The Poet and the Second Prince: Ovid in the Age of Tiberius Author(s): Peter E.

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THE POET AND THE SECOND PRINCE: OVID IN THE AGE OF TIBERIUS Peter E. Knox, University of Colorado

Ovid'spoetryhaslongbeen readwithinthe politicalandliterary contextsof the Augustan era,
for obviousand sound reasons.'This approach extendsalso to interpretation of the exile poetry, bothin critical assessments andin attempts to unravel the relationship of theArsAmatoria of Ovid'srelegation.2 to the circumstances this strandof scholarship thererunsan Throughout implicitassumption thatin A.D. 8 Augustus was muchthe samemanwho sharedthe company of Virgiland Horaceand that the conditionsfor poetrywere muchthe sameas theyhad been for In this regard TibullusandPropertius. scholars havebeen slow to absorbchangesin our literary of the transition to the new erathatformally of Tiberius understanding beganwith the accession in A.D. 14. The reignof Tiberius is not knownas an era of greatliterature: as F. R. D. Goodyear once put it, "Tiberius most directly influenced literature it."3Ancienthistorians by inhibiting of the periodtookno noteof whathappened to poetryatthistime,but the fateof historiography and in grimtermsin thepagesof Tacitus, the decades of Tiberius's ruleis chronicled oratory during Dio, andSuetonius. Suetonius a characteristically sensational of literary provides description repression underTiberius (Tib.61.3): Every crime became a capital of a fewcareless A poetwas one,eventhe utterance words. on thegrounds thathe hadwritten a tragedy in which in he presented charged Agamemnon a badlight; a historian wasalsocharged because it wasalleged thathe haddescribed Brutus andCassius as"the lastof theRomans." Both these authors were executed without delay and their works, though theyhadoncebeenpublicly read before andaccorded Augustus general praise, were destroyed. One poet aloneof the greatfiguresof the earlier era survived the deathof Augustus: Ovid,who spentthe firstthreeyearsof Tiberius's reignas he had spentthe last six yearsof Augustus's-on the shoresof the BlackSea,wherehe finallydied in exile. The circumstances of thatexile serve
Earlierversions of this paper were delivered to audiences at the Universita degli Studi di Genova, Universitadi Firenze, Universita degli Studi di Roma "Tor Vergata,"Universita degli Studi di Siena,Facultadi Letteree Filosofia(in Arezzo), Universita Ca Foscari di Venezia, and Kenyon College. A transcript appeared in Maecenas 1 (2001) 151-181. I am grateful to all who endured these performancesand in particularto the following for sound criticismsand sage counsel, not alwaysheeded: Franco Montanari,MarioLabate, Sergio Casali,AlessandroBarchiesi,Mario Geymonat,JuliaDyson, and Clifford Weber. I am also grateful to Elaine Fantham and an anonymousreaderfor MAAR, as well as to its editor, Anthony Corbeill. Barchiesi 1994, focusing on the Fasti, is the most challenging formulation to date of the case for a subversive reading of Ovid in the context of Augustus'sreign. The title of this paper deliberatelyalludesto this influentialbook, also available in English translationas The Poet and the Prince:Ovid and AugustanDiscourse(Berkeley 1997).
2 1

Williams 1994 has been particularly influential among literaryassessments,esp. 154-209. For surveysof work since then, see also Williams2002a and 2002b.
3Goodyear

1984, 603.

MAAR 49, 2004

whichis hardlysurprising. 53.D. A. tribunicia potestas-give little indicationwhere Tiberiusmighthave exercisedinfluence. Evenif in fact Tiberiusnow playeda greaterrole. 1lEv TrXE[u KpW) KaU 8L' aTrOpprjTWV 11Cf. 7Cf. 107-108 for sober confirmation. 141-162 on the position of Tiberius during the ten years following until the death of Augustus. "thesecondprince. A. role in the administration duringthis periodwas recognized by ancientcommentators."1 which suggests that. with Augustus'ssupport or acquiescence." notice from Tacitus only because he was the sole friend of senatorialrank to accompanyTiberius into exile on Rhodes. Levick 1976. 7-8 testifies to his new place as heir apparent."' Ancientsourcesroutinelyassignresponsibility for policy decisionsduringthis period to Augustus. 12 His statue was accorded a prominent place among members of the imperial family:ILS 107.manyof the individuals now raisedto high officeowed theirascension to Tiberius. proconsular imperium. 4. 1978. Syme 1974. Hurlet 1997.D. regime in the next decade: "Not A. e. L. "a political nonentity.27. Brunt 1961.cf.g. have doubted whether Tiberius reallyhad a hand in more thanmilitaryaffairson the frontiers. 603.12 Tiberius'simage also begins to 4Goodyear 1984. "'everything pointedto him:he was adopted.not implausibly.D. whenTiberius was de facto andin the end de iureco-regent. on the significanceof Tiberius's elevationfor the developmentof the . 367-371.D. 5) served with Tiberius in Pannonia. though he is vague as to the precise nature of that business: 1Tpry[IdTWv TLVOV EVEKa. 130-136 and Birch 1981 on the settlement of June 26. 484.15.3. Some skeptics. Apronius (suff. Tiberius'sstandingis also reflectedin the imperialiconographyof the period.9 Most notably. 46-47. 8). collega imperil. Provincial commands during this period also regularlywent to the friends and associates of Tiberius.Tiberius selo who earned an obituary cured the post for Lucilius Longus (suff. with bibliography. but see now Crook 1996.Dio famously lamentedthatpolicydebatesthathad once been publicwere now conductedbehindclosed doors. 99-103. and A. 383. 4.8 C. 1974.19. that was the decisive year. See Woodman 1977.D.7 The outward trappings of power-adoption." with Ovid andthe worldof letters.D.As Tacitusputs it."an observationthat Syme often repeated: 1958. As Symecogently argued. as did M. Aemilius Lepidus (cos. 42-44. 6). Syme 1986. Vibius Habitus (suff. he was moving to consolidate his position.3: Td }ytyve6Oai.Ann. cf. AfterA. A. andgrantedtribunician authority. that most policydecisionswere madeby the emperors(T6OV KpaTOuVTmV) in close consultation with theirco-regents(T6OVlTapca6VVaCLTEV6TVTWv).Dio 55. 483-484. A. it would hardlyhavebeen in the interestof the regimeto lend credibility to the suggestion that Augustus wasnot in completecontrol. KNOX as a backdrop for thisinvestigation of the interaction of Tiberius. 14 but A. The archerected at Ticinum in A.3: illuc cunctauergere: filius. 4 Tiberius mustbe includedin this latter category. also Seager 1972. 197-198.D.One obviousplace to look for signsof his influence is in the consularfasti of the years following his restoration. A.consors tribuniciae potestatisassumitur. Vibius Postumus (suff. 10 Martin and Woodman 1989 on Tac.D.5 relates that Tiberiusreturnedfrequendyfromhis campaignsto the cityin order to tend to business. A. though they were hardpressedto documenthis influence. during Thelastten yearsof Augustus's in 14werea grimtime: of Tiberius reignbeforethe accession "booksbegan to be burnedand penaltiesimposed on their writersduringthe last decadeof "I Tiberius's Augustus's principate. with characteristiccertitude. 427. afterthe deathof Gaius.Its intentis to pose the question of whatrolethe firstemperor's successor playedin the changing circumstances of literature the finalyearsof Augustus's rule.6 It was suspected. 434-435..D. 6 Syme 1939.1. 1.2 PETER E. although he focuses primarilyon Tiberius'smilitarycommands. without much notice of his influence on civil matters. Cf. 7).D. 4. 8). 9 For details.givena sharein imperium. 8 5 Ann.

