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Judaeo-Arabic and Muslim apocalyptic visions in the Yemen Author(s): Yosef Tobi Reviewed work(s): Source: Proceedings of the

Seminar for Arabian Studies, Vol. 27, Papers from the thirtieth meeting of the Seminar for Arabian Studies held in London, 18-20 July 1996 (1997), pp. 235241 Published by: Archaeopress Stable URL: . Accessed: 20/02/2012 08:07
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Arabieand Muslim in theYemen visions Judaeoapocalyptic


literature Yemeni-Arabic It is quitewell knownthat source of a and culturewere a very significant curiousliterary work:the visionsof the somewhat our subject, End of Days. To understand properly from twoclearstatements: we must proceed is notoriginal, (i) The Jewish writing apocalyptic elementsfrom the nor does it solely integrate Butitis a copy and eschatology. Muslimapocalypse fromthe Yemen, to which of Muslim revelations saw fitto appendtheJewish writers Jewish aspect. (ii) The Muslimas well as theJewish apocalyptic is not an intellectual literature by a composition that creation buta popular known author, developed It forms and expandedover thecourseof centuries. of the an inseparablepart of the folk writings which did not literature Yemen, a non-canonical did not circles.Its transmitters spring up in scholarly had to be it a sacred textwhose wording consider but an available receptacle meticulously preserved, in theYemen. literature newtoJudaeo-Arabic would like to deal withan I In thepresent paper to the out be which according might poured aspect needs of timeand place, mainlyas a reactionto In this way the politicalcircumstances. pertinent a in whichideas and work turned into apocalypse situation of varioustimes to thehistorical attitudes the the new not replacing and places accumulated, it. This is thekey to thequite old, butaugmenting contain the which of theapocalypses, unusual nature and townsand contain namesof personages subject withthe timewhen theywere unconnected matter to written. The task of the scholar is therefore

to therelevant events of the discoverthereferences a where order to determine when and time in was version of apocalypticrevelation particular written.1 correct in orderto impart Therefore, significance we mustexamine- at least to theJewish revelations These are to some degree- theMuslimrevelations. and richerthan the Jewish far more diversified or handwritten visions and they exist in printed are forourpurposes, naturally, Important originals.2 theYemen,whichto theMuslimapocalypsesfrom the best of my knowledge are still only in suchas LeidenMS Or. 14266,thetitlemanuscript, page of whichreads as follows(folio la, in a late handwriting): biAllah al-Mansur KitbAnwr al-yaqnI li-l-imm Allah tala. Haw rabb al-calamnI rahima-hu I bd alhd al-Kitb siyar al-hulaf* al-slifln wa-li-hiwa-sallama,wanabi sall Allh calay-hi wam sa-yaqacu al-mariqwa-al-sufyni fi ayym alwa-al-mahdi lacana-hum Allh, al-daggl, Book The al-salm muntazar (translation: calay-hi of theLightsof theFirmFaith/ by theImam,the Conquerorwith the help of God, Master of the havemercy Universe /mayGod, He is everexalted, of theearly thehistory on him.This book contains theProphet, mayGod bless himand caliphs/ after house his him and peace and whatwillcometo grant Eastern of the in the King and theSufyn days pass and the and theanti-Messiah, mayGod cursethem, be him).3 Messiah, upon peace hoped-for 235

