(1995-96): 117'1'76 BEr 13-14

PeterFt-ucEI-

The ritual circle of the TerdpanthSvetambara Jainsl

role of pilgrimage of the changing and religiousnetworksas The empiricalinvestigation integration is one of the mostfertile areasof SouthAsia research formsof socio-political Durkheimian2 and to date. Yet the related theoreticaldebatewhich broadly opposes approaches suffers from the fact that the proponents of both campssharethe Weberian3

i. The ethnographic present of this paper is the year l99l-I992, although fieldwork in India has been in stages between1988and 1993. The leader of the Svetambar Terapanth during this period was conducted He renounced his position (which he held for 58 years) on health grounds in March acaryaTulsi (1914-1997). 1994at the matyads mahotsav in SardarSahar in favour of his succrssorMahiprajia (1921) but retained the ganadhipali (leader of the sect) until his death in Gangaiahar June 23 1997.Without his generous title <tf. support my research on the Teripanth would not have been possible.Earlier drafts of this paper have been presentedto the 12th European Conference on Modern South Asian Studies,Berlin, September 1992,Panel 7, ard to the Seminar of the Department of Anthropology, University College, London, February 1994.I am indcbted to the participants, and to Mangilal Baid, Bahram Mirzai, and Roger Smedley for tbeir helpful comments. I wish to thank Bruce Kapferer in particular, who inspired me with his enthusiasm and critical insight. 2. E.g. Mauss, Marcel & Beuchat, H. "Essai sur les variations saisonnidres des soci6t6sEskimo.t In Sociologieet Anthropologie. Paris: PressesUniversitaires de Fra-nce,(1904/1m5) 1968; Turner, Victor W. Eck, D.G., "lndia's Tlrthas: "The Center out there: Pilgrim's Goal". History of Religions12 (1973), 191-230; 'Crossings' in Sacred Geography." History of Religons 20 (1981), 322-344;Gotd, Am G. Fruiful loumqs: The l|/ays of RajasthanPilgrims. Berkeley: Universify of California Press,1990;Chojnacki, Ch., sl-ieux saints jai-na dansle 14vidhottdhakatpa (XIVe s.): repr6sentation, fonction,panth6on.'BEI9 (1991),37-59;Granoff, Phyllis. "Worship as Comrnemoration: Pilgrimage, Death and Dying in Medieval Jainism." BEI l0 (l99Z), 181-2I2. 3. E.g. Redfield, Robert & Milton Singer."The Cultural Role of Cities.' Economic Developmentmd Cultural Churye 3 Q95\ 53-13;Cohn, Bernhard S. & McKim Marriott. sNetworks and Ccntres in the Integration of Indian Civilization." Iounral of Social Research1,1 (1958), 1-10; Marriott, McKim. aChanging Channels of Cultural Transmission in Indian Civilization'. .Ioumal of SocialResearch 4 (1961), 1-13; Sopher, David E. "Pilgrim Circulation in Gujarat.' The GeographicalReview(196) 392-425;Stein, Burton. aCirculation and the Historical Geography of Tamil Country." loumal of Asion Sndies 37,1 (1971) 7:26; Burghart, Richard. 'Regional Circtes a.-nd tne Central Overseer of the Vaishravite Sectsin the Kingdom of Nepai." ln Changing Sourh Asia: Retigion and Society.Ed. K. Ballhatchet & D. Taylor, 165-179.Hong Kong: Asian Research serhcc, 1984;Van dcr Veer, Peter. "structure and Anti-Structure in Hindu Pilgrimage to Ayodhya." In LharryingSourlrAsia: Religtotr F,d. K. Ballhatchet & D. Taylor, 59-67. Hong Kong: Asian otrd Society. Research Service,19R4.

PeteTFLUGEL

The ritual circle of the Terapanth SveEmbara Jains

r19

The former arguethat of culturalideals. view of historyas a manifestation Neo-Kantian whereas the latter integration, promote social and conflicts resolve religious rituals social solidarifyand of both reproduction for the the dual functionsof rituals emphasise are fundamentally theories that both the legitimationof power.It is now widelyaccepted and mainly rewardingfor thosewho regardthe valuesof sociallydominant a-historical althoughstill culturalist, as a whole.A slightlydifferent, for society elitesasparadigmatic and later appliedto SouthAsia by Dumont (1980): by Parsons wasdeveloped approach
t)?es: in the first, all spheresof "From this poilt of view, the systbmsof ultimatc values are of two life come immediately and formally under the samevalues;in the second,certain sphcres have their own values, special but, by definition absolute within t-heir sphere. Moreover, tbe first tlpe to group-religion;in the secondreligion is attachedto the individualperson" (p.316). corresponds

as the pelpetuallycontested renewalof a compromise betweentwo seriesof of a society the internal conditions of the social integration of the lifeworld, and the imperatives: an only partially controllable externalconditionsof its functionalintegrationvis-d,-vis If valuesand functionsdon't match,then a compromise environment. holdsonly as long as the actual functionsof social orientationsremain latent. In the following I want to perspective hasconsequences for our understanding showthat this shift of theoretical of and the social,personaland culturalrole of contemporary the systemic Jain pilgrimage. Although important studiesof contemporaryBuddhist,Vaisrava, Sivaite and Lingeyatsects,and of the link befween pilgrimage and religious nationalism have in the last two decades, there is a lack of monographs emerged on pilgrimageand the varioussectarian movements within modernJainism,eventhough the Jains are widely consideredto be the Indian pilgrims par excellence.a From a Jain point of view, pilgrimageis the paradigmaticform of renunciation,and one of the keys to the understanding of Jainismitself. Accordingto modernJain cosmology the wanderingof soulsin the world is brought about by their being chargedwith karmic matter as a consequence of their desirefor externalobjects, and this,too, is the primarycause of the world structure(sarsdr) itself. The manifold forms of eistence are seenas the results of differentialforms of interpenetration of essentially pure individualsouls(piu, lit. lifeforce) on the one hand and unanimatedmatter (ajtv) on the other. Every form of life thusappears to embodya dual orientationboth towardsthe externalworld of desirable objects, and to the essentially unlimitedpotentialities of the inner life-forceitself,which can be realised through renunciarion (tydg). rf the liberation of the soul from embodiment can be achieved throughactsof restraint,then, conversely, it is the power of human desire(rag) that attractsmatter anclgenerates materiallife and rebirth. The dualperspectives are not mutuallyexclusive but hierarchically complementary within the continuumof a total cosmicfield, which is considered phenomenologically homologous with the field of consciousness. This is why actsof self-limitation may appearas forms of potentialisation.5

of the first and the second aggregation Dumont arlued that althoughthe hierarchical of the people of rural majority the of model accuratelyrepresentsthe ideology 'traditionalIndia', the second for an understanding relevant model aloneis increasingly in the Indian cities(p. 211-31).Inother words,even of modernisation of the processes and to mediate for him religion in India hasalreadylost part of its functionto represent in the structure yet reflected not is apparently this although process a whole, as the social ideology. of the dominant brdltma4tic In contrast to Dumont who operateswith an artificiallymonolithic notion of that even today '(the politico-economic Hinduism (p. 296),and dogmaticallyassumes setting"Gt.22S),Idon't think it is merely in an overallreligious domainis encompassed ,,therelation betweenthe ideologicaland the empiricalaspects which is at stake" here social perspective Neo-Kantian a problem: From theoreticai (p. a5), but a fundamental given a of limitations structural internal the changecannot be thought of in terms of ((a functional the between momentarycompromise historical situation, but only as patternsof the society" of the situationand the dominantvalue-orientation imperatives to investigate suggestion followHabermas'(198i:338-51) I therefore (Parsons 1951:203). in terms anymore (aims) not personality (norms), and society (symbolic systems), culture components principal empirical three as the but meanings, transcendental of free-floating promoting social integration in concrete lifeworld situations(notwithstandingtheir and of lifeworldand society identification normativecontent).I alsoclropthe culturalistic ('system of action which is as a pcrspectives: analysesocietyfrom two complementary of the lifeworld] and systemically [throughthe both socially[via the three components (p.228). integratedt' for existence] struggle of the ongoing unintentionalconsequences
The dualism between the imperatives of culture and survival does not vanish in h

positionof Luhmann who focuses the radicallyfunctionalist model, which circumvents of the the self-perceptions of a socialsystem disregarding exclusively on the complexity participants, but it takes a more realisticform by givingprimacynot to cultural'values the integration allowsus to understand but to the lifeworld itself.Habermas'approach

has.yetbetn devotedto the investigation of the complexregionaland supraregional networks 1;f".,":{t ur ootn larty and ascc(ics, nor of the translocalforms of ritual intcgrationof Jain subsects as a whole.As a consequence' Jainism still appearsas an elusivephenomenon.Recent empirical studiesof the Jains bave concentrated either on the descriptionof local lay congregations (Oldfietd 1982,Mahias 1985,Cort 1989, Carrithcrs 1988,1991,Reynell 1991,Banks 1992,Babb 1996)or of Jain ascetics in generat, 3,'31'Y 1tt.' *t* ttt^ttt distinguishing betweenindividualorganised Jain sub-sects, and neglecting the pivotafrole of tne renouncersin thc ritual constitutionof lay congregations (Shanta1985, Gooriaseker"e 1986,Holmstrom 1 9 8 RC , arrirhers 1 9 g 9C , ort l99lb). 5' According to H. Jacobi alainisrn." ERE (1914), 472 the kamta-theoryis an integral part of Jainism, and s9u]1b9dv dualismnor an imporr.from Brahmanrsm bu( basedon sBcing as given in common ltj^::i::'1":,:" \ ^r'rrrcncc"(p' 468). E. HusscrlCaftesianische Meditationen. Hamburg:Mciner, (1929)lgSisimilarly argued

120

Peter I.luceL

The ritual circle of the Terdpanth Svetdmbara Jains

127

point of view, the main ideologicalfunctionof Jainismis to From an observer's hierarchyand to reduce it to a sever the ritual links of the dominant socio-cosmic In contrastto the brahmar,rical (varqta), socialsystem collectionof individuals. Jains,like traditionallyusethe termsafiglr(assembly) to delineate discretesocialunits.6 Buddhists, societyappears'(as a mere aggregate of men)', surroundinga From this perspective spirituallysuperior individual,whose ideal autonomyalso implies a claim to statusAccording to Jain doctrine, superiorityin hierarchicalsocieties(Dumont 1980:300). spontaneously emerge of the wandering assemblies at the placeof the sermonQtravacan) ascetics.Within the context of the assemblysocial differencesand conflicts are" Everyoneis a pupil (ir-ya) and equai in submissionto the temporarily suspended. embodimentof supremeauthority of the teacher(guru),who shouldbe the exemplary (ahiansd) (rya6), valuesof non-violence the Jain soteriological and world-renunciation in rank, status, regardless of socialdifferences casteor classoutsidethe contextof the assembly. However, in practice the situation is not as fluid as the ideal suggests. As in Buddhism and Hinduism,time enduringstructures haveemerged amongst Jainsthrough groupsand certainlay elites,who of permanentiinks befweenascetic the development supportreligiousnetworksand piigrimages not only for religiouspulposesbut also as means of both status acquisitionand political and economicintegration.The main is religiousproperty. In South element of these emergingpower-structures stabilising groupswithout propertytend to divide and subdivide and split along the Asia monastic lines of geography, charisma, demography,and lay patronage.T Yet, with the crystallisation of an infrastructure of religiousinstitutions the questionof control arises. Until recently most Jain temples and rituals were administeredby a category of

among the Bisapanthi Digambarsandyatis political monks, calledbhattara&-r sedentary who exercised controlover both religious or inpajyasamongthe M[rtip[jak Svetimbars, ModernJain sects havewidelyabolished the institutions propertyand their lay followers. political power the centralisation landlordism, because of and the collapse monastic of systems have made them superfluous. Instead they revived tributary the role feudal of wanderir'g while delegating propertiless sddhu, the administration religious of of the political control to the modern state. propertyto the laity and conceding There is howevera wide varietyof responses to the changing socialenvironment Jainism.In this articleI will showhow one particularJain subsect within present-day Terapanth- organises and laity the ritual interactionbetweenascetics the Svetambar basis, orientated within the overall and in whichwayit is strategically on a supraregional politics Asian religion Jain and ritual is taken as an and today. doctrine field of South religiousexperiences level,generative meaningful of both universally and intermediary serving as a vehicle for the mobilisation and social harmony, but simultaneously politicalinterests. In the first part I describe of particularistic the historyand legitimation of the Terapanth,as community(dharmasangh) the internal functioningof the ascetic of their ritualisedannualitineraryQihar).In the second well asthe religiousorganisation part I focus on the role of the main lay association, the Terapantlt Mahasabhd, for the maintenance of this ritual and, indirectly,for the welfare of the membersof the lay (samAj), community beforeconcluding, in part three,with a few comparative observations on the changingpolitical role of Terlpanth pilgrimagein the context of the modern Indian state. I. THE TERApANTH Slc.rAunen JarN DHanmsANGH The Terapanthiascetics sectionof the Svetdmbar belongto the non-image-worshipping Jain mendicants, for which there is no Digambarequivalent. This tradition emergedin 1451 iis an anti-yati movement amongst the MurtipDjakJaity in Muslim-ruled Ahmedabad, led by the Rajasthani-Osv6l court-jeweller, and copyist of Jain manuscripts, t-onkaSah (ca. 1415-1489). t nka noticeda wideningdiscrepancy betweenpreceptand practiceamong contemporary he did not find any references to idolascetics because worshipnor to sedentary monasticism in the oldesttextualtradition.With the help of the Jain ministerL.B. Bhansalifrom Patanhe then starteda revivalistascetictradition on his own in I47l under circumvention Although of monasticrules of linear succession. l-onka neverinitiatedhimself,it washe who drafteda setof organisational principles for the new I-onka Gacchin form of 69 maxims(Lonkd Sahki Hutldt). Theserules played a paradigmatic role for all subsequent Theyexplicitly iconoclastic Svetdmbar movements. rejectedidolatry and sedentary monasticism, and stressed the ultimate authorityof 31 of 'canon' (agam),and the importanceof ascetic the ca. 45 scripturesof the Svetdmbar

that, by both living in the world and being conscious of the world, humans are constituted by a dual orientation towards the material world and towards the encompassilg sphere of tbe transcendental consciousness. Because phenomenological interprctations of intentionalitycould be more of this parallelism, fruitful for the aralysis of Jain ontological conceptsthan, for instance,approachesbased on Weber's notion of subjective purpose or Peirce's objectivist concept of the indcxical symbol. All-encompassing phenomenological approaches i la Dumont (1980:3a) should,however,be complemented by a recognition of the tenuous co-existence of totalising ideologies and/or subjective experiences and the objective compartmentalisation of sociallife (cf. p. 316). 6. The word saigh refers to the ideal fourfold assembly(cannidh sanglr) of all Jains including the male and female laity (lrdvaks, lravikas). In Buddhism the wori saigh is reserved for the ascetic community alone, althoughthenotionofthefourfoldassembl( yc a u a r o p a r i s i ) o r c o m m u n i t y (catuddisasangha)issimilarly used' Different from the terms gar, gacch, lakha, ponth or ihannasurgrl, which refcr cxclulively to ascetic commmities within particulr sectarian traditions (sonrpraddy, paratnjara), the word satigh k also used to describe any category or group of Jains. Even lay organisations are called saigh. i 7' Cf' Miller, David M' & Dorothy C. Wertz. Hindu Monastic Life: The Monks and Monasteies of Bhuboeswor' Montreal & London: Mc-Gill-Queen's University press, 1976:130, Goonasekere 1986:2nl-4, Cort 1989:104,n. 20.

whosecentralised organisation was introducedin 1952 |3^For exampleby the Sthdnahvdsi rn.t'Similar rules were subsequentlycomposed for instance by Kadua Shah 1. 13.the SrQajyas andbhalldraks.309-10. They keepmore cloth tnan prescribed or permitted. 4.12. O. They purchase disciples.5 sanitis. i. (1448-1515) DigambarTarar.uobiogrsphyand history.. They take delicious diet in violationof the rules.K. as a mereexpression of greedanduncharitability. Translated.foundedby KaduaSah(1438-1507).tt In the beginning the Terapanth wasmainlyan ascetic reform movementthat was remarkablefor its radical doctrinaland institutionalinnovations.with the notableexception of the offeringof food. 9. although the Teripanthis were clearly influencedby the earlicr Adhyatma (Virinasiya) movement(1635-1669) of Raja Todarmal (11589)and Banarsidas (1586-1644). Professional copyists copyingmore than a thousand stanzasshould not be made to write other things.9 9 1 ) .The Ardhakathlnaka.nwere all initiated by religiously today associated people which were eagerto gain socio-religious educatedlay autonomyvis-d-visthe tutelage of.They are eagerto havedisciples . When the name Terdpanth bccame current. None but Banils shouldbe initiated.the t-onkl Gacchsplit startedagain. Todarmal 1992:23.on"". Cf. Nathmal (1968:6) mentionsonly 35 rules.sadari/Rajaslbanby an assembly (santnelal) of 32 itcdryas who chosedcarya AtmarAm as (hcir lcadcr ( c l .They are.13 The most significant doctrinal innovationwas Bhiksu'sattempt to eradicatethe legitimaryof religiousproperty once and for all by strictly distinguishingreligious (dlnnnik) actsof penance(tap or pdramdrthik dan) fuom social (laukik) acts of charity (vyavahdik dan). Jaipur: RajasthanPrakrit -22.ee Paul Dundas. The name Terapanthcombines rad'lr (thirtcen) andtera (your) and either meansthe'path of the thirteen'(at one stageit comprisedonly LJ s. produce exemplaryreligiousleaders. Insread Bhiksu 11.Most of them rejectedthe ritualistic basisof the ascetics' claim to the monopoly of socio-religious leadershipin the name of textual (jndn) and true inner religiousexperience (samyag knowledge Yet the problem darSan).PeteTFLUGEL The ritual circle of the Teraoanth Svetimbara Jains t23 (aparigrah) monasticorder into of a propertiless (vihAr)for the maintenance wandering shouldbe initiated'.see Johnson1995:183 n. "Jainism without monks?:The Case of Kadua Salf . The pattern of this critiqueis conventional. Monks of today stay in the housesbuilt for them. Their present orgalisation in Jaipur was apparently started by Pandit Amar Cand Badarya from Sanganern 162A.irtroduced and annotated by M. interests go handin handin Jainism. and Varanasiare todaythe DigambarTotiparthrs in Nagpur and the followers of Srmad R-jcandra (186?-1901) in Gujarat. Bhiksu criticisedthe Sthanakvasrs in hisAcar K Cau. whichthendivideditself into 22 schools Suratand foundedthe Dh[4dhiyx (seekers) (hall dwellers) tradition.n"d not with the life ot a monk but only with the continuance of their sect.On the scripturesof the Lonka Gacch and the Sthanakvasis(who additionally accepted the Vywahdra Sutra) see laini 1979:49n. 2.Other sourcesquotc the name Amar Singh. As a rule. They do not transcribe books.Closely associated with the TerApanthis in Jaipur. the impetus reform and socio-economical for Jain religiousreform arisesfirst within the asceticcommunityitself.P.6. 1987:219 12. 1991:31-4).the its monopolyof religiousknowledge and stays maintains modified or non-image-worshipping traditionsthat later emergedin North India under like the SvetimbarKa{ul Gacch. They make peoplepurchasebooks. They sow the seedsof friction in their families. some years importanceof later.They are absorbed in vilifying others. Logic.It also refers to the presumedthir(een basic rules of MahSvir (5 nnhdvrats. Half a Tale: A sndy in the intenelarionshipbetueen a.uaus) or 'your path' (Buddhamall 1995:69-76). Lonkn's rules are only knom through Dharmasagara's 1572 polemic Prwacanapmqd (L..It This might havebeenone criticised for l-onka'sdecision to steerbetween the extremes in emphasising the of the reasons 'real'. S z r n g a v1 e9 8 0 : 3 7 7 1. One should not engagePanditasfor studieswhen thcir remunerationis arrangedto be paid by householders.forthcoming). Lath. It followscloselythe exampleof Haribhadra'scondemnation of thecaityavasrnr in the 6th century. "Hc should not be of low castc" (p.8. in Lath. some of which have been imitated Jairr since by other sects. Qvarnstr6m & M.10. However.and his forcshadowingof the Svetamlar Terapanthis' doctrinal view of the futility of purely internalised forms of religion unaccompaniedby external asceticpractice.3. whichcanbe found all overAsia. the (since bhattarokscalled their system Bisapanth the number 20 exceeds13 by 7' (Nathmal 1968:7).5. and Mughal-ruIe. which denies the necessityof ritualised ascetic practice. ascetics. The SvetambarTerapanthisshould not be mixed up with the equally reformist.ard quotesfive of them: One shouldmove out only with the preceptor'spermission. All of these and Kinjr Svami (1889-1980) institutionally independcnt movcments are spiritually guided by competing Pandits who derive their inspiration from Kundakunda's mystical work Satnavasdra. 21). For (baurcla) and later becameknown as the Sthanakvasi (1726-1803) reasons muni Bhikgu and four sadhw broke away from the similar dcdryaRughanath in 1760 in Bagri(Marvar)and foundedthe Terapanthgan Sthanekvasi four monthslater in Kelvd througha collectiverite of self-initiation(bhlw dthd). but older and templeworshipping tradition of the Digambar Terapanthrswhich are the dominant tradition among the Digambar today.pat (reproducedin Buddhamall 1995:22-5) which has been summarisedby Nathmal (1968:5):s1.9.InApproaches to Iainism: Philosophy. ('protestant') of suchanti-authoritarian lay movements. Sharma (1. Cf.rpanth movements Tdransvd.In protest against into factionsand the cycleof reform and routinisation and the re-emergence of templethe renewedlax behaviour(Sillilacdr)of the ascetics in 1644in worship the munk l-avji und Dharmsinhjisplit off the Gujarati t-onkagacch sect. Nathmal 1980:1€-9).3. argting that ((if the act of giving is considered an act of religionthen it is the rich peoplewho wouldmonopolise religion and a place in heaven"(L. Ed. drink etc.University of Toronto: Center of South Asian Studies. . 11.4.The presumed is their inability to continuously compatibilityof religiousleadership and householder statusr0 has thereforeoften been 8. to the (Terapanth-) asceticsthemselves (saryyatidan).3 guptk) (cf. Rinal and Sytnbols.after l-onk6 was murderedby the followersof a rival sect.Agra.On the monastic context of Kundakunda'soriginal teaching.papersand habitation.8 which 'on-ly baniasfmerchants] it illustrates because that often religious The last point is particularlyinteresting. SranranSangh. 181-195. M. They make householders promise that they would be initiatedby them alone and not by anyoneelse. After proper test a pupil should be formally initiated at the handsof a preceptor.e. 132. They sendmessages with householders. To-day asceticism is on the decline.What is prosperingis simulation". 2. propertiless and rule-abiding. 5. Wagle. puja-rituals Popular and material gifts were thus deprivedof religious value.which they later incorporated. Bharati Sanstha n.12.P. Sharma1991:100). They try by hook or by crook to preventpeople trom going to other monks. as long as it aloof of the laity.both male and female.7.mi's which are and its successor with the Digambar Teripanthis. However. Vijayaratnasfrri.They go to public feasts for alms. 10.