Schanz 1935. 9.D. 556-560. On the symbolic value of 19 On the proceedings against Votienus.it mightbe supposed. 86-87. t33i4tTO3 &GOEVEa 14 Dio Brutus.13 This is also the time when.34.5.34." But this is only the most celebrated such case under Tiberius. 8-9. The charge was novel in a prosecution under the law of maiestas (4. see PIR1 5. Rutledge 2001. 92. Albucius Silus. Gramm.THEPOETAND THESECONDPRINCE 3 on coinagein A.and especiallyCato for opponents of the regime.15.16 A similartest may be applied in reviewingthe relationshipof writers to the regime during this period and the application of the law of maiestas. one of the first acts of Tiberius as emperor was to transferthe elections from the people to the Senate. RE 9A. 114. which at this point relates that Augustus Kla T6 yspai Kai T] TOV I KcqVEV. quaedamtamen studiis tribuumr febant. 8-10) of Augustus's coinage featuring Tiberius. He is frequentlymentioned in the Controuersiae of the Elder Seneca. but for him the first link in the chain of repression that stretched to Domitian was forged in the reign of Tiberius with the trial of the senatorial historian Cremutius Cordus in A. when.1-3):19 13 For the earliest examples (A.2-3. 1-45.356. Contr. Hannestad 1988. Tacitus reports the proceedings in some detail because they provoked an emotional outburst by the emperor (Tac. see MacMullen1966. and it is a prime exhibit of his theme of the loss of libertas. Meyer 1842.235-241.1): "that he had published a history in which he had praised Marcus Brutus and called Gaius Cassius the 'last of the Romans'. 1. the year afterTiberiuswas installed in power.30.17 But there are a number of other instances documented in our sources that show Tiberius taking action against an individual because of his writings. It merits special treatment by Tacitus because it involves history. 4."according to Sen. Syme 1958.1: tum primum e campocomitia ad patres translatasunt: nam ad eam diem.674. Tac.C.Cassius.42.924 "VotienusMontanus" (H.D. 1. Augustus began to show signs of old age and started to delegate some tasks If we are to look for instances where Tiberius'sinfluthat he had formerlyundertaken himself. his own calling. 10. 55. Orators. famously recounted in the fourth book of his Annals. 389-390. see RIC 1. 18 For Votienus. see Bauman 1974. Syme 1958. Cf. and it may have occurred when Silus was an old man. 25.15-30."18 He fell foul of Tiberius through some spoken or written word and was brought to trial before the Senate. see Rogers 1935. his positionwas allthe moresecurein appear the aftermathof the suppression of the revolts in Pannonia. a highly regarded orator from Narbo in Gaul. Levick 1976. Bornecque 1902. 337-338. cf.2. 16 15 Thus Brunt 1961. 5.1-6.Historians.and Rhetoricians Tacitus writes scornfully about the suppression of earlier historians in the reign of Domitian. who reports that he was known among some contemporariesas the "Ovid of orators. The earliestinstanceof the emperortakingexception to such praisefor the tyrannicides might be the case of C. as earlyas 16 B. 99-104. Bauman 1974. Ann. but it is impossible to date the incident recounted by Suetonius (Gramm. . the epitome of Xiph.D.For example. a circumstancethat suggests that ten yearslater he only finalizedthe policy that he had set in motion earlier. 193-194.30). Votienus Montanus.200-201. 97. Papenhoff). MamercusScauruscalled him the "Ovid of orators. Ann. Cf. 756-760. pace Kaster 1992 on Suet. Another victim fell in the same year 25.14 ence may be detected. 120-12 1.. it is reasonable to begin with acts of policy that are more consistent with policy during his reign than in the earlieryears of Augustus's. etsi potissimaarbitrioprincipis.D.15 But changes in the consularelections were first instituted in A. according to ancient accounts. 17 From the abundant bibliographyon the prosecution.

5: o0v[[1l1V aXX KaL ETrL TOVTy KaTlYyOplln. quaenamilla tam molesta dialectosesset.or some social slight. Tac. 34 is reported by Tacitus and Dio. o0 jl)v ET' dlklOCi 01 Se EK GUKOGalVTLot.4 PETER E.Aemilius may well be identified by an inscriptionas a tribunein the praetorianguard(Goodyear 1981 on Ann.Phoen.24 Although he was associated with Sejanus. no detail.D.3: insignis nobilitateet orandiscausis. relegauit Cinariam. Examples of such abuse and oppression could easilybe multiplied. Tiberius reacted by promising to make of Scaurus an Ajax and compelling him to commit suicide. Dio asserts. Eur.Despiteloudprotests. Td3 TOll) KpQTOVVTCOV cqiakia3 26 tfl Dio 58. KNOX ForwhileVotienus wasbeingtriedforabusing Montanus theemperor.29.21 Our sources offer a conflictingportraitof MamercusAemilius Scaurus.394: (tfpELV XpE6V. v. 139 (P. The presumption that a referencein a work of literaturecontained some veiled political content.20 eagerto provethe case. or at leastbeforethe caseended.with verses that could be interpretedas criticalof Tiberius.4: TrapfTnvEL & TOlVctppXO[t6VtVTLP aVToV. 27 Dio 58. Fairweather1981. PIR2A 404. In A.indeed many others also were punished on her account.583-584 "Aemiius" no. as in the case of Votienus."25 According to Dio. Tacitus'scomment that Scaurus anticipated the sentence and voluntarilycommitted suicide beforehand is not inconsistent with Dio's account.He wasonlycalmed with difficulty entreaties by his friends' anda chorusof flattery. 2. 32 but subsequentlyfell foul of Macro. On this point Dio dilates: "The above.. 21 22 20 25 Va Till) TOV KpaTOl)TO~i3ovLtv 4pG.29.31. however. as in the case of Scaurus. et ille respondisset Doridem. 3. 137-138.e militaribus uiris). 23 24 Cf. he wassubject. presumablytogether with the offending tragedy.D. a soldier calledAemilius who was one of the witnesses(testisAemilius. and the offending verse "advised one of the subjects of that monarch to endure the folly of the reigning prince.The elder Seneca had a different opinion of his skills (Contr. 6.ToXXol y&p 8 Koil dXXoL SL aC)Tfv. EKOXd(JOlTtav.5: oratorumea aetate uberrimus). Rohden). hadto heartheinsultsto which.Dio provides more detail than Tacituson this point. described by Suet.24.was not the accusationthat was actuallybrought againsthim. Tib.24.3-5.26The formal charge for the proceedings.p. Cf. Chron.23Tacitus records a high opinion of his oratory. was adulterywith Livilla. Consider the fate of Xeno.4-7. and Tac.and perhaps not without significantprecedent. Contr. according to Jerome. perseveringly spared Tiberius in private. existimans exprobratumsibi ueteremsecessum.11. Greatly upset. 173b H. 10 praef 2-3). 6S Tiv ALOuMXtav [IeI1OLXEVlKOs.quod Dorice Rhodii loquantur.Ann. ad loc. might be enough to trigger reprisals. 29. and there is evidence to suggest It has been arguedfrom this detail that Votienus'sreal offense was some attempton his partto interferewith the army. 10 praef 3). he was charged with having committed adulterywith Livilla.24.22 whose suicide in A. 186-188.1).calling him one of the leading public speakersof the age (Ann.D. however. Rutledge 2001. where he died four years later.The specious prosecution on chargesof adulterywas not an isolated case. cf. Woodman and Martin 1996. Votienus was convicted on the count of maiestas and departed into exile in the Balearic Islands. RE 1. Ann. 6. The indictment arose out of an assumed slight of the emperor in a tragedy.56: Xenonemquendamexquisitius sermocinantem cuminterrogasset.he managed to escape the purges of A. In his treatment of intellectuals Tiberius was not the man his adopted father Augustus had been.28 but the point may perhaps be conceded that in his years as emperor Tiberius showed himself sensitive in the extreme to any writing that could be interpreted as criticalof himself. but that seems unlikely. but instead. some with good reason and some as the result of false accusations."27 Scaurus's published orations were burned (Sen. The play was an "Atreus."the manner Euripidean. 28 .he criedthathe mustclearhis reputation immediately. making it more likely that he was witness to Votienus'sconduct around the palace. . Dio 58.

