4. the less true to life this representation appears” (Ingold 2000: 242). The basic problem with these views is that they assume the existence of a map before it is used. The more it aims to furnish a precise and comprehensive representation of reality. I shall now focus on a set of skills of typically male not-home character: the skill to find ones way in the world. know as we go. how to find good wives. “Every living being. and come from households from different “Others”.1 The path When it comes to the nature of human spatial-orientation. are the very threads from which the living world is woven” (Ingold 2000: 242). 232).328 common ancestor. And these ways. and that we.

Through following and aiding elders in their daily engagements. A transition is the part of the path in which one vista gradually disappears. Especially herding and tending the animals. water. since it share a temporal character and the gradual transitions between different vistas. clay. and how to get from there to other places. animals. verses and parts in a story. straw. 230). The keeping of large herds and the practice of hunting tend to make a person’s region large at an early stage. ‘everywhere’ is not a space but a region concatenated by the place-to-place movements of humans. .329 and places makes up a region. animals. spirits. The skill of finding way involves memorizing through attentive monitoring of the “[. forest with leaves and bark. These segments of temporality. and so on” (Ingold 2000: 228). can be a suitable task for child-labour. bringing them from A to B. the sun and other beings was woven into the region of the child. its journeys were all undertaken within a single or a few vistas. vistas or segments of paths. musical themes. the child learns of places. To this can be added the journeys made by other beings: “For the Saulteaux. and another vista come into sight. A vista is a set of surfaces each and all within sight. “looking-for-them”. For a while. Lakoff & Johnson 1999: 32). Different places provided different kinds for humans and for their animals: pastures. one will “[. wayfinding can be likened to playing music. Since it first started to crawl around the pillars of the house..] travel along a particular route so as to generate or recreate the flow of perspective structure peculiar to the path leading to one’s destination (Heft 1996 in Ingold 2000: 238). it explored the world through following elders around. As its mobility improved the child expanded its region.] specific order in which the surfaces of the environment come into or pass out of sight as one proceeds along a path” (ibid: 238). In this. And to find one’s way. then. berries.. ancestors. and watching over them. and “looking-for-signs-of-them”. certain animal species to be hunted. While every path makes its own specific “flow pattern” of surfaces and vistas. every such pattern specifies a unique path. the child engaged in wayfinding and gradually expanded it own unique region of “all-journeys-made”. This will also include “not-finding-them”. It listened attentively to stories of what had happened along this path and in that place. of what can be found there. winds. singing or storytelling. and what has happened there and how to get there from other places. as indeed for the Ongee and the Walbiri. are likely to have been understood as containers (cf. celestial bodies. the sum of all journeys made (Ingold 2000: 227.. In this way the movements of kin. but changing as one moves ahead. and from wherever it was put down by its parent..

These are likely to have been hunted with arrows with blunt wooden tips for preservation of the fur. Tracking animals might be considered a form of wayfinding characteristic to the hunter: following the path and the intentions of the animal rather than his own choice of path. In this way the hunter’s child learns new paths through being attentive and in resonance with the animal ahead. chapt. this would indicate that children were engaged on the transhumance path to and from the highlands as soon as their physical strength allowed them to do so. actions and state of mind of the animal: tracing their eating. These bones at Skrivarhellaren may be as close as we get to “fur as compensation for bronze” in Bronze Age networks (cf. chapt. Such hunting is encouraged by elder trappers because it provides the youngsters with training as marksmen and helps develop skills in skinning and preparing the small pelts for sale” (Broch 2009: 86). thicker fur during winter.330 Animals typically lead humans onto a multitude of paths that are animal rather than human in character. squirrel (Sqiurus vulgaris). and left the squirrel to novices: ”Squirrel hunting is especially carried out by young boys using caliber 22 rifles and the pelts are sold cheaply at the local store.2). would change to a full white fur. Assuming that these children were born in long-houses in the lowlands by the fjord. noticing that the animal has been scared and changed its course. marten (Martes martes) were represented at Skrivarhellaren (Prescott 1995: tab.1.2). their paths and their places into his own region. Particularly in winter on snow covered terrain the movements and behaviour of animals can be clearly mapped out. or that it feels relaxed and safe. or rather he incorporate their journeys. as well as stoat (Mustela erminae) and European Weasel (Mustela nivalis) also available in this area (but not represented at the site). Animals with valuable furs such as arctic fox (Alopex lagopus). The skilled hunter and trapper thus maps out the region of animals as well. I propose that the activity that produced the most valuable items . Milk teeth from children 10-12 years old were found in the rock-shelter Skrivarhellaren. The Hare Indians of Canada focused instead on the marten. defecating. or with diverse traps and snares. 103). He is attentive to the behaviour. hare (Lepus timidus).1. These species would all take on a brighter. The squirrel would take on the bright grey fur that King Henry III reserved for knights and above. lemming (Lemmus lemmus). Other osteological material indicates that small game and birds were hunted and trapped. 9. thus exploring the intentions and world-views of the hare and the fox. and that was channelled the long way from the trapping grounds through Novgorod to England (cf. 19. both in a LN and a LBA layer (Prescott 1995: 123). 9. The hare and the arctic fox.

and tie a link valuable in many respects. hunting. and the rhythm of the animals is likely to have made time for the humans. Large and wealthy households might thus accumulate such top-value pelts from households in neighbouring valleys. plenty quality pastures and a large herd. The skills of the leader of a longdistance expedition could thus be exchanged for the labour of those unskilled. products from these animals. learned to find its ways: from the best spots for gathering shells and fishing along the fjord. skinning and scraping of these animals and their furs. domestic animals. For a house of medium wealth. For a boy any animals of his own and furs that he had caught.331 readily exchanged for women or metal. to the good patches of summer pasture for sheep and goat and the paths and favourite dwellings of the arctic fox in the upper alpines. trapping. also providing boats. as it does for the pastoral Nuer in Africa: “The passage of time is ‘primarily the succession of [pastoral] tasks and their relation to one another’” (Evans-Pritchard 1940: 101p. skills in wayfinding and reading of tracks and access to a great number of particular paths and places. topvalue pelts at these same feasts. Male juveniles might thus aid in the political strategies of successful. The domestic animals were the prime asset of the long-house. squirrel and marten along the river through Moadal Valley. The goods produced along these paths by the total force of labour of the house could be put into diverse projects. and bring these along on longdistance trading expeditions to large-scale feasts within the CSWS to the east. Ingold 2000: 197). was the chasing. experienced and skilled older males. in exchange for participation in the expeditions. The first long journeys for an ambitious male juvenile were possibly made as labourer. and potentially sisters or daughters to be wed. Success in this game is likely to have demanded high mobility. These expeditions are also likely to have been supra-house assemblages – put together of juvenile and adult males from several houses. Such households were thus in position to procure a wife from a wealthy distant household. Thus. could be accumulated initially in order to make a bridewealth for marriage.. a wife could be courted at a local feast in which groups from neighbouring valleys met up. i. .e. with a large force of labour. the child born into a house in the bottom of the Årdal fjord in the Central Zone. low-value furs and unmarried daughters/sisters could be exchanged for high quality. pack-animals and other necessities. via good spots for catching salmon. A successful house in the mature phase of its cycle.

