The Other Malraux in Indochina

Isabelle de Courtivron

Biography, Volume 12, Number 1, Winter 1989, pp. 29-42 (Article)

Published by University of Hawai'i Press DOI: 10.1353/bio.2010.0451

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both scholars explored the continuity between the younger man's philosophical and aesthetic preoccupations and the more mature writer's political commitments and literary accomplishments.3 Two years earlier.4 Although his emphasis on Malraux's literary influences and experiments differs appreciably from Langlois's focus on ideological development. particularly in their examination of the writer's adventures in Indochina. Walter Langlois's André Malraux: The Indochina Adventure. even when tempered by the acknowledgment that Malraux's pursuits may have been less noble and his evasions of truth more serious than his allusions to this period had ini- tially led readers to believe. published in 1966 when Malraux was Secretary for Cultural Affairs. even ennobling.Isabelle de courtivron The Other Malraux in Indochina The publication of Clara Malraux's memoirs Le Bruit de nos pas (The Sound of our Footsteps) between 1963 and 1979 was largely responsible for the reinterpretation of André Malraux's youthful enterprises and for the readjustments that his more recent biographers have been compelled to make. earlier studies of the years 1923 to 1926 are often laudatory in tone.2 The most detailed of these studies. André Vandegans had devoted several hundred pages to Malraux's slight body of early writings and had also lingered upon the Indochina experience.1 Indeed. is marked by the biographer's awe of the dignified statesman whom the young adventurer had become as well as by Langlois's attempts to confer legitimacy upon the Malraux myth by justifying. the more ambiguous aspects of his subject's youthful capers. These meticulously researched texts nevertheless suffer from gaps in information that Malraux himself was careful not .

He has specifically stated that he intended eventually to present any superior pieces he might find to the School's rival in Paris. including his manipulation of academic and governmental contacts and his negotiations with American and German . Malraux shared intimately his Indochina years. Langlois attributes lofty motives to his subject: Although he probably planned to sell part of whatever he found in order to defray the expenses of the expedition. their interpretations of the reasons for his first journey (October 1923 to November 1924) set the tone for their unquestioningly admiring accounts of both episodes.7 Though he evinces high esteem for his subject. his arrest in Pnom-Penh and the two trials that followed.5 André Vandegans. his text is colored by an amused tolerance for the undeniably brilliant but somewhat suspect youth that Malraux was in his twenties."6 These interpretations were readjusted in 1973 by Jean Lacouture. He accepts much more readily than Langlois the profit motive behind the first Indochina adventure and describes the young man's cautious preparations for this journey. 1 to fill in his disinclination to alter the self-image he had so elaborately fashioned. Malraux's best known French biographer. The publication of Clara Malraux's memoirs marks a watershed in this réévaluation of a legend. No. 12. who avoided such imposing generalizations. suggests goals that would seem quite disproportionate if attributed to even the most precocious of twenty-two-year-olds: "Malraux was seeking contact with distant worlds that would offer him the possibility of inflecting in new directions the civilization to which he belonged. his appropriation of Khmer sculptures that he attempted to ship back to France. archaeologists. even more anxious to frame Malraux's first adventure not only in aesthetic but in philosophical terms. his greatest artistic concern was to obtain some outstanding objects for his own artistic studies. even while inviting the dis- covery of a companion with whom. the Musée Guimet. despite his reluctance to acknowledge it. Recounting Malraux's expedition to the temple of Banteaï Srey. Only in the 1970s were biographers able to shed more realistic light on what are now considered to be Malraux's overdramatization of his adventures and exaggeration of his political role in Asia dur- ing the 1920s. Although both Langlois and Vandegans devote special attention to Malraux's more serious activities as co-editor oî L'Indochine (February 1925 to January 1926).30 biography Vol. whose remarkable collection of Asian materials had been built up by just such gifts from dedicated private collectors. and retired colonial civil servants.