THEPOETAND THE SECOND PRINCE 5 becameemperor.Ann. Andtheyoccurlatein his reign. who probably wrotein the yearsimmediately the deathof Tiberius. Numerous accounts illustrate tolerance toward Augustus's evento the pointof endurintellectuals.alterumleui exiliopuniresatis habuit.29 describes the relationship of Augustus withCraton. at least one more Anti-Cato was added by none other than Augustus.32 butthefew recorded instances do not constitute a pattern.2-3): Augustus'stolerance of outspokenness was often invoked admiringly by later authors. Tac.Aug. Macrob.23. cognoscendum posthacde iis qui libellosaut carmina ad infamiamcuiuspiam sub alieno nomine 31 . Aug. Sen.10. encouragement Hepolitely andpanotonly attended tiently oftheir and historical readings poems butoftheir and works.2.31 wascertainly of taking Augustus actionagainst capable contumelious wordsor actions. 1.deserves divine admiration sincesuchlicense Augustus.24. edant. This kind of toleranceis attested also in Augustus's later years. 5: "to these opening rounds fired in the battle over his reputation. 30 29 Sen. Clem. whenthe possible influence of Tiberius mustbe considered. 85.89. In contrast withthetraditional portrait of thetolerance of Augustus. speeches dialogues. withtheprinceps sparring without suffering adverse consequences. see Suet.1: Iunium Nouatumet CassiumPatauinume plebe hominesalterumpecunia. 32 Suet. Cf. who circulated a pamphlet under the name of AgrippaPostumus. 3.27: sub diuo Augustonondumhominibusuerbasuaperzculosa.21-22. 10.30 a Greekrhetorician devoted to theAsianic syle of speaking who despised thatsuggested Athensandtheso-called anything Atticstylefavored by the He oftenengaged inverbal emperor.g. iam molesta.4. tobeing yetheobjected made thetheme of any work unless theauthor were known asa serious andreputable andwarned thepraetors notto lethisname bevulgarized writer.hic conuiuiopleno proclamasset neque uotum sibi neque animum deesse confodiendieum.WhenAugustus refusedto be provoked by accusations against a certain Aemiius Aelianus fromCordoba thathe had slandered theprinceps. cf. 51. 51.12-13):"the I feel. heir. 163.5): Augustus allpossible gave to theintellectuals of histime. following thereis an unstated contrast withthemostrecentregime. 164. of the typethatTiberius ingpersonal slights whenhe became punished TheelderSeneca emperor. 51. sketchfromall of theseaccounts uswitha portrait of tolerance andsupportive presents assummarized indulgence. Blass 1865. Bornecque 1902.3. Tiberius weighedin. Augustus'stolerance of the insults of Timagenes is treated almost as a parable at Sen. Seneca alsoprovides several examples of Augustus's tolerance of jibesmadeattheexpense of Marcus thenhis designated Agrippa.. by Suetonius (Aug. 55: etiam sparsosde se in curiafamosos libellos nec expauit et magna cura redarguitac ne requisitisquidem auctoribusid modo censuit.5. Ben. 2.1. Perhaps Suetonius has in mind the case of lunius Novatus (Aug. as reported by Suetonius (Aug. Aug." On Augustus'sAnti-Cato. e.a degreeof tolerance thatelicitsmarvel (Contr. withthreeexceptions to whichwe willshortly turn. 4. by itsconstant inprize occurrence orations.4-8. Aug." ForSeneca. Dial. Suetonius records thathis onlylegislative response to thepublication of libelouspamphlets wasto outlawthe dissemination of suchworksundera pseudonym. Contr. 2.51. 5. Tiberius's zealin prosecutingindividuals who spokeill of the emperor hadto be restrained fromanearly age.Suet.4: soleo in Augusto magis mirariquos pertulit iocos quam quos protulit.1). thathe had exhibitedthistraitlong beforehe actually We turnnow to consider the lastyearsof Augustus's ruleandthe possibleantecedents Tiberius's of behavior.Sat. cum ille Agrippaeiuuenis nomine asperrimam de se epistulamin uulgusedidisset. Suet. in extreme old age-what ripples of Republicanism in the salons elicited this last pamphletwe do not know. MacMullen 1966. TheYear 8 Augustus's tastesin literature arewell documented in ancient A composite sources. waspermitted in hisreign.

"I ought to be burnt alive now-for I have those books by heart.Cassius Severus. he avers." And yet.with more violentexpostulations you mustnot givewayto emotionin this Aelianus. forcing them to be beggars and demanding a fee from them.1744-1749 "Cassius" no. RE 12:1.Ann. manifested?"5 and indeed. Schanz 1935. see Hennig 1973. 34 On Labienus's familyconnectionsto Pompey and the loyal33 tempestasabstulit. According to Seneca.let us be satisfied do ill to us. Kroll). be restored to the public.the former marshalof Caesar.3: sordidaeoriginis). Labienus did not hesitate Sen. The case involved the historicalworks of Titus Labienus. Contr.but his sharptongue earned him also a reputationand a nickname.Brzoska)."Cato.quo uironihil speciosiusciuilis .34 known as an outstandingorator.21.3. Raaflauband Samons 1990. where he refers to Labienus's persistence in Pompeianosspiritus. In declaimingon the imaginary case of a man who crippled childrenwho had been exposed."37 This disgrace led Labienus to take his own life-probably to preempt execution or exile-and to make a last defiant gesture.praiseof Caesar'sopponents was treasonous. Contr."36 Augustus once famouslyalluded to Livy as an adherentof Pompey. or takeit too muchto heartif anyonespeaksill of me. and cf. Syme 1938.""his freedom of speech (libertas)was so great that it passed the bounds of freedom. 157-158.38 thirty years later the emperor Gaius Caligula. 345-347.4. RE 3. by The book-burning failed in its objective: having himself walled up in the tombs of his ancestors. 10 praef.apparently. Fantham 1996. 10. is the Cassius Severus.ordered that Labienus's work. he was called 'Rabienus'. 37 Sen. As one contemporaryobserver. Contr. Syme 1939. 40PIR2C 522. Of humble extraction (Tac.but in the reign of Tiberius. "an unheard of novelty (res noua et inusitata) that punishment should be exacted from literature.10. "could have lived by the favor of Caesar-if he had been willing to live by anyone'sfavor. Schanz 1935. Suet. one suspects the expression of republicansentiments."How was Labienus'sextreme libertas Given his family connections. Meyer 1842. Meyer 1842. 10 praef 5.40 second of the three intellectuals to suffer punishment in the last decade of Augustus's rule. 4. 545-551. inquit. 124-125. 38 ties of his relation. 10 praef 8: CassiSeueri. noted at the time of this book-burning. the first treason proceedings instituted against an individual because of his writing ocFrom curred in the reign of Augustus. "It was. Labienus'shistories almost did not survive him.33 Labienus was the same family as a prominent supporter of Pompey in the Civil Warwith Caesar. if no one can matter. belle dictaresferebaturillo temporequo libriLabieni ex senatus consulto urebantur:nunc me. 8 (W.5:M. perhaps his father.cf. which had survived in secret. and because he savaged all social ranks and everyone alike. uiuum uri oportet. Fantham 1996. On the proceedings. 126-127. KNOX against When Tiberiusmentionedthe matterin a letter. Bornecque 1902.qui illos edidici.no friend of Labienus. Cato.playing on rabies "madness. Augustus wroteback:"MydearTiberius. Contr.6 PETER E.hominisLabienoinuisissimi. to take unpopularpositions. si ullius uoluisset."39 who claimed to have memorized the seditious histories of Labienus. Contr. 10 praef 5. Labienus took the side of the accused and turned it into an opportunity to attack the unpunished vices of the upper classes. As the elder Seneca (Sen.Quintilianrankshim with MessallaCorvinusand Asinius Poflio as among PIR2L 19.Cassius Severus rose to become one of the leading oratorsof his day. This attempt at suppression had failed and would have been futile in any case. 5) remarks. potuit beneficio Caesarisuiuere. 528-531. 439-441. Contr. 344-345. 486. 36 39 Sen. cf.17-18. in a show of magnanimity. they were the first literary works ordered burned by the state. 89 (J. Sen. Seneca reports one sententia from a declamation in which he calls Marcus Cato "the most brilliantvictim of the storm of the civil war." as Seneca notes. 35 In his declamations.270-271 "Labienus"no. 10 praef 7.