Mo.r6yet. Cf.ihut. and Babb (1996:98-101)on the ambiguous use of the terms guna. among image-worshippingJains._Terapanthis clearlydo noi recognise a separate realm of worldly. 1989:223-9). Corr (1989:449-70). lhere can be nothing'Jain'aboutideologies ofpolitical or economical power 1onno7.ord Mahavirahas dividedreligion into secular and religious parts in 'Nik5epa Vyavastha"'(Nathmal 196g:15). and his theory of the strategiciolc of the Jain doctrine ofthe manifold aspects(anekan.R. Accordingly.(1984)." Qnattaral The refusalto recognise the religiousmertt of paja rituals and charitablegiving. 80).y". which is seen as an analytic *Whereas instrument for disambiguation: in the fallacy of chhal (fraud).47-56. 232).t"o.300-34).Tambiah. Dumont 7980. sakh etc. as one might assume.cf.an aliegation a form of islamisation (Jaini 1979:314. Carritbers (1991:266-7. ike paja or biya. 20-l). propagated by the Terdpanth. preparation for enlightenmentwithin a monastic setting is entirely conventional (Nathmal 1980:15?-163). which were codified onry recenrlyby Tursrlax II:317). Tlrc Saptabhangi Naya or The Pluralit Aspec* of the laina !e Dialectics.values. On the anbiguous case of the two-fold causal function of punya-ginerating penance.well-being' (p. on the contrary.Iike meditation(dhydn)or religious study(svadhyaya). we do not denythe chargebut must also admit at the sametime that we cannothelp suchfragmentation of life.the additional importancegiven to outward asceticconduct assures the reaffirmationof the authority of the dcdryaand.63). But strictlyspeaking. Jain.gift.. 1929.Peter FlUcel emphasised the importanceof a renunciatorydisposition(tyag) and of the . '^1tj:1q. which.u.Kapferer (1983).. the asceticorder and its constitutive principle of 'hierarchical'individualism. Skyhaw( 6elhi: Manohar (fortbcoming)." of view and to declareits non-existence from another point of view. the destruction as well as bondage of karma. as we have seen. is not to irdulge irapan.Williams 1991a). sectas. religious merit (lokottarpuuya) and social merit (laukikpuuya)). were ruled out by Tulsi again in 1960 (Mahiprajfra 1987:34). Laidlaw (195:35a).-one word has two meanings. 253).tovad andsyadvad) for holding together thesecJntradictory perspectives(p.::t^1lq l" lndeed.Terzpanthi's peoplesaythat by dividing religioninto worldly and spiritualsegments AcdryaBhiksuhasreally cut down life itself into varioussections.ibn. 16. were incorporated :mlo the !fivakacard systemsof collective lay-rituals.y:.E."":".r their historical cfficacy' Precisety this is one of the mlin agendas present of day revivalism. 18 on cosmickingshipand the hybrid nature of 'traditional' populr religion cf. 80). 70. Folkert. Tulsi (1985:68-71) on the Terapanth notion of pure merit (iubhkarm punya) as a side-effect of penance.(Some by the.. Cf.:"...in so far is they are. Interestingly. l9' For a critique of the uneasy coexistence of renunciatory ritual behaviour and injuriouseveryday bchaviour among'Dhoondhakar' laity see Todarmal 1992:225-22b. iopular social functions in llll^T "n.r5-zo. cosmological is that in system TerApanth the 'world-transcending' the dcdrya alone can be the ideal kine ).g. which wascountered claim for greaterreligiouspurity: . [.evenamongmosr modern Svetambar and . v. 8.contemporaryJain ideological universe". Cf' WilUams (1983:xix).ecomplction of fasts etc. the overariemphasison the internal rather than the externalaspects of religion does not suggestegalitarian ('protestant') forms of lay-dominated religiousindividualism.For him. for the traditionalritual legitimationof power and the development which are essential of popular forms of religion.:::_:1flY": uridlfantnrJarnsects* are todaynot quasisacredkings. Allahabad: The Indian Press.e.and Gombrich L ob." und lairy ip. 15. Johnson (1995:310).with regard to Jain lay practices.wbile lcavinglhe surroundingsocieryslandingas it is. i. is particuJarly strongin Marwar. anA nriA!"g the gap between u. of (jndn dan) and of non-violentconductas such(abhayadan) knowledge (AK I:56.Ed. niksepo). Atlanta : Scholarspress. Johnson (1995:306-7)on the difference between th"epersonal (intentionalist) and.". although "kingly notions of power have almost totally disappearedfrom the. 16-1g). Cf. 80.like the medievalbhattdroks andiapujyaror today's saiSlryais' but the acdrvar themselvei.Digambar Terlpanthis. Jains are to distinguish semantic ""riful ambiguity from philosophical perspectivism (anekdntovhd.'h".lT The differencebehveenBhiksu'sTeraoanth 14. Farrh. see the concep( of lcsoyopafana'(de-struction--cum-subsidence of karmas) (p.rhe predominantfoci of 'group rerigion'. pivotingarounda notion of moral kingship(dharmaraj). is not unusual for Jain ascetics(cf' Carrithers 1988:830-1. C. Tbe . which ambiguously and manytraditional('hinduised') combine of asceticpurity and social power or auspiciousness consideratiorls within hierarchical systems. For a differentinterpretationseeK. Tulsi 1985:173). differ :"l. in a wider domain of sociality" (p."ti.. sama1. evadingconfrontation with other schools (p.leHowever.popular Jainism'14 by differentiatingbetween pure and impure forms (e.:"t::lijo rdLt tna[ terapanthisconfcr royal attributes exclusively to the dcarya'maharaj'. 15). Knowledgeand conduct.t (1989) has recently observed that.not a worldly ruJer.Lin'roy^l'functions with respectto religion amongst thcir followers. no word in this argument [ofsyadvad] is ofsuch nature. Kannoomal. aa. . udhar. and thus to guilty of this fallacy" (L.scnpnlreand Community:CollectcdEssays on the Jains. J. p.llut athe conflicrsbetweenthese differentwaysof being Jain are resolved.by 6eing unequivocallyotherworldly-.t:t"..rejected automatic claimsto spiritualsuperiorify that are based on the outward characteristics of monkhood alone.yt"9 implant asceticprincipiesof conductinro sociallife. A.i 79-90). Agra: Atmanard Jain Pustak Pracharak Mandal.Jain.. which is popular among the Mirrtip[j. evenfor the laity: '(Tydga is possibleevenwithout offeringanythingto anybody.tort rh.and moral aurhorirythe utrimare f.the social (rule-oriented)view o[ renunciation.ks (yS I.k".. Ed. "thJ wo dominant realms of value within the Jain context are and. who fulhl .the 21 qualiries !o Teripanth layman (frovakgun). only few of these concept s. co.285).on the other hand.. (1985). He notices that there is a "differenr siruarion among rhe Jains of f:::y"-\u'?: rvtaruar"'who still "tend to imitate Rajputsin many social [sic!l customst(p.has led the idol-worshipping Murtipujaksand Bisapanthis to questionthe religiousvalue of the absolutist (ekanta)doctrinalliteralismof the new . the strongest opposition to Bhiksu'sideascamefrom Sthanakvasi ascetics..dissolves the characteristic ambiguityof key conceptsof .-. The ritual circle of the Terapanth SvetdmbaraJains r25 image-worshipping sects. n. see my paper (power and Insight in Jain Discourse'' ln Doctines and Dialogues. 16.eover. 1917. 1993:215-27." Y:::1"1-un iuss.W. 63.s The consequence of this doubling of traditional Jain concepts is that the socialritualism that pewadesthe life of every Indian famify is considered to be 'non-Jain'or 'Hindu'. Dumont (19g0:229. Henn & H. On a doctrinallevelthe strictseparation between religionand society.n. Laidlaw (1995)similarly uigu. . already the medieval Jain commentaries emphasisedthe cquivalence of the administrative virtuesdcmandedfromboth religious superiorsand kings(Caillat 1975:5-5). and recommended rigorousasceticism (tap) as well as internalisedforms of religiouspractice. rrom Hemacandra'slist of 35 qualities. like the ex-Sraman Sangh Cort. nuigal. 17' The present Teripanth dcdrya MablprajLia quotesUtS 5.p. To declare ih" ofan objcct from oneipoint "*i.275.' (p. 15g). ryadvad. '1ttt: the ideal king is a renouncer.19-20in order to demonstratethat Mahinr himselfconceded the possibilityof householders reaching enlightenment if they are both knowledgeable and restrained.

. i975) and Jtvan Wjfian (scienceof itself' Life as a non-violentform of existence' but primarily ontologically. the (1985:1a2-8).starvation faminesand droughts.ond*ically increaseddegree of differentiationof religion and societyproduced both a greater (p. like most religious doctrines. trade in eggsand meat etc. it seemsthat Jainism. Dumont (1980:27+5). diiinterested 'socio-religious' 'the gift' not creatinga new networkof institutions for the laity.2o the difference between religious insisted that have always Terapanthis (1995:310). There is a great deal of overlap between the variousinit iatives. althoughits preciseimplications accepted. 'a-humanism' ritual of ascetic wandering and of the circle 'selfishness' theprecondition of Bhiksu'sradicalpursuit and the in particularto the objected 'objectifiedrituals' with performing possibility by the of cheating While acknowledging which showedno concernfor the alleviationof sufferingin the of world-renunciation...cannot be explained in terms of the calculatory ingenuity by in sectarian organisation the construction of an all-inclusive corporative the reduction this would involveprecisely because giving. a popular Terdpanth Jainism exists today.contraryto the officialdoctrine.:l):. smuggling.asParrysuggests.s own uod otnerl."r'iil piri. 23. Kundakunda (Johnson 1995:230) Jain and Todarmal (199216-7).BhikSu's are obscure.2. Dcrrida Given Time: I. 4.althoughtheyare ritualsof charitable Terapanthi social of increasing of the experience expression of givingmust be seenas an ideological 'organic deprived immediate religiousvaiue.Bikhanji'smessageofdeliverance[throughseif-helplwasagreatboo n practical paradoxes. Not to commit suicide. J. should be a perennial sacrifice. Non-violencc: To develop fearlessness.Chicago: The University may be better underJtood this point and showsin turn ho* tUe g"ne. Cf. act not as a religious could only count as an act of socialcompassion(taukikdaya)bttt (laukik prwytfi) not is only subjectively felt worldly prrnytti) and orientations (samyam this doctrine was of liberation (lokottar r)aya). transactionally living.ln the eyes of many Sthanakvasis.. social integration.126 PeteT FLUGEL The ritual circle of the Teraoanth SvetambaraJains t21 the bifurcationof the spheres of religion and societyas as a whole. Cf. first Indian Independence In order to securethe growing decades after widely is argument This sector"(p.tlol. Tbe principaldirectives are: "1. However.2lThey (smali vow. Bhiksu From his purely ir *rey ciuta (tulsi r9'a5:rez-76.5. Nair 1969:App'1)' sbould not help saving rir"r. with laity back the and promoting to a traditional Jain system by forming closer bonds material the external' the internal. status maintenance. It merely a new set of Webei money people'The and the selfish the ungenerous weak. is compatible with a wide range of social conteKsand not an ideologicalexpression of limited classinterestsper se. Numerous codes of conduct were set up both for Terapanthisand the general population alile. Labour: To develop self-sufficicncy. The aluvrat movement basicallytried to overcome the unpopularity of the small vows among the Terapanth laity tn particular.ideally embodied corporatepurity of the renunciatoryconduct of the dcaryawho. to carry tbeAnuvrat interpret of the gift to exchangewhich the Terapanthis criticise. in opposition to'long-term' programs whole.r'. Terapanth .23 movements. and there are forms between Durkheimianpoint of view the doctrinaldistinction giving. for instance.". As I will showin greater But the role of religiouspropertyhaseffectively tradition itself' From a religion and societyis a point of intensedisputewithin the Jain 'impure' 'pure' and detail in the secondpart.Comparedto Bhiksu'svision of visible and of less of solidarity'for the adherents of differentiationand of the growingimportance (. uniu" emphasis"oncharity indirectly accepts the practice of also rends to perpetrate .Not to be meriiless in mattersof qowry etc. not to consider anybody untouchable.dity: nonlaccumulation' (Nagaraj 195912)' exploitation. 3. murder.22 From in an their of manifest the overali conduct of 'survival visibly but also ((theeconomicperspective of the fittest' in a societyof of the predicatedon ((thenatural rationality. of today has considerably a suggested (1986). In his eagerness gave many controversial examples why ascetics both for one. renunciatoryaspectsof giving. generated Generally. 37-8)' benefit" own to one's savedfrom giving charitycould be accumulated andthe laity.. CounterfeitMoney.iple of non-explo'itationand of chicago Press.piritu""f progress.ul paiadoxcsJf'donating consciousness' distinctions for subjecrobject ground ontological constitutive as tire Diein of theory in terms of Heidegger's 'thc figure of the circle of eichange' (p' 2a)' I cannot enter into the per se. epistemology/ontology-debate 22.thatan elaborated particularly changed. to th" ". which has been stressed Like KundakundaBhiksu was indeed convincedthat the protection world. ascetic and deatht'and thereforemerely poverty. commercial divisionof labour and a significant graduallyreverted influence Tulsi Terapanth conditions.i.for instance.Moderation of desire:No( to acquirewealth by meansof miing food products. which are presupposed by hero.They its implied socialexchanges. of the under the changed social on emphasis certainly. refinements the newdoctrineof Bhiksuhaseffectively In spiteof theseconceptual Bhiksu" of days in the prevalentin Rajasthan socialconditions productof the miserable problem of routinisationas described by not been able to overcomethe fundamental lNul. Not to exploit labour. (insight 7949). and Johnson by t-aidlaw (1995:230) of life dual purposesin mind. Prel<sa Dhyan meditation. To avoid substances producedthrough actsof violenceand cruelty.To practiceacquisitiontogetherwith . 1980) principles. Dumont |980:227). as a symbol of the to demonstrate the futility of intervcning into worldly affairs' 20. Not to behave hostile to someone on the basis of caste. Equality: of Jain life-style(jivut vijndn). violating Bhiksu's Officially the without directiy in the exemplary they argue."u"r.i"1 i. point individual. 1991:76makes 21. regenerates sangha t'?U'?isusil(1g26-1tq/g4)whoadvocatedsocialreformandservicestomankind. a67). To avoid unnecessary violence.ra lies solely h the spirit of non-cooperation" a monastic and liberation-orienieJ which charity is not only irreligious but perspectivewhich renders the world empty of religious meaning in iTh. Peacefulless: To practicepeacefulcohabitation. purely the Terapanth ascetic Jainism. He religious moral for the society as a showedgreat of and education function of aspects. of the linksbetweenthedharmasangh and a greaterindirectness immediacy of of sucha radical separation obviously.Parry that were introduced by acaryaTulsi in the througha seriesofcontroversialinnovations 'pure' gift is most likely to developin statesocieties with an advanced ideologyof the (1949-1981). community survival). in order to raise its standards of morality (AKl:27)..the miserly. Jainism(cf. "*'o point of ui"* 'il. and abortion. To avoid family quarrels. Both Laidlaw and Johnson associate doctrines with a Iimited set of social functions (sociat mobility.the questionof the socialimplications not changed. power invariably encompasses transactional view.

generates 'good for the money raise to has only been inventedin order the soui (dtmasuddhi) and point to the fact that.Z Rata.Tulsi has not entirely The compilations of recommended revertedto a Hinduisedversionof popularJainism.Adhunik prasnoryrke sandadth ner?r. w l t i c h s h o u l d b e b a s e d o n t b eideal"toposscssonly rwoaspectsbeingpresento. materially monetary cognitive are still consideredsocial or socio-religous.Tulsi.Acarya Tulsr has been accusedby the rencgademuni Candanmal.29.beenwell received Jain sects(Muni RajyaS. e of visarian versionof 1970is knownas the doctrin renunciation and asksthe laity to practiceacquisitiontogetherwith from possessions). f88).". althoughthey can be found in less elaborated form amongst (Schubring all Jain sects & Caillat 1966:87). even if the intention is religious.Parhihara:Jain Sangam.a. Anekant: Not to be life free of addiction . (tyad^ and promises an influx of renunciation of may count as religious acts on the intentionof the giver. 1979 [published anonymously].' (tr. Ddn daya:ek i!tesna.ai dam afier g"iti"g up. anasakti) and generatesgood karma (fubh knrma) for the giver' But of liberationand the chances one'ssocialprestige(nan) diminishes in order to increase purificationof for the giving that say Critics asubhkarma). with the help of a standardised itself increasingly body of text-orientedrituals and of rules.in Nair '1969:viii.a qt6. Bikaner:Akhil BharatiyaJain Saigam. Surrendering possessions cztegory between control is a form of acquisition (p.from 1775onwards. Tulsi. and renunciation' 24. of to-one frate rnally To behave religionist: Kendra: Calcutta. by publicly asking programs.19S1. But coverthe samegroundas the traditionalSravakdcdra Although havinginserteda new ambiguous sociothere are still important differences. points at the fact that the Nav Terapanthis (193 only Candanmaland nine themselves scd'llvis remailed. and its extensions. in: Manakcaid Patavari 1997:21-8).nyati)-not unlike th. contumacious etc.radica l e n o u g ha n d b e c a u s e t h e y d i s l i k e dh i s ' a u t h o r i t a r i i n ' s t y l eo f l e a d e r s h i p ( S . of being too much involved in secular politics and in the administration of charitable trusts (cf. 6.1. lay-movements and publishing massive the for funds sufficient attract problem was that.The two forms of internal protest are characteristic Ior orthodox asceticism and lay Jainismreipectively. presentedas a value of is n. 165) is not accepted. that under certain conditionsmonetarydonations It concedes (visarjan)of ownership.).some of which were codifiedonly recently(AK).which he subsequently amendedin a seriesof additionalwritings (liffiats).tar Gacch practices d". dispersion. Kha. 187). Bhiku tried to contain the segmentary tendencies of Jain asceticgroups not by exploitingthe stabilisingeffect of religious propertybut through disciplineand a more detailedregulationof interascetic conduct. money. regulations for Terdpanth and the laity are different from Srdvakdcaras rules the of the sects. UpasanA. in order to His modified gift. Dronaical. Muni Candanmal . Mitr). Wia4an thus acts as an ambiguous intermediary .rerely image-worshipping classification of sevenfields of giing (ksetradan) social morality and Hemacandra's However the Terapanthiay communityof today reproduces (p. and that it is necessary to movewith had collected by the Sthdnakvasis and the more the times. to gift (sat. .Ity 9. other Terapanth sadhus leftmonkhood altogether.whose orthodox Nav Terapanth movcment split off in 1981 after the introduction on(he sanut Jre4i.The ideology being but specific anybody given to not are Just if they donationsare only meritorious of the left for the use of society'(Mahaprajna1987:16) that is the religioustrusts also motivated but comments qmical Terdpanth(AK II:15a) has not only provoked Pure food and release from renunciation (vkarjatr) of ownership. They are 2-5.has. applaudeTulsis rurn rowardssocial service Stianakves-s ano humanitarian upon Bhiksu's'misguided' doctrines(Muni Rajya6.on the other hand. (1978) 1992. deedsas a major improvement However. SeeMalriprajia's (194:204-i15) descriptionof recent rnternalconflicts. Calcutta: Vi6va Cetana.ent merely in order to gain selfawarenessa-ndsocial the bare necessities' (p. of the theory Bhiklu's Tulsi had to amend buildingprojectsinvolved. purpose'of Tulsi's construction for 'big merely createopportunities for donationsand promisingmerit.the Mnla s?tras they form the Jain equivalentof the Buddhist Wna1. "quuni. parting abandonment.u-oo".bne of the four possible i s t h e v k a r j a n d a n . AK II:153-5. Sadhana Atma Parisad Mitra (ed. and food etc' (1995:294--301)and to the ascetics(sat. and before sleeping.It is said that giving depending karmas(purlyo) meritorious to the liberation of the self from attachments (dan) both contributes for a good cause giving (apaigrah.. Gopalpura (Dtrngar): Arham A(ram. secondimportantinnovation.worldly transactions' and the thiee'reiigious gifts' of fearlessness (alhay). knowledge Qnan). Muni Candanmal.nyati) iestrainecl the underlying principle (ittbh upayoga) be handled by ascetics. traditionalimage-worshipping The principles of the anuvra\ prelqa dhyan and jtvan vijfi.. Acarya Sn fu$ ko bheja gaya Muni Sn Culdannrulii kd ntukti patra. becausefoi them Tulsi's U-turn was_not.^ Tulsi'sreply that all the funds he several had been for the benefitof humanity. addiction: foie"j gambling etc-7.128 FLUGEL PETCT The ritual circle of the Terapanth SvetdmbaraJains t29 The only of the Teripanth weresimplydefinedaspurelysocialactivities. bad karma Q)Ap.tio!' Bideford: Grccn Books.ng. meat etc.. N'N').To avoid alcohol. as far as possible.for instance. TerEpanthascetics discontented to split off.ib"d by Laidlaw donations Babb (1g6:190). today'sascetics that men' to put their name plaqueson the new Terapanthbuildings. in turn. bifore meals. of eating and diinking .10.Charitability.u. Williams 1983). religiousspherebetween the domainsof reiigion and society. K u m a r . For this reasonhe introduced. to in contrast which. T[e only difference is that. Jaipur: Milap Bhavan. N o tf^c:ttn.1q90). Togetherwith the older and more widely acceptedAcaranga. mattersharmoniously'8' Worship of attemptingto settlecontroversial and. May 1985.To give up eggs. To limit the enjoyment of an object.gaSh. intoxicatingsubstances. Arhan Airatn. hsh. (lit. in: Nair 1969:roo<i)..an initiatives clearly regulations (cf. According to Mahaprajfra"there is a difference between donation (non-discrimination) (1gga:10g). Theseare scaled organisational down versionsof the religiouspractices and the idiosyncratic institutionalruJesof the which were Bhikgu's Terdpanthascetics. xalaldesar.35-6).""n as (1) its psychologicalcounterpart combinationsof these and (z) the overt cause_ (the object)" (Nathmal USd:iAe. Following the example of t-onka. repeats the Nm'kdr who faithfully (one religion faith or ti. most male ascetics startedtheir om initiatives) havegivenup wanderingand begunsetting up socialinstitutionslike the Arham A3ram in Gangapur(cf.nori).ob.Theoretically "a-cquisitionLn b" . Rules like these have not yet been investigated. 29. id. Affection for the cotimes every day .iptures. To live a to the pure .and. id. a new set of organisational rules (marlada). To do the prescribedjap of 5 Noukar Mantras tfuee resemblance:Studying the si.the cheda Sutras.Vsarjur is thus the result of an extensionofthe cannot food. . KyA Ap jAnarfi cAh.