Lacouture offers a refreshing perspective on this adventure: "This tragic confrontation with the Stiengs in La Voie royale is the heroic version of a difficult thirty-mile excursion through the jungle carried out with courage. When the colonial administration of Governor Cognacq."9 Langlois."10 Yet more surprising is both scholars' acceptance of Malraux's alleged contribution to and leadership in the Chinese Revolution in 1925. asserts that the young man "set about organizing the Nationalist program into a political movement. Less impressed than Vandegans and Langlois by the expedition to Bantea'i Srey. and for that matter unconvinced of the autobiographical basis of Malraux's dramatization of it in La Voie royale."8 This change in tone and perspective is even more striking in the var- ious accounts of Malraux's second stay in Indochina. It is in his role as co-editor of L'Indochine. Indeed. finally decided to put an end to this journalistic enterprise by denying the paper access to its printer. and patience. under the knowledgeable guidance of lawyer Paul Monin. a newspaper created in opposition to the colonial administration. Vandegans suggests that "during the ten months or so which he spent in Indochina in 1924. According to Langlois. and on the ultimate acquittal of Malraux and his travel companion Chevasson—generally attributed to the mobilization of the Paris intelligentsia on his behalf—the growth of the Malraux legend really takes on momentum with his return to Saigon in February 1925. while much attention has been focused on the flamboyant jungle expedition.Courtivron the malrauxs and indochina 31 dealers who were potential buyers for the Khmer statues he would bring back to Europe. If André Malraux's contributions to L'Indochine. which controlled the press and censored any paper that did not unconditionally support its reactionary politics. however. Malraux was in contact with the nationalist circles and began to play a role in the ranks of the Young Annam movement. it . bolstered by Malraux's tacit confirmation of these facts. by three young touristaesthetes whose enterprise would be less likely to arouse admiration today. that Malraux's reputation as leader in the Young Annam and in the Kuomintang movements is grounded. on the two "Ubu-esque" trials that followed the Pnom-Penh arrests. are irrefutable—copies of the paper preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale attest to the young man's wit and polemical brilliance—the political role claimed for him by both Langlois and Vandegans is. infuriated by L'Indochine 's daily exposure of its corruption. energy. inflated at best and incorrect in general. Malraux journeyed to Hong Kong to buy type that would enable him to operate his own printing press.

Vandegans muses that "he must have spent himself. Malraux refused to contradict any speculation. Speculating upon the reasons why Malraux never discussed his personal experiences in Indochina. who ran into Malraux in Hong Kong "on his way back from China". They cite Paul Morand.14 This collaboration with Borodine seemed confirmed by The Conquerors. indeed. as befits the nature of a spirit indifferent to the accidents of history and involved only in grasping its meaning."15 Vandegans goes much further in explaining Malraux's refusal to shed light on this period. and the 1928 translation of The Conquerors. and excessively so" in the service of the revolution. a letter written by Malraux to Edmund Wilson in 1952. in which biographical information provided by Malraux himself indicates that the author was "Commissioner of the Kuomintang in Cochin-China from 1924 to 1925" and "Assistant Commissioner for the Nationalist Government in Canton at the time of Borodine" in 1925. thereby nurturing his legendary status as a man not only of great eloquence but of visionary political action. in which he cites his role as leader in the Young Annam movement and in the Kuomintang in Canton. Langlois and Vandegans stumbled upon this enigmatic silence and chose to rationalize it by suggesting reasons that even the most ardent of Malraux scholars today might find somewhat ironic. No. where the headquarters of the new Nationalist government were located.32 biography Vol."12 Carried away by this romantic vision. When asked directly about these events. 1 was at this time that Malraux made a visit to Canton. Langlois attributes this reluctance to speak about his private life to Malraux's "modesty. and met with Borodine and other organizers of the strike.11 Vandegans also speculates that Malraux participated in Kuomintang activities in August 1925 and waxes lyrical when imagining this episode: "at the time he arrived."16 Malraux was to corroborate this contempt for the autobiographical impulse—"I don't interest myself—in the Antimemoirs.13 Both writers use as their sources the rare statements made by Malraux concerning this period. These omissions are connected to a conception of life which is intent on forgetting the past in order to save energy for the conquest of the future. and influenced by reports that Malraux was looking pale and sickly that summer. the city (Canton) must still have been abuzz with echoes of the events that had just shaken it. in which the author vividly recreated the strikes in Canton and Shanghai and which was assumed to be autobiographical. 12. he anticipates and counters potential accusations of misinformation: "He [Malraux] remembers only vaguely the important dates in his life and perhaps also the titles he has had.17 .