forArabianStudies27 (1997) oftheSeminar Proceedings

YOSEFTOBI mentioned in thisdescription All thefigures of the also appearin theJewish In manuscript apocalypses. severalplaces in the manuscript thereare certain are also wellknown which from theJewish chapters revelations (folio25a): ahditgammah fi habar almahd al-salm(manytraditions calay-hi concerning theMessiah,peace be uponhim);(folio30a): fasifi wafathi-hi calay-hi al-salm Quskantniyyah dlika minbild al- (chapter Rmiyyah wa-gayr on his conquest, peace be uponhim,Constantinople andRome,and others of thelandsof theChristians); (folio 33a): fasi fi hurgal-daggl al-lacnwa-m yatbu-hu (chapter on the emergence of the accursedanti-Messiah and what followson from him); (folio 35a): mas'alah fi hurg Ygug watheemergence of Gog Mgug (questionconcerning and Magog); (folio 36a): mas>alah tuluc al-ams fi min magribi-hwa-hurugdbit al-ard (question sunrise fromsunsetand theexit of the concerning beastoftheearth).4 These apocalypsesare frequently written in a often in and some even follow a poeticstyle, rhyme, metre. are also known the name malhamah They by a termwhichbecame commonin (plur.malhim), Arabicliterature in theYemenalso.5 JudaeoA Muslimapocalypse, albeitnotfrom theYemen but fromEgypt,and very similarto the Jewish Yemeni apocalypses, was published in German translation alone by Hartmann (1924 : 89-92; and see Fahd 1966 : 227 n. 1). The apocalypseis taken from the workMuhdaratal-abrr wa-musmarat Arab mystic fromSpain al-asgr by therenowned and it is (d. 638/1240), Muhyal-Dn Ibn al-cArab contained in a chapter entitled The Destruction of theWorldat theEnd of Days.1 Fromvarious matters mentioned in theapocalypse, theeditor itas regards a response to theCrusades, to the weakness namely oftheMuslims in thefaceof theChristians' victories overthem in theeast. It is common knowledge that the messianic notions in Islam weregreatly influenced byJudaism and Christianity and some considercAbd Allah b. Saba>, the Jewishapostatefromthe Yemen who lived in the time of early Islam, and Wahb b. whowas bornas a MuslimtohisYemeni Munabbih, to be among the chiefchannelsin Jewish mother, this Not evenin the therefore, respect.6 surprisingly, Muslim apocalypses one comes across material 236 and Christian in Jewish such literature, originating as the War of Gog and Magog (Huart 1904; Hartmann 1924 : 111; Fahd 1966 : 67#; Geddes in the earlydays of Islam the 1967). Furthermore, Jews were deemed to possess knowledgeof the future. For example,an apocalyptic malhamahin entitled Malhamatal-baynI fi mrifai manuscript al-sinnwa-al'duhurwa-al-azmn(The malhamah of the expositionof knowledgeof the years,the and thetimes)is described as a response generations by Kacb al-Ahbr, who had been asked by aboutthemahdl(Fahd 1991 : 247). Kacb Mucwiyah al-Ahbr is none other than a Yemeni Jewish convert in thetimeof Muhammad, a majorfigure in thetransference of Jewish traditions intoIslam in its early phase (Wolfensohn1933; Schmitz 1978). Tabar, the renownedMuslim historian, presents othertraditions thatTubyc,the son of the relating wife of Kacb al-Ahbr,whose father was a Jew, the death of cAmr ibn Sacd; while prophesied another Rs al-Jlut the Jew, (theExilarch)foretold deathof Husaynb. cAl nearKarbal (Van Vloten 1894 : 55). it seemsthat theJewish of However, background theapocalypses attest notonlyto literary borrowings from butalso to theinclusion sources, earlyJewish of local pre-Islamic historical matter connected with Yemenite theuprising of theYemenipeople Jewry, under the leadershipof Sayf b. Dh Yazan, the of theYusufDh Nuws, thelast Jewish grandson king of the Yemeni Himyarite kingdom.As is known,thisking was defeatedin AD 525 by an Christian invading armythatcrossedthe Red Sea from Ethiopia at the request of the Byzantine Thus theJewish ended emperor. Himyarite kingdom and the land of the Yemen fell underEthiopian Christian rule. But the Yemenis were not readyto to and about fifty adjust this situation years later raised the of banner rebellion under this they Sayfb. Dh Yazan, and drove the Ethiopiansout of the Yemen. The deeds of Sayf b. Dh Yazan were absorbed intothetradition of theYemenipeopleand became the subject of various tales (Hirschberg 1946a : 108-9; Fahd 1966 : 84, 161, 169, 250; Nicholson1929 : 28-9; Geddes 1967; Anonymous 1294 (H)). One of thesetales,brought by Ibn cAbd the famous Andalusian scholar Rabbi-hi, (357/967), connects Sayfb. Dh Yazan withMuhammad by a