like the iaOl ieuaano15uti 1995:403-6).-u 199l:131.which either signify lay practitioners of the pratimas (doctrinal stages or members of (wo new categoriesof lay novicesthat lay religiosity) in general (irdvaL upasak or munrulcsu) *"r" iitrodu.u novices.Like a royal court. (chief). comprisesof 34 sddlrtts oneselfout) embodiesthe principleof below). 4.resirdicate key initiatorystagcs. where . among the Jains. At least among Digambars and Svetimbar Terap^nthis. Cort 1989:154.but theyoja. calledcittasatnadhi (lit. stretching 'divine kingdom' of the dharmasangh as a whole.However. Sbu. calrn mird). Today. 46-1).called srijh (partners).Doublc lj. novices. The sddhvts initialty operated relatively independent. a friend of Bhiksu (p.the raj (ht.one rulesare two things" (Nathmal 1968:114).port -eans of modern them the use of for overcoming the communication problems associatcdwith the geographical expansion of the vihdr lcsetr A under Tulsi.cised ). fixed. one can be a sannn oi samant either temporary (savadhik) or lilelong (yavatjtvar).212). every are rotated members .Jltmalbetween 1853Similar o..PeterFt-ucel ((Nonbut of diminishedreligious value: important for the monasticjurisprudence. sarTtghata126 singhdn into moment divided sa.the king (or the government) determines monasticdisputes.as a rule . Jain ascetics 7-8 iubunits wiihii ttte Terapanth rai. judicative within the functions and legislative adminis6ative. Niyojak Saman Sanyojak Yoja.dllrs (male ascetics). of pupillary succession past 27. (cf. which correspond to the riglrars outside: 5 groups of sZdlrus. In order to prevent schismatic year by the Acdrya('mahdrAj'). and mentioned by Sangave 1980:377-8. are the 31. bccauie their members support each othcr by right.the equivalent of the singhdn ."d 6y Tulsi. (Skt. becauseit is the only unity of the which is a and female ascetics. on the'unanonical' nature See Bechert (1970:?68f.) ascetics. The Jain situation was always different from the the overall paitern'ir Theravada Buddhism. Shanra1985.ttu. 7)' There are image-worshipping n.among tbe n. ihey ate initiated asceticswhose vows havc been relaxed to are utilised They property.2e (sama4.$ The structureof the monastic subsect an independent establish diagramatically:3r can be summarised hierarchy Acarya Srt Pujyaji Maharaj Yuvacarya Mahd6raman Sddhvi Pramukha (Maha(ramani) Agrani (Singharpati) \a(lnn (g TheTerapanthisubse ca t n)istoday(1991)oneofthelargestorganisedasceticgroups and (female ascetics)4 554 sa. (Sangave laity over the control oftheocratic a form also exe.has only evolved luoderacarya. alonewho initiates and both spiritual fulfils T\e dcdrya as well as the overall poliry of the sect. Vaisnav Ramasanehi sect of hamcaran. called the rdi.392.p. ailalc and kullik . Jan acaryashave always fulfilled administrative functions with regard to the ascetic order.mumul<su.k Niyojika Samaru Sanyojika Yojika Mumuku Bahal Upasika Bhii Mumuksu Upasak 30. Agrani (Singharpati) Sadhu 26.centralised constitutionally so far. More recent.js(parivors) . the Terapanth lcaryo bas 1D)lb:667) only to the extenr that he cootrols his laity. A capacity alrcady given to the ascetic famili'. The poisibility to becomea temporaryasccticis new in Jainism and contributes not to a further integrition of the laity. about 80 novicesof different categories whichare gathefing).garisational rules are known from other Rajasthani sects. male both of subunits group that encompasses monastic thusto and sangh.which are comparable to the Digambar mumulqu upasak and of the categories underlies ambiguity of nrahiacain. written down by Bhikguin 1802(maghSukla (maryeda within the sect. caturvidh a complete to generate conditionfor the capacity necessary in the Jain tradition. They can be comparcd to the igranx among the sddhus and sadhvls' . and 2-3 groups of saihvis under the rule (nrTra)of the sadlrvlpranruHn.Santalts allow can be compared to yalts and bhollaraks. pralimAs are 'fossilizedrelics' as claimed hv Cort 1991a:396. to own not but and communication t. of and a rigorous organisation.nars and all the mum ut<5us andupdsaksrespectively.It determines (yuvdcdrya). violenceand mere organisational is its constitution order ascetic of the Terdpanth features organisational of the distinctive shortlybefore his saptamr) patr).n"nt. the socialstigmatiiationof excommunicated rules ir TheravadaBuddhism. Cf. Theniojakandsutyojak ald their fcmale equivaleots feadersof all the sa. who is also appointed by the dcirya.27 havebeen preventable permanentschisms TUB MONASTIC ORGA]TISATION The ritual circle of the TerapanthSvetlmbaraJains lJl due to personal oI regional tendencies.ts lead only one group of ntumul<.with 149sAdhus T\e sadhusand upasak).26 a means of such By order. similar .h. policy excommunication.Carrithers 1989:233. and manages sangharaj on the sociology of the religious emancipation of women' 28. The central position of the chief female ascetic (sadhvrpramukha).and that it is he that there can be only oneacArya death. In the 1980:93-101'317-22. their inclividual and 54 sa-dltvu(see Table I whose own group.dllsare at the or agrani a called singhaypati led senior by a each small itinerant groupsof 3-5 ascetics. his successor determines and excommunicates. On the history of the sal see Buddhamall t995:. The introduction of the sartan category in 1980is another notable innovation of the Terapanth .un. Weber (1985:291') 29.Sacchconstitutions are An important Jain rule concerns the irreversibility of renunciation.atis ndbha$arskas 'swallowed the irstitution of theyoli' (Cort i.

Renou & Renou 1951.but also the laity are encouraged to vow allegiance to the dcAtya. If any fault is found or comesto my noticein any monk or nun. which is prominent during catumus.the and reintegration of both the sanghapuru. The representatives communityof the Teripanth sectas a whole is manifestonly on this occasion. which takesplacefor three or developed and often attractsup to 50. The importanceof the collectiveoath of loyalty(visvasanryatd is underlinedby the fact that it is considered kt Sapath) as a form of self-sacrifice.32 in 1853 by Jayacarya (ga4viSuddht-kara4).and modernfestive Jainismafter the rains(the traditionalseason of marriages. Buddhamall1995:401-17. corporate unity of the sangh. Today not only the ascetics. 6. I shall unbesitatingly .but he also compiled.Sharma 1991:169-70. is read out in the presence independently. 11. In this way the amual cycle of ascetic wanderingsynthesises traditional religious and modern organisational rituals into a unitaryprocess.if possible. ascetics only. I sball have no connec(ion regulationsot tiaditioni.all standingin a Afterwards the sadhus a.the vihar of the ascetics in one particularplace. and to resolve their disputes. Tulsi & Mahaprajfra1983:480). and is the ody festivalof the year bureaucratic where. among Jain sects (although vaguely resembling the Buddhist uposatha).P." This annual meetingof all ascetics and important leadersof the sect is unique . They havebeenintroducedin 1853-1864 ritualswith modern principlesof organisation. recite thelekhpatr and acceptit one afterthe other. I ihall not disobeyyou. ascetics 467oath 70). 2.and invented an innovative pranali). of the expanding to preventthe fragmentation by acaryalitmal(1803-1881) of the sect. The overall pattern of the Terdpanthreligiousyear takesthe shapeof a polarisedprocessof fragmentation .and carefullyplanned.formerly unknown to Jainism. and the marytula' by the (p. It wasfirst organised purificationcum teaching (and for the singhdT) rai each of the all the ascetics of assembly as a fortnightly public as for rules. processes pivotal political ascetic ancient which combine of religiousinstitutions. generating the organisational unity and thus the potenry $akti) for atl the religious activitiesof the year to come. examinations rulesmadeby Tulsi and Jaydcarya's patr .togetherwith of the various Terlpanth lay communitiesfrom all over India.g it clsewhere. over the books. I ihuil al*ays proceedon asceticramblings.The thirteen rules in everyactivityI undertake of thelekh'patr'are: "1. ascetic order. the constitutionof the sect.The it involves the closeattention. 7.PeterFLucEtgroupsspend7-8 monthsof the yearon their viharwrth or awayfrom The variousascetic (caturmar)in residence theacdtya(bahirvihar) and the four monthsof the rainy season is temple worshipis rejected. Acarya.tt ucaryos are holidaystoday. it is said. Acirya Tulsr irtroduccd additionally rhe separation-dav \uotrrttiskratnan) and founding-day celebrations (Terdpanth sthopond div. Nagaraj 1959:4-6. 33.rainy retreat etc. In any controversialdispute pcrtahing to principles. The MM. and documentsof the order. wantingin conducqI shallapprisehim or the Acarya-Sri rather than propagati. I shalt not meddle with your affairs. work discuss new projectsand receivenew directivesfor the comingyear. 8. Bhiksu'slast day(caranolsau). 5.anew compilationof Bhikqu's themaryadd In this way the generalpublic is made of a large audience.Not only did he and legislator was the major consolidator Jitmal (Jayacdrya) re-introduci sanskriticliteracy into monasticeducation.2. 1. the date of the recordingof Bhiksu'slast likhat. affairsof theTerdpanthis are decided. and the maryadAmahotsav. embodied in the dcdryaas the movingcentreof the sectand the locaI cdturmdsassemblies of the laiw at the Doles of the annual vihar. Cf.000 pilgrims.I shall haveno disciptesof my own. abide by the orders of your successor" 13. the hajan. ln its form it resembles a tributaryroyalritual.the most placebeforeor during lhe hajon (Tulsi & Mahaprajna1983:186-198).he Setup a system the continuous In order to guarantee of three interconnectedrituals: the likhat. the'dhanna. Vows (vras) are acceptedeither by real or mental signatureamong the Terapanth. recited and rules of the order and hasto be individually the thirteen essential contains T\e hujari (presence)is a ceremony of group signed first thing every morning.nd initiation (dtkd patyEa). Terapanthi scripturesmention three sect-specific festivalsintroducedby Jitmal: Jayicdrya's sttccession-day and the MM.all the ascetics are assembled around the acdrya. effective politicalandreligious whereall the organisational. from the ordcr. The succession andnindrla daysof Qtallotsn). AK I:43). reprcsentsthe palgotsavs of all Teripanth acaryas.condensed of monasticdivisjonof labour (gatha system and codifiedBhiksu'slikhatsin variouswaysfor their recitationin ceremonialcontexts' implementation of theserules. redistribute the fruits @hal) of their past year'ssocio-religious (karya).The hdiai do not take and confessions penances differs from the Buddhistpatimokkha because The ritual circleof the Teripanth Svetambara Jains 133 However. d.there iestivals seasonal is an rycleand related inbuilt alternation between traditional asceticJainism.each of certain rules performance of an oath of acceptance being basedon the compulsory (formular) patr or likhat leklt The peculiar to the Terapanth monastic organisation. I shall follow your commands to do.Historic. conductof the ascetics monitor the and can famiiiar with the maryddds seniority of to the according row sadhv-s. as well other and of the liklnt and acceptance recitation. Nathmal 796fl:t4i-9.rules and 10.as). was (186a) originally a ritual for the restraint). f nterwoven wilh the agricultural (utsavs). of the Terapanthis the annualmaryada mahotsav ( = MM) (festival importantceremony Like it the hajart. who are obliged to participate. I shalt abide by your verdict with all revereoce. celebrates marydda) and the performance throughthe recitationof the originaltext (samnhik of an of allegiance to gan. manuscripts (tr. as orderedby you.Originally it was ccrcbrated togethcrwith the Jay-acirya pallotsa' (mdghlukla pamima)which later wassplit into two diffcrcnt ''rttvrls (Buddhamall 1995:4Ot<-17. I shall not use undesirable language in the lcast against you or my of the monks and nuns. explanation and of novices.not only because way in whichthis is done todaydeserves a new set it comprises because but especially within the sect. 4.ally the separate venerationof the organisational rules in additionto tnc succcssion-days developcdthrough the generalisation and thcreby depersonalisation of the pallotsav L(rcDratrons.The festival more daysin January/February. 32. I shall never indulge in forming factions. 3.Nowadaysthe hdjan is only performed at specialoccasions.but has of into a meeting of the whole fourfold assembly.Because the major form of ritual integrationof the Terlpanth sect.9.I shall claim no ownership or resigned with anybodyeithcr excommunicated wh'atsoever I shall not becomea candidatefor any post.L.

'lf you proiects.Ncw Delhi:Associatcd H o u s e . Buddhamall (1995:71-2). wasonly adoptedafter 1. on to the placewhere the dcilryawill hold the next MM. and decisions about the of the MM are the rotatingof the ascetics next cdturmlis residenciesas well as the vihar route for each of the singhars.949. who residein community buildings(upairays) Unlike Mrrtip[jak or Sthanakvasi (sthanaks).the rajasof GangaSingh(1880-i913) and his son SadulSingh(1902-1950) Bikaner.and thereforeparticularlyelaborated.vIt is an localitiesfor all the groupsare determined of caturmds important rule that the choices are competingfor visits from by the acaryaalone. R a j a s t h aW publishing n llage. 36' In-parts of Rajasthan the word cokhtd is still used to signifyregionalmarriage circlcs. and the soDlrtbAalars (assemblyhouses) of local Terapanthi lay communities. been further sub-divided districts of modern Rajasthan.1 9 6 7 : 1 1 9 ) . them now that they are no longerperceived disperses.In Rajasthanthe ascetics use the mostly empty ancestral nouscsof their followers.Voof nry eamings help me to become of with the main teachings are considered to be inconsistent SuchpopularJain practices with the religion (Schubring1978:316-7).the local lay communities This is done publicly lay communities than there are more singhdTs.. the placeof origin and the major focusof activityfor the sect.n.but givesa specialpriority to contemporary has Rajasthan. because praisethe prior to the MM.for hiscatunnds .for instance. after catunnas. 34. every It reflectsthe generalpolitico-religious aims of the acdrya who selects certaincentres as loci for sectarian activity. do not rotate (he ascetics of their subgroups. design.the once allpowertul . The free acceptanceof such limitations of movement (drg) is 1968:L37.e.province)as its basis. Delhi. but to theformerterritories of theprinciple administrative The elementaryadministrative units are the local region or circle of rajput kingd'oms.which are sometimes used by visiting ascetics in big cities.. are always decisions.21).l41-8). which might be a considerable asceticsset out for their rrewcaturmasdestinations. that in their in terms of the implicatedprestigeQndn) and the auspiciousness particularlyby a visit of the acarya himself.scetics around the geographical zonesand the routes of their vihdraschanges year.and subjecting the mimbers to some effectivt controlsthrough collcctiveaction" 1urt1 R a j C h a u h a nA . takenby thedcdrya himself.when acarya Tulsi finally recognised the demandsof the lay diasporaand decidedto 'modernise'his sect and to extend the permittedrangeof the vihar of his ascetics in order to spirituallyincorporate the whole territory of the new Indian state (and Nepal) (cf. Bisapanthiand Murtip[jak subsects for rheiir vihdr. and venerated (camatkarik) powers through the practice of secretlytaking vows during dartan'. reasons.and through invitation merits of their local communities Competitiveinvitations ask the dcaryato sendascetics. when all decisionsare taken. idol-worshipping the opportunity to worshipthe ascetics because a strongdesireto be closeto their saints.s as a form of religious self-denial in Jainism(BKB I.nization in that area.the fundamental is organised one year in advance. TERRIToRIATORGAI. redistributed. the small groups of the assembly and MM. letters(vijnaptipatr) repeatedly (boII)of ritual actsamong auctioning to the customary are the only Terlpanth equivalent The Terdpanthlaity have Jains. wherelay representatives in a series of religious assemblies (e. It takes the territorial boundaries of the Indian statesQtrant. T\e prant system itself. hallts Terapanthi ascetics cannotstayin purpose-built residences or meditation (which requiresgreater but rely on the homesof their lay followersfor accomodation each asceticgroup restraintand givestbe laity more influence).ISATION categories to allocatecircumscribed usea formal system of geographical The TerSpanthis regions (vihar ksetr) for each singhar. and laity for the interaction ascetics ritual structure between In thisway.However.Often the acarya'mahdraj' eyesis generated Vish-fulfilling' for his 'life-giving' and miraculously is treatedlike an idol.and orSa. directlyis crucialfor non-image-worshipping (maigal). the ascetics. In any regionwhich considered has more than one singharallocatedto it.Theseareaswhich are demarcated receives Nathmal by a mental boundary $tna) are called cokhld (Buddhamall 1995:417. map in Mahaprajna1987:61). with this overallcosmological the main organisational tasks In accordance amongstthesinghdrs. the most senior of the singhd4parrs fulfills functionsfor all the othersiighdrsand organises supervisional the further distribution of villagesand housesamong them with the help of local lay-supporters. and business ventures).by selecting first the new statecapitalof Jaipurand then the nationalcapital. a written list Qtarct) of villages to be visited. but do not mention any particular sub-sect . "an unit of caste spreadover a number of contiguous Gub-caste) viltagcs. He initiatedthis process by symbolically turning his back on his former allies.nr) and the household (glrcr). ascetics. but they are often "so thoroughlyassimilated At the end of the as alientt(Jaini 1991:187).51-2).an illustrationof 'howpowerand religiongo hand in 1949-1950 l-5 Cf.g. organisation.charity). villages/laycommunities (grAmmandal).' prosperous.Rajasthan to the which do not correspond into five regions(sambhag).FLUGEL PCTET The ritual circle of the Terdpanth Svetambara Jains 135 wars. i. distanceand. The mode of distributinga.and determines the basic structureof the vihar with regard to changingsocialcircumstances.moral restraint. binding thc membirs of the casteto certain regulationsconsideredto be falling within the traditionaljurisdiction of thc casre (sub-caste) ::des. Shantl (1985:330-1). to your religious I will donate. when the fruits of asceticismare harvested and particularlyat the MM. who keepsin contact with all throughwritten messages singhdlpatis which are personally delivered by the laity who act as channelsof communicationas Jain asceticsare traditionally not allowed to use modernmeansof communicatjon or transport. Exceptions are the seva kendras(scrwce centres)for elderly ascetics in (aJrsthan. Important however. report a similar'scriptedness' Carrithers(1989:229) and Banks(1992:29) Cort (1989:105.$To avoid disputes. the village (Sa. not onlyfor religious but also Jains.

charisma(tei) generating . Putrjab Prant 14. CATURMAS I991 ASCETICS OF TERAPANTH TABLEI: TERzuTORI{ DISTRIBTITION Groups lraman Sramonl 1. cf. whichis not identicalwith shape[andwhich] ..l<. This new India sect can be said to have covered the whole of who.lled personal contactand mutualsupportbetween ascetics and lay followers. Teripanth ascetics perceivethemselves as spiritualwarriorsand their vihar as a {:araa-shedding form of self-denial Always accompanied and spiritual (self-)conquest. Like ancientIndian kings.2 33 xl 16 18 19 35 22 58 55 57 11 23 13 11 20 27 25 34 11 39 r9 7 110 3 9 3 6 79 54 76 139 BB t5 B8 380 o 25 24 55 11 5 55 10 57 42 23 5B 55 774 88 87 178 IO7 22 490 1.at present organisations 'masked religious particular regional a expansion'of merely as an example of a of Terapanthactivityin 1991 that the centres Table I shows (Balbir 1983:44).giving sermonsQtrwacan). Mahaprajn in hand' (L.and are characterised not in objectiveterritorial terms.etr is a of worthy to be & Caillat T)te Terdpanth ketr Pad for instanceis an annually givenalms" (Williams 1983:165). list of addresses (sabhas) of thosepriviiegedlay familiesor local associations published duringcaturmtu(Navratanmal 1991). Gujarat Prant 5. whrch ritually regenerates the effectiveunity of the sangh.From the ascetic ((recipient 1966:71). the soul pervades the whole cosmicspace"(Tulsi 1985:151-3). permission With the individual of intent of thedcdrya. by lay-followers they roam barefootthroughoutIndia. Haryana Prant 13. due to a lack of centralised of sdkhds (branches) and operate oniy regionally.which is ontologically perceived as a process of the expansion of the soui.and their ritual wanderingand entering of houses is symbolically associated with processes ripening and ritual of impregnation. 25 33 14 t1 4 10 48 26 I 22 T2 9 56 12 11 36 4 2 o 3 3 39 11 48 273 703 r49 (Source:N-alTatanmal 199 1) Helns oF INFLUENCE from Formal territorial divisions like prdnt and sambhdghave to be distinguished places regions.Jain ascetics are sometimes regardedas the 'embryosof the people'. Traditionally they are functional (fieids of influence). Orissa Prant 9. Rajasthan Prant a. T\e guruksetris the whowill be visitedby ascetics himselfwhich encompasses the networksof personal totalfield of influenceof the dcdrya Its of all the ascetics. l<. rebirth as a form of symbolicincorporationof their followers. which they haveto contestevery year after caturmAs in a processperceivedas one of self-sacrifice and sociocosmic regeneration (UtS IX. Madhyapradesh PrAnt 3. half of the a 1994:64-70). XVIII). BenSal Prent 10. In all kinds of expansion.etr rs a 'placeworthyof residence' (Schubring territory. that is visited the effectively by ascetics. Nepat sum A5cetics iromdn Jr4mcnt x 4 9 6 2 21 1 2 1 2 l 1 2 1 1 1.are considered as the'iife force'of their ksetras. pervades the body in the sense that it can feel any sensation in anypart of the body [and] .and therebythe shedding off the relevantkarmic matter is effectedin large measure. movement were Bikader and Jodhpur. of the The process asa wholeresembles the continually shiftingandunstable segmentary (maaQal) of ancientIndia.However. Ajmer Sambhag sum 2. close to the or in Rajasthan (including Nepal).. in any part of the cosmos power.as a rule.and trying to attract converts by persuading them to make binding vows of allegiance in form of public or written statements (sankalp patr). the pointsof the soul project themselves outsidethe body. Karnataka Prant 7. Delhi 15. point of view.It is like a field of energy. Assam Prant 12. although there are national appears transregionalism evenTerapanth for the laity. Jaipur Sambhag e. Bfiar Prent 11. sharma 7991:252. but by recurrent signifying a selective religiousevaluationof people-cazrK.wherea king wasmerelya pimw interpareswho statesystem hadto provehis authorityperennially throughan "ever-renewed sacrificial contestasthe mediatingand organising institution" (Heesterman1985:150). In the expansion related to the omniscient.etr is a relationalcategory. Tamil Nadu Prant 8. point whereas from the lay view l<.P. galt from the M[rtipfjak gacchas theTerapanth orientationdistinguishes nationwide groupsbeyond the level do not form effective organisation. like ideal kings. developing relevant by the . collecting alms (gocan). asceticsand singhdys compete in terms of padyatrd-miles. Bikaner Sambhag c. Jodhpur Sambhag TulsTs group other b. Andhrapradesh Prant 6. remain (especially the older and weakeroneswho cannotwalk long distances) ascetics way in such a that the are distributed half The other acarya.Peter FI-UCEL The ritual circle of the Teraoanth Svetdmbara Jains Today.the traditionalheartlandof the Terapanthsect. from one village or town to the next Q)adydtra). fluctuating size is dependent on the scaleand success allegiances annual vihdr.. Udaipur Sambhag d. Jain dceiryas.that is as an act of transcendence of ((Thesoul has a shapewhich is not like that of a material differences and attachments: body.etras co. Maharashfa Prent 4.