which had been a viable organization in the immediate postwar years in Hanoi but had subsequently fallen into decline. However. Malraux later presented himself. In his discussion of the second Indochina venture. Lacouture even chides earlier biographers. in Lacouture's view. Lacouture disentangles the man from the myth and reduces him to more human proportions. attests to his exceptional talent for the creation of worlds. for they do not take into account possible strategies for aggrandizement of the self. as leader of the Young Annam party. the traf- . He acknowledged that under Monin's leadership the two coeditors of L'Indochine did try to resuscitate Young Annam. For this biographer. does not significantly damage his portrayal of André Malraux. Jean Lacouture was again careful to seek a balance between Malraux's accomplishments and his limitations. in various interviews and letters. then of the imagination: Could he extrapolate a China in turmoil from then Indo-China in disar- ray? Could he reconstruct Canton and Shanghai from Saigon and Cholon."18 Lacouture also dismisses any speculation about Malraux's participation in the Chinese revolution and in the Canton and Shanghai uprisings. "owing to his propensity for 'writing up' events. for the misinformation. including Langlois and Vande- gans. the writer's ability to create situations in which he had not participated and yet in which many were convinced he had. however. This organization seems never to have grown much beyond the staff of L'Indochine and a few friends. admittedly hostile to the affective dimensions of his life. Cognacq. although both biographers can be faulted for not being sufficiently skeptical. Malraux's "silences" were not only effective but could be considered credible in the absence of any witness who might attest to a different and less heroic version of the facts. is far from self-disinterested and certainly not self-effacing. Chiang Kai-Shek's torturers from those of Dr. for having added to the legend by accepting at face value the "pathetic trimmings" that their subject wove around his life. Obscuring the personal to the advantage of his role as participant in major historical events or his dialogues with world leaders results in the crafting of a larger-than-life figure who. if not of reality. According to Lacouture. This exposure of the autobiographical imposture. The credit that must be accorded to Malraux the writer fully compensates. straightforwardly dismissing exploits that had never occurred. Lacou- ture thus forcefully rejects any theory of Malraux's modesty.Courtivron the malrauxs and indochina 33 Such portrayals of André Malraux as a modest man indifferent to accomplishments and honors appear credulous.

No. Langlois and Vandegans did not have access to much of the information that she provides. The second volume. the massive uprisings of China from the social disturbances of the Mekong Delta or Saigon Harbour.19 As Louise Witherell has noted. elided. Lacouture is the first biographer to substantially incorporate the materials treated in Clara Malraux's memoirs. his more tempered portrayal of young André Malraux is attributable. since that is precisely what he did. included an account of their first Indochinese journey. except in several footnotes. in large part. the strategists of Canton from the comrades of Young Annam? Yes. almost always incidentally. to Clara's version of their life together until 1939. not only on the boat that brought them to Cambodia the first time. The first volume. she hardly appears. Malraux's "modesty" concerning his personal life and the willingness of some of his biographers to indulge his silences result not only in protecting and perpetuating his own legend but in eliminating Clara from an episode in which she played a role that is far from negligible. in the pages he devotes to Indochina.34 biography Vol. distorted or. worse. While Vandegans acknowledges that Clara might have facili- tated Andre's access to German expressionist writers in the early Twenties. Clara's memoirs can be seen as the effort to retrieve a past that had consistently been misappropriated. which appeared in 1966. and in the Pnom-Penh hotel and hospital where they awaited trial. I maintain it. Nos vingt Ans (Our Twenties). 1 fickers of the Bund from those of the rue Catinat. Apprendre à vivre (Learning to Live). 12. In fact. The third. published in 1969 and entitled Les Combats et les jeux (The Struggles and the Games). was devoted entirely to their life and work together in Saigon in 1925. She is men- tioned less than a dozen times in Langlois's book. For there were indeed two Malrauxs in Indochina. on the horses that took them through the jungle to Banteaï Srey.21 Clara Malraux is almost entirely absent from all accounts of André Malraux's two Asian journeys written prior to her own. with irrefutable force—for us. but also on the second boat . much less to the rather unorthodox perspective offered by Clara Malraux in her memoirs of the Indochina period. covered her childhood and adolescence and ended as she fell in love with Malraux in 1921."22 While one should not discount completely a desire for retribution.20 Indeed. In this respect. if not for the Chinese readers themselves. it was her continued neglect by a growing number of scholars and biographers of Malraux's "first period"—due in part to the latter's complete erasure of all shared aspects of his experiences—that prompted Clara Malraux to write her side of the story: "There were two of us.