the first . potentially to the eastern realms where the sun rises and from where specific ancestral heroes once in the beginning of time brought the first domestic animal. This difference often relate to temporality and in particular to cosmological time: “The contrast may be expressed in increasing differentiation of cosmological time.332 Engagements of long-distance travels launched from NW Scandinavia were of two distinct types according to the kind of paths they used: the flat. his negotiations for furnishing an expedition would become more difficult next time. Conversely. and been able to find safe camps and harbours along the way. and the uneven paths of the inland. as his leadership in voyages was partly dependant on the rarity of his skills. knowledge. Gender differences might also have been present between male crew/warriors/traders and females to be married at destination. In some cases contemporary travellers to or from such distant places may assume the guise of ancestors or heroes (or even of dangerous pre-civilized beings) while they combat the spiritual-physical dangers and obstacles signified by distance and travel” (Helms 1988: 262). Such realms and the “Others” dwelling there. be more of a conjurer than a guru (cf. experience. the first cereal. geographical distance as indicative of earlier epochs (“origins”) may be expressed through association with the heroic deeds of founding ancestors or civilizing culture heroes. that knew of the dangerous barriers along these paths. as when geographical distance or direction correlates with earlier epochs of human existence and thus with moral or behavioural conditions associated with earlier forms of uncontrolled and “uncivilized” human behaviour. In this way there might have been differences and potential controversies on board the boat: age. goods for trade etc. kinship. Barth 1990). In traditional cosmologies distant realms are often more than merely a specific metric distance or number of days journey away. who brought social order and useful skills to the chaos of earlier existence. skills. in Fredrik Barth’s terms. He would have been able to find paths for land-crossings. The leader might thus. The leader might not have been willing to share and reveal his skills in detail. clouds. ownership of boat. channelling his knowledge to his close younger male kin rather than to more distant male kin of the crew. are typically conceptualized as different from home and “Us” (Helms 1988). been able to read whether a stretch afore was in a dangerous or safe mood from birds. and had the skills and knowledge to cope with these barriers. Expeditions along the North Way demanded strong physics for paddling. winds. If his entire crew came out fully skilled navigators after the return. and a leader that knew safe paths. Long-distance expeditions to the CSWS might thus also have been journeys to origins. either terrestrial or riverine. rank. maritime path along the North Way.

perhaps all. regroupings. 11. In the Nordic Bronze Age it might have marked a change in female costume. of the resource-enhancing competitions. How these groups are defined is intimately related to decent: patrilineal. It must be stressed that there are few if any clues in the archaeological material that can be wielded in favour of any particular kinship. If it is the other way around. In a similar vein groups in the Southern Zone might have used realms south of Skagerrak as a reference for “Others” and origins. it marks the gain of one party and the loss of another and it typically spurs a series of trajectories: child-birth.3 The bride from beyond Marriage marks a significant step in human biographies.4.333 long-house and the first bronze. decent or marital systems. In spite of these difficulties. It is thus necessary to present the basic nomenclature denominating patterns and regulations of marriage and kinship. I still believe that this is a crucial bridge to cross in order to tap into the . particularly in the case of females.. meaning that decent is defined through ones father. We might also suspect that at least some of the bronzes on the corpses in the burials were attained at marriage. and the craftings and aquisitionings of bodies of esoteric knowledge and of valued tangible goods either at home or from abroad that constitute the heart of political life constitute different ways of accessing origins. Helms has explored the importance of the “Other” in political strategies. and the bride would have taken on the long dress and let her hair grow long so that it could be arranged in a complex coiffure underneath a woven net. matrilineal or bilateral. the term is uxorilocal or matrilocal residence. The journey to and from the CSWS and the Central Zone and the displacement of both humans (brides. while endogam prescribes marriage within the group. factionings. and consolidations. foster children) and non-humans (bronze. garments. as long-distance travel (1988). Further. myths. clearance of new fields etc. If the wives leave their homes to live with their husbands. mother or through both. exogam marriage systems prescribes that the marriage partner comes from outside the group. if the means to do so is blocked in one direction. dances) is thus likely to have been fundamental to the political dynamics within the Central Zone. skilled crafting and rare materials (1993) and as affines or “in-weds” and ancestors (1998): “[.] most. house-building. The phenomenon of marriage has been a major focus of social anthropology. songs. it may be approached by another” (Helms 1998: 175). the social alliances.. stories. rock art motives. and from the perspective of political practitioners. the anthropological term is virilocal or patrilocal residence.

virilocal/patrilocal residence and a kinship terminology corresponding to what is known in anthropology as the Crow-Omaha system (Rowlands 1998: 144). If we accept the argument of common IE marriage-systems as patrilineal. Particularly among horticultarists-agriculturalists and pastoralists. The latter can instead be used to generate new alliances with strangers as part of a larger strategy of developing extencive and extremely dense marriage alliance networks. This is typically made with valuables that are sufficiently scarce so that they cannot easily be obtained by individual efforts. Top-value pelts. new alliances have to be formed with groups that have not previously given or been given a wife. Kinship nomenclature from early IE texts indicate a common kinship and marriage pattern among the IE speaking groups. This prevents the development of stabile relationship between groups as wife-givers and wife-takers. exogam and with virilocal residence. bronze and domestic animals are obvious candidates for bridewealth in our setting. [. i. A distinctive feature of the Crow-Omaha system is its lack of positive marriage rules between exogamous groups. two kin-groups or households. Hence the marriage system created is expansionist and highly probabilistic. and valuables. and that have a circulation controlled by senior males. but the control of her sexuality. and its prohibitation of marriage with a woman from a descent group that has previously provided a wife within a specified number of generations (ibid: 145).] The rule operates to maintain ties with previous marriage partners through common rituals and gift-giving but without having to maintain the alliance through the exchange of women. characterized by patrilineal descent. we ought to embrace women/brides as significant transmitters . herds.334 discipline of social anthropology and the rhythm of human biographies. In this way the circulation of the triangle of valuables.. particularly if polygony is practised.e. her labour and her children as future members of the patrilineal group (Keesing & Strathern 1998: 219). and in each generation. so that young males become dependant on senior males in order to get married. fertility and labour tends to be controlled by senior males (ibid: 219p). The house can also be seen as a labour force with the ability to produce pastures.. A decent group must thus continuously find wives from other groups: ”Members of groups that have provided marriage partners are therefore turned into fictitious kin category. As a result any one group will be linked to numerous others at any particular time” (ibid: 145). In a system of patrilieal descent and virilocality it is not merely a woman that is transferred from one patri-group to another. Marriage may be seen as a contract between two parties. payment for the loss of a woman is made through bridewealth. children.

72. designs and world-views through space. Tjøtta. chapt. But fostering in a distant realm might have depended on the ability to first acquire a wife from this area. Most of the female cases . A boy from Aurland Valley. Gjørv. We might further consider the issue of which party provided the jewellery – the belt plates. In two cases I have proposed a link between females and moulding technology. moulding was not gender specific and could be performed by both male and females. chapt. 77. 70.8. 78. and that females were prominent in arranging the funeral at Kyrkje-Eide (cf. 10. 4. 10. I have recognized the following as females in the previous chapters: Vigrestad. 20. and both melting and moulding skills through male fostering. 82. Kyrkje-Eide and Hiksdal. it is possible that moulding skills could be accessed through acquisition of foreign brides in marriage. might thus have been brought up or stayed for a longer period of time in the house of the mother’s brother in Scania as a foster child. 2) procured anew via exchange by either the father. Rege I. I propose that while melting was exclusively male. son of a wife brought to the valley from Scania. In this way skills in melting and moulding procedures might have been transmitted into the Central Zone. chapt. virilocality and fostering would have provided opportunities for the acquisition of females and female skills and male skills respectively. and that both parties involved used marriage for making strategic alliances. I suspect that females were involved also in the transmission of ceramic technologies into NW Scandinavia. i.3. Kristiansen & Larsson 2005: 237). the mother/grandmother. brooches etc. In addition I have proposed that a female was buried at Kyrkje-Eide. To this might be added that they are likely to have been brought up in and married into prestigious groups. In patrilineal societies the mother’s brother is often of particular importance to the child (cf. We might thus consider the likelihood that some of the above females (or their mothers) were wives brought from exogame households into their husbands houses and farms in the Southern Zone.3). 55. Thus.5) as well as in the making of the axe from Hiksdal (cf.6). Orre. brother of the wife or by the groom. This is based partly on the interpretation of the cosmological significance of bronze casting (cf. 63. 67. 5.335 of skills.e. and the Steine hoard might be a sacrifice made by a young male returned from the realms in the far southeast. Kleppe II. Rykkja I. for these brides? There are clearly multiple alternatives: 1) from an elder female. 7. 10. 92). The son of a wife from a distant realm might keep up the relationship with this realm and in particular with his mother’s brother.3. S-Braut. If so. of either the groom or the wife. Bore I and Nese (bur. Særheim. Large scale transmission of male skills is accordingly best explained by migration.. asbestos pottery and face-urns in particular.