Inst. however. Of theproximate causeof Cassius's prosecution we haveno directevidence.45 approach. 259-260. adding. nemo minuspassusest aliquidin actionesua otiosi esse: nulla pars erat.aliquid petentia. see Rogers 1935. 409-412. Contr. For discussion. Melissio. Inst. nam et ingeniiplurimumest in eo et acerbitas miraet urbanitastet sermot.42 is of thehighest by Seneca interest. who had the nerve to rate himself above Cicero.14.Cassiuswas not a delatorper se. 44 Tac.' risus omnium ingens. Contr." In the reignof Tiberius. Morethanone sourcealso comments on his wit and acerbity.11. quidofficiisuiputaret. 163-198 on the role played by Cassius Severus in changing the direction of Roman oratory. 6. 4 praef 11. He hadprosecuted a close friendof Augustus.eripere . ita frequenteramaritudoipsa ridiculaest.Dial. qui si ceteris uirtutibus colorem et grauitatem orationis adiecisset.5. even as he rejectshis style of speaking as too boisterous and caustic.Bathyllus essem. and Sextus hadfled. Suas. Quint.1.11.3:cumAsprenas Noniusartius ei iunctuscausam 46 45 See Winterbottom 1964. quae non sua uirtute staret. Cestiusex consuetudinesua miratusdicebat:'si Thraexessem.57).' non continui bilem et exclamaui: 'si cloacaesses.117: multa si cum iudicio legatur dabit imitatione digna Cassius Seuerus. concedes the importance of Cassius.Andhe added anepigram Pompey particularly admired byCassius Severus: "Why doweloseheart? Therepublic toohasitstriumvirs. Contr. Other samples of Cassius'ssardonicwit: Sen. whom Cassius much admired. sedcplus stomachoquamconsilio dedit:praetereaut amarisales. quodde illo dixit Gallio noster:'cumdiceret. ne sisuperesset.1. calculated to makefriends Hisoutspokenness wouldeventually bringhimintoconflict withthe regime.56. 43 42 41 speciemorationisesse mutandam. This is how Cassius himself recounts the incident. 79-80.78. 90-92 and Heldmann 1982. praiseof Brutus andCassius wasreported by Tacitus asthe lead charge in the billof indictment against Cremutius Cordus. atleastby some. including abuseof the Senateandthe Roman peopleandlackof respectfor Tiberius andAugustus. 6.Even a conservativecritic like Vipstanus Messalla.scholastici intueri me. irascebantur.4. <flebant. sawthatthe timeshad changed demanded a different Cassius. 27-31. Cf. An instance: once he visited the school of a celebrated declaimer. although Quintilian notes quaedamaccusandiuoluptas (Inst. Bauman 1967. Raaflauband Samons 1990. Cassius. 19. 12.Aug.46 butit seemsclear thathe walkeda veryfineline in his relations withthe imperial family.4" provides in thepreface Thisreport for to bookthreeof his Controuersiae.ne desineret. maximaesses. miserebantur>. relating in hisSuasoriae howvarious orators dealtwithadvice to Ciceroon whether he shouldbeg Antony forhislife (Suas.The speaker Aper. 1974. 2: oratio eius erat ualens.sipantomimus essem. a decisive shiftin the direction of Roman Cassius wasjudged. cum condicionetemporumet diuersitate auriumformam quoqueac ueneficiiaccusanteCassioSeuero diceret.43 In the Dialogus of Tacitus a speaker of the modern characterizes Cassius as the firstrepresentative of this style. cunctari enimse. preferring the roughandtumbleof the courts. uerumest. culta. nihil in quo auditorsine damnoaliud ageret.11.THEPOETAND THESECOND PRINCE 7 a livelyappreciation andtheelderSeneca the outstanding speakers of theAugustan period. 441.adeo omnes imperatafaciebant: cum ille uoluerat.4-5). si equus.omnia intenta.3 praef. nemo magis in sua potestate habuit audientiumaffectus. 3 praef 16:meminime intrare scholameius cumrecitaturus esset in Milonem. 10 praef 8.himselfan adherent andthatnew conditions he asserts. uigentibus plena sententiis.consuluitsenatum. style. rerumpotiebatur.andhis testimonial is Marcus is fulsome.3. athird: heexhorted Brutus.44 Cassius disdained the practice of declamation as a formof exercise. allthepoints made beg.3.if youhadto choose now death and todierather between than And heincluded begging pardon.nemo non illo dicente timebat. 47 Suet.47 Plutarch records another sardonic remark Quint.ut paulo ante dicebam. according to Sen." bytheother himtoflee.11. 9.1-2: uidit namque. who speaks later in the Dialogus (26.Cestius. 10.2. Inst. although otherallegations werethrown in. 10. ponendus inter praecipuosforet.20. declaimers. puttingthe emperor in the awkward positionof havingto figureout a wayto helphisfriend without appearing to circumvent thelaws. Fusius essem. Ourreporter is Seneca.to represent oratory.10. where hiswasnotthemanner in highplaces. quis essem qui tam crassasceruiceshaberem. 6. Syme 1986.11): Varius likethis(sicdiuisit): "Ishould Geminus divided advise you.

26. cialidata. origin speaker. uerum tacitus et ne laudatione quidem iudi."Cassius quipped(Plut. T6V EKacTaXOOL OpXOVTWV.. now emperor Cassius Severus againcamebeforethe SenateandTiberius. he a sworn verdict of banishment thesame siveness.Other antefor the earpoints of chronology hinge on this. cf.53If Jerome is right. .3): A vicious TheSenate thecaseof theexiled manof humble nextconsidered Cassius Severus. ETrETpE&E. At this point. bycontinuing practices.PIR2C 522.110-111 54 Syme 1986.if Tiberius he showshimselfill informed it wouldhaveleftlittleimprint on therecord. Crook1996. Tacitus the caseof did to attract the angerof the emperor. Kal TOV aUTO EKOXWJETLVag.27. a questionsuperveneson the date of Cassius's originalprosecution.that hewasdeprived brought upon himself enmities.Tacitus was unspecified slanderdirectedat prominent reportsthe prosecution to of treason andassigns as a precedent for the resumption trialsunderTiberius the responsibility libelwasAugustus. for the trialof Cassiusprovidesa terminus lier case of Labienus.126-128. even though the agingAugustusbegan to delegatemanyduties to his youngerrelatives.4. Koestermann 1955. (Ann. (fTfltLV GVTWV EITOlUaTO.8 PETER E.Mor. Kal Dio 56.the chargeagainst men andwomen.54 Jerome is legibus sin deesset.3. whichhe employed did not have It is worthconsidering the possibility thatTacitus andwomenin frivolous writings. when he wrote a letter commending Gerreum.himself.50In that year.2).Goodyear 1981 on Tac. himin 24.52 Thereis an obviousattraction in synchronizing the trialof Cassius for defamation of membersof the nobilitywith this actionto suppressdefamatory pamphlets.But his casedid not end there.g. seditin subselliis manicus to the Senate.KaTE4IXEAE. As Syme notes.80. somany newontopofold. 176 H.51 he continuednonetheless to superintend the moralclimateof the empireandordereda roundup of authorsof libelouswritings. whoseunrulysubjecthad not learned his lessonthe firsttime. 49 50 TO [L1V (V Tf roXEL EVpE9EvTa Tp0S T7V dyopaP6pv v TO 8 Tc TpO. Tiberius's actionagainst of or a routinecontinuation suspect.who registers yearof his exile. destituere acpraedamnare amicum 51 For example. 48 "Such frankness will be the deathof this man.21. KNOX Cassius Severus Tiberius. we may On the islandof Seriphus Cassius diednineyearslater.1: o0 IEVTOL KOL TatXxc flTTOI aXXaKaILTOL! L1TrEvOLSl[tlapXLav ia06v OTl ILPCa OTTO Tl Trapa aITrpaL -TroKTEVEL). but by Germanicus (Dio 56. but nothingcompelsus to acceptit.p.andin anycase.was not merelyan act of pietastowardthe deifiedAugustus his predecessor's policy. it was read out not by Augustus uniuersis peraliquot horas. Kal EKELVd TE.2-3): of Cassius in defaming eminentmen provoked by the licentiousness Severus. byhis unrestrained aggresto Crete. prohibited from fireandwater. 1. There. relates.49 Elsewhere accessto the full storyin assigning responsibility aboutthe eventsof Augustus's lastyears. avOpuirrov (4) 4pEL TLVCOV UtVyypdl4lOLTO. 32." for this turnof eventsto Augustus. Froment 1879.72. "The first whoemployed thislawto investigate written Augustus (Ann.1.It reflected the angerof an offendedmonarch.D. Chron. the twenty-fifth the deathof Cassius Jerome.In the year24.72. E. GIVveEVTWV 53 Jerome. et consentientibus existimaretur.D.Whatever he did not stop.as he tells us. andgrew oldontherock of Seriphus. butan effective he hadearned fromthe Senate.Manyscholarshave settledon A.60D: ttvTfl TOUTOV l TrcappfloLa TOV TOVTO 8L6KEL. it was thatCassius and relegated to the islandof Crete.we learnfromDio. ofhisproperty. who could no longer project his voice sufficiently. the original prosecution fell in the year 8.8 aimedat a senator who flattered Whenthe blowfell.80-81 pleadsin mitigation thatthis action wastaken byAugustus noton hisownaccount buton behalf of slandered members of thearistocracy andtherefore differs fromTiberius's reactions. Especially sinceit fliesin the face of the directtestimony of Saint in A. 411.Ann. .On thisaffair.Koestermann 1955. 12. Cassius wasconvicted exerted influence on Augustus.