Thc presentrules of tbe Tcrapanth asksadhusnot to staynore than one month in one village (sadhvls: two months). These diaries have to be scrutinised varand). Balbir 1983:43). Dumont organisation (anpad) with modern Most 332). Chlru: Adar3 SahitySengh. includingan allegedattemptto assassinate disrupting the BikanercAtunntu.revealsnot rnanifestation a centralised bureaucratic organisation how has been added to the pristine only systemof personalguru-ii4'a relationships.P.They competeas groupsfor statusin terms of the subsects Theserivalriesare fought with the help idiom of behaviouralpurity and non-violence.emancipation basicallyfour strategies after 1949:{ (1) the expansion and systematisation employed (3) the of asceticwandering.32:30-5-?) with thc three strategies contrasts orthodory.).Sharma199I:171 Negative campaigning .but are freelyaccepted. unreflcctive ot tnterdependence.The Terf.The presentdominanceof the Terapanthgalt in Bidasarand l-adnun Jayaciryafrom by acarya (Bikaner). The monastic organisation has bccn described by acaryaMahaprajnahirnself as a feudal tmixture of ocspotismand democracy'. The asceticrules of and no prcsentJain sect can legitioatcly claim during (he centuries. which nowadayscombines (dharmaraj)over a population-cum-territory traditional forms of moral sovereignty 'democratic' waysof political-territorial (cf.Practices of self-sacrificr -17. A closerview.specialachievements the number Saman).(2) the use of modern media of mass-communication. of each ascelic they received.and institutionalising and expandingthe novice status.5-9q0). A tnical 'church' stratcgy to accounl for the hiatus between dogma and practice which Luhmam (19.adhi) they visited. A vcrsionof the secondstrategy. 3O7).l-hestructure of the Terlpanth vihar as a whole appearsat first sight as an ideal of an ancientperipateticasceticism.called Qtrayascitt) Particularlyfierce is the rivalry between asceticsof different organisedJain roamingin the sameregion.that is a third category midwaybetweenthe ascetic and the householder for the proselytization (vunduta) and to attract (yAgl arc scento genera(ercspect That is vows given. Nair 1969:50). however. 39.3e of were these changes introducedonly recently under dcarya 1980:229. 2.PeteT FLUGEL The ritual circle of the Teraoanth SvetambaraJains 139 (rap). aI.4 ) . to pcrform 30 daysof fast eachyear.and distributes the conductof eachascetic(sdrana who then evaluates dcArya.however. every year during MM by the groups (bhakti). Cf.37 (kul yatra in which they write the namesof the villages vivaran) keep diaries The agrants how much cloth (valrr) and medicine(au. 1985:35) rather negative notion of'adaptive' strategies.panthis maintained their commandingposition in the region ever since. introducing a new system of adninistration (nikdya).has rccentlybeen describcdby Humphrey & L a i d l a w( 1 9 9 4 : 1 2 3 . positiveapproach towards (in Nagaraj and their monksshouldnot be preachedtt or disrespect towardsother sects 1959:28).pacifications programs(prek$a religious given and receivedfrom other ascetic and the services and type of vows administered. superiorityin take the form of open conllict for sectarian of the laity and sometimes certain regions. for a more advocated proselytization of Jainism who in the interestof the renewed ((Views Hatred publicrelations: of othersshouldbe tolerated. Tulsi's main innovations are described to be orthodoxanymore(cf. He thereforedecided(a) to draft a moral code of conduct for the laity (AK) (while remaining silent about their actual convictions)41 and (b) to reform the monastic organisation: by modernising certainrules of conduct (use of nricrophones. Democracy.who finally expelled (1954) ruled out by Tulsi.lq77: 88. of quarrels(vigrah dhyan). despotism. 'Iulsi in an attempt both to preservethe traditional way of life of the monastic cc.In order to compensate for the self-created centrifugal tendencies he then had to improvethe communication the now evenmore widely scattered groups between and to organise lay supportin remoteareas. interruption of popular religion:1. . (tapasyQ svadhydya). regulationof popular religion and (4) the differentiationof monasticinstitutions.and from whom. and the numberof (lay-) conversions austerities @rabodhit). where 'belief is not believedas a systembut as it werc topological:point for point' (p. and to impose sanctions oD transgressors 40.for instance. one of the main functionsof the because 'royal' dcaryais the privilcgc to settle disputes of monasticrules.spatialmobility. The defamationcampaignwas averted. Tulsi first tried to stretch the ascetics' capabilityfor barefootwalking to its physicallimits (havingcoveredmore than 70.s kalya4akpoints)and punishments rewards(so.The reform programwasfinaliy completed with the introductionof lhe saman order.000 mileshimself). accountof Tulsi's rcligious conquestof Kanakaprabha's yatrd vivarur is Sadhnpramukha The paradigmatic southcrn India 1907-lq7l (4can'a Tulsi:Daksi|tkc uncel nrcnt. Singer's(1968:a38ff. not to carry more than 69 hands (hoth) of cloth (which should not be acceptedduring cdtunnAs).the ruler of Bikaner. becauseit combinesthe ideal principle of scgmentationwith an element of tunctionaldifferentiationand centralised rulc (Nathmal 1968:123.to avoid medicaltreatmentetc. conductunderwentnumerouschanges in Mahdprajia 1994:170-1. wasgainedthrougha focused campaign 1872-1877 against his Sthanakvasirival dcdrya Jahvarlal. Tulsi lterritorial unification.religiousprograms. he/shc has to atone for each mistake at the end of thevihar. reflectivedoubt.mmLnityand to maintain its social influence under changed social conditions globalisation). was later (L. support (dan). 3. of economics. but also how the laity were segmentary gradually incorporated into an overarchingframework.In orderto createan integralreligious that is capable system to address a nationwidemass without violating the Terapanthprinciplesof centralisationand of direct audience.how many daysthey stayed. interaction between asceticsand the laity. accordingly.through the interventionof Ganga and laity mendicants someSthanakvdsi Singh. although in 7922 and 1926 by systematically and Murtipojakstogethertried to end their dominance Sthanakvasis the acarya.229-34).. If an asccticcamot comply with thesebasic rules. 38. flush toilets etc. bureaucratic bccause rules are not imposed. RELIGION AND POLITICS .

or blurring the distinction betweenreligion and society.:"1. It is sufficientto re-state Internal processes 1le generalprincipleof self-referentiality:a2 of rule-selection and always reflect wider processes of socialdifferentiation specification and historicalchange. if at all.:::"A5. '(1996:51. But althoughthe monasticcommunityitself is governed like a little kingdomon the basis of organisational rules(tnaryadd) and central offices @ad). marytutantahotsw).as is manifestin our sketchof the historical specific elaborationof monasticlaw through the extension Terapanthi of the traditional method of imposing vows' Involution is evidentin the existence religious of at least two different layersof by the doctrinaldistinction ritualsand rules. In the contextof overall social change.7?3). through 'secular'institutions. on tnc urganisaliona plr i n c i p l c s o f k i n s h i pa n d c a s t e .who is the final authorityof religiousknowledgeand sectarian religiouslaw.ffi*:}::il".ougi-'car.y aifferentiation and o x r e a u c r a t i c o r g a n i s a r i o n r h o y : j l : . dissorvcs. in i980.692ff.and vice yersa (Bants 1992:122-3). groui.(1986:39) and cort's (199lb) obseruation that within the Svetimbar mendicanto.::: B[1l.The actualobservance of vows can... like ahirysd. " 9 1 . Religious sanctions can only be imposedon their own demand.g. but it had to keep the old structures as prescribed lry the vinoya. for the survival of the sugha . Processes of control therefore operate indirectly. 127-131."g-"o\u. . 3I5) viewthatsocial change in conremporary Indiashould nor be undersrood l.It is importantto note that abstract Jain religiousprinciples. . na\ 315) "'"' bccnechoed even yccr by hiscritics (cf. 229.but the old one had to be preservedin order (o make the proceedingsof thesangha lawful" (p. and socialorientations: pakkhi.paryusa4) and (2) Terapanthi 'organisational' rituars (e.ere.intermediarybetween traditional group rerigions and modern religionsof the individual.i".fthe.'-*'"'':: +:'fr[ttrit:. atr.) which prevailedin the former princely states(Rudolph & Rudolph 1983:194).3.Reyneil(1985:1).ya and on the exemplary conductof the acdrya. However it showsfeaturesof the old patrimonial bureaucrary(loyalty. "*"r"i.g.increasing exlernaldiffercntiationofa sub-system has to be compensated both by a higher levcl of internal arjriiiitiltln una th" g"n".which may becomeprogressively fixed (ethicised) througha competitive ritual system of self-imposed behavioural comnitments (vrats) that are associated with specified religious status categories whichimply the moral right to expectrespect and religiousservices from the lower ranks. corr (1991b:661-1) and Babb (hat Jain u. and to transformthemselves into dominantsocialg.Bechert's(1970)remarkson recent changes in Sinhala Buddhismalso apply to the Terdpanthtoday: a dual structurehad comc into existence "Practically. But in contrastto the former Snpiljyas and bhattdraks the Terdpanthacaryar(indeed most modern dcdryas) cannot directly control(religious)propertyor the sociallife of their Iay follorvers anymore. i:. How are the spheres of religionand sociefy relatedin practice? The crucialpoint is that.".3111aser. 'rheycombineat eachstagethe past and the present.d".ogrouP Tn ffiJ?i:ilx'J. personal authority.implications and presuppose systems of religioussanctions and customary behavioural specifications which are lessvisible. # leaderand are highlyritualised among Jains-and-Buddhiits alike (cf.:l:l''l as u cof onral fmDosltlon but eitherasa 'mixture' or a 'combination' of the old andthe new(p. The media could now be legitimately used by the dharmasanglt without conceding control entirely to the laity. its jurisdiction does not formally extend towards the laity."ii.and favor) (p. rikhat.case of an asceticorder that combinesboth'ihe .universal religiousprinciplesand institutionalrules.:T ::r:.oupr. 652) .#i. in practicealways carry pragmarrc evenlegal. in the historicaldevelopment of the Theravida sangho: iL was organizedalong more modern organizationallines. 43' ln practicc the distinctionbetwecn personaland social aspects of Jain practicesproposedby Johnson (1ee5)erc.eve4thoughBhiksurenounced traditional notions of groupreligionand thereby ratified the relative autonomyof social life.".ooJ Irnd-s a replication^of many elementso.llf .many of these elites drifted increasingly towards the newly 42 SceParsons'argument that thc.avasyak. group religioh.Thc new structures were Decessary. only be enforcedinformally via public opinion and sanctioned through a system of freely acceptable penances which is aclministered throughvariousforms of religious book-keeping.ocial order" (p. Thc I crapantb. g : n e r a l i s a b i l i t y opiinciples f t h e r h e s i or sof cailrat (r975:2:/). He further argued that cornmunalism is the ideological manifestation of an emerging class-curture. from a devotee's point of view.140 PeteTFLUGEL The ritual circle of the TerEpanth Sveti.iifiJJ. (1980: 229.ooical riruals nominarryaddressrhe individuar.. janus-faced a transitionalstate . In his celebrated paperNationarism and Contmunalisnl Dumont (1980) argued that communalismas . but is predicatedon the personalinteractionof guru and jr. no doubt.utoation of its principle of differentiation.the affirmation of the religious com-rnunity as a politicalgroup" (p. anJ G-oonasekere s. Qtrayascitt) There is no space here to providea detailecl analysis of the multiple layersof Jain (socio-) religiousregulations and the historyof their emergence.. 315) is a hybridphenomenon. hdjari.a3 plus structures analogous among the laitv.|. which developed mainly throughthe impact of colonialrule and the christianmissionary model:4Particularly the middle-class elites were enabled to free themselves from traditional forms of religious and political hegemony. This resultleadsus to the question of the relevance of the (post-)colonialsetting for the emergence of new doctrinalinterpretations and the development of bureaucratic andcommunal structures amongthe Terdpanth.Hindu. are modcled . (1986:39).vandcr 7!f)4::l6). religious valuesshouldstill encompass all socialpursuits.and through the individualreligiouspersonaof their followers.t::ll :.generated between predominantly religious (1) Jain 'canonica|rituals (e. who additionally participatein . Such a religioussystemof control throughseelsorge (weber 19g5:2g3) differsfrom modernstate-bureaucracy because it doesnot operate in a disemboclied way.mbara Jains 14l of Jainism abroad.

Intcrestingly.a6 But how are the. Within the monastic order adaptationto changedsocial circumsrances occurred mainly through hierarchical differentiation.. Dumont 1980:220-231. In the wordsof Mahaprajna(1994) ('The individual today represents the capitalistaspectof vested interests. socialistor Gandhiistmovemcnts. by striving to hierarchically encompass an increasingly modern socialsystemwithin a traditionalreligioussystem. where the ideasof morar kingship. 187). In Dumontianterms. and.and the continuous dominance of the ascetic orthodoxy and castepreventedattemptsto combineold and new featuresinto a new communalist form of Jainism. The real situation<ifthe Jainsin India todaycorresponcrs lessto a Hocartianthan to a Dumontian(19g0:2gg-301) scenario. and Svetambar reformersneverrejectedmonasticism as such. like in any other contemporary Jain sect. They include devotionalforms of worship (bhal<ri) of per guardiandeities (rstc devaa). 45.' (Sangave 19g0:410). 47 Cf.. hy confiningreligiouspracticeto the individual while strengthening the importanceof domtnantsocialpractices. modernIndiansociety corresponds lessand lessto the ancientsystem of hierarchically (vama)and. Acarya Tulsi himself. membership. In contrastto Theravada Buddhism.the fundamentalprinciplesof the Jain 'lay-revolution' go backto the 15thC.Terspanthlaity organised? In the next sectionI focus on the politicaland economicimplications of the .. Bechcrt 1970.eradicate everynon_Jaina elementfrom the Jaina community.for differentiated classes the middle classes at least. wbich inform ritual exchanges 'protection'and prestations.n-.tigious reform and tendencies secularist (Bechertr970:7 67)whichis gainingorganisationaiforce amongthe Teripanthand other contemporary Jainsects.n.Nair 1969:148.the tendency .142 PeterFt-UcEt- The ritual circle of the Terapanth SvetimbaraJains 143 emergingforms of lay religiosity. The details of this gencral trend vary.3.the legislation of the modern state had a greaterimpact on the formation of contemporary Terapanthilayassociations.r". asceticism' basedon doctrinesof 'this-worldly on the one hand and corporatelay associations on the other.. Acharya Sri has given extension to the individualand addeda new dimen-sion (p. Mchta 1982:1a0-4.inur.gu. that is the development of intermediaryinstitutionsbetweenthe ascetics proper and the laity. This is the Terdpanth. The paradoxes and ideological effects generated by these simultun"ou. to his socialcharacter.50-1. The emergence of theseprinciplescannot be attributed to the historicalinfluenceof colonialisn or christianprotestantism. 329. But a lay revoiutionhas not taken place.aT Thus. Jain codes (iravakacara) of 'this-worldly asceticism' have'canonical' rootsand can hardlybe interpretedas a modernphenomenon. while Digambar lay movementsretained most featuresof traditional Jain group religion (image-worship etc). which mediatebetweensecularand religiouslaw..who has worried for national integration and Jain unity throughout his life.The most importantstrategy being the formationand control of sectarian lay-organisations which -and act on beharfof the rerigious communitywithin the modernpoiitical regal system.o .. actualsociar I wishto argue. .of of practice."*^"T"rg on the tevel of doctrine. a weakform communalism.the Ter6panthpresently employs a'mi-xed' strategy of modernisation. uuny studieshave noted the waysin whichmodern South Asian elites instrumentalise religion for political ends. Jain organisations like thesetypicallyhaueun universaristic agendaarthoughthey are controlled by influentialpotentates and serveexclusively for the materialbenefitof their own' casteand class-based. appear as rationalisations . lj cf' sunguut 1980 on the failures of the latter. the relevanceof the religious principle of hierarchy is progressively reducedto guarantying the psychologicai compatibilityof an increasingly compartmentalized way of life with the ideal of an integralpersonality.. a unified rerigious communityand to overcome internardoctrinaidifferences by focusing on fewgeneralreligious principres.on the other hand. Gombrich & Obevcsckere van der Veer 1 1988.two complementary developments can be observed: on the one hand. But on secondary levelsthe tenuousco-existence of religious and socialorientations is intensely felt by the laity. w7.as As we have seen.t."gr.the same combinationof modernised religiousdoctrinesand bureaucraticorganisationcan be found among the Terdpanth as well.or reli totalilarianism(cf. 321.that the (inevitably paradoxical) attemptof a strict befween separation rerigionand society.communarism and -nd". "is not in favour of the amalgamationof different sects into one" (Mahdprajna 1994:i88) and has always opposedcommunalismin the name of 'pure' religion and freedom of thought. in contrastto traditionalattemptsto inc-orporate conflicting within a cosmic views hierarchy dominated by a Jain king and to the moderndesire of imagerworshipping lay reformersto .As it becomes more functionally differentiated. towards external religious universalism and internal social separation cannot be so]vedonce and for all. but whose laity is effectivetyintegratedinto a plurar nationwide framework of exclusive lay-associations parallelingthe monastic organisation. By presenting him with the principle of renunciation. In accordance with the overallpattern.u.the tendency to hurd"n internarboundaries with regardto social issues.everything speaks for a more cautioustheory of Jain religiousrefornr. allowsonlyfo.Moreover.. trrditional-hierarchicar both forms of Jain . than on the monastic order itself.ociated with imagc-worshipping secrs. Thus. like the contror of religiousproperty $.i:. Sangavc1980:313. that is the simurtaneity of . who strictrydistinguish rerigious and socialrssues :-llo. spirit possession (bhfit-pret). i"no.