the postwar years brought about an additional societal relaxation of the constraints imposed on women. Her father's death when she was thirteen left her under the weak tute- lage of her mother. in the makeshift offices of L'Indochine where their team wrote despite heat and humidity. women were still imprisoned in the prevailing ideology of domes- . hoping to return with enough precious Khmer pieces to guarantee some years of freedom from the drudgery of ordinary jobs. of the "new woman. Despite familial reluctance on both sides. She met André Malraux. they decided to pursue Andre's scheme and to head for Indochina. As Robert Payne has suggested. The "other" Malraux was Clara Goldschmidt Malraux. Clara Goldschmidt was born into a prosperous German Jewish family in 1897. then nineteen. A rebel against bourgeois conventions from childhood whose multicultural background had taught her to accept painful contradictions.23 But although rebellious. World War I further loosened the authority of a family fragmented by the Franco-German conflict and less than firmly integrated in French society. and general societal reprobation. Her adolescence was an exceptionally independent one. on tours around the country where they both learned firsthand of colonial injustices and of the cruel oppression of the Annamites. Since neither considered working a viable option. governmental hostility. when ill-advised investments in the stock market led them to near des- titution." even of the infamous "garçonne" of the Twenties that held such fascination for some and elicited such reprobation from others. At the time. as were the rest of their intellectual generation. Finally.Courtivron THE MALRAUXS AND INDOCHINA 35 to Saigon. André and Clara were probably enraptured by the image of Rimbaud—himself a mercenary of sorts— and the lure of exotic settings. an intellectual who felt more comfortable with books and ideas than with tea parties and who rejected the young men approved by her family. and despite some of the fragile new freedom gained during the war. they were married several months later. and in Hong Kong where they purchased type that would enable them to resuscitate their paper. Clara embodies the image of the flapper. They discovered a common passion for literature and art and launched into an unconventional whirlwind romance. Clara was initially less eager than André to embark upon such a potentially dangerous adventure. for which she worked part-time as a translator. Clara's substantial dowry enabled the young couple to enjoy a comfortable Bohemian life of art and travel until 1923. who had been Andre's travel companion since 1921. at a dinner organized by Florent Fels for the contributors to his avant-garde review Action.

she was considered to have no legal free will and thus to bear no responsibility for her whereabouts as long as she was fulfilling her con- jugal obligation. she was to introduce the two men who dreamed up L'Indochine. in 1923 a wife was required by law to follow her husband. The authorities became alarmed. Sharing an heroic adventure with a woman would certainly have damaged the Malraux image. it constituted a risk that not many young women raised in a protective Parisian home would have accepted to take. Clara Malraux's presence in Banteaï Srey could not therefore be considered a punishable offense. Ironically. illness. Clara became a full partner in the expedition. and held in a Pnom-Penh hotel while they awaited trial. Clara was arrested by the colonial authorities along with André and Louis Chevasson. When it became clear that they could no longer pay their bills. 1 ticity. No. the jungle trek would elicit less admiration today. She staged a hunger strike and feigned episodes of madness. Her decision to sever all ties with a wealthy family by marrying a reckless and somewhat unprincipled youth and embarking with him to distant destinations in pursuit of questionable goals therefore attests to Clara's unusually daring spirit. Clara once again decided to act. and growing fear about the outcome of their trial. as Lacouture has suggested. She was allowed to leave for France. On the ship that took her back to France she met lawyer Paul Monin and enlisted him in the campaign for Malraux's freedom. and nowhere did he allude to these events except to take pride in the fact that an impressive group of writers had banded together to demand his freedom in the name of his promising literary talent. "Women are extras on a stage where men are the objects of des- . As Susan Suleiman concludes after rereading Malraux's novels from a feminist perspective. Clara orchestrated a mock suicide attempt in the hope of forcing the authorities to free her. Later. instead. where she successfully organized support among Parisian writers for Andre's release. a preliminary hearing was granted during which charges against Clara were dropped. This was not much of an improvement. they were sent to a hospital where she and André were at least housed and fed free of charge. Little of this information is presented in biographies of Malraux published before Clara's memoirs. and after some weeks of despondency. Indeed.36 biography Vol. and even if. it was the patriarchal Napoleonic code that enabled her to escape prosecution and to become instrumental in gaining Andre's release. 12. however.