70. 23-24. Malcovati1976. a distinctdifference andhis extempore speeches. 17 notes the contrast between the styles of Messalla and Tiberius. Tib. in support of 8.57 For Tiberius. studiosissimecoluit.51.4. cf.otherconsequences in the year8.whoseinterests by a company " Cf..94. 56 Suet.PRINCE THEPOETAND THE SECOND 9 If we acceptthat lightly.3. In an of literary been attended presumably men. 1.38. Suet.71: uerbosaet grandisepistula)wordiness was the hallmarkof Tiberius'sstyle. 86.2.see PIR1V 90. Levick 1976.60 by ancientobservers as notoriously noted The effectwas suchthatsome contemporaries as archaizing. Tacitusso characterizes his speeches on a number of occasions.2. 140-141.. Tib.70.in poets. ut aliquantoex temporequam a curapraestantior 58 Suet. 200-226. Tib.1-3): artes liberales.56 Whatwasthe emperor's to the Tiberian reserved a portionof theirlibraries influence the poetsof thisperiod thisstateof affairs? Towhatextentdid his owntastein literature in our in literary is amplydocumented interest scholarship or deterthemfromtheirart?Tiberius's formedthe basisof as for anyothermemberof the Romanelite. On Messalla's Citroni 1993.17.1: in oratione Latina secutus est Coruinum haberetur.if any.2: nec Tiberloparcit et exoletas interdum et reconditas uoces aucupanti. 70.55 witness.g. Aug.rhetoric sources. in the Latinsideof the discipline wasnoneotherthanMessalla Corvinus.in 20 B..C. 1974. Miller 1968. is represented tack.In the ancientsourcesTiberius but his pupiltook a different the plainstyle. not taken.but his evidenceshouldnot be discarded not anunimpeachable andsuicideof Labienus will thenhaveoccurred follow.1. 59 On Messallaas a public speaker.It was there. thathe stoppedon his return from perienceof Greekrhetoric journey he had on the throne.11. reflected his own. Ann.61 and moderncommentators whichweresomewhat affectedandpedantic. ByJuvenal's time (10. Cramer1945. Syme 1978. e. Bauman career. Gil 1985.1-2 recounts an 57 It is not surprisingto learn from Velleius (2. 173 n. 121. apparently many possibilities. e fino all'eta di Seneca. 70.2. and his literaryinterests are also attested by Suetonius (Tib." Citroni 1993. 177. Messallamquemsenem adulescensobseruarat.33.. cf. unintended coinage of a new word in an edict of A.62 by his exIt is possiblethat this tendencytowardthe obscureand pedanticwas reinforced in Rhodes. betweenhis prepared orations. 383-391 is an excellent discussion of the changed circumstancesof literaturein the last years of Augustus and the importance of the year 8 as a turning point. 13. cf. 29-31. 70. Heldmann 1982. As a publicspeaker.17. His master the of This and noted of Augustus opened doorto close associate patron poets. Fantham 62 1996.see Schanz 1935. 529-531.1: sed adfectatione et morositate nimiaobscurabat stilum. 139-140.. his education.On the outward whereit washis missionto placeTigranes Armenia.59 His vocabulary has been characterized obscureandwordy. di grandi personalita di scrittori. Syme 1986. 213-214.1. someconsequence andPoetry 3. Goodyear 1981 on 2.58 apprenticeship Messalla cultivated not onlyin oratory. Dio 57. Lindsay 1995 on Suet. 157-161. 3. 1. Tiberius as it reignis as depressing to the yearsof Tiberius's A surveyof the poetrythatcanbe attributed urgently of readers is brief:no greatnamesin the roll call.Theprosecution date.littleto suggestthatlatergenerations role. quasi l'eccezionalefiorituradel periodo augusteo avesse esaurito per qualche tempo la capacita produttiva della cultura letteraria. Kienast 1982.2) that Tiepisode in which Tiberius anguished over his apparently beriuswas optimisstudiismaximoqueingenioinstructissimus.D. dopo Ovidio e Livio. 61 60 . a yearof of literature is documented before.The suppression in thatyearor shortly in the historyof Roman poetry. 390-391: "Ci6 che piu immediatamente impressiona nel panorama offerto dalla letteraturaromana del periodo postaugusteo e la mancanza.

but the only title attestedis a lyric poem in Latin on the death of his nephew Lucius Caesar. But the members generation did not achieve of Tiberius's company quitethatlevelof distinction. like many members of his class and most notably like his stepfather. According to Suetonius.see RE5A.D. RE 1. Tiberiuscomposed verse in both Latin and Greek. 237 (A.and one illustriousequestrian. RE 10. Tib. there is little to suggest that their popularity endured into the first century A. Williams 1978. there is little to suggest that Tiberius had alreadyformed his somewhat idiosyncratictaste in poetry known from later sources.for Titius.63 From Horace's vivid portrait of this cohort. Perhaps something began to develop on the returnjourney. also the addressee of Epist. 1.70. Lindsay 1995 on Suet. PIR21 316.3. who may also have tutored him as a boy in Rome. 1. 9.589 "Julius" no. 139. 3. under the influence of Theodorus. Suet. it cannot be said that Tiberius had a flair for identifying the greatest talents.7). PIR' T 195.with the rest of the company composed of men of letters. and the otherwise unknown Celsus. 1. No trace of these commentariessurvives.whose busts he placed in the public libraries among those of the classics-thus prompting several scholars to publish rival commentaries on these poets and dedicate them to him.70 But unlike Augustus. CocceiusNerua.Ann. Tiberius's tastes may have seemed even a bit old-fashioned to contemporaries. 388-390. For Florus.67Suetonius reports that he composed "Greekverses in the manner of his favorites.64 We know from other sources that Tiberius admiredTheodorus. dabbled a bit in poetry himself. Caesaris.10 PETER E.Good- .11. We know little of the works that were dedicated Horace provides the names in Epist. he took with him only one senator.. eques Romanus ex inlustribus praeterSeianum CurtiusAtticus.1314 "Albinovanus"no.3.427). Tib. 65 63 year 1984. 340-342.C. 70 69 68 On Theodorus.quibuspoetis admodum delectatus scripta omnium et imagines publicis bibliothecis inter ueteres et praecipuos auctores dedicauit: et ob hoc pleriqueeruditorumcertatimad eum multa de his ediderunt. cf."On Tiberius's other attested writings. cui legum peritia. including an autobiography.Titius. cf.17 dates Tiberius'sstudieswith Theodorus to the period of retirement(cumin eam insulamsecessisset). cf. 64Quint. KNOX and Cinnahad accompanied earlier Catullus Memmius to Bithynia.who was also a legal scholar.and Parthenius.1. 606.Augustus'sown In the disputes between adherents of these two rhetoricians. There he studied with Theodorus of Gadara. Tac. ceteri liberalibusstudiispraediti.133-134.1. 4.109).1).Tiberiusstopped for the firsttime at Rhodes (Suet. 66 Some aspects of these disagreements can be recovered from Quintilian and the so-called Anonymous Seguerianus (Rhet. The elder Seneca refers to Tiberius as ipse Theodoreus(Suas. Rhianus.8. for whom Horace predicts fame as an author of Pindaric odes but of whom we never hear again.2: fecit et Graecapoemata imitatus Euphorionem et Rhianum et Parthenium.57. It might be argued that as a literarypatron Tiberiuswas simply less fortunate than Augustus. Caesaris. Laert. Tib.1 composuitet carmenlyricumcuiusest titulus "conquestiode morte L. when Tiberiuswent into seclusion on the island of Capri. PIR2A 478. Tib. Tiberius had been a pupil of Theodorus as a boy.Tiberius took the side of teacher. 67 Cf.65 Theodorus.Kennedy 1972. Suet.A taste for the obscure is also reflected in his choice of favorite poets.Euphorion.the emperor Augustus. Tiberius cultivated the company of men of letters throughout his life and.1: profectioarto comitatu fuit: unus senator consulatufunctus.69Laterin life. Bowersock 1965. Inst. but this cannot be right:cf.which Suetonius calls a conquestiode morteL. v.1847-1859 "Theodoros"no. Tacitusinformsus. as it diverged from the Atticism of Messalla.ferme Graeci. 4 (P. Theyincludeda certain Julius Florus. Stein)."68 Although these poets had enjoyed a vogue in the 40s and 30s B. Gr.quorumsermonibus leuaretur. 39 (W Stegemann).66 From this point may date the formationof Tiberius'smaturestyle. for Albinovanus Celsus.but we know of a commentaryby Apollonides on the Silloi of Timon of Phlius (Diog. of whom we know only that he held a post as a scribe and that he wrote some satires.On his way back to Rome from Armenia. presumablyin Rome. 70. the rivalof Apollodorus of Pergamum. Rohden).58.see Cichorius 1922.