The North Way may also have shifted from one dominated by foreign males and males with strong foreign links. were brought from Southern Jæren traditionally linked to Zealand. ribbed bracelets in App. implying that the dead girl as well as her mother were skilled template and mould makers. while wives would have been procured at a lower cost from Southern Jæren and from the North (possibly also by theft and violence). This is the age of the large long-houses. V).g. skirt and a series of spatula tools. 1300 BC in which a Zealand-South Jæren network with focus on lavish female funerals. Their wives on the other hand. it involved male groups that were able to take a middle-man position and bring northern furs across Skagerrak to Limfjord in exchange for bronze. to one operated by local males in North/Central Jæren. This is clearest in the case of Rege I and Særheim. several cases in Central Jæren indicated the use of heirlooms: females buried with contemporary brooches and bracelets in combination with old belt plates. top-value pelts) and in exchange for pelts (sisters. belt. The three spatula figures I interpreted as tools for shaping wax templates. gave way to a Limfjord-Central/North Jæren network with focus on both male and female burials. In the case of Kyrkje-Eide. Ambitious males in Central and Northern Jæren might thus have spent most of their valuables in exchange for bronze at Limfjord (sisters. I have suggested that it was the artefacts belonging to a deceased unmarried female that was carved on the slab: dagger. and in this way they came to be adult women wearing combinations of jewellery unique in the Nordic Zone. These males were thus equipped with North Jutish weaponry and accessories. These wives were equipped from their original households with wedding garments and their mother’s belt plates originally procured from Zealand. On the basis of the above considerations it is possible to suggest a scenario: when Central Jæren rose to significance after 1300 BC. presumably the home of extended families: e. Importantly. There was a significant shift c. daughters. the gifts from their husbands were all types that could be worn by both male and females (cf. In this way the Central Zone might have accessed the skills involved in the making of the Steine-Håheim . sickle. bronze and textiles). a link that was now waning.336 above are from the latter part of EBA. belt plate. comb. brothers and their spouses and children. I also suggested that it was her mother who carved the slab and that she originated in the CSWS and was brought to the west as a bride. Interestingly. Karmøy and Sunnhordaland. daughters. I thus propose that the Southern Zone did not procure wives from Jutland in BA III. as well as any remaining elders such as the parents of the brothers. pick. but is also suspected in the case of Orre and Tjøtta. Their husbands adorned them with fresh Jutish brooches and bracelets.

e. When we find remnants of bronze casting in e. social organization and cosmology (Prescott 2000. Sørensen 1996. The transmission of these skills might thus have been the result of strategic marriage alliances made by the patriarchs of wealthy long-houses in the Central Zone in order to access just this kind of knowledge. Skrivarhellaren or Ruskeneset. based on gender or age. some of the scenarios along the variables of households and gender/age are sketched: • • • Bronze casting was performed by a household and most members were allowed to participate. and how were human members of the casting-assemblage (the full web involved in transformation of metal) related to divisions along the lines of age and gender? Since the prevailing situation in the Bronze Age seems to have been a single house at each farmstead. typically with two brothers with their wives and children.g: a large portion of the household involved in the pastoral-path. brother and sons or it could be performed by parts of households from neighbouring valleys (a war- . the Faardrup axes and the Raknes axe (cf. astronomy.4).g. as well as strengthening relations to a house on the eastern coasts. I would like to explore the issue from a position at the long-house at the “hub of the world”: where in relation to the long-house was bronze casting performed. and by implication. chapt. How would a child or juvenile learn the secrets of bronze casting? The issue of what kind of context bronze casting was performed in. is entangled in broader issues of specialization. gender. Goldhahn 2007). their parents as well as un-married siblings. Bronze casting was performed by a supra-household group put together from members of several different households. cosmology etc. it could be bronze casting performed by. First. let us for now consider these as single. this does not exclude any of the scenarios above.2 Into the world Many paths went not along the surface of ground or sea but still very much “into the world”: paths into the secrets of bronze casting.4. it could be performed only by father. These variables are potentially of crucial importance to how bronze casting was taught and learned. a rock-shelter far away from long-houses. participation based on gender and age. extended households. All these forms could be performed either in or near homes or away from homes. Bronze casting was performed by only a few members of a household.337 axes. In the case of Skrivarhellaren.g. rock art. e. 11. 7. in what context such skills were taught and learned.

338 party/bronze casting party/expedition crew). and through their lack of self-sufficiency in terms of food. but without any detailed exploration into the links between artefacts. let us look at the above scenarios in light of some variables commonly linked to the issue of specialization (cf. • • bronze casting was performed by members from different households in stabile. At heart of exploring these issues from an archaeological perspective. . Lineages that at some point in time accessed skills through marriage or fostering is thus likely to have transmitted these skills through parent-child relations. and thus generally kept these skills within the patri-lineage. I thus see clear possibilities to account for the data in NW Scandinavia in ways that do not involve specialization in conventional terms. belt plates and lurs. not because they were not selfsufficient in other respects. In my opinion.): • bronze casting was performed at household level. bronze casting was performed at household level. Thus. It is also possible that such wealthy households sponsored feasts or ceremonies in which they cast bronze as a ritualized performance. archaeologists generally under-estimate the versatility of individual humans involved. specialization is proposed not so much because of a clear grasp of the complexity of the artefacts produced and the skills involved. Peregrine 1991: 1). and these were excluded from others mainly by their access to skills and bronze. bronze and labour. I propose that bronze casting was performed mainly in large wealthy households with access to skills. Within such a scenario a youth would generally acquire skills in bronze casting from his close kin predominantly from parents along with many other skills. In this way we suspect specialization in the cases of particularly impressive bronzes: swords. lies the question: what does it take to achieve the relevant skills and what does it take for these skills to endure ? Specialization is often proposed in archaeological cases when complex artefacts and technologies are encountered. and these were excluded from other households through their engagement in this activity. Although the concept of specialization has several weaknesses. repetitive aggregations. but because of the lack of faith in the capacity of individual humans and individual households. their weaker engagement in the conventional activities of herding and cultivation. Costin 2001: 275pp. I also believe that predominantly male expedition crews/war parties/trading parties in some cases might also cast bronze. skills and specialization (cf.

the great one who came down from above. our chief whose name was Great-OneFeared-in-the-World. and bargaining. master! Welcome! you will be a fisherman. Still. The post in the middle of the world broke down [. Our past great chief has fallen to the ground [. In vain have academics been: . and weaponry and other goods. hana. the one who killed by striking.]” (Kwakiutl. destroyer. hana. tribes [. shifting and gathered for specific purposes: mainly expeditions of war. hana. Mourning Song for Lalakyots’a... fighting.. 11.] the great chief who came down from the above.. Crucial to an understanding of power is that it is relational and situational. this means that an ambitious young male would be on the outlook for supra-household projects to participate in..] Hana. and thus for the passage of blood. Our past great chief who has been at work at both ends of the year giving great potlatches [.]. one is next in line and obliged to fill the voids. hana. the one who broke coppers whose own name was Great-Destroyer [. but I propose that within NW Scandinavia they were short-lived. Characteristically. Power could be defined as: “the ability of a person or social unit to influence the conduct and decision-making of another” (Keesing & Strathern 1998: 265). A person or unit can only be powerful in relation to someone in certain situations. hana. Hana. plunder or trade. Now he is resting. our chief. hana.]. hana... Let the great one go. master! Welcome. As the old order begins to crumble. In these he would be able to gain reputation. source of surprice! O great one.) “O great one. the great chief [. Hana.5 Nurturer. being married and being in mid-life brings responsibility for those coming into life and those leaving life..339 There is likely to have existed male clubs of diverse sorts in Bronze Age Scandinavia. hana. Boas 1966: 350p. gatherer “Hana.. Song of a working man for his son.. Boas 1966: 346) Becoming adult. culture and humanity writ large..] Hana. hana. hana.. master!” (Kwakiutl. this involves dealing with the death of ones parents and the bringing up of ones children. the great one who destroyed property. skills in wayfinding.