Dasa.^ t ^ : . r e g a r d i n g t h e i n d i r i s i b i lconcur with any attitt by the orii.bl.the disciples ityofthcorder'3'Ishall h e a d o f t h e o r d e r ."i'i ". certain is a there practice' of iain religion and of the Terdpanthcommunity'In of the famiiy lineage(fu1umb)periodicallyassemble for marriagesand funerals (i. I shall not give refugc to anyonc who has been cxcommunicated Iff i n d a n y f a u l t s i n a n y s d d h u o r s a d h v i o f .. or thepuritv lli:l i'ffiLffi".d ::T::T:i:"Y taken principallv are 49.f ways.whichtransformsindividualsin with particular is is caste also the historical publil closely associated a '. ('by younger process and fathers-in-law sons-inoften a of uncles nephews.Thisritual.whoonlyunderspecialcircumstancesalso under the as lay followers. (religious. also decides of a guidance political to adherestrictlyto his theacdryaandhis laity.thpatr) (AK I:360-376).r ii.rtremainsrobe rulesto thc laitywill be' ffi.casteand family..Mtst oi them were born into rhe sect. Historically.D. The Bisa Osvals(Mv. '10. 'hitl notpubticise shall acarya. I..-. Indian sects. rhemmigratedfrom Rajasthan.ryo.andtomaintai Over the last 300 years many of of the Indian population(G. mediatingrole of the dcarya in socialdisputes and of the occasional Terhpanth lawyer. Sharma1984:200).r. i. I s h a l l d e v o t e e v e r y d a y o n e s d n t a y i k [ 4 S m i n u t e s l o r a t l e a s t t w e n t y .o."# ii.r.0""tohavcsect_specificmatyaddsforthelaityaswelt.o adjudicate jurisdiction employees rotates his personnel(mainly relatives civil over his sonsand and whichneednot be enforc of honourandface.000[some Terf. which are primarily responsiblefor the presentclose link bptweenJainism and commerce. soci are informal however." a"*-a i' 1e82 introduced thc Dasa Osverts has been T:ll'l:1 :-l.:ii. t'om Rajasthan to Gujarat..p".ffiffi. AK I:29' to. sons. rarely m i n u t accept estoreligi this' boro Teripanthis (r.ary-akhydn) f o o d a n d d r i n k . both i This is manifest legal). Most effective. integrated and tightly They are organised Terapanthascetics. The fact the Terdpanth. who acts in the on behalf the courts of the sect. .. Like Terdpanth the head of the Marvali family firms exercises the the acdrya. r r u u p " r p " i u l u y r c m a i n v i l i l a n t . THE Tnnepalru FLUGEL PCTET Jains The ritual circle of the TerapanthSvetambara 145 betweenmembers.ae politics The Rajasthani are the the Indian OsvEls of anti-caste of dcary of impact marya'dd vow to accept the and practice in general (anuvrat).nastic this attempiofexpanding . In mirror-image.who are expected network (iakha. confessed upity . Blsa). Today they speak Gujarati and are predominatelyfollowers of the local . seen Bhiksu. LAIrY AND THEIR oRGANISATIONS r . ....R#i:tT:::*:j (Mv.::i.. Paica..ga' p. 0 0 0The a d hSravak crents i n n e a r l y 5 0lower y e status group (bccausethey'stitl cat onions'). o t t h e d c a r y a .which they consideras a c o r t l g g g : 2 6 0 .. group' niajor a corporate as the sect also the specific institutional regulations of (Timberg 1978:93). Similarly.trnT.Terapanth acceptedsonly those witb whom they can eat togcther" (Singh.Inthiswayastrongmoralandindeedlegalbondisestablishedbetwe division (p.50 ni.. . to the Eventodaydiaspora Terlpanthismaintainan attachment a l l p r a c t i c a l p u r p o s e s ' s i m p l y b y t h e f a c t o f h i s c o n s t i t u t i v e r o l e b o t h f o r t h e r e p r t houses (&aveiis) (pir1s) where the cooperating members of their ancestors in Rajasthan.in addition to the quasi 'protestant Williams ethos' embodied in the Svetambar literature itself (cf. The Cqrtes of Marwar. religious universalism the like other combines with social of sum. the 1 llT:1L which .e. a limited period orli[elong (1vs 6. formalism' * ***ttuty and sr'atus and is seenby many TeraparthtJ rn"t" ^i -toia sbow clirssss(Heta. Bal S ajan) arc considered status-higher than " edulatign of theformer b. loyaltyto thedcaryathroughouttheir life (lrnak exclusive to the which at times offeredfew economicprospects. This rule goes back to l-onka. Acandidate. are Rajasthani BisaOsvII laity (andascetics) The greatmajorityof the Terdpanth mandatorytohaveantnterviewwiththeacarya.76).fiitri#lH.acceptsnotonlytheuniversalmoralprinciplesofJainism'br trading communities r of India. sociar.t!9 Tela.1.... . L a i d l a w 1 E J 5 : 1 t 4 ) .1-10in [o* "ffe.).therefore. T .^ ffi.RajasthaniOsvalsare intcrnally dividcd in up to four nisfu t..the say: 1 million] foliowers There are today about 500.:. Traditionallythey operatethroughkinship links and maintainwell commitmenttothesevowsisnominallyStlengthenedthroughtheircollectiverecitati joint-family firms with communalassets which are controlledby the head of organised inpublica^ssemblies(hajan)andbyaSystemofreligioussanctions. Sangave1980:379j..D. 4.tosupporttheTerapanthascetics. transgressions.. intotherightbelief(samyakwadiha).. (. I whicharenotinconcord*."#.tomonitortheirbehaviour.iri.. it is rulcs like these and the political interestsbchird them. Being a CensusReport of 1891. ChoP Sajan). and Sopher (I968:d.135).whichtheasceti family.i. AK 1991r. calling authorityoverhislaity. second-order that only Bisa Osvalbanitu shouldbe of an explicitrule which prescribed consequence performedundertheguidanceofthedcarya.panthis powerfulpressure-group and thusconstitutes and therefore a well-organised t-:Tl:Tt:l ^t"": the with exclusivism.rul' brahntar. where now form semi-permanent cities they small. it is for converts however.itt"-ora"r.1".t44 U. Cf. notions . He on the locationsfor a the family business 131.24) 0n the lasting influenceof the Chalukyaempire on current patternsof Mnrtiptjak pilgrimage circulation. ..u"ty sutrvaktva frksd or rhe ottuvratsbecausethese 9.uti Osvils nrigratedearlier. mainly during the period of the Chalukya rule (974-1238 A.tiu" organisational m. Munshi H..' l'fiftougtt the asceiics-p'opagate observances' t]lltJllt -d g"n"'J u'". They do not intermarry or interdine with RajasthaniOsvals. is usually 1992:121-2).'.1. jurisdiction of. T h e A n u v r a t m o v e m e n t h a s o n l y g a i n e d ' l o .andtoundergotheformallayinitiation (Sangave like Jain 1980..in. I dedicatemysclf to the maryadaof Acarya Bhikqu..8. that mediatesbetweenstate. locations where he sendshis in promising of branches kolli) trading politi Although the actuyacannot exerciseany regulations(cf. .. 1991:110). Th" Guju. Sravakacara 1983:mii). most subsects Banks that banids.i""uutc uti'.. attacted to prevailing and long-term associates of the family from Rajasthan)in order to prevent their bythesabhapalr(theleadersofthelocallay-communities)whoonlyinterveneint attachmentto a particular local branch and thus tendencies towards the premature caseofcrime. AtuD ascetics."r.nanthdltann' and . his Terdpanth. initiatedand accepted take a vow to acceptthe Jain doctrine the candidates Srdvaks.. 5 . Jodhpur: Books lreasure. and another who are todaya verymobile and wealthysegment as a subcategory of the Marv5ris.s(Schubring1978:285). Babb (1996137-73) on Osvil origin myths.hisdirectiveshavegreatpersuasivepowerandbecomeru le Iaw" (Timbergl9Tll. Webcr 19?8:207.i. part of rhc sixrh avaljak Mirrtipljak ascetics.Ideally excommunicates government.It was abandoned only in the 1950s..a ^ :-L J L^!. l . Z .". o.

ranking of exogamousgroups (6otras). Babb 1996:137-160).. Surana etc.panthiOsvals(cf.us) in l-adnun in 1949. four in particular towns ([-adnun.etc. C.ocal communities thefoundingof the Terapanth informally in the houses of leadingSravaks to meet visiting ascetics or for a^ssembled religious events. M. and Suranas.rAN{eAR TenApavrH Manasalua of culturalfactors (p.the corporate identities of the later commercial middle classeswere.lineages (kul). 383-5)appreciation economicperspectives.a religiousschoolfor youngwomen (upasikas)and SiksanSansthA Puromafthik (mumul<. formsa nationalcouncilof lay representatives. H. parallel framework to the religiousorganisation of the ascetics.s3 Sabha(assembly) in Calcuttain 1913. S.) and the Tuki Foundation (B.R. Dugar.formed aroundconceptions Timberg (1971) especially mentionsthe Kothari family-clanfrom Bikaner. one might I wish to combinereligiousand socio'f communityand caste. Sethiyds.C.He deniesthe importance little to do with the communityt' Terapanth Mahasabha The wasfoundedin 1913in calcutta by a number of rerapanth economic developmentper se (p :-6). 51. and t clifferences principles of solidarity and seniority also operate between families.both conditioning and a social botha religious the office bearers of the Terapantli MS in Calcutta. but also on those of the Nahatas and Gadhaiyas from Sardarsahar and Ratangarhin churu district. cooperatingfamily li (ku. These organisations in operate independently of the dcarya and are financedby theAnuvrat Trust(1949) underthe spiritualguidance and the Tulsl Foundation (1980) respectively. especially in East (p. Karnavat. THe JArN Sve.PeteTFLUGEL The ritual circleof the Terdpanth Svetambara Jains 147 as well as to Osiyan. Terapanthi The Marvaris of calcutta belongedto the secondwave of economic role of religious and family networks (p.to a lineage god ([zrl devafi) and rrot ol immediate socio-ec<lnornic relevance. 43-44). most notablytheAnuvratmovement of acarya in Delhi 1949.'fhel\neage. of political influence and economic power become relevant. Gadharya. religion' but alsothat because Jain sects. ((Onthe add the Corariyds. is a directi (p. legendaryplace of origin of the Osv[l iAti neat Jodhpur. Kathotia. Copra. Yet no formal organisation of Terapanthlay followersexisted until group'is manifest.30-31.L'6dificationd'un sectcur 6conomiquemoderne: l'excmplc d'unc caste marchande 142ff. that there 8) and creditt' and of religion base. Ddgas. C. onlydid most of the Terd. For lists of the main lay-contributors 1o the Anuvru Vydpdr lttandol (5. t95). Bayly (1983). Terapanth duality of the the constitutive I wish to emphasise have produced most prominent the lay followers of the Terlpanthi ascetics and manyof dispersed by a andbeingconditioned role. on the othel migrating businessmen. nwmrtkSus. Bhansali. which contributeto the transgenerational for dharnriatas charity-trusts (/.) see M ahepraifr a l98:-:'t -t3. J. which now funds the PSS. attachment betweenmercantilecredit and common sectarian relationship families such as the Bainginis and Baids from l-adnun and the Dugals. and Dumonr (1980:166 parc 322) and Corr (1989:15) on rhe growing cmancipation of economicsfrom politicsin lndia. in than other less visible is network' socio-economic 'pressure mostof the leadingBikaneri Marvarisin Calcuttawere Terf.. and families (paivar) can be observed. the most important the TerapanthMahasabha (=MS).preksa dhJAn andjlval vtTricnparticularly Lo sanans an<J.K. and between which are nominallyequal.which tcachesJ unism. Ini 389). RampuriAs. although he mentions the strong symbol 'Marvaris' with Rajasthan and its culture.umb). are economically brothcrs usuallythc families of stabilityof a kugumb.77). who came mainly from the Bikaner. states. N. lt is therefore safe to saythat not The indirect function of the Terapanthcommunifyas acommunityof lay supportels.Apart from the PSSwhich was establishcd by the MS all socio-religious institutionswere initiatedby the dcdrya. 54. Ancahya. Hindus and Jains still intermarryfreely amongBisa Osvdlsand statusdifferences.in demonstrating expansion((had commercial Marvai (1978) that argued Timberg of their lay-associations.sHowever.where the lineagegodde Accordingto Timbe (cf. Stern. . J. Daftari. Bhardari. .In certain contexts. 82). programmes and the ( = PSS). Dasani.nowadays organisation. borderof Bikanerand Jodhpur of Jainl Although I do not shareBayiy's(p. Sharing of assctsis only practiccdwithin a famlly @arivA). and the JainVisvaBharafi (=J\E) in l-adnun novices (Mahaprajna 1970 1987:11-12. Sujangarh. l. religiousi focusingnot only on the institutionsof the family. Chapra.52 membersof religiouscommunities. (19E2) 6 Purusailha Raiasthan". etc. S.sl (Durga) is worshippe<I (kutdevi) Saciya (1978:38)this cornbination of a network ofbranches and a centralisedcontrol with t 'organisational superiority' of the Marvaris.of cou . and Bidasar)sent a large religious conduct'i ofproper efficacy economic presumed direct for the as evidence stories number jute of into Osvdls the trade. regions of Rajasthan and arrived in Calcuttain greaternumbersfrom 1880onwards. Members of family lineages(kurunrb) commoD maintain they sometimes But indcpendent. Rampuria.which Timberg neglects. Weber (1935:203-7). and provides a centralised organisational for Terlpanth the laity. Cf.Jodhpur and shekhavati suggeststhat . which he regards family-firm explains the (ari) exist only Betweenfamiliesof the samesub-caste the key to their success.zrl) is constituted through a common historical affiliation. Only after independence were a whole variety of community other founded locally and nationallyto materiallysupport the new educational a\sociations Tulsi.the feastswhich involve the pooling and transferof resources). world of is officially divorced from the 53. and other (p. Timberg political role a as But its ploperty. H.K.D. and the important indi Marvili businessmen lawyers to foster the interests of the local Terapanthi and identification of the community. Thesefamilies Bengal" playst which ritual circle. do 52. In the following I will concentrateon the implicationsof the vihdr for the functions the importantpoliticaland economic Ter6panth(Osval)laity. Cf.The JVB is a socio-religiouscollege.panthi 'resource Marvaris Osvdl come Bikaner from district.open to non-Jains.

DuringtheFirstWorldWartheyachievedaneconomicbreakthroughand. Nahata. commerce. In 1908he gaineda law degreein Calcutta.The Ter1panthis in calcutta joined with the companies...maintainingcloserlinkstotheirancestralhomes.and developed into one of the most activesocialworkers (karyakartas) of lndia QtaceBanks 192:8)theTerapanthcommunity(p. Kothiri secretaryof the new participatedofcourseintheactivitiesofthemainMarvariorganisations(Mawa l All India Marvari samai calcutta (1898).c. All Jains were alarmedby the plans world of calcutta by gainingmore . althoughtherewasaculturalbonilwhichunitedtheRajasthanibaniasinBengal. untypical Jain Brsa osval Nagarieths) Conference or theJain communities. Copla differed from the rest of the Terdpanthbusiness communitythrough his 55. born in Derajsar(Bikaner). The fact that the control of tho undcr not a businessman.HowciosetherelationshipbetweenBikanerandtheCalcuttaMarvalisw a s beggars. in the business themselves jute.dhusduring the period of their minority either by the 1978:195).*n si-lfu.stovisitlargecitie s a n d p l a c e s o u t s iwas d e Rdcclared a j a s t h a nas u na til194 9 highereducation. 39.aryo rur.The y A sabha meeting under the presidency of Talu Ram was called.a'great 'Mawdtis'' Not apparentlyregardingthe of regionalcategory general the within existed circles of social accountability of the trustee. BisaOsvalfamiliesa]Ioverlndia. Sharma198a. He was an osvii.did not diversity TerapanthiMarvaris initially their families had to remain in Rajastharlss takeany money'for runningthe templefor all the iocalJains(sukhalal 1991:46-7).Iain of the Terdpanthis in the religiouspropertyof the Jain community in Calcutta.I.Mukim from Bikaner. sablta asa formally registered while his father p[sraj copra worked in Rangapur(Bengal) youngJain to classify which threatened BiIt of 15. i and more baniasl'rips(guaranteed commission itinerant life of the Jain mendicants(who distance themselvesvehemently from 'brahmarlissl beggars') impossible.TheSabhathuscameinto being as a formal organisation clwmber not only to economicinterest groups' as and other cross-cutting Mdn.One of the sablta.B. to do so. f"--'i".Svetdmbar New lett t:tilano[-. i" C^rcutta .. and Dhadeva was elected president and KC.* can be found the jute season Calcutta) .Terapanthdc_aryasforbadetheirascetic.J (Narhmal 196g:147-8.mostly until 1959.1913.heemergenceofthesetwoseparatetypesofspecialinterestgroups spheres of economicand socio-cultural com-pa.art Relief Society) resistthe Navalik CelaRegistration Federation.T.S.. protest. and thelravaks had outside Jains cxpatriate Terf. a lawyer.rs9ff. only because K.p""oi'ri**ru.9. andslowlyestablished of the legislativecouncil.200)' by 1914:518). would have made the traditional rntt:nu": agencies)from British. tssr."o from Bikaner ut.'t stress to and it is sufficient The history of the Marvalis is well known of the Jain SvetambarPancayat Mandir in Calcutta. and please to the colonial government with social sabha. became Dynamics the most influential nte community leader Dwijendra' is not for (Tripathi.etic. a but in Ahmedabad.andtoother would establish its own independent organisation. 46).lute of Terapanthi Sabha.t . and worked as ascc(ics_but a specialist for in insurance only law until he was not forbiddenarea(anaryaksetr) no religiousConsequently' (Mahaprajna1994:197-8)' 60. pu. do usuallynot dispose of the necessary contributed to thc of both r*1:roo-2). He was famed for the free legal advice he gave to 'people in when d. the first of the Marvari p. 1821 in (fountlcd 56.c.Jain svetambarPancayati Mandir) reforms.the rrustee that. . Gacch as. and even Chogmal'sfather sufferedfrom his close contacts with Nahatd. government minor boysand girls from beingturned mendicants or sf. Kolhari then decidedthat the Ter5panthtradition (sampraday) keptmainlytothemselves. was invited to coordinate Jain But very soonproblemsin workingtogetheremerged. He was thereforedeclaredan outcaste by the Bisa Osval pancayatfor the rest of his life. _which (founded 1g03 by Ahrnedabad millcxvners) ln"tra to be able to construct a sufficient Tapii (sa4tvegi) reformed the of ideological platform on which to build a lay of the institutionof theyati and to the-conte-p"t".ratherthanwiththeirneighbours(Jain1988). Marva4 Association.an importantjute merchant. Following-ancientpricedent' Bengal S. For irstance thesetlt Anutdjl Katyaryii trust his rnan of of Tradirion:. 'culturalcapital' . tlsan accountant (munlm) to theNwalik CelaRefistration of I. Bill.30).who was forced to declarethat the M[rtip[jaks .G.D.tmentalization the increasrng Althoughit fulfilled secondary illustrates social.J q 148 Peter FI-Ucel The ritual circle of the TerapanthSveEmbara Jains r49 ((toprevent of the United Provinces. into who make them over to the so-called ( a n d i s ) i l l u s t r a t e s t h e r e m a r k o f M a h d r a j a S u r a t S i n g h f r o m B i k a n e r i n l S 8 3and :((Calcut ta parents sadhus or by sadhus who make them such Most of the Mdrvaristradedin cloth force or falserepresentations" (singh and Bikaneris one" (G. Banks 19i:103-5) Jain businessmen Enrrepreneunhip.c. but alsoto Protectthe shares well as the main Jain organisations (. Cort 1989:100.theSabhd However' the focus of the socio1968:438)' (Singer p"opi" business primarily was Indian a vehiclefor the defence among of community interests in the courts.o-to.{ to protestagainstthe resolution(which neverbecamelaw: the beggars MlrtipDjaks establishedtheinstitutionalandfinancialbasisfortheirpresentpositionasoneofth ei act India' \ in post-independence communities distinguishes of 1948 sadhw from 'beggars') most influentialbusiness and R. politicaland economic functions. Nahatawas 'profJssional to imprisonthem if caughtbeggingon the and beggars" the with first Jain Osvil who broke the religiousrule against mendicants travellingoverseas and went to the UK streets'L. if passedas a biil.whichwasmodelled the Terapanth became main activistsand the secondpresidentof the Terapanthsabhd was chogmal copra activitiesof the Terapanthis religious (1883-1976).where his mother stayedin onsimilarself-regulatinginstitutionsamong.V.which.panth Mirvaris generation (who ii"t today control the majority great amotg of the law firms in (March-tune. (Sukhalali1991:41). 1978:195'193) families (Timberg childrcn a-nd *o. (cf.c."t** disappearance i991b:659)' 1991a:402-5.Kytyrblai' Lalbhai and education.Singhproposedafour-pointresolutiontothelegislativecouncilo fth e in 1887.C.othersects'sTheestablishmentoft he occurredonly in 1913'in lesponse the religiousassociation family house(haveb). ot end the *t"t need' to return i'"qu"*tv to o"]i:lll: prominent :::illt community could be formed.

. was the membership of the Sabha widened. headedby Bhanvarmalsinghi and SiddharajThalha1ha. Iike the MS. under from other regionsof India. of the Terapanth great all Indian assembly in remote communities are sabhds. organised? And how doesit handleproperty? The prime official aim of the MS is to representthe interests of the Terrpanth community vis-d-vis the institutions of the modernIndianstate. by dcdryaTulsl forty ratified were of those demands Most.Only a very few. Ed.which are about Rs. AJso in recentyearsmajor investments havebeen madein order to createa permanentinfrastructure for the new communityinstitutions. xiii-xiv.000 (Goonasekere 19g6:207) which areusuallypaid by the localsabttapati. on the contrary. oldfield 1gg2:71).the BharutlyaTerapanth Akhil was named Sabhd From then on. but not all (viz.e. Timberg 1918:69). KeSroyCand Kothari. lts tenets. '(Account of the TerapanthiSect of SwetambarJains. of the ascetics locations annuallists of cdturmds for all India' laity the Terf. often do not possess betweenascetics and laity is complementarity of hierarchical relationship characteristic on the one intellectuals are members whose leading itself. lit.s8 Membersof the association can be ((any Shrawaka or Shrawika who hasattainedthe ageof 18yearsirrespective of caste. In accordance with Tulsi'sreformsthe MS thereforechose asits main aim the promotion of 'educational work' (i.which is a traditionalconcernof Jains(JSTM 1987:1-6). mostly small. Rajasthan outside a. and caste were favouredas the elementary socialunits (there are still no communitymeals among the Terapanth laity).Calcutta:Superintendcnt GovernmentPrinting.s Sheth Kesree Chand [K. 'listeners'of the sermons of the Jinas) have been given a narrow'sectarian interpretation.and his religiousviews. Banks lgg2:1046).panthi of organisation MS actedas the central coordinating co-operation of systematic sign The main outward under direct instructionof theacdrya. However.Rcport.000. reserving them for lay membersof the Terapanthsect alone:'('Shrawak' or 'shrawika'meansa personwho hasimplicit faith in the Acharyaof the Jain Swetambar TerapanthiSect.ritualisticinhibitionsagainst of a-scetics (cf. 3). The 'economic capital'. local associations given in the by the names arounda prominentfamily. and the sharingof expenses for the four monthsof catumtds of theacaryaand his group.as is indicated areas. similar local Terdpanthcommunities recognising Mahasabhd. This is why they need intellectualsto do this on their behalf. old fashionedexcretionary concerned foreign travel.si but also best served by maintaining goocl working-relationships with the abolition of child initiation (bdldlka). raceand nationality" (p. in the courseof thc censusoperationst (Keshrotr of India 1921 for giving t'considerableassistance the Ccnsu. reactedto state-legislation Sangh' They were opposedby the youngradicalsof the now defunctTerdpanthTarury who even (youth assembly). The intellectuals. FORMALORGA}ISATIoN 'Howis a Jain lay-association.and in his rules of conduct and limitations.was praisedby 57. Appendix IV. 1924:appendix). acquireor sccurecopyrightsin Agama pubrications'(JSTM 19s7:5). of dcaryaT:ulsr influence the later. for instance.stressing particurarly the importanceof meditationand the preservation and publicationof books.T.until acdryaKdrlram's recognitionof the MS.'(JSTM 1987:5)' The MS is also particularlyconcerned with maintaininglegal control over its charitable fundsas with similar charitableassociations of the Jains(cf.the Terdpanthi-centre in l-adnunand assembly houses (sabhabhavans) with ribraries for the laity in major cities. India. The changes the monasticortho<1oxy challenged whichwere interests.ho was sccretaryof the TerapanthSabhdin 1924.150 PeteTFLUGEL The ritual circle of the Teripanth Svetambara Jains t51 community. Vo'I. (and) promoteor opposeany legislation or other measures and enactments affectingJainism. Sadhvis. Marten. bAldItqA) and are after IndianIndependence of the generalsocialchanges yearslater in the course (Mahaprajna 1987:10-13).and industry. shrawaksand shrawikas. ancl also in the religious principles of the Jain Swetambar TerdpanthiSect" (p. 2. the Sabhd wu an organisation designed in calcutta and ladnun. Only TerSpanthis organisation and the (1946-1960). laity within the replicated thus on the other. the conceptof community welfarewas rejectedby the Terapanthon doctrinal grounds." In Censusof Indio 1921. business etc. policyof the Terapanth nowpart of the officialsocio-religious In the early decades of its existence. transformed itself into the first nation-wide institution of the Terapanthi laity by all over India as affiliate members. untouchability relatedto socialcustoms with the British. coiour. It thus appears as if membership of the MS is open to all Jains'But this is not the case.C. the Calcutta Terdpanthlay the all of Today almost laity. the Terapanthiscould not promote the constructionof temples and also rejected the sthanakvdsinotion of 'social charitable work' as religiously iilegitimate. . still assemble In due coursethe (Nawatanmal1991). )li' one aim is "to purchase. were not only they demanded itself.scetics children and the movementof wives. and in the Sadhurvho follows his order. Kothari]. planning of the between the independentlocal communitiesbecamethe centralised of the MS material infrastructure of the ritual vilnr from the two central offices(Sakhas) u. i.)and (women.e the propagation of rerdpanthi Jainism). arguingthat the propagation of social charityas a religious valuewould only serve the rich (Tulsi 1gg5:162ff.. hand and businessmen of the time belongedto the conservative. As non-image-worshippers. and were supporters wing of the TerapanthSravaks but did not pressfor reformswithin the Teripanth sectitself. Instead.I. Sabha members Most of the decisive They of the National Congress.culture or order of Jain Sadhus. Part I. J.the family. Membership of the MS is thus was closedto The organisation purely for the interestsof the Calcutta Terapanthis. that is ((toconsider.on the other hand. the generalJain termsjrdvaka and irdvikd (male and female laity. practices in towns. 3).