Pont.1-3.46 et mea non minimum culpa 73 Cf.Propertius.Horace. Ann.a crimeinvolving a carmen andan error. wasunmoved mentionOvid?At the veryleast.whatwould havebeen his opinionof the worksof Virgil. Demougin 1992.7" Tiberius andpromoted a rather be saidis thatourevidencesuggests attracted that. question of whetherTiberius was merelyunluckyin the writersof his age or whetherby personality and policyhe deterred the greater lights. Whenthe emperor's son Drususfellill.He was soon tried. sed muliercularum in ciuitate libera linguam mentemque liberas esse debere.THEPOETAND THESECOND PRINCE 11 and Valerius to him as emperor.118-119 law of maiestas.Priscus had achieved somecelebrity witha poemthathe composed on the deathof in 19.8. Tib.Butthiscaseis particularly illuminating because it showsthe Senateattempting to anticipate Tiberius's response to Priscus's crime. Stein). On Tiberius's literary patronage. ad loc. Twoyears laterapparently he hadhopedto cashin againon thissuccess. 209 (no.23. The overenthusiastic Senate adopted the motionof the consul-elect andvotedthe deathpenalty.Forthe future the Senate resolved thatits verdicts wereto be deferred for ten daysbeforetheirenactment. Williams 1978. Unfortunately. evenwhilehe commended the pietyof thosewho actedquickly to avenge thisslightagainst his person. colorlessclassof writingon themesdetachedfromcontemporary we not to mightask. qui neque seruatusin periculumreipublicaenequeinterfectus in exemplum ibit. RE 4.D. Priscus hadthe badjudgment to rehearse hispieceto anaudience of noblewomen in thehouseof Publius Petronius. On Tiberius's moderatioat the beginning of his reign.thereis someevidenceto suggestthatTiberius by greatliterature Wemaythenturnto the moreinteresting and.4.19. Thisperformance waspremature. Suetonius assures us thatTiberius "even whenconfronted withinsultsandmalevolent rumors and scandalous directed at himself and his poems familyremained steadfastly patientand often repeated thatin a free statethe tongueshouldbe free as well as the mind. otherthanthe poemsby Maniius and Germanicus.did not inspireany.2. Ovid..9.Priscus made readya newcomposition in the expectation of evengreater rewards. See Woodman and Martin 1996. Ann. Levick 1976. 71 75 .the Senate'sreactionwas entirely consistentwith the legal climateestablishedby Tiberius.15: tanta meo comes est insania morbo.3.cedattamenurbeet bonisamissisaquaet igniarceatur. Maximus's On the positiveside of the ledger. Tacitus reports the speechof Marcus Lepidus(consulin A.the best thatcan ninebooksof Memorable DeedsandSayings.and Ovid.1.apparently withoutthe emperor's knowledge or involvement. 72 nec quicquamgraueac serium ex eo metuas. Ovid refers Goodyear 1972 on Tac.73 In theyear 21 the affair of Clutorius Priscus74 boththeextreme illustrated sensitivities of Tiberius to literary activity andthe degreeto whichhis attitudes influenced the behavior of thosewho surrounded him.75 This appeal for moderation did not avail and Priscus was executed.10: Priscusuterque. 237). for the question of whether Clutorius's case came under the 74 Cf. see quodperindecenseoac si lege maiestatisteneretur. forDrususdidnot die andPriscus's indiscretion wasreported to the Senate. Dio 57. Ann. who alonespokein opposition to the sentence. adrepit. Pont. Dio 57.ita inania et fluxa sunt. and to his own offense in terms that foreshadowthis referenceto cf."72 But this straightforwardappraisal of Tiberius's toleranceof dissentis contradicted in the biography elsewhere and the recordof first-century throughout Roman historiography. 6). 3. to givethe emperor an opportunity to set themasideif he so chose. 195.20. studia illi. Dio 57. Tac. furoris habet. eliciting a mild rebuke fromthe absentemperor.2. Clutorius'suaecordia: cf. Tib. 66. e.qui suorumipse Suet. Trist.. 1. Suet.forwhichhe wasrewarded Germanicus witha cashgiftby Tiberius.50: uita Clutorii in integro est. 298-299. "Clutorius"no. 230. 3.3-4. 2. 28: aduersusconuicia malosque rumoreset famosa de se ac suis carmina firmus ac patiens subinde iactabat flagitiorumproditornon uirorumanimis. 1 (A. see Levick 1976. 1. 57. He is perhaps one of the poets mentioned at 76 As Shotter 1969 argues.16.g. PIR2 C 1199. In suchcompany. ut plena uaecordiae.in turn.76 The recordcontains in whichTiberius several otherentries reacts to poetrythathe considered Tac. concerns.whileemperor. 4.49-51.

Some modern scholars argue that the charge of adulterywas merely a pretext with they would have had good reason to believe that he would be satisfiedwith the outcome. 287 n. a Roman knight who was convicted of composing a poem slandering the emperor. see Dahlmann 1975. adopting Kiessling's supplement).22. Cominius. audacemmaleficum. Diehl).38.80 Also in the year32 a formerpraetor.82 Three yearslater. 4. 330.3.77 JuliusMontanus is mentioned by Ovid as a writer of both elegiacs and hexameters. Bardon 1956.78 Montanus. RE 10. of course. egregiuspoeta in the elder Seneca'sestimation (Contr. for the fragments. 83 Tac. Although still confined to prison.cuius ope dolus C. Sextus Vistilius committed suicide in 32 after Tiberius took offense at poetry that he considered insulting to Gaius Caligula.Ann.quod postquampatefactum.Sextius Paconianus.a senatorwho unaccountablyfound a way to soften his mood.On this occasion Tiberius yielded to the entreaties of his brother.85 4. but the gap. but it required special circumstancesor special influence to win acquittalonce an accusation had been brought.11: tolerabilis poeta et amicitia Tiberi notus et frigore.Ann. Paconianus in carcereob carmina illic in principemfactitata est.31. too. he wrote poetry that was counted as treasonous and was strangledin his cell. with conviction followed swiftlyby execution.39.onetime associateof the now discredited Sejanus. Levick 1976.8" a lasting reprievefrom Tiberius. Other supplements have been proposed. prorupere concepta pridem odia. 59-60.nor did his informationwin turninginformer.681-682 "Julius"no. 72-73 considers Dio's account suspect. The offense with which she was charged was adultery. 92. PIR2I 434. Courtney 1993. Dio 57. 82 78 Pont. uel aequis / sufficiset gemino carminenomen babes.it should be noted.12 PETER E.D. Dio reports. Dahlmann 1975. 6. 84 Tac.Montane. Ep. An AugustanPoet and the SecondPrince The year 8 was marked by other scandals of greaterinterest to modern scholars than the affairsof Labienus and Cassius Severus. 122. Ann. KNOX offensive. Sander's Ouidii. Courtney 1993. In A. Paconianusonly escaped the death sentence by But it appearsthat he did not escape imprisonment. 6. 81 Tac. The elder Seneca may also have remarked on his relationship with Tiberius: there is a lacuna in the text where Montanus is described as qui comes fuit <Tiberii> (in Hakanson's edition. also wrote verse.5. 4. 138-139. was known to the youngerSeneca as an associateof Tiberius.79 though with what consequences we can only surmise. Tacitusreports. Caesaripararetur. Cf.27). 79 80 He is surely to be identified with the poet from whom Diomedes quotes four hexameters.Paconianus. Augustus banished his granddaughterJulia to a lonely island where she would eventually end her days. and Paconianus contrived a way to attractthe attention of the emperor again. omniumsecretarimantemdelectumque ab Seiano. 144-148. fell victim to Tiberius.9.1. In this year. et summum supplicium ni professusindiciumforet. Rogers 1935.4: isdem litteris Caesar SextiumPaconianum praetoriumperculit magno patrum gaudio.1 reports that the grim news of the year 24 was lightened somewhat by the happy outcome of the affair of C.84 Not every poet who offended the emperor was necessarilydoomed.1: nec dispares TrebelleniRufi et Sextii Paconiani exitus: nam Trebellenus sua manu cecidit. a prosecution before the Senate would be surprising:cf.g. 85 Tac. 192-193.Tiberiusbrought Aelius Saturninusbefore the Senate for libelous verses. 6.16.11-12: quiqueuel imparibusnumeris.Ann. 343-344. may have been larger than a single word. Ann. 364 (E. Tiberius still seethed over the scandal of Sejanusand harbored resentmentagainst those who had been associated with him.whose resentmentwas further stirredby the revelationthat Paconianus had been involved in the plot againsthis nephew Gaius.83 A number of senators were executed in that year. e.7.probrosum carmen. 6. .who had also fallen out of favor.. If Saturninuswas of servileorigin. 23. decernebatur. 7 Cf. strangulatus Tac.