. a too narrow child’s world. in the minds of others...] bringing up children or raising livestock. metal put into graves. the building of large houses. full of power. From an archaeological perspective conventional signs of power in a Bronze Age setting would be: the building of large monumental burials.. the organization of long-distance expeditions. he ‘vomits property’ (Boas in Mauss 1970: note 128). that people are more or less ‘full’ of.].] that a man is made ‘heavy’ by a potlach given [. and the casting of bronze. we must also attempt to do justice do the Kwakiutl when they claim: “[. regarded as “[.340 “[. Power is particularly evident within the household along the axis of gender and age. In the tradition of Western thought.e. but also the products of human gatherings . just as much as the cultivation of crops. ancestors etc. animals or people are not so much made as grown.. ‘power’.. I assume that if a person in the Bronze Age was considered powerful by a large group of people. Although this is certainly a fair critique.. past heroes.. is a process in which plants. The construction of the house and the burial mound or cairn are of such a scale that I am inclined to see them not only as complex gatherings of non-humans.. this was due to these people’s remembrance or knowledge of events and situations in which the person excelled. I have attempted to angle the chase for the powerful ones in the Bronze Age in line with Latour’s recommendations of tracing the networks they have traced (2001: 27): how they have become. and in which surrounding human beings play a greater or lesser part in establishing the conditions of nurture” (Ingold 2000: 87).. the project of bringing up children is seen as a project of making. animals.] a process of socialisation whereby approved norms and values are superimposed upon the raw material of new-born human infants” (Ingold 2000: 87).and thus of potential feasts. These are possibly the best candidates for . Ingold argues against this view. Academics then exert great ingenuity trying to define what ‘it’ is and to measure who has how much of ‘it’” (Keesing & Strathern 1998: 265). and their ability to influence the decision making of children. i. Universal is the adults’ power over children.. boats. and that it is a process much akin to growing animals and plants: “[.. and that it fails to encompass little more than the child and the adult.] ‘swallow the tribes to which he distributes his wealth. The chief [.] trying to measure and define an imaginary substance. In stead he argues that it is actually more a case of growing. One significant variant is cases in which a larger group is persuaded that a person is powerful because he is linked to other entities more established and durable: being born by gods. arguing that it focuses on a too narrow environment.

and preparations of food in particular: “Far more common. the house and the boat are interesting starting points for a discussion of feasts in general. especially the death of aggrandizers well known to many through sponsorships of expeditions. or other celestial phenomena able to synchronize feasters over large geographic areas.. In these cases the feast highlighted differentiations within the house: only some from the house left for such feasts.341 direct remnants of specific feasts in the Bronze Age. decease or child-birth were not uncommon. and this exchange might in many cases have been conducted as part and in the vicinity of a feast. class. The cairn/mound. culinary. only some humans and only some things. Presumably did several such parts. The feast might also reinforce distinctions of gender.. But some feasts were held elsewhere and implicated a long journey. In such a case the news would have been sent out to all with the proper relations to the deceased: to her parents and their siblings living elsewhere. fragments of houses. and for work feast as a particular category of feasts (cf. especially in terms of sponsorship and preparation. [. Feasts were large and small scale. the moon. were probably the result of decisions made by the small group of close kin to the dead. her brother/sister and their spouses and children. e.] without necessarily being able to identify its constituent events” (Dietler & Hayden 2001: 7). In addition. marked by the sun. however. is a practice that we infer “[. that seized the opportunity and obligation to sponsor a funeral. Thus. and some were held in the vicinity. Dietler & Herbich 2001: 241). it also separated those leaving from those staying behind. Also rock art panels often seem to address aggregations of people. Many bronzes seem designed for a large audience. and thus potentially open for children.]” (Dietler & Hayden 2001: 11). work-feasts and solar celebrations etc... In cases of a normal death of high age. violence.. This border is likely to have run along gender and age and young and elder but still able men are likely to have dominated such expeditions.g. The death of certain individuals had wider repercussions than others. But there are indications that the deaths of younger persons through accidents. The large scale displacement of bronze is also believed to have been achieved through exchange. gather to form a travel-assembly or expedition crew.] cases where women provide the agricultural. we might assume that it was the younger members of the house and close kin. most students of the Bronze Age would agree that feasts in a broad definition. a brother or son and his wife. age.. to the . as the feast approached. The details of the funerals that left traces to us. is a dominant female contribution to the crucial culinary and serving labor that transforms raw food ingredients into feasts. and serving labor for male political activities are quite common [.

perhaps through a collapse in the distinction between distant lands and the living versus the lands of the dead ancestors. one such issue might have been the son or younger brother of the dead at Jåsund attempting to renew bonds to his allies arriving from afar.342 husband’s parents and their siblings. Could these bodies have been preserved for a month? Alternatively. two of them seem clearly to have been dressed in textiles and put down in anatomical correct positions (cf. It is likely to have been a situation of significant political importance – and an attempt to transfer the deceased’s relationships. The sponsor is likely to have been a close relative. App. his brothers/sister and their spouses and children. The death of a male might have added other relations and guests: fellow participants in voyages. Specifically. Reheia III and V contained inhumations. Lista. properties and status to the sponsor (Østigård & Goldhahn 2006). Kwakiutl nobles bore titles such as “Towards whom one paddles” and “The Place where one comes” . Sunnhordaland and Trondheimsfjord. these would have to come from Limfjord. The coffin might now have been left uncovered until guests had arrived. note that different terms and numbers for the mounds are used here). But all of the largest mounds above 2000m3. from Jåsund. Some of these latter persons would have been located far away. There is a 5 days journey from Sola to Limfjord (cf. would postpone the funeral. If the trade partners of the male buried in the lavish BA III burial at Jåsund were invited. Cremation would be an alternative that preserved the dead and enabled the final interment and funeral to be postponed (Østigård 1999: 350p. it would be possible to gather guests from the area stretching from Lista and Limfjord in the south to Hardangerfjord in the north within relatively short time (e. This brings us to the issue of what to do with the body of the dead. with local guests only. In the cases of the males at Reheia III and V and Jåsund. the body was dressed and put down in the coffin in an initial phase without these persons present. meaning that it would take a minimum of 10 days from the time of death to guests would be arriving from Limfjord. probably either a son and his wife or his brother and his wife. 8. allies in warfare.). chapt. The guests arriving from afar might in such a setting be used as a legitimization in local relations. 100-150 guests might have participated in a feast involving 10 days of hard labour invested in the building of the monuments. trade partners etc. and the relations to locals at the same time. Nordenborg-Myhre 1998: Fig. Sending the message and bringing back guest from Tonnes-Holan at Beitstad would take at least 32 days (cf. 78-81. Thus.2).g. Kvalø 2007: 62). III. and to give word to these and allow time for them to return and participate.3. two weeks). If the sponsor succeeded in bringing in these guests from afar it might strengthen his claims on behalf of the dead towards local guests.