held in the of the (sangh). Decisionsabout andterritorialsegmentation.the temporary transformation any controlledby Teripanthis into a charitable of business ofl00members(incl. democratic' thus establishing a system of balances that are crucially and dependent communities modern is structure of a strict separation betweenascetics and laity. of the MS and opelatesits publi spokesman the as u.T\eWorkingCommitteetlansacts major functions crux economic within Jain communities. thetreasurer..123.This on discipleship oretlicated MS'se '"o'"'oual can remain in the ffi:. but he is informally (antaik go$lht). is notinuiif tt" presidency 'secular' as 'socio-religious' particular property Whether a fund is as treated depends or withvisitingandsupervisingmeetingsandfunctionsofthelocalsabllasthroughoutlndia.andtheheads(scnyojaks)ofState-committees'andprescribestheirduties the president runningof the organisltl*.thepresident)whoaredirectlynominatedbythepresident(and institution. r e l i g i o u s a c t i v i t i eof softhe. Generally. They haveto 'prcserve. i i the 5 g .6l These funds have to be investedin the best interestsof the community..Thehighestrepresentatlve. whose proprietor entirely on the The statute that concern is an heal "any Like the acarya orthe Cottttttittee dby a Working.Duringhis he is preoccupied because his. managed the sect but by the elected. 23.i.'"formal features bureaucrattt t"Ylt'1t]'""1* and combines (samaj).of mutual controlsbetween 60. supervise and managed is MS (the) (JSTM associate of Mahasabha" 1981:4)can also be a member. nobody will act against his recommendations..portun. who take all economicdecisions .".. Cf. In fact. Sangave 1980:376-9.mon.l$)1. Charitable funds used sources are sometimes ascommunal of credit and fulfil withtheconsento|theacarya)foratwoyearsterrn. T e r a p a n t h ' { ' { unrlcrstanding " f .Cf.10-11).t:^tot actual most prosperous the Therefore the in and capableindividuals are usuallyelectedto the posts person key The (p. Oldfield 1982:87-8).paralleltothedhatmasahglt. ug"in the verv-endof the iiut tiri..231.--r The ritual circle of the Terdoanth Svetambara Jains l)J t52 PeterFt-ucel power'because theacarya's partlyexplains to the dcaryu.62 ign The two'other key personsare 26-30)' (p' MS the of papersin ttre name all necessary them and the R ryrt". TheAsianAge2j."'o a centralised to guarantee is frameworkof the MS designed The organisational AND POWER STATUS for beinga candidate for any of the key positionsis to gain One of the main incentives of the assets of the MS trusts. and accusationsabout the mishandlingof communityaccounts the allegedmisuseofJ\fB-funds by are commonplace.whichistypicalformodernJainsects. tt of i.. general for the t" of chief trustee..J 'sgneivi"xl:lt-!i""t 'SHRAWAK' anO *The definition of the words remain unaltered" (JSTM 1987:37)' . Carrithers 1989:."1. observed. point "ti" the delinition clause shall always the MS is underli""a tV tr'-"i""t "l"""ir. cf.Italsoappointsthegeneralsecretary' centuries. 53. on the maintenance projects in new socio-religious are leadingmembersof the usually taken by investments bodyoftheMSistheGeneralMeetingofallmembers. tr.Itsmainfunctionistheelectionofapresident. male of usually leaders of the lay name n a t i o n w i d e c o o r d i n a t i o [ o f s o c i o .3. Reynell 1991:51. Bhansali(P."t.sometimesthe powerful fcw do not repay what they have withdrawn from the community funds. B y a d d i n g a s t a t u t e w h i c h d e f i n e s t h e w o r < l l r a v a k a a.ofdualleadership.i..fretation t.developand safcguard all the propertiesand fundsof the Mahasabhatt (JSTM 1987:22). 'greatfirm' he is constantly on the Marv6{ traditionai a of proprietary context.and blessings only overallhierarchicalstructure... like tlrose other Terapanth of contemporary Jain sub-sects. but the general His main the voters list etc' are kept' and accounts (Mahaprajna tt'" manage MS trusts and funds if it were a business the of the association as *t'"'" office in Calcutta. He will his if he agrees with a project.ifulfilsmainlyrepresentativeandgenera l s uthe p e r MS visio n acorrectly lfunctions'He are and araryo tle of reguiations and contemporary Jains.ensi.However. p.oo. Banks 1992:6.lr".fl should ensure that the rules It is necessary between the charitable institutions.. a n d t o s19&7:17).and can ('give loans on interest . the MS intentionally safcguarding for . them and their on the other. Tlus potlatch-likesystem them with access to favoursthe rich and supplies responsibilitiesaretokeepproperaccoun|\tounderta k e a n y l e g a l a c t i o n s .?3. without securities' (p. t : n i c h i s k nof ow n a lterm m o s and t viorut".." memorandum: effects organisatio.whoactsaSthesabhapati (educational) purposes money for charitable and how to spendthe funds of the surplus (leaderofthelaycommunity)andisthefo'*ulequivalenttotheacaryawithinthe give Terapanth foundations.R.Itmeetsfourtimesayea r acommittees' n d i s m a i n l yand resp onsiblefor the or departments new of creation the pilgrimage political sites and internal dynamic Jain associations is the of often the battle the framing of regulations' for control of community which have the assets accumulated over decades or even been settingupandmanagementofcharitiesandfunds.andhastherighttocriticisethebehavioural.". .laxity'ofitsmembers. 15-S).r."^.maintain. Mukherjee (CPI intensifies probe into swindle.. effectively.ur .facilitatesthe move. of office (p' 30-1)' misuse the prevent to is generalsecretary (r1. Banks 1992:101-8." interests oI exclusivelyto its membcrs..dayaffairsoftheorganis at i o nsite i s t hof e bthe i a nmaryetda" n u a l A n n u a l Terapanth the at asslmble who members' 51 The dcdryadoes not legally own any property.:. Mehta 1982:100-2. 62. However. treasurer and secretary.TeraPanth'li'o. The communityproperties control over the management sect are. to distinguish on the one hand.with the exception of the DigambarTerdpanthmovements. the treasurerand the chief trustee. GeneralMeetingof at least new inforn\ed of all developments and alwaysaskedfor his adviceon where to donate maltots(N.own business to neglect fo""O landed property and the trusts and owned by members.e i'. Sangavc1980:329. Carrithers1988:817-8.the management of Jain religiousproperty is basedon trust. Balbir 1990:178.".o. is This arrangement the norm among T\esabhdpa..ro. Seefor instancc its secretaryC.l s .5.Butmoreimportantwithregard 'at community which assemble the feet' dctuya to discuss of the the issue totherunningoftheday{o. the of disputesover allnecessarybusinessoftheMs..

Laidlaw (1990) and Smedley(p'c) made similar observations Rcyneli (1985:1?2).c.hannaandanha. and who rulesprimarily throughpersonal moral authority'The Terapanthsystem is nominallydifferentbut operates in exactlythe sameway. chojnajd (o. are and power religion however.s In practice. . Purely sociogleatest the with the indil.The to remair to the money more rich and prominent fr" ii ioa""a.wo parallel Status-systems (who one.but the smdra*s at the funeral sites of Bhiksu and Tulsi .hannarajas). which mark the important events (kalyanak)in Bhiksu'slife.J'. can be transmitted hand. Bayly 1983:3g3).Asarb sukla L3 fi26.likc osiyan etc. althoughthe namesof the donorsand the donatedsumsare are involved candidates of the fact that several The consequence communitymagazines. continueto grow. Charitable contactwith therr toes.6).conceive How do'I'erapanthis.which of charitablegiving However.his self-initiation (bhav trrtcse and the tounding (sthapana) of the Teripanth in Kelv5. "*p"ri.s life: his birth in 9-5:1l: Kantaliya." Caitra Sukla 9 1760.be*u. r u u y a w a r e t h a t t h e m o n e y h e i s g i v i r r g 5 l a r a | l b e i n g ^ t h r o m a wgiven' ay. as arebrdhmanicnotionsof purity.Iialbir 1990:lg4). Bhadrapad Sukla 13-1803 (AK I:43-4). fi": historic sites (aitihasik srhat)of thc Terapanth arc all rclated ro Bhiksu.Jains transactors consid. possible only through Tulsl's' Among the Terapanth all this was rendered elected. promotesthe construction of dhannidlasandof memorials (smdraks) in the villagesof Rajasthan to honourthosewho have'served the cause of Jainism. Asarh Sukla plrnima 1760. but hiddenawayand not explicitlyemphasised in socio-religious contexts. two paradoxical generated 'religious'from the social . are other the on transactions. thus. informing socio-religious life. and his ieath (svargaws) n Siriyari.who throughexemprary actsof renunciationconvertsraw power into status.miracle shrires' by Sravakswho scek help for worldly endcavoursvia commemoration of their saints. communityassets control' in turn' donate from their prosperity. In contrast to other Jain Zca4.will be who donate regularlyto the socio-religious karyaknrtas).ri"*.arate religious category bui as honorific term for a merchant who acts AS a mah-airavak (cf. and which becamesecondorder praces of pilgrimagealong with rulsi's birthplace and the JVB in l-adnun and the site of his cremation in Gang'sahar. social and othir religious community the again: the socialsphere 1985)'It also does not regard (Reynell dan male tap and femaie does not recogniseu'co-pl".are also used as . reinforcingthe is that the total assets invitations for cdfurmas.As a projectsof their sect.e. name of the sect is in the held property the effects:Firstly.Marg Klsna t2 1751. Dumont 1980:190f.63 even proposition into an attractive donations turnedcharitable doctrineof visarjan.in particular thc Sthanakvasrs ierapantlis . thc preside over which trust committees ]n't spend_most ot the chafrtaDle religious propcrty circuiate between thcm" (Laicllaw 190:114).traditionally both Buddhists and Jains recognise a hierarchical continuumbetweenpower and renunciation. the continuingdoctrinal cievaluation for businessmen.ignu["ingUotUtirat he is wealt(y. 49 on the hierarchisation of pilgrimageplacesin Jain sacredgeographyand Laidlaw (1995:t58)-a sub! (1996:10g) on secondorder Jain shrines'Visiting their historic pLccs itas a p. The most famous of these are the Blkhanjl ka jann sthan in Kantaliya. Cf.* In order to quarify as the 'twin-ideals' of mahairavok and.the two main'acaryas .Bechert (1970:766) and Tambiah (1984:a9) have shown. . Politico-economic power is presupposed. .hands. (JSTM 79g7:3.As a to be merelyof socio-religious considered In theory' support' social attracts charitableness and attractsreligioussuppolt. one. respect generates asceticism rule.s life is often represented as a replication of M_ahavir's life by underplaying the importancc of liis initiation (drovya trrlqd) into the Sthanakvasi sect in Bagrr. particularly during the processof issuing in secret competitive giving Qnaunseva). 63. Granoff (o.ered. Cf. culminatinginthe sabhapali ancla socio-religious culminatinginthe dcarya. espcciallyat thc anniversaries of their daysof death (cf. 215). like ideal Jain or Buddhist kings (d.o.Similarly.8." io the material hc presentsietrft is not used as se. incentive to give even more' andpower? status between of the relationship then. Sheth (198a:14). (cort 1991a:410)as religious values'To be wealthyis not a spiritualvaluebut merely a matter of soiio-ecooo-ic status(lariryar).s analysisof the 'spiritual value' of wealth among Muitipujaks is implausible. und "l. The Ms. of their presumedmagicoonly because No doubt. They present themselves in public thereforeas individualsof religiouseducationand of flawlessmoral character. value.minimal be can and projects(Wiiliams. r" ita:""g-'i.Bhiksu. being the concept of the spiritualry supeiior person i. The fundamental notion. cort. therefore. . like wealth (clhan)or power (Jakti). (abhini.kranrm) from the sthanakvasisinbagrr. rhe Jaitasimhajtt<i chati in Bagri.which both wilr be markedwith new memorials. thelr two yearsin office. only rule.turity of areoftentwo sides of the same coin. thusembodying both morality (dhama) and power (artha). they think. Sophcr r9(B:4zz. although *ost io-*unities . exceptthat only the dcaryahas the power to investa person formally with socio-religious status: Ter1panthcommunity leadersare considered to be the protectors of thetreligionin the socialsphere.idual is not necessarily regardedas noneconomic status criteria. tej. who of coursealso visit other sacredsites.cdomin)ntly touristicaspectfor the Terapanthis. and operatewith ambiguous status-categories which mediatebetweend.promote public hcalth and educationas well' thrce levels:religion and society. economicpower)..As Dumonr( 19g0:1g7.trs enrighrenment the separarion iaral. Most lay-projects concernreligiouspublishingand rulsi-inspiredbuildingprojects.social' as and from the religiouspoint of view regardedas of givingmoneyis hidden from process the prestigious (legai)point of view. The official TeraPanthdoctrine spheres.154 PeterFLUcBt- I ---F The ritual circle of the TerdpanthSvetambara Jains i55 that the communityitself can profit in the expectation and prestige.ielh for the 'ideal Mlrtipujal layman. moral hero.) p.falcti) which.) p.. Secondly. the more closerthe donor is likely of the members include frequently charity whicl make big donationsto The prominent mcrchant famit'ics t:l^tl?l committces sangh t'he on places the ind funds.becauseit is expectedthat those in occurring ancipay all the expenses to the variousfundsof the organisation generously 'during 'socialworkers' renowned Qtrabhavakas. 1g3).and within EffectivelyTcrapanthisdistinguish 64.. for example.c. a religious operatewithin the community. lay people often venerateascetics through direct religious powers (oi.p.In devotinghis surplus money to chariry the merchant is among Jaipur (Khartar G*qh-.and eyes. (cf. cf. There are only few legitimateavenues for charitable donations. the sociailyencompassing Qnahapurus). religious. and the Bhiksu smdrak in siriyari. publishedby prrbli.1983:153)' e*p""rdituieson their oun sectarian but also the (Marriott) in this sensc.o a n d p o t e n t i a l t r a d i n g p a r t n e r s u . )iaurtipajais: that he useshis wealth wiselyand well' Both potentialinvestors .cs.

J a i n c h a r i t a b la e form i n s t i tof u t iwellonsideally to erectoral into matters and families for the wealthy of advantage allocation of-vihdr regions."rr. Karnataka 11.Bayly(1983:387. k e t s ) . explains the political importance of the selection p. WORKING COMMITTET MEMI-}ERS (a) Jodhpur Sambhag (b) Ajmer Sambhag (c) Udaipur Sambhag (d) Jaipur Sambhag (e) Bi-karer Sambhag Haryana Punjab Delh. o n b o t h a s c e t i c s a n d l a i t y . differentialsamongthenominallyegalitarianMarvals.o*i.Nepal & other foreign countries Z I z Z I 3 z Z I 2 Bayly.Cf. it is crucial for the individual . if they are prepared to limit themselves and to sharesome of that wealth with the community. they do not form 67.which aderived f f e c t s tfrom h e i r s o c i a l 6. F o r o u t s t a n d i n g c o n t r i b u t i o n s a s c e t i c s r e c e i v e'statebssemblies' of the Terapanthisect. sectarian. T h e s y s t e m a i m s a t s y n t h e s i z i n g i n d i v i d u a l s e l f .Cf.s(1983)studyofNorthlndiansocietylTT0-1870-thatamongJainssocio-religious (Source:JSTM 1987:11_i2) statustranslates. Jain communities. which in the caseof the Terdpanthis restricted to the funding of the annual pilgrimageand Tulsi's moral-educational projectsand practicallye".or classbackground. who still control theAll India Jain Svenmbar Terapantht tvfattasabha. precedingthevihdr. p a r t i c u i a r l y i n t h e l i g h t o f g r o w i n g c o m p l a i n t s a b o uThe t numberof reserved seatsfor the members vanishingcommunityspiritandg. m " n d u t i o n s o f t h e a s c e t i c s .o.directly. theseterritorialdivisions are merely formal structures. and S}voare nominated directlyfrom the t h e y S u b s t a n t i a t e c l a i m s t o r e a i a s s e t s . t h r o u g h t h e m e d i a t i o n o f t h e v a l u e .* Rajasthan OT. delusion 3. kannic of as a form 4. transformthe relative competitive The limits of effectivecommunities are.and important onry with regard w h i c h f o c u s o n t h e s o c i a | p e r s o n a o f a n i n d i v i d u a l .i d e a s o f k a r m a ' s t a t u s ' a n d h o n o u r ' organisational structure of the Teripanth.i n t e r e s t a n d c o m m ushifting nity structures.. . Tamilnadu 10.irdes the wider society.'gegotism. impossible to determinein terms of clearrydemarcated beingandsecurityforthewholecommunity.beingtohelpthesuccessfulmemberslegitimatetheirwealthandtobecomeeve npersonalallegiances and overlapping commitments to a wholevarietyof informal and formal institutions. perceived by the participants in termsof wideningcircles of well. Orissa 9.Bay1y1983:389'Reynell1985:1?3'Banls1992:84ff''Cort1991a:407' of familiesof commonregional.securar."-o"rut"" rnrtinJtr. fundsbutexpectadequatereturnsintheformofreligiousdonationsflowingbackinto are not substantive. e . (apmdn). socialstatuscategories.l Although the Jain laity are organised and tend to live togetherin urban neighbourhoods 66. Assam 8. Maharashtra 13. caste. this can only be considered 2. However.Madhya pradesh L5.whichthey'"int"'pt"tintermsoftheJainconceptofthe spirituallysuperiorperson'Theascetics'forinstance'oftena l l u d epride tothe Ma-n) drvaflethos (rn honour (kzat)' or they refer to the of moral respectability(dbrlt) andfamily holdersof politico-religious io r.The social pressures and competitiveconstraintsof this system. like others.156 Peter FlUcs.from a-strictlydoctrinal public honourtrg (sanmdn) and dishonouring (ntaya). in fact. b u s i n e s s i s o n e t h i n g .eventhough. a n d t h e T e r a p a n t h f o u n dwho a t i odid nsg i v e c work a s h a w\ a r d s lay individuals 1 tatch ntpeesto acknowledged to up Qturaskar)of f o r c o m m u n i r y a n d r e l i g i o n . theory (1995:35a) Iaidlaw's credibilityand stirs .anddespite from calcutta.according to the following territorial quotas: kalyanakbdnuspointsfromtheacdrya'whichmaybecashedin ascompe nsationfor order laVpeople receivecashawards'In receivedfor negligentconduct'a1l TABLE II _ TERRITORLO\L OUOTAS FOR penances TI]E SELECTION t o m o t i v a t e s e r v i c e t o t h ' e c o m m u n i t y t h e T e r a p a n t h i s a l s o e m p l o y a g r e a t v a r i e t y o f 1.evenamongJains.The honorific \ empiricalfactors:For Terdpanthrs by a combinatiJnof rationaland explained but alsobecause public recognition they guarantee titles are desirablenot only because more successful. power.Ardhra pradesh 12.bothinreligiousandsocialcontexts'areacofilmonmeansofgeneratingstatus 5.4. territoriallyboundentities.Theygrantthemaccesstothecharitable geographical areas(weber r9g5:277).Weberl985:123.Today. a n d r e l i g i o n a n o t h e ralso ' modern Indian state have right'67 been balance the get to incorporatednot only within the 'religious' But.lgt office and proximityto the with access associated poini of view. lt shows that the territorial divisions of the t h e m o r a l .L The rirual circleof the Terapanth Svetambara Jains r57 has to be validatedthrough service(sevd)'communitywork a form of socio-religious titles' i aloneholdsthe right to confersocio-religious by the ai'aryo'who public appraisal Tulsibestowednolesstharr4gdifferenttypesofhonorifictitires(sambodlran)duringhis 'good r e i g n . M a be haprajna public honours on community of effect motivatin"g lggl:12). i n c l u d i n g m e m b e r s f r o m o t h e r sworkers e c t s ( c f can . o .but situationally segmentary t h e i n s t i t u t i o n . Gujarat 1.392-3)andSinger(1968)fordifferenthistoricalfornrsofcompartmentalisation' . REGIoNALAND I-oCAL ASSEMBLIES The selectionof members of the l4rorking Committeeby the president is carefully regulated: 20voof the committeemembersare selected from representatives proposed by the variousaffiliatedrerapanth institutions.Urtar pradesh 16.intoeconomiccreditseemshoweverimplausible(this table showsthe highlydisproportionate p r e s u p p o s e s m o n o p o l y m a .which are often intentionally constructedfor specific purposes. but also within the complementary I n s u m .i Bilar Bengal (a) excluding Calcutta (b) Calcutta 5 1 5 2 6 3 3 2 2 2 tt 7.