Accounts of their second journey. Hin and Minh. that Clara had obtained permission to trans- late and reprint during a journey she made alone to Singapore in early 1925.Courtivron the malrauxs and indochina 37 tiny. L'lndochine's international coverage consisted of selections from the British press. for the relationship between the two young intellectuals was as much one of diversions and amusements on one hand. The importance of Clara's work on L'Indochine must not be underestimated. Clara Malraux entitles her volume Les Combats et les jeux. L'Indochine prided itself on its abundant and timely coverage of the international situation. Her third autobiographical volume chronicles her participation in their anticolonialist journalistic enterprise. who made the speeches and wrote the editorials. being "saved" by a woman represented an even greater betrayal of Malraux's ethics of virility. More importantly. to be many more. our paper. Phô. fruit of our minds and of our hands. and with literary excerpts from the Parisian press."24 Indeed. however. and opposition and conflict on the other."25 While she deferred to Monin and Malraux. There were. This selection stressed explosive revolutionary situations in such colonialized regions as India and North Africa and especially in China. he turned it into the shared trials of two men. and offers a much more playful and lighthearted perspective on their experience in colonial Saigon than do the dramatized versions proposed by a number of André Malraux's biographers." In fact. As though to emphasize this fact. which was attributed to mysterious "special correspondents. Vinh. Along with local and regional news. she consistently uses the pronoun "we" when referring to their ideological and practical enter- prises: "We finally held the paper in our hands. Dejean de la Bâtie. outlines her concrete contributions to L'Indochine. In her memoirs. Monin. news that the French colonial press censored for fear that it . Clara was clearly a member of the Indochine team as much as were Malraux. especially the Straits Times. This title refers as much to the personal as to the political dimensions of their experience. and thus the most surprising and the most painful. which involved a much more serious commitment on the part of the Malrauxs. as was their daily work on the newspaper. she participated as substantially as any of their collaborators in their joint project. similarly overlook Clara's role. she reveals that this omission—Andre's refusal to acknowledge publicly her role in mobilizing public opinion to exert pressure on the appeals court—was the first. when he fictionalized this expedition. Clara was thus eliminated completely from both fact and fiction.

which represented approximately one quarter of the eight-page paper. while taking risks. deflates the more grandiloquent analyses of this particular period of Malraux's life. L'Indochine had close links with Chinese sources in China. only an occasional "ladies' page" about fashion had been attributed to her. however. Their Annamese colleagues con- centrated on the important local and regional aspect of the paper and on translation from the Annamese press. Her portrayal of three intelligent. Moreover. indulged in a great deal of fun. closer scrutiny of L'Indochine reveals that the proportion of wit and humor—as well as retribution against those who had tried to discredit and imprison André in 1924—appears at least equal to that of serious analysis of col- onialist oppression. each member of the team necessarily assumed certain responsibilities. 1 might further intensify the Annamese nationalistic tendencies. Her contributions to L'Indochine were. a judicious presentation of the international scene was central to L'lndochine's mission.38 biography Vol. she was in large part responsible for the international section. No. probably with Chinese newspapermen. Clara's Indochina memoirs accomplish much more than the rectification of concrete matters such as these. far more substantial. whose meticulous research on L'Indochine misses few details. For this reason. 12. during which André and Paul practiced swordsmanship while she . Clara's evocations of evenings together after long days at the office. explains that these dispatches came from independent sources not available to other papers and concludes: "Obviously."26 Until Clara reclaimed her share of the responsibility. (All of André Malraux's biographers acknowledge that he never learned En- glish. and the paper clearly would have been a less effective publication had it not been for the section that she developed. Clara was the only one to speak several foreign languages. Indeed. Clara's subtle analysis of the ways in which her companion gradually transformed what he considered to be his first "failure" in Indochina into the machinations of a corrupt administration to destroy him for purely political reasons unmasks Andre Malraux's earliest strategies for structuring his own myth. a daring innovation in itself.) Consequently. Yet so little was known about her particular activities that Walter Langlois. They also provide a more lighthearted perspective on the activities of Monin and the Malrauxs that reduces them to human proportions. Monin and Malraux shared the editorial duties. energetic and rebellious young intellectuals who arrogantly confronted the colonial machinery and who even. While much of the work was probably collaborative.