wax. their things and their agency through their labour. the work-force to process these goods into food for feast. and it might be seen as a sacrifice and act of conspicuous consumption in line with the destruction of valuables in the potlach of NW-Coast America. and the bronze axes and humans involved. The house was a gathering of timber and bark from trees in the woods. and most likely as a Work feast (cf. domestic animals and grain. the bronze artefact. friends and allies to attend and work. pick.e. The stripping of large fields of valuable pasture have been a recurrent issue in accounts of Bronze Age funerals. The monumental burials are thus to be seen as congealed action resulting from a work-feast. it is best seen as a project of the household. and of specific humans actors. The labour consisted mainly of moving the basic building materials of turf and/or stone from their place of origin to the building site. It would also include access to building materials and specific places with such materials. boulders and stones from a specific location and turf presumably stripped from specific fields. But there are also interesting arguments that this stripping of grasslands might have been combined with the making and preparation of new fields for grain production (Rasmussen 1993: 183). Dietler & Herbich 2001). their acts and their effects. Although in the case of funerals. time consuming work – with wooden plough. The earthen mounds seem to have been built from grass-turfs. stone slabs from a specific quarry. As acts of displacement. The bronze artefact was a gathering of tin and copper. the house and the burial as gatherings: these are all constellations or gatherings of bits and pieces from different loci. soapstone. straw from the bog. And. Although sponsors and those receiving the political benefits of sponsorships are likely to have been male. no doubt an important aspect of power is the ability to gather both people and wealth. making grassland into field was hard. and also a gathering of the participants. i. and for arranging the serving. fire. clay and quartz. The prerequisites would be control of raw goods for food and drink. The burial was a gathering of molluscs and sand from the beach and sea. the burial cairn and the house should be fundamental to an understanding of the Bronze Age.343 (Mauss 1970: note 151). as congealed acts of gathering. Hence. forced air from a skin-bellow from animal-hide. the funeral can profitably be explored as a Collective Work Event. Clearly. It is possible to see the bronze artefact. clay. there would be strong and multiple obligations and possible advantages for kin. it is also important to see it as an exchange and a possibility for both sponsor and guest to aggrandize. shovel or all in combination. and the building phases is directly related to the scale of the work-force and in some cases the scale of the feast. Even after a few .

sometimes sponsoring. their wives. This is a significant cause as to why prominent males and feast sponsors have numerous wives in African societies (Dietler & Herbich 2001: 255p. Expansion in the domain of cereal cultivation is thus likely to have involved exchange of external labour. The technological complex of cereal raising-food processinghouse building is likely to have been labour intensive. I believe. above). This. sheep or goats is likely to have been part of such sponsorship. unmarried sisters and . fields and work-force would have been an essential restriction in the process from grassland to cereal. might be an initial and very subtle distinction of power between houses and households (Dietler & Herbich 2001: 252p. i. with father and two sons.e. and possibly a cereal food (bread or porridge. i. The reliance on a single species. such a female work-force would include: their wives. Without postulating polygamy in the Nordic Bronze Age. large fields and quality pastures. father’s brother and his sons.e. would have been necessities for sponsorship of feasts. Thus. large crops and large herds.). the household and close kin. un-married sisters and un-married daughters. sisters-in-law and mother. prevented rotation of fields and demanded use of fertilizers and the practice of fallowing (Bakkevig 1998: 57pp. a household might have been caught up in a cycle of labour exchange and work feasts. This might rapidly lead to a division between work-feast sponsors with large cereal production. Although some of the tasks linked to this life-style might have been solved through exchange of labour. mound-building might have been linked to the preparation of fields for growing cereal. and those who only attend as working guests but never act as sponsors on the other hand. As soon as more than average sized fields were established. barley. and extra work invested. A large house with a large roof might in this way be linked to large crops of cereal.344 years of rest. e. In a Bronze Age settlement aggregation of 2-3 houses located within short distance from each other. And if alcoholic beverage. these long straws (1. The Bronze Age barley crops are likely to have had long straws. their unmarried sisters and their daughters.4m) could be preserved and used for roof-thatching.).). that such was necessary in order to harvest the fields. Mead and meat. In this way. it is likely to also have necessitated control of a relatively large core work-force outside obligations of exchange. The slaughter of calves. Possibly.g. I assume that feast sponsorship necessitated a year-round core work-force of the sponsor’s female kin. In a system such as the “Crow-Omaha” (cf. a dense mat of turf is formed on a previous field. this would include wife. Håland 2006) are good candidates for feast-food. cf. If extra care was taken. sometimes working as guests on the one hand. mead. relative more straw and less cereal. was essential to feasting and in the exchange of work-commensality.

g. Hunting of small-game and trapping as well as herding might have been activities of less rigid gender divisions. it is possible to construct a Central Zone with less sedentary groups with less focus on cereal. Sponsors would equip a boat with paddle-oars and food for the journey. a Northern Zone. The carvings on the Kyrkje-Eide burial coffin highlighted what the house of the young girl sacrificed from the sphere of exchange: labour. and winter-fodder might have been a restriction to aggrandizers. . parts of the goods traded by the sponsor at a trade encounter or simply participation in a distant feast. a maker of fields and harvester of crops. and that her mother originally from the Swedish east-coast made the carvings. But this transhumance and the lower investment in cereals and fields might have been better combined with hunting-and trapping activities.345 daughters. with a high degree of sedentism. This enabled expansion in herd-size to the point that it could not be fed through winter. a Central Zone and a Southern Zone. fertility. skills of wayfinding.e. and with a stronger focus on domestic animals through transhumant pastoralism from the fjords to the highlands (e. high focus on raising cereal and work-feasts. as marriage was also about the transfer of labour from one house to another. Feasting within each of these zones might be opposed to feasting between these zones (participants from different zones) in terms of food. equip a war-party with weaponry. These qualities might have been cultivated and highlighted in political contexts. The sponsor simply provided leadership. there might have been less time and energy for hunting expeditions into the highlands for valuable furs. I have suggested that the person buried with the decorated slab from Kyrkje-Eide was an unmarried daughter. I have suggested a zone division of NW Scandinavia that might also be applied to feasting: an Arctic Zone. less in need of collective work-forces. There might thus have been a different kind of aggrandizer in the Central Zone focusing on raising large herds of goats and sheep and hunting/trapping for valuable furs. These carvings seem to stress the deceased position as labourer in life. perhaps used exclusively for feasting purposes. The sponsor might also have paid such a crew in bronze. In contrast. and creativity. The expedition might also have taken the form of a work-feast rather than a cooperative. equipment and food. scale and purpose. This indicates that core work-forces might be unstable through time and closely related to the cycles of the individual households. would also have been located in the vicinity and potentially been part of ”Us”. The price could be the goods from an anticipated successful raid. Within the setting suggested for Jæren. i.). Prescott 1995: 73pp. and tasks in which children also could take part.

The reason why Jæren seems to have aimed for Beitstad and the gate to the Arctic rather than the Central Zone. Thus. domestic animals and pelts. more than it was able to hunt and trap itself. both for procurement of pelts. In these feasts on neutral ground. In this way successful households would have been able to gather significant amounts of top-value pelts. sponsorship might have been downplayed. Labour intensive textiles produced by the relatively more stationary households at Jæren might have been the crucial commodity in this trade already from the Late Neolithic. might have been because the commodities offered by Jæren. But with what did Jæren trade for pelts? It is also worth considering that Jæren was linked to the north mainly through maritime transport. The mountains made up a natural cross-road between widely dispersed valleys and fjords. and by implication only relatively low bulk commodities could be used in the exchange for pelts. smaller herds. and probably also cattle hides. how were these households able to procure bronze? My suggestion is simply that crucial in order to rise to glory in Jæren. have witnessed more radical social differences and thus has the potential for the establishment of lasting positions and institutions (chieftains. I have argued that the crucial compensation for bronze was fur. and the feast might have been a purer arena for exchange: of marriage partners. In such a scenario the aggrandizer in charge of a mature and wealthy household could have exchanged surplus animals for pelts from less wealthy houses with only small and incipient herds. and thus a path to getting married for young males. If textiles had such a crucial function in the acquisition of pelts.346 In the Central Zone I suspect that there might have been feasts outside the sphere of longhouses. to act as a middle-man between the north and the south. hunting and trapping might have been one path to building a sizable herd. textiles. chiefs). These two models pose questions: although Jæren is likely to have been more densely populated. This scenario would explain some of the historical developments discerned in the previous chapters: only when Jæren was able to act as a middle-man did it procure significant quantities of bronze. This involved sponsoring expeditions along the North Way for raiding or trading. were also produced on a relatively high scale in the Central Zone (in addition to the Central Zone’s attachment to the CSWS). Possibly. This rules out the exchange of surplus animals. Some kind of highland feast in summer/fall dining on reindeer or domestic animals might have been essential in Central Zone dynamics. and the main goods produced at Jæren such as cereals. was besides the above features of cultivation and feast sponsorship. higher mobility and reliance of hunting/fishing). . animals and textiles were less valued south of Skagerrak. these would be more valued in the Northern Zone (fewer long-houses.