The rivalry between local sabhassurfaces only before the ntarya-da mahotsw.ro. for thevihdr. free medicalhelp etc.However. (JSTM 1987:6)' l-eaders ofany localsa bha canapproach thelltorkingConunitteeand ask for help in organising specificreligious events. oncetheyhavegaineJthe btessings of the acdrya for their religious. projects'like organising provisions association.::'Jj. rike the rocar sabhds or powerful families. ouppry' ililTff : fiiiJ. fund.2 In spiteof the coordinating activityof the MS.ll"r: His social strength derivesnot only from his religious position. trust or charity for the benefit of Jains and the causeof Jainism.Although he hasno immediatecontrorover communityproperty or the sociar life of his followers. Committees are temporary organisations which are formally established by the WorkingCommittee for a specific purpose.1 ... aidor subscribe rotheestabishment' . meditationcamps (Sibirs).. who mediates betweenthedrnnnasangh.The paradigmatic casefor committeeformation occurs duringthe vihdr of the ascetics. actualcommunityamongthe Teripanthis is alwaysa situational. Elias 1978. but arso from his functionar contribition to the maintenance of a balance between the latentcompetitive tensions between independent business families whichare nevertheless looselyinterdependent and tied by marriagelinks and therefore interested to submit to a common social framework vis-a-uis competingsocial groups and the state'6e Thereis a residue of the ancient role of the moral king in the institution of the sabhdpati.Despitethe obvious tendencies towards corporatism and bureaucratisation' thevihar isavolatileand contested process which not only integratesbut also systematically dissolves the unity of the elementswhich have beentemporarily assembled .Atotal communal integration and reificationof a Teripanth community is systematically preventedbecauseof the principalry unpredictableand arbitrary way in which the acarya distributeshis favours. and the effortsof acarya Tulsi to transform the entire fourfold sanghinto a corporativereligiousorganisation..::iJ::il"ffi T..or educarional project.iuiio^.il".whichtheymay treat as a form of credit.".The system (sub-)committees. and the modernstate.: .as Carrithers & Humphrey (1991a:6-1 pace p.and consequently the ability to mobilise the resources of the community . It is the duty of the working committee ttto opcn branchesin othcr placesand to form ard establish institutions. of constituting which are giventhe powersto raisefunds independently. Cf.. families. 69. The crucial point about committeeselectionis the role of the charitabletrusts.Terapanthis tend to stress the 'unity' of their lay associations organisational in order to limit the 'artificial'competition betweenthe local sabhds. the lay community acts also as a socio_econr . is one of the crucialmechanisms for the articulationof the competition for controlwithin the MS.i:'il:#::i.economicand religiousrelationships.His relativeweakness.ris for the support of theacaryaand his projects. Their presencerequires 'local action' for organisinga whole variety of religiousand social functions..which are substantively independentand not under direct of the MS.theraity.nuy u" peculiarto the Terapanthis. compared to thedcarya. or charitable causes scholarships.personarity. haveto support the selectedfamily or committee for the time being.7 158 FLUGEL PCTET The ritual circle of the Terdpanth Svetambara Jarns because it is the dut promote. The localSabhds maintainreligioustrustsadministered by electedcommittees.m* n* "'res community.when the ascetics are maximally dispersedamong the lay communities.he is not only the sourceof spiritualpower' but also the effective organisational focusof the sect. Weber 1985:201.and thereforethe equivalent socio-religious of the singhals of the ascetics and the branches of Marvari firms.bur multiple overlapping networks of social. The moral principre under$ng this selection process is that all rerdpanth u."Jr"j#l"rlXilii:j.life-giving.:236_47.. whoseinfrastructure is organised as a communaleffort by a whole seriesof stateand local committees. Throughout control the year the Terapanthiinstitutions are formally united and form a single body of members. who competenot only economically but also in terms of socioreligious status.f . as the Terdpanthis maintain(Nathmar 196g:123).[::'tT::i::::J. and manifests itself in the assemblies of the members of thosedormantlay institutions..r.as the tangible manifestationof Jain uu. As a rule theseare focusedon the male householders.. of all community fundscombined. However.and specialpurpose committees are elected by local sabhas. Thisis possible.346_65.. departmentsor committcesor sub-committees for furtheranceand fulfilmcnt of the objectives of the Mahdsabha' (JSTM 1987:6).*. whosetranslo calviharseriallylinks several localTerdpanth associations in a spatio-historical chainof revived community institutions.68 Examplesare legal committees or committees for the promotionof educational (libraries. His actions continualy break open a socialspace whichvestedinterests.i'il. . temporaryaffair. which are temporarilyactivated by visitingascetics.. 8-9) assume. Various memberscompetefor the control of thesefunds allocatedto a specificsub-committee to financea particularreligious event.The potentialfor communityformation.ancrdraw onto resources from the whore India_widenetwork of the Ter'phnth Mdrv.In this limited way. Within the frameworkof the MS the segmentary dynamicmanifests itself through the process of committeeformation. the main incentiveis the prospect of gainingtemporaryaccess to the wider nationalpool 68.is riterally embodied in his . try to controland monopolise' In this sense the autocratic religiousregimeof the Terapanth acdrya is indeed the precise opposite of a dictatorial poritical organisation. irraluio*t. Rudolph & Rudolph 1983:206 ources ur. materially and socially. 159 monolithic 'corporativeentities'which 'presstheir interestsupon their members'.when temporarylocal committees are set up under the auspices of the MS to competefor the visitsof ascetics duringcdturmas.Even a relativelypoor committee or familycanmomentarily becomethe focusof the Terdpanth Iay activities.). and duringcaarmas.

:.ro. Weber 19?8 l:5?3' ?2. 161 "). Their crimes are garbed in gold.The Teripanth dcAryqhowever.his judgements are enforcablethrough the District MagistrateCourts.o.isation ro*redge.. who transposcthe Jain ideal of autonomy and self-regulation (Nathmal 1968:122)to the group level.n"'. of the proceedings and who also powers(p. informally chosenamong prominent local castemembers. it is non-violentcriminality.l' NoN-vroLENc: """.::f d"t".who fulfilled royal functions among MUrtipUjaksand Bisapanthis(Sangave 1980:101.':T:? J'T#'F:i ':J"JTut '*ff connicts internar about n"m *':.:iJ?fl "ll.rerrin Udaipur 1927. shouldbecom" . '"t-"tt^tt"t:-":':i:::tT:::ift'ft ideals "t property' uTolc Jainsoftenconcern dispures $#"'1"'"'""u'oons'red ::ffi l'lffi l*ffi:.*i""''"r"'i"'i. 75. are somewhat responsible for these riots.'ffi ln onewayor rai:XTfttffi. Cf.Their sins are mammonclad.. "i*"ted were thev arthough (samtui) or .panth such outburstsof public self-humiliation not only for the ascetics but also for the laity.iur sig*u.provoking the following analysis:"The so-catled charitable funds.J:i::J::XffiillTJf wittrin :::: *"p"'"'Jais ^tt'n" another for the contro the struggle and sometimes Reynell Jaini 1979:154-5' 70. .::':n:.lff**."l. Their psychology is non-violent.Cf. the root-causeand general procedureof their riots regardingsacredplacesmay be found to be their gold. cf.u*o.This is to prevent recourseto judicial courts regarding internal affairsof the membersof the sect(JSTM 1987:35): "No membershall file any suit or take any legal actionin any court of law with regardto any matter relatingto or concerning the Mahdsabha beforereferringsuchmatterto the Board of Arbitrators" (p. or is fought out in the public courts. Sharma 1991:230). Cf.::.*" ::*f'rl.'.. canbe no activity*no"* there and activitv without . exist ln order to reconcile 1983:121)' ::1"-.:$::""y' H:ff#X"s u. are basedentirely and the acceptance ofhis suggestions ."". ".The Svetambars and Digambarsboth are rich.onself-regulationseeDumont1980:61... Osvalssettle their disputemanagement disputes traditionallythroughthe mediationof their localpancayats underthe leadership He is called the kaftA (doer).Sukhalal1991:46-7.'tion iraurtscommiued of tn"'t"""i"t*e is one puritv ecclesiastical TI:':"r.{*ffi..T. 74.I. foot-stooly mytmidons. Cf.'Xii"TT}ll'.orderogatory.j::."ff l"JJ.*1.:l Tly .totheinterestof . devise and invent.However.because il' q.'*o"."king of i.Nomembershallindulgeinanyactivityprejudicial.-.to In order to avoid into violenceT3 degenerates prefer a centralisedregime of the Terd.iiJ'i"!{"i'T.:HT".vkill his powcr by crushing him with their money or by depriving him of the power or vitality of his money."msn but his svstem or a sociar therestraint accepr (Narhmal 1980:119).L.il t* l**. and "do not go to the courts of law" (Nagaraj 1959:8..Jani7927."lt'rt"*lt' ."T: parttctp <A non-violentbeing towards orientationis morc .:ill' "ointo'''ution *-. Similarly.Nathmal 1968:118' 1985:1?2' (o c')' Bayly 1983:38?'Fliigel Luhmann 1984:zl&9ff' 71. . The Danagers of thesc funds ard specially thcir wire-pulling.icflike the Russian pogroms ard incite and persuade the holders of the pursestringsto follow these programmes by civil and criminal proceedings in and out of the Courts. lhe dcarya himselfis asked for adviceandoftensettles the disputes: "AcArya is he who pacifies the raging conflict between thou and me" (Nathmal 1968:134)...L. Jaini 1979:313.Many disputesconcerning mattersthat are regulatedby customary law are still settledthis way.'no"tlull:1.s::T::1".Bechert19?0. Religiousand social adjudication was one of the traditionaldutiesof the SnpAjyas and bhalldraks.A modern equivalent of this institutionis the Terlpanth MS board of arbitrators. iHil. 10). progammes of misch. ForJainsit..n #i:ilJH do.Jains Svetimbara The ritual circleof the Terapanth Peter FLUGEL 160 among *mpetitive interdependence dynamic. 73.]]'. the.. their violent instrumentsin their non-violent crimes of pride and aggression.. 319)..violenceandpurity. t p. like the kand hasno political and legal authorityover the laity anymore."" gaze' ic pubr mitre r'o en d id h i ! i::.i .". Carrithers 1988:819.isessentialtomaintainapubiicimageofnon.7s The processof arbitration takes place in secretand involvesonly the parties directlyconcerned who keeprecords and the arbitrators..ruri.r"" tnjrtj"-. Sangave Banks 1992:103-6. 36).Ti|J:' toretigiJu'p'intipt"'fl T:'1:". and even though the kartAhas lost his legal powers..*:. Jaini 1927:148). lt behooves the real leadersof the communityto go into this aspect of the question. A well-documented case is the fight for control over Si Pdnvanath Ati|ay K.Hil1#'::.Even if it is criminal.ced Strategic it canbe explained regulatedthrough the and is uotn the laity.'o' r*i lii o. They do not kill a man.P. h ab 6s ah M 1 . otcorporate monito'ing tXl'ilTi.".i1]"Hl1 the "'d :.:tm:h l.$ntfil:":.ur.if conflicts havesummary between communitymembers cannot be resolved. L. 1980.*1i::':'"#::'lrkm":-:ru. Similar rules are observedby Teripanth ascetics. tt'i.i:Jlil or excommunicatron: on pain of .Cf.where Svetambarskilted 5 Digambars and injured 165. Their charitablefunds are fairly fat.. which amongthe m structures influence.ru. I fear..1.li-j. Who financesthe preparationsfor crimes?n(J.t the through choicesof the -.Disputesamong the membersof the MS have to be mediatedby an electedBoard of Arbitrators.:1il'i: ^'"Jl"'oi:' ontradic"" c " this :l:tll* 1":i Xf n*m.Carrithers 1988. and of an elder whose advice is widely respected.'..:.

which he unfortunately reservedfor the brdhmarc alone: "The Bra-hmansearn. Cf. except through psychologicalmechanisms(p' 207)' 'social' rile of lqantd ydcan immediately after the 77.oyt(rya (varsitap para4a)' meals only occasionally ui th" ti.This is symbolically 'therapeutic' rituals. (AK yAcon annually tqamA thc perform to themselves commit the'sarr*ap pi. through refusal or controlled acceptance.B taking (vrat). The onesidedness of his depiction of .*ii"""a ".1351:::u:!lio. o.o-1nunuliry happily coexist with economicantagonism. lord) among the Mlrtipljak. Kapferer 1983:82. In contrast to the Digambars. See also weber 1985:304. narure of moral and economrctransactions. is. If this interpretationis correct."it.isgenerallyabsentin India (p' 110)'81 I wish to argue'on the contrary.if one wants to understand the actual socialfunctionsof Jainism.349. Marcel Maussargued may which eruy of feelings mustbe soughtin the desireto neutralize rites of repentance authority threaten social co-operation within segmentary societies with weak 277ff. Effectively.87. Jains (indeed all vaisyas) as 'minimal transactors' is revealedonce both religious and nonreligious transactionsare taken into consideration."^. Dumonr 1980:90-1.o.1994:77)' it may seemthat the most important meansfor a Neo-Kantianperspective is the outwardorientationtowardsJain cohesion and promotingsocial disputes resolving are visibly After all.r".r".s gain of nonmixture and integrity for their own substance-code. of a . social competitionand friction in other contexts. if at social conflicts between group-members be avoided if can and participation in communal rituals. Marriott's (r976:122.religiousand economicinterests through the achieved rarely all.which focuses exclusively on religioustransactions. Most Jain rites involve ceremonial oath . religiousforms of conllict management Ltu"s tt "-relves. They also earn.tt Among the Terapanthneither commondiscipleship implies the right to expectmaterial help in times of religious (or caste) association in the absenceof communal meals after manifest distress.In Marriott's (1976)own terms this t'?e of behaviourcorresponds not to the'minimalstrategy'but to the .1g2 and Luhmann 1982:308ff. par. 81.that the main socialfunction of the dualist Jain doctrine was to contribute to a rerative de-substantialisation of popular preconceptions. Humphrey & Laidlaw 7994 for a diametrically opposedview. The ritual circle of the TerapanthSvetambara Jains 163 l<.. strategfor both".) similarlyindicatednot only the link between Weber (1985:201-7. Jain asceticsp..arnapan6was The I:366).The presence holtl communalmeals usuallythe day after samvalson'These Mlrtipljak and Brsapanthi 78. as Bayry(19g3:3s6-9) demonstrated for 19thcent. North Indian merchants in general. the performative effect of the As in most public samvatsan.the. Terapanthis celebrate communal the for (affection vasalyi are called svami especiallyat al<.where there is no sufficient power to effectjudicial determinations through physical high political htegrati-on piu".i""uble in thc !1]oraw light of the contriburionsof Dumonr (1980:165.r.actice a hierarchical form of the ritual: they beg each of a gtoup is compulsory. interests.Terdpanth obligatory l<.. Sthanakvasi.425 n.To avoid reductionistinterpretationsa variation of both religious and social perspectives is requirbd. ethicalritualsof repentance Qtratikraman) at the time of the obligatory "ru"t*r.c. of religious.) p.ama ydcan) on the eveningof saryvalsan.Oaths.separability of actionfrom actor.eIt then becomes clear that effectively Jain traderscombinethe role of minimal transactors in the religioussphere and of maximaltransactors in the socialsphere.A^eicuAnthropologistSpecialPublication6'1.76 cults facilitate the and individualism.4986.D An example of the problems associated with a monistic approach is Marriott's (1976:123-8) analysis of the'inborn vama strategies of castes. periodicalcelebrations 104). Mauss & Beuchat (o. ^ndPo*.but also how asceticsoteriological asceticism family cut across communities'which andoftenelitist'exemplary of exclusive constitution Certainly.an 'isomorphous. shared ro an exrenr by Bayly (1983:38s). egalitarianksand of .415 other for forgiveness in the th.44).Peter Ft-Ucl't162 (cf' his superiorjudgementand the implicit threat of excommunication on respectfor MahaPrajfa 'f.optimalstrategy. ((the devotion to a guru or a set of preceptswhich merchants Indian North among fulfilled the requirementthat differentcastes from several attracteda group of devotees (Bayly 1983:389)' contactst' business wider with to subsist had involutedsocialrelations the resolutionof and isomorphous. encompassing both ascetics andlaity and their relationships to the rest ' of society. 79' cf' Habermas1987:229. .igi o\s' saqlvatsanpratikranan. mi dukko4afn' year:'micchd past the during other for the injuries inflicted upon each communal for such reason the that may the evil of it be in vain."".another form of self-denial is tlpiLlly related to complex .of code(drnrma) from substa nce(iartra).it seems that in orientatingthemselves towardsa 'minimal transactional' Jain ascetic codeof conduct. Cf. (rrs:ls+).AutonomicOrdeals. nor membershipin a . Svetambarscelebratethe laity who vow ." of breaking fasts(p-orand). mutual other for forgiveness each and beg occasion this for assemble laity The local of the Jains. not are However. 129). 80.n of. structures. even though the ideologyof communality may help preventingopenlyviolent ' conflictsbetweenmembers. through their wide distributions. a67.which is strictly voluntary. and local castemembersshare the utensilsthat"are required for theseoccasions. and often intersectwith economic ties and political boundaries.the minimal transactor. Marriott presumes that the 'Westerncommonsensical assumption.the maximal transactor'sgain of universal domination."rrury.sinier (1%s). and therebyde-coupling and sometimes atholt and divdi.2(1965)186-212social conditions of found that oath{aking . and of "r. Rajasthani osvals organisc meals for castemembers to mark the life-cycle rites.. Jain sects haveto be situated in a wider historical contextand analysed as integral socialsub-systems. of all ascetics linear order of monasticseniority. In contrastto the unstructured originallyan asceticritual (Shanta1985. >uix).lairy. forgiveness the most sacredholiday (k. Their tactic thus may be considered as an as)'mmetrical compromise made up of the more rewarding parts of those two oppositesymmetricaltactics' (p.amdpana is largelyconfinedto transitory experiences of communal feelings whichoften amounts to nothing more than a formal exerciseof communal self-affirmation(cf. which is usuallyperformed collectively. and nauu 1199o:ro:f-.rel."-i'o". J'M' Roberts 76.6.

Laidlaw (1995:28)dismisses the cognitivccontent the Jainkamta theory altogcthei u.. I modificd Luhmann.nii.ofbinaryoppositions:theprincipalJain categoriescanfori*tu. rike schemes' uo"'u"interpretative mechanisms *:*:p"l.tt" t*)"N*-'r"'"Jain weber 1978 ll. Jainismcould be describedas a form of ethnosociology. discriminate and to pre-judgetypesof events.. roor..on."".l"ar.83 are or values its procedures that ritual 'ready-muO"'uuro"-iaeas of Jainism' i'e' schematised the decontextualisedsymuoticcodes. even rndirect'iy' between pure f impure discussed by Dumont (1980:42-7.FLUGEL PCTET IOr+ The ritual circle of the TerdpanthSvetambara Jains 165 themselvesfromthesubstantivisticunderpinningsofthebrdhmansocialsystem. second."munti.*. hierarchical. i-nsufficient.t.notln'J" *i' un' ut U"tt* 1"':. ." und Riicksichtnahme Schooung "in" (1984:509-13)' 'l.t. AS r. from thatdisputesandconflictsaredeviatio nsfromtheJainid e a l o f r e leffect i g i o uof s husing armony'or princip.il:'. but none the less effectivein cutting through the .Cf.r*.w.1l' ".?:.ciiuh.'.on.:1.i*u.Jainismcan be seenas a cultural-specific action-theory which motivatesstrategicreasoning.. both individualindependence and mutual dependency increase.1..and functional differentiation (economicallyconstitutedclass-societies).il]::::J"T: t: J'll" :n"' it isunrearistic that or perspectlve a Neo-Kantian . for and procedural "rr^#oiic can be analysed u. Jainism can thusbe interpreted as a protectivedevice. One can add a historical dimensir-rn to this type of analysisin correlatingthe changes in the Jain doctrinaland ritual system with changes in the relativepredominance of the principal forms of social differentiation.e Jainismis uniquely disposed to the minute classification of typesof actionsand corresponding statesof being.considered d.stratification."l 1io:a. schematathatare. Habermas 1981:2.5. becausethey anticipate lrde.In other words. o"'"f However.^ornt".. that a socialethos changes in accordance with the type of socialdifferentiation.structuraluniverseof casre ..".-"loi*ce / as an is hity' 82.tothesocialfabric .."^'o f i:':fi i'#f.a historicallyadaptive'immune-system'.ruitooo.p. '"t'91":. M a r r i o t t ( 1 9 ? o ) a c k n o w l e d g e s t h i s p o s s i b it" l i t y i n d i r e c t l v i n n o t i n g .s Studies of the socialdivisionof labour haveshownthat underconditions of functionaldifferentiation. which compensates for the vulnerabilities that are structurally inbuilt in a givenpatternof socialdifferentiation.p".he who knowswhat js free from violence.-or interpretative J.T.1ff.ut. .. Mead. second or for society.i".physical violence' having interestswithout negoriatin.2.1.*n.ion. across opposition of no. transformtheminto.jtj. oj. that is segmentary..:ij'.."-Jains' irtermediary category "pp".5.". If indeed "what happenswithin one actor is by nature not much different from what happens betweenactorstt (Dumont 1980:ncxvi)8e then it follows.r.1..sschcmatism."ii.:1f 89.substituting Dumont's notion of 'hierarchy' for . effectivelyfunction as protective orl*lu".".first. SeealsoG.6. prohibited / permitted.. ilT.sByframingexpec penances' tations. differently."production(cf.:::Tffrff:li::il1[J.or" to enabled were of profit'82 t"'n'rnately in the.ions as such.as procedures gpes of proper ^"d i.knowswhat is free from violence..:ff .3.:X.tr .ro.3.t8-2..""t"nthecollapseofthesocial ethics orderpersebutare. setf& society from the standpoint of o sociar Behavionsr.il?.and if their actual social functjons 86' Cf' AS 1. knowsthe violencedonefor special objects"(AS 1..ug"uur"affairswhichoonottt.4).Mind.c lassifying well as religiousrewardsand conduct.':i"?J!""1'1". der a.al I argue. and by meansof which conflictsbecomecalculable:87 In the wordsof the AcaringasDtra donefor the sakeof special "He who knowsthe violence objects. and its predominant applicationto the actionsof individual living beings.odx.-Ti#.The extensiorof thesenotionsto corporative groupsis merely metaphorical.ffi::i. Cf' Weber lg18l1"12l1'Cort 3 4 . '1989:426' Laidtaw 195:5' 12' 83. also but for Jonflict analysis languages and law provide .A fundamentalaxiom of Jainism:cf.".i. sophisticated to resort to. wittiaml iqa3:121f' (Schubring1978:49)' . and may acquirea sharpened awareness of the moral (karmic) implicationsof alternativemodes of conduct. Dlmont-t??9J].l.*:tl:n*lil'n*ru*Ly. *t i. and eventually developa generalised socialcompetence whichcanbe of usein both religiousand social pursuits. that the .2.112)' donotexchangewitb arc considered nJ" pclttttl"f-antagonists" each other at all. ich a't*toratisch' miicbte .r* doctrinal Similarly.".JiirgenHabermas'.4':r""* nxi'ii'."othroughu. etc.isnottheavoidanceofconflictperSebutits from1-T1*:ffi isseen IrJainism i".?I!:HHJ: $""lt} dieunsdaruber ncnnenr alledieIntuitionen von Personen Verletzbatkeit extreman "l.1.n. paradoxically. . To my mind the diffcrencc betweenDumont's (1980:45. u .'Yet. 87' From Marriott's (1976:110) poirt ofvierv.l -7. r:u f d i e D i s k u r s e t b i k z u ? ' I u te9 85. | " 1 | : : :(p' ' " * .TreffenHegelsEin w i i n d e g c g e n K(tseol' antauc h'a *. and ad6ing Habermas."begeneratedwiththehelpoftheasl'rnmetricalcode v i o l e n c e / r r o n ' u i o t " n t " c o m b i n e d w i t h ' " t o n O u ' y content codesl i kthe e s fundamental oullbody' of of tt .191).. and that processesof individuation and social integration generated through competitive interdependence are complementary both in a socio-economic and a moral sense.. tacked up conflicts and thereby rituuts. and has nothing to do with cultural predisposit. ErtiiuterunSen info'.*. 1.Jainlaity priestsin the socialtransactional lompetitors of thebrahma0 u".". . .)oodii)dualisticdistinctionof form ard function and Marriott's non-dualist approach is largcly based on a shift between observer's and participant.InprinciplebothBrahmansandJainssevered^them selvesfromthesphc re:'lT : . equivalentto'functional differentiation'in brackets.t...maximrsation shows perspective sphereand also to "n'o'" i' oiti"'"nt: A historical-comparative t""t *.:'. chicago: The University of chicago r. and. 88.s perspcctive. Because " the brahnrunicdistinction violence. ethics and law.3. Cf' Luhmann 1984:37-9.With the help of the Jain conceptualsystemthe individual devoteeis enabled to anticipate.1.that moral educationvia generalised ethical rules and regulations will only be effectiveif these reflect some genuinesentimentsin the world .un.which is clearly by.".-.