of Tchang Kaï-Chek. the young couple took a few days' vacation in Macao. the motif of "learning to live" could aptly characterize all six volumes of her autobiography. is often incomprehensible to her: I don't understand very well all of these comings and goings of generals. as she admits freely. of the war lords. She describes the journey to Hong Kong. and denies any apocryphal visit to Canton. these efforts to form groups and their relationships to Occidental thought—an Occident of which they want to free themselves through the thought."27 One telling anecdote illustrates the readjustments that Clara's account compelled later biographers to make. of ordinary human contacts. who is so disciplined intellectually that he boasts never to waste time daydreaming but relentlessly pursues precise lines of reflection organized around specific themes. politics and death. Monin. and opium dens. and return again and again to the learning process of life. he was in fact enjoying the tourist spectacles of Macao's casinos. Clara recalls that after having accomplished their task. a phase that is doubtless indispensable to their own conquest of themselves. was barely thirty."29 At no time does Clara. forty years later. brothels. of Sun Yat-sen. She communicates her initial naivete and ignorance about the colonial situation and her astonishment when faced with the complexities of a historical situation that. At the time when Malraux was purportedly assisting Borodine in China. attempt to elucidate the complexities of Oriental thought. While André Malraux's Antimemoirs are entirely structured around monologues or conversations with great men about art. More to the point. during which they purchased new type for their silenced paper. as she documents the growth of her political consciousness. Unlike André. these cities at times captured at other times abandoned.28 Nor is she embarrassed. of a semi-European.Courtivron the malrauxs and indochina 39 smoked opium present a somewhat more buoyant version of their life in Saigon than earlier biographers had painted: "Our team had fun in 1925 in Saigon: the oldest of us. to take pride in this almost childlike process of discovery: "My brand new knowledge shines like copper. But I learn the names of Yuan Che-Kaï. Clara's thought process is . in the summer of 1925. She is enlightened only by daily contacts with individual Indochinese friends and colleagues whose moments of joy or discouragement she shares and tries to interpret through her own experience of life. semi-Asiatic Russia. and I now know that the Kominform exists. Clara's memoirs speak of daily personal experiences. revised and corrected. Indeed. and are dominated by universal pronouncements on the human condition. young bourgeois European intellectual.

are woven around and through the harder political realities.35 Clara's intentions in publishing her memoirs were in part to set the record straight. a biographical reality. . of joyous moments of apprenticeship and collaboration. . and turned toward the individual. even if. Even the intense figure of André becomes humanized once seen from her perspective."30 Moreover. not so much by chipping away at the great man's leg- . and champagne. and on the celebration when the first paying issue sold well. all of which we indulged in. She dwells on the excitement of distributing the first free issues of L'Indochine in the streets. in the house on the rue Péllerin. or give others their share of credit: Our product was not as striking as we imagined it was."33 Recollections of atmospheres rather than words.40 biography Vol. Her memoirs therefore succeed in extracting their friends from Andre's fictional renditions or from the abstractions into which he has subsumed them. She incorporates the testimony of a mutual friend of theirs who remembers André during this period as "carefree. It is because she and André struggled at their side that they learned as much as they did. Most of the ideas it presented had already and often been developed by Monin and Dejean in other papers. a personality. 1 anecdotal."32 While Clara Malraux is revolted by injustice and committed to the struggle against it— which she continued to demonstrate throughout her life—she refuses to obliterate those aspects of a year in Saigon that made it occasionally feel like a vacation. No. she adds lucidly. I would be at a loss to say. 12. Clara who has proudly reclaimed the "we" in their enterprise. by Minh and Nguyen Ai-quoc in pamphlets .31 Clara also reinjects the humor that had been lost in other accounts of their activities." a form of "ballet-theater" in which each player had an assigned part. of sounds and fragrances. associative. and restore to each a face. "We did so only in our own interest. "Our satisfaction manifested itself in speeches. a guy full of humor who did not take himself seriously and others even less so.34 What is also brought into the narrative is the transformation of André from adventurer to conqueror that Alfred Goessl and Roland Champagne have so convincingly analyzed. The vaunted struggle against villainous adversity at times becomes comical. Alluding to their embroilment with powerful local editors. is not so invested in its success that she cannot distance herself critically from a self-aggrandizing assessment of its effectiveness. grandiose visions. she calls these a "guignolade. but whether it accomplished more than another.