there also have to be someone to impress. brooch or belt plate was supposed to look like. to make people come and participate. Hognestad.) could be traded for textiles from neighbouring households. In addition the designs of the Bø dagger. The necessary authority might have been created by claiming and demonstrating intimate relations to the far-away. other surplus (animals. Let us imagine that the first link was initiated by a southern household in the Elbe-Kiel Bay area by giving a wife to a rich household such as the one at Kvålehodlen c. Regarding the first two horizons of monumental burials at Jæren and Beitstad. and thus the products of founders with the ability and confidence to stretch stylistic trends. Power is relational – bronzes are not sufficient. Kleppe II. but they were also intimately linked to powerful groups in the Elbe-Kiel Bay area (early BA II) and Zealand (late BA II). butter etc. and these were stationary because of their reliance on cereal production and thus unable to “vote with their feet”. the Elbe-Kiel and Zealand as “there-andthen” areas as opposed to the “here-and-now” areas along the North Way (cf. Bronzes put down in burials might reflect more than a certain amount of valuable material and success in production and trade. gather and subdue. could be considered progressive. Jæren stands out in particular. Vigrestad and Gjørv.347 this might have added to the importance of large female core-work forces available to aggrandizers at Jæren. but because they were situated in a densely populated area that created a different arena for aggrandizers than elsewhere: there were many more to have power over. as a result of decisions made by the kin-groups embracing those interred in the Albertsdorf monument at the Elbe and specific groups on Northern Zealand. to bend ideas of how a dagger. The primary aim of these expeditions was to procure valuable pelts. When it comes to assessing the issue of power in the Bronze Age of NW Scandinavia. Possibly. I believe that the interred persons and the sponsors were not necessarily (or not merely) powerful in Jæren and Beitstad. Authority was also needed in order to create the monumental structures of the Kvålehodlen house. Frøset. I have also argued that these links were forged mainly from the outside. Some of the BA II burials from NW Scandinavia evidently contained persons wearing products from some of the finest moulders and casters in the Nordic Zone.). . For this they had to establish the authority or power to gather. Bø I. Helms 1998: 157pp. the Kleppe II plate etc. and thus to make people come and make people bring and give pelts. Not because aggrandizers here were “fuller of power” in an isolated sense. dazzle. hides. the Vigrestad brooch. This might partly have been achieved through the display of bronze. and the mounds and cairns at Holen I.

1490BC at age 60.348 1600 BC. Holen 1450BC. exclusive. and spread the three burials within the 160 year time span. We might assume that for the 260 years the North Way – Elbe link lasted. And this wife might have introduced the rock art medium to the Elbe as she co-sponsored the funeral-feast of one of her southern affines at Anderlingen (Pl. This second phase is also linked to the establishment of links to Beitstadfjord. Even so. It would have been relatively easier to make workers attend a feast. and thus the logistics and potential of sponsoring work-exchange would have been better. strange. Map 12). and contributed to the rise of sites such as Bernstorf. dangerous North. When these first appear they are distributed along the Håana River and its tributaries. Using a 25 year generation would make Bø. Authority measured by the investment of labour in houses. to be able to find the way. Hognestad 1400 BC. burials or bronze in burials. large monumental burials. might have been significant assets when about to organize and equip a voyage to the north or any other daring project. The making of authority in these relation. Holen and Hognestad the grandgrand-children of this founding-couple at the earliest or they could have been as much as 5 generations later (cf. The inspiration for this is likely to have been burial-art of Trondheimsfjord.g. These northern relations are likely to have been an integral part in competition for authority and leadership in the Elbe-Kiel Bay area. Etne and Lista. the stone from Rishaug. The density of houses and households would have been greater in Jæren. 220. the building of monumental mounds or cairns and the incorporation of rock art. Importantly. This phase reveals the transmission of three features related to funeral rituals encountered along the North Way: the cremation of the dead. there seem to be a hiatus between the establishment of the Kvålehodlen marriage and the first monumental burials containing bronze. would no doubt place authority in BA II-III in Jæren: large three-isled houses. and include the loose findings from Pollestad and Nærland as well (nr. and thus relatively easier to get large scale projects made. That the north was a source of more than pelts is indicated by the imagery incorporated in the Anderlingen burial. e. This network operated rather directly from the southern borderzone of the Nordic Zone on the Elbe to its northern border at Beitstad. A southern male expedition crew might thus have brought a wife from Trondheimsfjord to the far south. To have been there. We might see them as descending. Fig. possession of bronze does not .58. 223): The grand-grand child buried at Bø c. to have endured the dangers and to possess the skills to deal with the hazards of sea. 14). it aided the Elbe region to create and withstand close relations with centres south of the Danube. might have involved the use of the North Way in a more subtle way – as a locus of the distant.

11. of renown through wide webs as a giver of feasts. Accounting for the presence of various simple and complex skills would then take us into unknown interpretative territories. still able male. is the display of what we lack on the one hand. Clearly. . It is possible to grasp a sense of the accumulation of actions and experiences in individual minds from the participation in a series of arenas that are not obviously linked in our material: house.349 reflect power in a simple manner: a household in the Central Zone with relatively little power over neighbouring households could hunt and trap pelts and bring these into the CSWS and trade them for many bronzes. and better at reconstructing the skills involved. Despite this. we may also take a step further and trace the coming into being of skills. in the nurturing of animals. but have yet to be explored. bronze-casting. He was knowledgeable of other Beings on earth and sky. in paths. I also contend that the link to social anthropology and its rhythm of “event within life” is valuable only when archaeology has been allowed to trace both wide and dense webs from its data. skilled in engagement with Otherness. The specific constellation of activities. burial. I contend that making artefacts complete in this way allows us to reconstruct more complete human beings in prehistory. skilled in bronze casting. a skilled killer of enemies. I believe. Thus. clearer of pastures and fields. And for this reason. experiences and memories commonly associated with the concept of biography. rock art. household and crops. It therefore says also something of methodology and what to do first and second. there are also a vast range of relevant activities/technologies/situations that may or may not be represented in our data.6 From cradle to cairn The most important result of this attempt. These appear when we fuse a concept of biography with Latour’s methodology of thorough tracings. The person full of power in the Bronze Age was an elder. activities and places unknown to others. and with ideas of the importance of gradual learning from Ingold and Tomasello. and builder of boats and houses. But importantly. we will never be able to link the person in a specific cairn to a specific cradle in a specific house. feast. children. if we become better at tracing transformation and displacement of matter. and what have yet to explore on the other. the exercise of taking a biographical point of view is useful since it reveals some of the pit-falls of archaeological categorisation. is thus out of reach for archaeology. path. I would suggest that power and hierarchy has a too dominating position in the study of bronze in the Bronze Age.