entirely dependenton them. Cf. in all its anti-ritualismof a subalternelite.s PERSPESTIVC III. differences only acknowledges of individual whichprincipally centredsegmentary system. Jaini 1979:'309-12.like other overlandtraders. system of legitimation sin" forms as the root of dominant group.Gupta. by way of internalised achieved and the type of constraints pre-conceptions with social variesindirectlyin accordance experienced. Carrithcrs 1989'. 23. In contrastto individualrenouncersliving in the forest. merchantsas regional *hotes"il"rs in the 65j)' n 1980:387' trader!. which forced most of tbem into a semi-permanent within the of variousforms of social and religiousco-operation' to the strengthemng combinedwith local.".Rampurias. In the words of of abstractethical valuesfor the private religion of the individual. Both the havesand the haves-not seemintent upon denyingeachother's existence"(Mahaprajna1994:187). Cf. like the Terdpanth.For him the only practicaisolutionof this problemis a combinationof (Jain) (a) the reductionof the involvingthree elements: moral educationand statesocialism. and the relativepovertyof the of the ascetics ieligiousmarginalisation Bisa osvxl Jains."h-sThe Jains in an urban setting".221.1gg?:30-1. House..wbose memberscombine politico-economic for a now economically whichdoesnot demandexpensive social with a form of religiousindividualism secularism potlatch). superiorcorporative in termsof economic success and the collective determined by birthrightbut functionally.301.'36.TTadeattdConttnerceinRajosthalDuingthcl6|hCenrury. which can also be found in Gujarat (Dumont S. principlesgraduallyencompassed thoseof behaviouralpurity.e2 (cthe crusade outcomeof Bhiksu's agairuttraditionalreligionwasfreedom Nair (1969:40) to a small section of society from the conventionsof collective responsibilityfor promoting socialwelfare.who operatedin the arid westefndistricts group of highly specialised routes through the Thar If nq*tnun. Dumont 1980:157.was thus combinedwith an outward emphasison hierarchyand the claim to Group statuswas not primarily statusrelativeto the rest of society.He made it clear from the beginning that the Anuvrat movementin particular was not intended as a religiousprogramme but as a social initiative for the improvementof the moral standards In his analysis the of society. of wealth in one pole givesrise "the accumulation to the attemptstowardsaggression and destructionfrom the other pole and neither philanthropy nor violent class strugglewill resolve this conflict" (Tulsi in Guseva 1911102).but propagates to the communal a cult of charity (beyondthe contributions The buildingvia asceticism and moral education. role of personality-structures on the predicated be may asceticism of a generaltheory of asceticism. andnationalcharacter self-development ritual linkswith critique of charitythusallowedthe Teripanthi to severtheir substantive while maintaining an universalist fagadethroughthe propagation the rest of the society.tt In response to suchcriticismand to the changed acaqrd Tulsi sociaicircumstances launched his reform prograrnme.can only be understood did not who laity. 'grabbinginstincts'through attitudinal changeand behaviouralmodification.who regard '(possession (Mahaprajna has turned into a 1987:16).e3 fundamentalproblemsof post-independence India are caused by the transformation of the feudal castesociety into a modernclass is class society tortured by society: "Today's consciousness.Cf. R. socialimplications be only can constraints fiom external fact that. casteand wider categoryof the Marvaris.Jains The ritual circle of the TerxpanthSvetdmbara 166 PeterFt-Ucel 167 and individuationexplains of socialisation the complementarity remainlatent. fro*in.J-ipur:JaipurPu blishing Baids and other osval gg on the relativelymodestrole of the DagaslKotharis.. status. within society. Survey ol India 2L. Sangave1980:55-6.232.althoughI have indicatedthe way in which structures on concentrated I have in the socialenvironment' reflectchanges internaldifferentiation for the of the ritual circle as a key mechanism function catalytic of the the description predicated are functions whosecontextual socialsystem of a self-regulating maintenance ultimatelyunplanned' are and interests' conflicting of on the dynamicinterdeplndence implications' social wider the about Now I want to add a few final observations introverted and an from Ter6panth' the The historicai development of with a selforganjsation religious modern splinterto a proselytising ascetic conservative of the initial background before the proclaimedmassappeal.. (1972):61. 92. 221.reiigioussectarianism groups' self-conscious of classdifferencesand contributedto the emergence socially state modern the of institutions the vis-2r-vis whichwereable to defendcommoninterests familytheir of The internallyvalued egalitarianism and the traditional castesociety.B'L.but to a belong to the classof in{luential court officials.Because and therefore the integration. 91.t. of competition local the on and dikun".7 Mahipraj na 1987 :20.. A COMPARATIVE and processes on the intracommunal In this article I have focusedalmost exclusively of processes of the Terapanth. Misra. of kingdim 18th cent.ni Th" diminishingimportanceof the caravan competitivepressures generatedincreased desert and the scarcityof local resources which in turn contributed diaspora.(b) the reductionof the numberof beggars throughthe limitation of charity(((themore is given and are live anong householders Jain ascetics 90.a senseof freedom form precise their even though modesof self-control.. social for . In this way classificatory It is yet anotherirony of historythat the onceliberatingiconoclastic casteand genealogy. Bulletin of the Anthropological 93. .

Weqschenkens (P.. is usedin multipleways Today the moral potencyof Jain asceticism conflictand tension. tin hatistheide ologyofthe of even s:ituations which remainsindifferentand self..168 PeterFt-Ucel The ritual circle of the Terapanth Svetambara Jarns 169 tothepoor.educating Van der Veer 1994:xiii'107' 9rj. a n d t h e o r g a n i s a t i o n o f c o .iligkeit d. Cf. re.'. Luhmann (1984)and Habermas(198La2\ haveargued.becauseitreleasestherich fromtheirtraditionalso.e6 forinstrumentalisingasceticismforpoliticalends(Chopra1945:35).However.""*1""a. exploitation' Thus they and accumulation its exceisive of organiscdcom. betweenthe classes The real impactthe Terapanthreform programme only could have is in the field . Gombrich & Obeyesekcrc 1988:6.o p e r a t i v ewith effor t scritique o f a l ."..The variousforms of Jainism and other religions..'..r.S" f^. which havebeen characterised in the literature as a form of 'Buddhistmodernism'or 'protestantBuddhism'.. are rationalisationsof the social-psychological processes involved. Jainas" Sharma r99l.es privatecharitabilityetrectivelydeepenstheriftsinsociety..Not surprisinglythis appealed only to few members recommendation of the dominantstrata.may compel the individual(and society)to developfar-sightedness. generating both greater independence and interdependence..themorewillbethenumberofthepoorinthisworld''(p.whilenotionallydelegatingallsocial responsibilitiestoanimpoverishedandincreasinglycorruptStateapparatus.irn""'a".which correspondto Gandhi's characterof its new A4uvrat andJtvan difference'Anuwat propagates (universalwelfare) movement'but for one ((It Sarvodaya of wealth: 'the masses" redistribution of a charitable instead for self-control primarily Werke l0 FranKurt am phitosopltkchcn WssenschaftentII' die 94.'J das Vcrdienst des .i.but only if the attempts to move the Governmentto includeprelqa dlryan andjivan vijndn into the national curriculum take fruition."."n"a"Jsi"n"*r.Guseva comments: .Theoptionforthecontrolofthe sociallydisruptiveside-effectsofcapitalismthroughanall-encompassingreligious nationalismisblockedinthissituation'Notsurprisingly. srau des o.lis.controlled integraipersonality. difficulties in the changed whereHindu-Nationalism seems the only ideological instrumentleft for the traditionalelitesto containthe growingtensions (cf. 'I-iitigkeitdes verdringt . doesnot call for peopleto gift awaywhat they have in excess but simply exhortsthem to leave it for use by society" (Mahaprajna 1987:16).i.eT Weber (1978 II:203.rika Dharmapala's reformsin Sri tankd.in extensionof the Weber thesis. In fact.althoughthe Terlpanthisthemselves the Acharyaby declaring that he no longer insistson the people becoming (L. i. self-control and other featuresof rationality. Moreimportantly.i"f appeal ro violence. 2I7) himself broadly contrasted'protestant' and 'hinduisticand buddhistic'religions.socialeliteshavetherefore t r a d i t i o n a l l y c h o s e n t h e a l t e r n a t i v e i n d i v i d u a l . The inbuilt structuraltensionsof such processes which enforceboth the individualisation and the compartmentalization of roles. 97. T h i s p r o g r a m m e i s a r c f l e c t i o n c h a r a c t e r i s t i classt cofma ny bourgeois (p' 102)' looking upon stateas a public organ above scholirs and a part of Indian bourgeoisie. they argue.whoseviolentdepictioninHindumythologyisalsorejected(Mahaprajna7994:215243).. sAnuvratissaythat they acccpttho idea of equalityfrom thc communist capital as an instrument of the. .'".r"i.in dic wirklichkeit t6t'*'ito".t"H.nothing but the defenceof particularistic interests and the vain attemptof disciplining the rich remained.W. byspatiallydispersedsocialelitesinordertopromotetheideologicalhegemonyofnonv i o l e n t p l u r a l i s m w i t h i n t h e c o n t e x t o f t h e l n d i a n S t a t e i n c o m p e t i t i oTerapanthis nwithsimilaricons by the like Gandhi' who was initially criticised of religiousnationalism.P. of moral education.Orrl durch dic Sittlichkeit soll' sein **.'ta"*. which associates Jainismas a wholewith aristocraticand middle classconsciousness.287).r"i"h"*ng iie a. In their stresson meditation and innerworldlyasceticism theseinitiativesresembleAnagf.r". His analysisof protestantism'as a still rituaiistic and therefore 'internally contradictory' intermediary doctrine. Main:Suhrkamp.. lndianrulerswerealwaysforcedtoSupportSeveralreligionsatthesametinreinorder totranscendreligiousdiff".n teachingbut do no( accep(the g5..i. only excepting Jainismto a certain extentfrom his broad oppositionof western 'innerworldlyasceticism' and South Asian 'otherwordly -'Jain asceticism'.idea_of upprou.F.il. Hegel. Insteadthey stressthe unplannedcharacterof historicalprocesses.en. d. Cf..i. wish to hold back the proletariat from violenceby re.".as critics like Elias (1978II:312).[. (Guseva the capitalists?."r. En4klopiidie der gottlichen Geistes.. 358)' Selbster$'erbs. Effectively the Terdpanth legitimised the regimeof the Congress PartyafterIndependence.c e n t r e d o p t i o n . and investigate the dynamics of social differentiation through competition.ust distribution v a r i o u s g r o u p s i n t h e s o c i e t y . Carrithers 1988:838-41. ..IntheopinionofAcharyaShriTulsi..ti'io wia"rrpr"uch verwickelnd..thelndianstateisconceivedasapublicorganabovereligion. but faces politicalclimateof today..101)).-i.ortheBJPhero Rdrn.I argue. Weber'sindividualist bias led him to exaggerate the role of rational thinkingand of soteriological ideologies for processes of modernisation. and as with Gandhi'ssarvodaya movement.. l m of embersof a combined However' such lip-sewice to state-socialism society."n"il.inasocialiststatelikelndiaitisthegovcrnmentwhichmust bctween of riches and adjust a just mutual relationship direct social life.i". 212.""tb"n entspricht)gilt die s..and is at present not a seriousoption for the countryas a whole.aand(c) thereductionofthesocialviolencethroughthejustredistributionofthemeansof p r o d u c t i o n b y t h e s t a t e . Critics perceive this endeavourprimarily as a secrarian '(criticised initiative." u"ii.rto 1971:103). .toacertainextent. Bechert 19'10:7"75.iutoutigutions."..lncontrastro-unyofitscompetitorstheTerapanthopenlyadmitsthepolitical viinan initiatives. in the field of socialisation from above.. informs much of the recent sociological writing on the Jains. G.In practiceno distributionof richeshas taken place. i' das' was Befreiung der wirklichkeit. der Habe . Van der Veer 1994:94-8).. .e.

This approachdiffers markedlyboth from the 'traditionalJainism'of the Murtipljaks and Bispanthisand the 'lay Jainism' of the Digambar Ter6panthis. Most of theseargumentsoriginatedfrom Hegel (o. towardsa The radically forms of religiouscommunalism. organisation groups. In practicevariouscombinationsof these distinctionbetween'orthodot' and either Cf.c. C/S 8 (1965).on the part of respected is a weakenedemphasis on the conceptof the four rirtlrs. because they the Terlpanth more closelythan any other two different involution. Ascetic RLJECTION Jainism Lay Jainism COMBINATION 'AsceticJainism' thus covcrsboth 'original' and 'revivalist' forms. and (3) the atomised individualof modernsociety.L The ritual circle of the Terapanth Svetdmbara Jains 177 and of the emergence of 'religions Durkheim'sqtheory of 'competitivemodernisation' of the individual'. DT = Digambar Tcripanth. and it may be argued.becauseby strictly separating societyand religion the Terdpanthstill restrictsthe sphere of Jain group religion to a bare minimum. to combine sectarianism on continued structure.lmAlthough from a 'traditional'Jain perspective it may the Terapanthwas after Independence asceticmovement. 89. A strict separationbetween religion and societyis only possiblein the latter case. My use of the admittedlyunfortunateterm 'traditionalJainism'corresponds to Dumont's (1980) 'traditional Hinduism' and Gombrich & Obeyesekere's (1988:+10) 'traditional Buddhism'.'heterodox'and'neo-orthodot' Jain belief catcgorics works. and combination. have the potentialto developegalitarian into thusturnedtraditionalinclusivists after Independence changed socialcircumstances great internal diversity the Because their into inclusivists. with the acdrya as the social focus. Van der Yeer's (7994:22) basic orientationscan be observed. In one respect distinctionbetweenascetics too respondedto Jain sect. To avoid ambiguityI use'lay Jainism'instead Jainism'. Raycandra .Many Sthanakvtui Sthanakvasis the SramaqSangh. 229). because of their whereas the principalimage-worshipping religioustolerance. can be modified.) and Marx.from different starting-points 'combined' althoughat presentonly the Digambar lay movements strategy. like Amar Muni's Virayatan. In contrastto Bhiksu'soriginal 'ascetic promotemost of the featuresof Jainism'today'sTerapanthis (focus reformism meditation.377t.A key doctrinaldifference . Bcrlin: Dietz Verlag (1867) 1917: e. I an obviously not proposingto revertto a purelysocio-economic as criticizedby L.anti-ritualism. that is 'mixed' hegemonicforms of religion which are socially all-inclusive.that the transition from predominantlysegmentary and hierarchicalforms of social differentiationto modern accompanied by different types of forms of functional differentiation.g.r 110 Peter FLUcg. 93). = S t h i n a k v l s i . are very traditions must be treated as a specialcase. within the global trend revealsvariousintermediary argumentof this solutions towardsmodern cuits of the individual. It would be interestingto correlate types of renouncers and types of differentiation. MEW 23. M = M 0 r t i p l j a k S v e t d m b a r .is necessarily individualism:(1) the heroic individual of segmentary society. form:10r in diasrammatical summarized MIXTURE Traditional Jainrsm 98.modernlayassociations. and organisational doctrinal different In national level.in which traditional and modern features exist happily side by side. Dumont explanation.this is the takes the form of anti-ritualistic paper. and to reject Jain communalism traditions. thus blurring the traditionsresemble the Bisapanth and laity. 122). Modern Jainism. religious totalitarianisml"(p. the link betwcen individuation and social dependency through the division of labour (p.). 99. still appearas an exclusivist incorporatethe new structuresof the modern the first Jain tradition to symbolically policy of in favour of a Gandhiesque Indian state.(2) the hierarchical individualof feudal society. 101. Jain sectscan be positionof the main contemporary The relative strategic the acdryas.All categories are analytical.which is nonethelcss the latter. Similar adaptivestrategies can be found in any contextof modernisation. Other Sthanakvtui structureand modestreformssimilarto the Terdpanth. negaLivesolidarity (p.etc.adopteda centralised orthodoxeven though their biggestsub-sect. 'reformist' it while outwardly dismissing which exploitsDumont's analysis moderate or radical tendencies. but to correlatethe history of the competing world-vicws with social history.I don't think Barks' (1992:196-211) distinctionof'orthodot'. other on a Jain communalism with a lay dominated a regionallevel drift both 'traditional'and 'protestant'movements words.p.are engagedin social work.which unites them intimately in new forms of a hybrid nature and ambiguous orientation [here: communalism. 102.protestantism and individualism(p. 17-8). the link between capitalism.where it necessarily subjectivism. 'ascetic'and 'lay Jahism' between'traditional'and both as 'ahistorical'(p. t89f. on scripture.s Sampradiy.which corrcsponds of Weber's'protestant to Bechert's'Buddhistmodernism'and Obcycsekere's'Protestant Buddhism'. mixture.Arrows indicatecurrcnt developments. but distirct from modern forms of integration. D= B i s a p a n t h i D i g a m b a r .ee Dunqont (1980) distinguishedthree general types of interaction between traditional and modern featuresin India: ('rejection. Kanji Panth. scientific outlook. that is by recognising throughorganisational adaptivepressures and not focusof their sectsare the bhatldraks Yet the administrative typesof ascetics. Das KapitalI. (The Functional Equivalentsof the Individual in CasteSociety'.) but contain them within an orthodox ideological and institutional framework. of and exclusivists exclqsivists.T = TcrapanthSvctambar. The Terdpanthattemptto encompass modern socio-economic secularism within a traditionalreligious framework in Dumont's signifies terms a shift from a radical rejectioniststrategyto a mired strategy.) and competitivemodernisation (p. innerworldly asceticism.

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en mOme temps.Acdrya& Yuvacarya Mahaprajna of Discipline.Mrtschaftund Geselkchal. 1983.Mohr (Paul Siebeck). Iaina Yoga. Peter.suuB .I-nndon. [-adnun: Jain VishvaBharati. Mu<. 1994.C. 45 (1895) UtS = Uttaradhyayana 1-232. mais. Mookerjee. indirectement. Berkeley: University of California. la Terdpanth MahCuabhd.). ainsi que I'organisation (vihar).Wctory Tulsi. Siltra. et commentelle s'agence de manidrestrat6gique au sein de l'ensemble politique et religieuxdansle sous-continent du contexte d'aujourd'hui.ils font office de moyensdestin6s i mobiliseret d l€gitimer desint6r€tspolitiquesparticularistes.I-adnun: Jain VishvaBharati. pour le maintien du rituel de p6r6grinationet.Tiibingen:J.B. principales sectes .R. Tr. Acarya. I-adnun:Jain VishvaBharati. ------. Jacobi. 1985. I-a premidre partie d6crit l'histoire et le fonctionnement interne de la communaute monastique (dhannasaiglr) des Terdpantht. (eds.r16 Peter FI-ucnl Tulsi. Tiibingen: J. Religiotu Nationalkm: Hindus and Muslirns in India.1963. Tr.i985.Terdpanth: Ma4'dddAur Vyavastltd (Jaydcarya).C.organisent l'interactionrituelle entre les ascdtes et les laicssur une base suprar6gionale. Illunination of Jaina Tenets(laina SiddhantaDtpika). 1.1981.B. reprint Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. S. reiigieuse de leurs p6r€grinations annuelles [-a secondepartie souligne le r6le de Ia principale organisationlaique.g6n6rateurd'exp6riences religieuses significatives et d'harmoniesociale. Weber. pour la prosp6rit6de la communautC desla\cs(samaj). Jaydcarya Series Vol. Siebeck). H.Ies Svetambara jaine sp6cifique Ir pr6sentarticle montre commentune secte Terdpanthi. 1983.a doctrineet le rituel jains apparaissent comme un niveau interm€diaire. Rp.Gesammelte Aufsiitzezur Religiorusoziologie II.Mohr (Paul 1978. SacredBooks of the East Vol. -----. Williams. Van der Veer.tandisque la troisidmepartie se termine par des observations comparatives sur les orientationsde l'6volution des jaines dansle contextede la soci6t6indiennemoderne. [.

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