Fantham 1985.88 Butthat maybe onlya distortion of historical perspective.90 The moremysterious of the charge. Aemilius husband.89 No ancientauthority providesus with an explanation for the punishment of Ovid.2. 89 rivalryand domestic scandal caused acute embarrassment to Augustus. I havedone nothingthatI am forbidden by law. it did is not certain. as Ovid makesclearin numerous in thiscollection references andits successor. Other references are collected by Owen 1924.Cotysof Thrace(Pont. Another is the influence of Tiberius." Cf.adultery with Livia. Paullus. e. quaerere noli. 453. ut lateatsolaculpasubArtemea.g. 19.andtherefore component the moreirresistible to is the blunder. ecquidpraeterea peccarim. 88 The most recent and persuasive articulation of this hypothesis is to be found in Goold 1983.andthe removal of hisArsAmatoria fromthe publiclibraries in Rome.the year 8.the year8 beginsto look pivotalfor intellectuals.g. Cf.adultery withJulia. aidingandabetting Liviain her poisoningschemes.Therehe famously dressedto Augustus refersto his dualoffense.71-76): necquicquam. the yearof his condemnation is disputed.1. esttamen hisgrauior noxafatenda mihi. Thatmaybe closerto the truth. 87 Syme 1978.ashe anycrimeactionable spellsout in somedetailin a remarkable in the annals poemaddressed.Thisis whatprevents my hands 86 Suet.the exileof Ovid.the greatest living poet of the day. cling to the myth of Tiberius's republican tendencies and imagine that he opposed the repressionin Augustus'slast years. Into this vacuumof information scholars. Aug.THEPOETAND THE SECOND PRINCE 13 whichAugustus covered up a moreserious offense. 2. Pont. His own poetry. When we considerthe fates of Labienusand Cassius. but the canbe refined.composedin exile at Tomi. Do not askwhatit is: I havecomposeda foolish'Art'. quod legeuetor committere. feci. Mostrecently scholars havebeen inclinedto set it in the sameyearasJulia's demise. The date is clear.9. andhis onlyrealcrimewasliterary.9. Aemilius involvement against Augustus. (Trist. uniquely to a foreignking. neueroges. the empress Paullus. but not the nature and extent of their guilt. andthereis considerable circumstantial evidence to pointto theinfluence of Tiberius in their demise. the error. and othersevenmoreoutlandish.86 andwhileothersources informus that Paullus waspunished fortreason.is our only directtestimony aboutthe charges him by the emperor. of scholars have generations witha myriad of fanciful in a conspiracy charged withAgrippa hypotheses:91 Postumus complicity in the plot by L. in a list of thosewho conspired against Augustus.Suetonius mentions Julia's L. broughtagainst The secondbook of his Tristia consistsof a singleelegyadin his own defense. the fourbooksof Epistulae ex Ponto.73 stultam conscripsimusArtem.quaesit:stultam conscripsimus Artem: innocuas nobishaecuetatessemanus. of Latinliterature. 10-12.Goodyear 1972. See also White 2002.Yet I mustconfessa faultmoregravethan this. 16-25."Others. 1:"Why repression beganwhen 91Thibault 1964 cataloguesthe theoriesof 114 scholarssince 1437 about the nature of Ovid's "real"offense.. 2..The poemis certainly theArsAmatoria.adultery with Augustus. Birch 1981.97 n. One possible reason is that dynastic . argument Ovidrepeatedly insiststhathe hadnot committed in a courtof law. 90 E. havesuggested Manyscholars thatOvidis being disingenuous in alluding to an error.207-210). 244-245.209: "Husband and wife are linked by a common fate.87 On eitherinterpretation of Julia's crime-adulteryor political intrigue-the temptation hasprovedirresistible to connect thatscandal withthe othersignaleventof the yearfromourpointof view.carmen et "apoemanda mistake" error.

35).1. He calls himself an innocent bystander and compareshimself to Actaeon.Have I committed hidebeneath myArsalone. puer.Millar 1993 paints a compellingportraitof Ovid'sexile poetryas the work of a rejectedloyalist.3.191-194):94 mouebis patris.temp[us] exposcet deum / caeloque repetessed[em. In the two other passages where Ovid laments having seen something (Trist. 17 on the possibilitythat Ovid was perhaps too faithfulan interpreterof Augustanideology.21) because the subject touches Augustus personally (Trist.42) or stultitia (Trist. 92 It would be a mistaketo take this statementtoo literally. talerudimentum tantosubnominedebes.92 Everyone in Rome seemingly knew of Ovid's transgression(Trist. Dietzfelbinger). Ovid's exhortation to Gaius clearlyreflectshis "official"position as the future emperor (Ars1. 3. 4.99). 1.2.but the association should not be pushed./ sed partemnostri criminis errorhabet). he literally means that the accidental witnessing of some compromising scene was the cause of his downfall.arma auspiciis annisque et uincesannisauspiciisque patris.10. Ovid himself clearlyprefers to focus attention on the Ars Amatoria. No other Augustanpoet hews so closely to the officialline in mattersof the succession as Ovid.6.however. princeps.5.10.123: laesi Caesarisira). also Trist.but part of it consists in error" (Trist. 94 White 93 The epithet laesi might allude to prosecution under the law of maiestas.84 (laesi ira dei).105). even while affirmingthe significance of his error: "indeed.6. I cannot defend my offense entirely. KNOX sin?Don't inquire.27).1:156. cf. at least in the eyes of the law as Ovid knew it. Perhaps a tactless remark or gesture that provoked the ruler to intemperate action.2. who accidentallycaught sight of Diana at the bath (Trist. Galasso 1995.4-7. as Williams1994. 1. 1993.4. which he representsin the Metamorphoses as an arbitraryexercise of power by Diana.v. but subsequent events suggest the possibility that it was the growing influence of his adopted son and heir Tiberius that led to these acts of repression in Augustus'slater years.98 (laesiprincipisira). Ovid advises young men to take advantageof the opportunities afforded by a military triumphto meet women and uses the occasion to insert an encomium on Gaius Caesar'sexpedition to the East. maiestas(H. Elsewhere he characterizesthe offense as an act of simplicitas(Trist.174 warns:"Abasic misconception.the other half of the indictment. Would the emperor's granddaughterhave needed. 3. The many acts of oppression by Tiberius againstwriters during his reign suggest a context in which Ovid's disaster might figure without imagining some intrigue worthy of a Roman tabloid.51-52: non equidemtotampossum defendereculpam. but it forms a necessary startingpoint for any hypothesis. Cf.5. Cf. Caesar. and yet Ovid says that it is too difficult to talk about it (Pont.5. nunciuuenum deindefuturesenum.23 (numinis laesi ira).6. In the Ars.9 Ovid's testimony is not always consistent. qua] mundumreges.70 s. he is also alluding to the Metamorphoses.so thatmy offensemay anyfurther frombeingclean. and laedo is more sparsely attested in this context.6. or wanted. But which ruler? Ovid makes it clear that the judgment was delivered by Augustus.3. 198-199 aptly comparesILS 137." Ovid illustrateshis own fate by comparing it to Actaeon's.5.49.3.2. the involvement of a 51-year-old poet to prosecute an illicit affairwith a Roman noble? Would she or her husband have involved this same poet in a plot to overthrow the state? What could Ovid have done to assist such a plot? A more plausible context for the indictment of Ovid's poem and his blunder is suggested by the stubborn outspokenness of Titus Labienus and Cornelius Severus. is to assume that because Ovid writes curaliquid uidi (103). minuo in referencesto the crime. a contemporarydedication to Gaius and Lucius by a centurion: nam quom te.209) and causes him pain (Trist./ sint hei tua quei sorte te[rrae]huic imperent/ regantque nosfelicibu[s] voteis sueis. TLL8.14 PETER E. Contemporary references to the law preferred forms of . No crime.