the North Way and the Southern . Rather than disregarding the materiality of archaeological data. The archaeological experience. I argued that the key for an escape was to upgrade and add to this sight. world and body or the soft one of the social. o The maritime North Way linked up the Southern Zone to Beitstad and the border area between the Central Zone and the Northern Zone. the archaeological aesthetic or way of looking was from the beginning one that discerned human made things from non-human made. to see artefacts as: societies. that compared and discerned ever more differences and similarities both in material and morphology. Southwards. a Central.350 Chapter 12: Bronze Age beyond bifurcation In the introductory chapter I planned an escape from an archaeology that has come to disregard what is given in experience. • That three major networks existed throughout the Bronze Age. a Northern and an Arctic Zone. At heart of archaeological experience are signs of human transformation and displacement of matter. and that although the boundaries were shifting important dividing lines can be drawn in the Hardanger/Sunnhordaland area. Aided by a review of the Stone Age background and non-bronze data from the Bronze Age. and at Rana.1 Wide and dense webs A first step was taken in part I in order to discern a long historical time rhythm and wide spatial webs through the bronze type. Only in this way will archaeology be able to stay on the river and not strand on one bank. mind and word. minds and acts. particularly the Central-Swedish-Water-System between Lake Mälaren in the north and Glomma estuary in the south. but shifted in character and importance: o The Central Zone was linked through overland and riverine routes towards the eastern lowlands. 12. and to the Tjeldsund area in the Arctic. at Beitstad. I arrived at the following: • • That it is possible to discern 9 historical phases from the preserved metal data That NW Scandinavia may be divided in a Southern. be it the hard one of nature. and rather than blurring these distinctions and abandoning this distinct archaeological way of looking. This general network was stabile from the very beginning to the very end of the Bronze Age.

their metrical distances and estimates of the duration of journeys with different technologies along these paths. • The Southern Zone extended the North Way network into the high Arctic from 1100 BC. A second step was taken in part II in order to explore the dense webs spun around the transformation and displacement of matter. were located and explored.e. i. Then it was at work 1500-500 BC. and the North Way and the Central Zone-CSWS networks seem to have worked in competition. then to the Elbe-Kiel Bay area (1600/1500-1340 BC). the development of novel bronze designs along the coast. entities involved in melting. • The Central Zone engaged in complex transformations of metal involving softmoulding techniques and plastic templates as well as melting loads above 1000g in the period 1700-1500 BC. 1800 BC onwards. . The Southern Zone dominated 1500700 BC with a boom 1300-900 BC. moulding and casting operations. o An Arctic overland route linked both the Arctic and the Northern Zones to Lake Onega and the Volga-Kama rivers from c.e. first linked to the Seima-Turbino horizon and then to the Ananino horizon. • The Arctic network brought the very first metal 1900-1700 BC probably from the Onega-area. then to Northern Zealand (1340-1300 BC) and then again Northern Jutland (1300-700 BC). i. bringing coppers most likely from the Ural via the Volga-Kama. in particular a selection of the most important paths. The most significant results were: • A range of non-human participants in the webs of transformation. • A range of non-human participants in the web of displacement were located and explored. having significant repercussions to both the Central and Southern Zones. The overland Central Zone-CSWS networks dominated 1700-1500 BC and 700-500 BC and were in both these phases able to supply the Southern Zone with bronzes.351 Zone was linked first to Northern Jutland. • The first two of the above brought mainly bronzes of Nordic and Continental types made from Alpine coppers.

2 What happened in the Bronze Age? I set out to a write a story of the Bronze Age in which the displacement and transformation of metals were incorporated. • • Reason in a style that does justice to the experience of archaeologists. was to explore and explain. These pointed to a circumscribed area in Northern Finland and Karelia. situational and human biographical. and construct a historical trajectory that were capable of creating the constellations of non-humans that I discerned through basic archaeological tools. By explaining the Bronze Age I aimed specifically at accounting for maps as state-of-affairs. a third step was taken in part III. 12. in casting operation involving soapstone moulds 15001300 BC (probably also 1300-500BC) After exploring both wide webs through the type and dense webs through the transformation and displacement of individual bronzes. A central aim of the thesis. and that they are crucial bridges to historical states-of-affairs. 1330-1300 BC in which it was linked to Northern Zealand • Soapstone moulding did not flourish in the Southern Zone until 900-500 BC. with reference to the disciplines of history. These attempts were merged into three chapters focusing on three different time-rhythms: historical. and why? Why did the bronzes from NW Scandinavia appear and take the form they did 1700-500 BC? I contend that the map of distribution is the microscope of archaeology. • The Northern and Arctic Zones engaged in simpler mechanical transformations of copper in 1900-1700 BC. Reason in a style that does justice to the experience of people in the Bronze Age. and the majority of these moulds have features that link them to the Arctic Zone – both the artefacts made and the specific procedures used.352 • The Central Zone engaged in transformations of metal involving complex soapstone moulding 1100-900 BC • The Southern Zone engaged in highly complex and innovative transformation of metal at a short phase c. What happened in the Bronze Age. and chapter 9-11 in particular. cognitive psychology and social anthropology respectively. Initially two explanatory challenges were closed in on: . Here I sought to: • Explain changing webs of different density and distribute agency discriminately among the participants.

and by implication the beginning of the Bronze Age in NW Scandinavia. steered my interpretation towards rather direct long-distance contacts between the Central Zone and the CSWS on the one hand and Jæren and the Elbe-Kiel Bay area on the other. the Swiss Alps. In this way bronze was a non-human agent working on the human mind as well as an extension of the human mind. This might have been immaterial (e. but rather directly to two areas with direct and exclusive links to the Alps of Continental Europe.g. there had to be a desire for bronze. and they . services) or material that has not been preserved. that functioned as compensation for bronze. NW Scandinavia was not added onto the end of long chains of down-the-line type networks at Northern Jutland or Oslofjord. spouses) or non-human (the range of potential valuables from the north). a mind that extended through the body and into the world. I argued that it was first and foremost high quality furs and pelts from a range of species available mainly in the Central. crucible and mould. and expeditions launched from. The sensory specifics of the way bronzes came into being were significant to their adhesiveness: shifts in temperature. The extraordinary character of the tracings of the first bronzes in NW Scandinavia and the maps constructed on this basis. These actions were aimed for direct access to amber from the Baltic and pelts from NW Scandinavia. A first significant state-of-affair and historical phenomenon to explain was the very beginning of the Bronze Age.e. colours and consistency. sticky or adhesive towards the human mind. furnace. i. I argued that bronze was active. Crucial also were the containers involved in these transformations: bellows. These features linked bronze to bodies and bodily processes on the one hand and celestial entities and phenomena on the other. 2) In order to understand the widespread displacement of bronze it was also necessary to explore why bronze was attractive: before other valuables were exchanged for bronze. Rather than standing on the soft river bank and seeing bronze as a passive thing that the human being fills with symbolic content. either human (slaves. These distinct networks. Although all of these might have played some role as compensations for bronze. and indirectly to Mycenae. Northern and Arctic Zones. and bronze was therefore in itself a significant part of the motor that drove historical changes through the Bronze Age.353 1) In order to make the displacement of bronze and thus the wide webs rational a compensation for metal had to be located. I saw as a result mainly of decisions made in. Accordingly.

they also introduced and demonstrated the advantages of novel attitudes towards artefacts in bulk. possibly related to the collapse of the Mediterranean cities. and the red-yellow. the Karoum system of the Near-East. The above scenario had lasting effects on Scandinavia: from now on a significant force in historical change was competition over access to valuable pelts within the Central. From these meetings and in comparable meetings further north as a result. I thus contend that the material non-human world. In this setting too. Northern and Arctic Zones. did not only arise an increased desire to posses bronzes and participate in their coming into being. but also novel concepts of large scale transport and exchange of commodities.354 were aimed at circumventing the dominant Unetice Culture between Elbe and Oder Rivers. impressed and bent the minds of Alpiners. and forged direct links with the Arctic north of Tjeldsund. dress and thus for personal appearance: the thick. amber and fur in particular. bronze. a loosening of the ties and obligations that limited the scale of exchange. shining. circumvented the previous node at Beitstad. we might assume that in the Eastern Mediterranean there were able persons that had their minds moulded by novel materials for costume. A focus on the displacement and exchange of large quantities of goods. When the first significant blow to the copper production in the Alps came. 9. continental networks shifted their gravity eastwards on the Continent. bronze. and a strengthened link between metals on earth and entities on the sky. translucent and sun-like amber. gold.1. and thus an increased “commercialisation” more in line with e. pelts to be exchanged for bronze. Behind the first northern expeditions launched from the Alps were two changes in mentality towards metals: • • A focus on the combination of different metals. variously coloured pelt from the high arctic. The reason for this sudden desire for furs in the Alps. gold.2). copper. In light of this scenario. cannot be passive and secondary in our explanations of the Bronze Age. Not only did Mycenaeans introduce these novel artefacts that stretched imaginations with their morphology. Hence. dense. The reaction to this shift in NW Scandinavia was that groups in the Southern Zone increased their engagement in the North Way. I believe was that the Alps had been linked into an entire new market and network: the Mycenaean and Eastern Mediterranean. I saw the meeting of Alpine groups and Mycenaean warrior-traders exploring the Western Mediterranean as a crucial source of the changes in Europe from 1700 BC. These engagements had significant . bronze and gold might be included as significant agents: it was the Mycenaean warrior in his full costume that dazzled. tin. and in light of the historical fur trade (chapt.g. decoration and combination of different metals.