The Shores of Light (New York: Farrar. Ibid. 10. . 2. Vandegans. p. Praeger. 99. Massachusetts Institute of Technology notes 1. 14. Ibid. Langlois. p. Le Bruit de nos pas (Paris: Grasset.. 8. 1975). One might wonder. All of these are cited by Vandegans in a footnote on pages 240 and 241 οι La Jeunesse littéraire.Courtivron the malrauxs and indochina 41 end as by revealing dimensions of the couple's mutual experience that had been overlooked or distorted too often. 251. p.. 140. 241. Le Portrait de Griselidis. 58. 16. 1973. 13. "Interrogation à Malraux. Vandegans. Yet. André Malraux. 15. 4. p. 7. appeared as early as 1948. 1963-1979). essai sur l'inspiration far- felue (Paris: JJ Pauvert. 253. "A Modern Woman's Autobiography: Clara Malraux" in Contemporary Literature (Vol." Esprit. 10. why neither took seriously into account either her oral testimony or her fictionalized version of this period. That is not to say that all such studies have been sympathetic. however. London: Frederick A. 252. Les Combats et les jeux (1969). Includes: Appren- dre a vivre (1963). in the absence of concrete evidence. 20. 19. 9. in a few lines of a footnote. p. analyses critical of André Malraux's fabrication of his own legend. Summer 1983). 6. waiter Langlois. Strauss & Young. p. August-December 1928. 1952). Louise Witherell. New York: Pantheon Books. p. Lacouture. André Vandegans. . 8. German trans- lation of The Conquerors by Max Claus in Europaische Review. 157. p. No. 18. 24. André Malraux. Paul Morand. une vie dans le siècle (Paris: Seil. Antimémoires (Paris: Gallimard. October 1948). Langlois. 2. She reinscribes herself in a joint venture in which she had been too long the invisible companion and reclaims a past that had been stolen from her by the silences of André Malraux and his mystified biographers. 1964). 11. La fin et le commencement (1976). Alan Sheridan. Ibid. La Jeunesse littéraire d'André Malraux. 61. 3. p. p. 5. p. Papiers d'identité (Paris: Grasset. Et pourtant j'étais libre . Vandegans dismisses her first novel. for example. Edmund Wilson. 210. Vandegans. 1931). Voici que vient l'été(19T3). André Malraux: The Indochina Adventure (New York. . 1976). Langlois. (1979). Washington. 12. Ibid.. Jean Lacouture. they did not attempt to reestablish a more accurate presentation of the Indochinese period (see. 1966). 117. 17. Nos vingt ans (1966).. trans. Clara Malraux. 21. 213. Vandegans. p. p. p.

p. 29. 2. "Clara Malraux's Le Bruit de nos pas: Biography and the Question of Women in the 'Case of Malraux' " in Biography. Schweikart (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press.. Ibid. p. Alfred G. 24. 23. 1970). Robert Payne. 27. A Portrait of André Malraux (Englewood. 71. ed. Clara Malraux. Langlois. Ibid. see Louise R. LCELJ. 147. Champagne. Summer 1983). For an analysis of the tactile and sensual elements in Clara's writing. 3. p.No. No. 140. p... Clara Malraux.42 biography Vol. 140. p. 12. 130. 28. "Malraux's women: A Re-vision" in Gender and Reading. 128. p. 31. Ibid. 26. 146. 85. NJ: Prentice Hall.. 56. 1986). Vol. Ibid. Witherell. No. Goessl and Roland A. Ibid. Ibid. Les Combats et les jeux. p. p. 1 22. 35. 24. 48. p. 33. 7.. "A Modern Woman's Autobiography: Clara Malraux" in Contemporary Literature (Vol. E. Susan Rubin Suleiman. 34. 30. 25. Flynn and P. . 32.. Clara Malraux begins Voici que vient l'été with this quote from Mallarmé. p.

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