" 96 On the date of composition. 67-79 and Gonzalez 1999 among a rich and growing bibliography.1. Bowersock 1984. RE 10. referam hunc carminibus fortasse triumphum. see Syme 1978. 101 The relationship between Tiberius and Germanicus is still being reassessed in the aftermathof the publication of the TabulaSiarensis and the Senatus consultum de Pisone patre. In this atmosphereof distrust. .57-64):97 in the campaign of a futuretriumph plishments (2.D. a volume dedicated by the editor to Tiberius Caesar (p.5)with a prophesy for Germanicus based?Germanicus camebackto RomefromGermany this confident prediction in 12 to assumethe consular in 13 wouldsurelyhavebeen to the Rhinefrontier fasces. 40-42.but in the futureof old men. Galasso 1995. which focuses on events up to A.cf. laeta coronatis Roma honores maturosque pater natispectabit dedit ipsesuis.concludesan elegy of a triumph for Messalinus. but the subject is beyond the scope of this paper.and willfeelthe joythathe hasgivento his own. sufficiet the Tarpeian citadel withgarlanded WithdelightRomeshallsee youtoo ascending steeds. be yourearliest exploit.iuuenum belloque togaque iamnunc dicta tibiuaticinante nota.1. quoque uita nostris si modo malis. 92.Ovidshowshimselfa faithful succession. greatest I shall if onlymylifeproves to mymisfortunes. 63-64.as in theArs. Ovid introducesthis predictionon solid precedent.his return well beforethe event. Kroll). or evenin 8.and projected By predicting his flattery of Germanicus wouldsurelyhavereadwell in Romewhenthe firstthreebooksof the ex Pontoappeared. The year12 findsOvid stillpromoting the Augustan whichis commemorated celebrated hisPannonian by Ovidin theopening poemof Tiberius triumph.Tiberius'sdirge on Lucius might even have been an attempt to curry favor with Augustus and Gaius. 427-430. Syme 1978. and with the You will makewarwith the authority and the experience Bearing so greata namesuchshould experience andauthority of yourfather youwill conquer. to Germanicus's of Tiberius Ovidpasses accomex Ponto.see PIR21 221.for example.96 Frompraise hissecondbookof Epistulae for him (2. For recent discussion.on October23. Levick 1976.10' On the precarious relationship between Tiberius and Gaius.98 On whatwas (2.a princenow of youth. 99 Cf.The question is important in evaluatingthe Fasti and Ovid's revisions of it in exile. but also on the timing The reception of theselineswill havedependednot only on the audience in A. 40-46.D. gaudia percipiens.49-52)andprediction in arces te quoqueuictorem scandere Tarpeias uidebit equis. but havetakenoffenseon a reading of theirdelivery.99 a triumph. Augustan couldhavetakenoffenseduring except. quae haec a me. mark these words of prophesy me. as he viewshis son'slatehonors. x).Perhaps now. No one in the regime the reignof Augustus. from of ouryouth inwarandpeace. equal relate thattriumph alsoin song. 44-46.Tibullus. Ovidwason safedynastic ground.Hurlet 1997. maxime.2. Augustus couldhardly Tiberius?95 partyline.Even yourfather. the son of his patronMessalla.thatis. not unlike that of the unfortunate Clutorius Priscus.THEPOETAND THESECONDPRINCE 15 of yourfather. his actualsuccessor. see Syme 1939. 97 For the careerof Germanicus.435464 "Iulius"no. 9 100The publication of Pont. 1-3 belongs in the year 13. 98 Cf. Woodman and Martin 1996. see the essays in Herbert-Brown2002. Galasso 1995. 13-17. "the most important readerOvid ever had. see Syme 1978. 163-208. 138 (W.boy.100 interpreter of the Epistulae Here. 8. In thatyear.

Ovidbeganaddressing or appeals to Augustus. the son he rededicated his poemon of DrususwhomTiberius hadbeen obligedto adopt.g. Tiberius).. died at a respectable old age. two plebeians. lover. except in the vocative. was the moving force in Ovid's relegationhas. Syme 1986.it gained significancein modern times as evidence of Augustus' attempt to control Roman authors.251e. 31-34. 103 The suggestion that Tiberius. 11. Tacitus's"omission"is often noted. Caesarmaynot have condoned a superficialand frivolous performancelike the Fasti. TrtPdYXOL.106 too. been made before. 2. and Ovid"-hardly matches the vehemence of Syme's rhetoric about an era of censorshipand repression. cf. Phaedr. and subversive. they arguepersuasively"thatthe exile of Ovid was a singularevent. some account should probably be taken of the metricalintractabilityof the name in hexameters and elegy. by Syme 1958.An exact student of Romanritualand religiousproprieties.24. But the Metamorphosescarried recondite erudition about legendary history.bold.102 Instead.1.108 whichwas of no Ovid'smisfortune. KNOX Immediately afterthe blowfell. book of the Epistulae is givenprideof place.Tiberius had returned to Rome. took place.as was his habit. 336.5: Ta TE -y&p T6V TroXtUOv ICta &6LKEL. Hdt.11.Whatwas it thatTiberius objectedto in the Ars? Not the naughty Nor the fact thatit couldbe readas an exhortation parts." Dio 55.it is highlylikelythathe wastherewhenOvid'shearing In thatyear. of course. Ann.Tacituscould not havefailedto note the ironyif Ovidhad diedin exile for playinga partin the sameaffair. 249-350 on the sparseness of references to Tiberius by name in Ovid's poetry.KtI ES T1V Tr6XLV.105 although the exacttimingcannotbe fixed.Messalla hadnot onlytutoredTiberius sallaCorvinus he withAugustus was a patronof poetsandOvidwasconnected to his circle.But he didn't. 402: "The clue leads towards the literarytastes of his successor. a specimen of which is preserved in Mart.20. Dio is our source for the fact that Tiberius returned to . simul cetera illius aetatis memorabo. Thibault 1964. a sardonic sense of humour. who argues for Ovid's involvement in a "Juliancoup against Augustus (and.si.might prove congenial to a sceptical intelligence. asserting had neverreallybeen exiled in the firstplace. thata See Helzle 2003. 1-5. O1UVEXW5 106 108Tac.especially as long as he kept his nose clean.107 to fromexile of Julia's Afterall.It is unfortunate heldno interest forTacitus accountin the historical record. most notably by Owen 1924.1).while the Ars Amatoria.whichhe beganto reviseduringhis lastyearsin exile."for at that time Tiberiuswas alreadytravelingback to the front for the final. eitherdirectly to Augustus's deathdidhe turnto intermediaries. the toll of victims-"Severus. it mightwellhavebeenenoughto shelter Ovidfromaction. decisive campaignin Illyricum. XaIVL0o! ulTaTEvGav (56. see the fragments and testimonia assembled by Malcovati 1969.The second in which ex Pontoopenswith a poem celebrating the triumph of Tiberius.Silanus.and Tiberius impelledAugustusto act against at aboutthe sametimeas the booksof Labienus the poet of the ArsAmatoria werebeingburned and CassiusSeverus was shippedoff to Crete. not Augustus. 3.Ti. Butneitherat thattimenorsubsequent through Tiberius.150.To Germanicus the Romancalendar. 1. In this context.One explanation in this Germanicus for why Ovid mightignoreTiberius waycouldbe thathe had reasonto expectno help fromhim." 104 Raaflaub and Samons 1990. clever. XoVX1TrKLOS KSal XEL[LUVa Fcio. in thiscontext. Mesin oratory. effectis quae intendi. who assumes an overtly political offense. 445-446 point out that even on the most negative accounting of the last years of Augustus.5). Perhaps an explanation might have been included in the projected work on Augustus and the events of that time: sed aliorum exitus. r6mTE EGE4OlTa. What did Tiberius think of Ovid's poetry? Cf.Againstthis background. who himself dabbled in off-color verse." 105 102 Rome IIETOTOV EVC) KIVPTO."not "afterthe winter. e. 83-85.he lookedto Germanicus. whenAugustus hadpassedfromthe scene. but this must mean "afterthe onset of winter. however.103 How to accountfor the repressive of the year8 andhow mightTiberius activity be connected Ovidwas exiledat the end of the yearandbeganhis journey to it?104 to Tomiin December(Trist. a fortiori.in all likelihood.27.in 20 he allowedthe return thathe adultery. plures ad curas uitamproduxero.4). and one of little importto ancientobserversof the period.Although his influence wanedas the years wenton. the Fasti.16 PETER E. 107 Nor is it likely that they would have bothered Augustus. More recent discussion along these lines can be found in Green 1982.The usage is paralleled by expressions such as [lEO'qpfpav "afterdaybreak"(Plat.

214: "Whetherthe Greek historian would have known or cared about the relegation of a Latin poet is another matter. 35." "' Perhaps Levick 1976."But cf.110 tion at an inopportune time.his performanceof the offensive work to a group of noblewomen. Syme 1986. If nothing else. .11'One thinks of Clutorius Priscus.THE POET AND THE SECOND PRINCE 17 large section-four folia-is missing from the manuscriptof Dio's history in the portion that treats the year 8. a dirge on Tiberius'sson. 207 observes. and an error. 112 Cf.'12Literaryhistorians of this period would do well to consider Ovid's position as a poet still sounding the themes that resonatedwith Augustus in a time that belonged to Tiberius.whom Augustus had preferredin the And what of the blunder? It could have been something as trivial as a recitasuccession to him. followed by Birch 1981. Cf.109We may surmise that if Tiberius objected to the Ars. 453 n. 140-141. who speculates about the performance of an "epithalamium" for Julia and Silanus.Knox 2002. who supposes a personal affront or a carmenprobrosum. it might well have been because into it Ovid had inserted a panegyricof young Gaius Caesar. With Tiberius it did not take much. "the scandal of Julia could not have been hushed up and totallyforgotten. 336. l1o See Bowersock 1984 on Tiberius during his years in Rhodes and his difficult relationswith Gaius in the East. Wallace-Hadrill1987. another poet done in by a poem. not Augustus".227: "Ovid'sdownfall was his failure to win over Tiberius. the oral traditionwas still alive.The historians whom Cassius Dio followed were still writing within forty yearsof the event. is on the right track. Gil 1985. 109 As Syme 1978.

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