The specific procedures and designs point to Northern Finland and Karelia. a way to draw things together (2008: 43). drawing and printing. [.. as they brought bronze and ceramic designs and technologies. Latour’s scenario for the coming into being of modern science can be explored through Gell’s analytic apparatus of art. or been enabled by. and especially Descartes. a way of knowing the world. Scene one involves painted art as index. it seems clear that skilled depictions exerted significant agency onto scientists.3 Technology. and again Jæren takes the position in the far southwestern end of a mainly overland bronze network. from where and by whom was iron introduced? What happened to the networks that linked the Central Zone to the CSWS? What happened north of Beitstad? 12. and probably to a link between the Tjeldsund and the interior through the Torne River system. from the Arctic into the Southern Zone. This influx of people southwards might have led to. and the enchanting qualities of skilled modes of seeing. or rather he confuses or merges prototype and index. You the Dutch impressed visitors so much. world as prototype. it remains an aesthetic. and he abducts agency. and he come to see the painter’s act of drawing in aspects of the world as a way of gaining knowledge. What this illustrates is the immense agency of painters and pieces of two-dimensional art. And yet. the collapse in the southern end of the North Way. world as prototype.. Embracing Latour’s statement. The state of affairs at the end of the BA seems to strangely replicate the beginning: bronzes enter NW Scandinavia from the CSWS across the interior and the highlands. . authority and the malleable mind dimensional art: Bruno Latour describes modern science and its epistemology as strongly influenced by two“I’m sorry to say but epistemology is the fault of Dutch painters and merchants. This historical scenario.] No wonder every literate mind all over Europe became intoxicated with such a fabulously powerful aesthetic of reason. poses new questions to the ensuing Iron Age: when. as there seems to have been little or no contact across Skagerrak after 700 BC.. The second scene involves the science book as index. other scientists as recipients: (Descartesĺbookĺworld) (A)ĺĺscientists (P). that he ended up confusing the white piece of paper on which figures are drawn with its res extensa! Catastrophic consequences for philosophy: never did it recover from this confusion between ontology and visualisation strategies. The painter and the painting exerts agency onto Descartes. painter as artist. Descartes as artist. and Descartes as recipient: (painterĺartĺworld) (A)ĺĺDescart (P).. the Arctic relations in particular. and possibly a significant number of people.355 repercussions.

cognitive science and sociology still forced by the agency of these as superior disciplines or schools of art? Asgeir Svestad has termed a trend in archaeological writings from the nineties onwards: “find your own philosopher” (Svestad 2003: 127pp. I admit. would I have seized the opportunity to remove the quotation marks and the parentheses with the name of Latour. to dazzle and to convince. This trend could be seen as a result of a competitive strategy of constantly hinting at new and unknown authorities from the superior school of art of philosophy. I draw them in and make sure that it is evident that they derive from specific pieces of art made by specific artists and nourish on the authority of their superior skills. photography. To some degree this is regulated by law and norms of copyright. we draw together and draw in other more authoritative objects of art and artists through our references to Latour.). in order to protect these works as creations and extensions of the minds of these writers. I draw in more than the sentences and the meaning codified in them. These works are. constantly extending new unknown indexes and minds from . Our texts as indexes are no doubt designed to change and influence the minds of recipients. To what degree does art and technology from perspective painting. Gell and Ingold from my favourite quotations? Make them extensions of my mind rather than Latour’s or Gell’s mind? Despite my expressed will to level the disciplinary hierarchy. The world is the prototype. text and digital computing. The authority of the new mode of seeing was created by staging the new fantastic machines as the creations of the science book. and the staging of books as artists of indexes such as machines and architecture. The question is: if I could choose. for controlling and mastering nature. was my introductory trips into philosophy. As long as the superiority of philosophy is shared by artists and recipients. Gell and Ingold etc. Through the enchanted technology of writing and the enchanted indexes of our texts. shape our minds and the way we reason and experience the world? The popular but inaccurate metaphor of the software mind in a hardware body is a recent example. and the book becomes a tool for exerting agency onto nature.356 and in the end steered towards a certain mode of seeing the world and reasoning about the world widespread in Europe. more than “pure” indexes as transmissions of “pure” information – possibly I have made my references also in the same way as the boat builder on New Guinea uses his carvings: to impress. It is also possible to apply Gell’s analysis to our own field of art: the technology of writing archaeological texts. To this must be added the ways in which these indexes were staged as books and plates in classrooms. film. and the machine is staged as evidence for the agency of the book.

is theory. I suggest that the cost to be paid in order to trace more relations. self-evident and taken for granted. The entire disciplinary landscape is now changing. theories that are distinctly archaeological in character will be developed. As these seem all to focus on tracing relations and networks. Such efficiency will come at a cost. dazzling and impressing an audience that may be still enchanting but more productive in regard to the project of retracing prehistory from data. We do not all need to be philosophers all the time. I believe it is also of importance to become more effective in tracing such networks. Svestad claims that a serious brake on the success of archaeology as a discipline has been a lack of its own theoretical frameworks (Svestad 2003: 256). I suspect this ultimately is the result of low self-esteem (relative to other disciplines) and lack of belief in the value of things preserved from the past (our data). ought to be investigated through a comparison of the flanged axes.1) will be for others to judge. It simply needs to be rediscovered and retraced. Norway and Finland. the Faardrup axes etc. more and wider networks in a single article. but through their enchanted writing they subdue the wider audience and practitioners of the discipline. chapt. The Nordic Bronze Age has become stabilized. mainly bronze artefacts grouped into types or societies spread unevenly through the Nordic area. Sweden. the development of its initial networks. the spearheads. Not only have these works been ineffective themselves in this respect. With this new confidence. many point a finger towards the “thing” and some point directly to archaeology.4 Bronze Age studies beyond bifurcation Whether I have accomplished to escape as I planned it (cf. The Nordic BA or Zone is no more than a set of networks.357 philosophy into archaeological texts becomes a competitive game of enchanting technology – dazzling and impressing the recipients as well as bewildering them by creating the hierarchy of new philosopher> artist> recipient. and I believe the trend “find your own philosopher” and much of the theoretical passages in archaeological works in general. thesis or book. The coming into being of the Nordic Bronze Age. The Nordic BA as a set of networks suffers still from the modern national borders of Denmark. It is a creative making that takes the reader by surprise each time. And we might aim towards ways of convincing. It is not sufficient to demarcate the Nordic against the Arctic and the Continental. Germany. we must investigate its . are counterproductive to the project of effective tracing. 12. But this exercise has led to the crystallization of a set of challenges and to specific hopes for future Bronze Age studies.

When the Nordic Bronze Age. was created in Southeast Scandinavia. i. and the containers of crucible. Here lies an enormous unexploited field. Such a tracing has to move through the dense webs of fire. and one branch of its network reached northwards across the entire Scandinavian peninsula to Stadt-Beitstad. Crucial to this tracing will be an increased usage of experimental archaeology and simulations. and that the creative. If we do trace these vast networks we will have before us a gateway to Bronze Age minds. and if we dare soften the plasticity of the mind and dare let it slip into the world. are put on public display the pulse of the debate on artefacts as societies should increase. and then southwards a