VISIONS ARABIC ANDMUSLIMAPOCALYPTIC JUDAEO secrettradition transferred by him to a delegation from sentby thetribe of Quraysh Mecca aboutthe as a redeemer expectedappearanceof Muhammad (Ibn cAbd Rabbi-hi1949, II : 23-8). In the above mentionedapocalypses,7however, the hope is stockwill again thata scion of Himyar expressed has no place in general theland,a hope that conquer but only in or generalMuslimeschatology, Jewish at a timewhenYemeni local Yemeni eschatology, and was was subjectto Ethiopian Christianity Jewry between AD 525 to break free of it, namely striving was the startof and AD 575. This presumably were and its creators Yemeni apocalyptic writing, to Yemeni Jews or Himyariswho had converted in Judaism notonlytheliterary and sought Judaism of the of apocalypsesand revelations vehicleitself as such but also different motifs Messiah, redeeming theWarof Gog and Magog. Moreover, by impacted tales on Sayf b. Dh Yazan whose theapocalyptic some was thecastleof Gumdnin Sanc5, residence that the relate Yemeni Judaeo-Arabic apocalypses Messiah Ben Yosef (expectedto appearbeforethe Davidic Messiah) shall rise from that castle that (Ratzahbi1970 : 306-7). It is also noteworthy for as a Muhammad's struggling prophet appearance of one God caused an enhancement therecognition around the time of his of messianicexpectations 1946b).8 (Heller1927; Hirschberg prophecy an echo of the Himyari Most surprisingly, motif is found in theworkof a liturgical apocalyptic poet fromEretz Israel, possiblyElcazarHa-Qilliri, of thepoetsof EretzIsrael,who livedin thegreatest the firsthalf of the seventh centuryAD, and events on theeve of theMuslimconquest witnessed thatthe It is almostcertain its course.9 and during from Hebrew)That (in translation poembeginning is part day whentheMessiah,son of David, comes1 close to of a comprehensive composition, paytanic the Ninth of Ab, whose subject matteris an of 'that day'. Now in one eschatological description of the lines of the poem the followingphraseis thelandof Yoqtanwillcomeforth 'Andfrom found: in the a kingand his camps will be strengthened land1 (Even Shemu'el 1954 : 158; Yahalom 1979 : of thepoem interpreted 130). The editors Yoqtan as Arabia,accordingto Genesis 10:6 (Even meaning Shemu'el1954 : 158; Yahalom 1979 : 128). Yet it the shouldbe madebetween a distinction seemsthat to nameYoqtanand thenameYishmacel. According since the time of the common Jewishtradition is thefather of theson of Abraham Sages,Yishmacel as another theArab peoples. By contrast, tradition, amongtheJewsof theYemen,considers preserved of Shemthe of theprogeny Yoqtantheson of cEber, of theArabtribes son of Noah, to be theprogenitor there.This identifies Yoqtan with Qahtn, who was the father of the accordingto Arab tradition The idea does notappeartoo tribes of theYemen.10 motifs that echoes of theeschatological far-fetched, sixth in the Yemen in the AD, century prevalent also shared the of that Jews country, undoubtedly by is so to Israel. This Eretz made their especially way of thesixth at thebeginning of thefactthat in light century politicalties existed betweenYusuf Dh Nuws, the last Jewish king of the Himyar in Tiberias kingdom,and the Jewishsettlement that the and 1968a; 1968b; 1976), (Hirschberg ruledEretz whichbriefly PersianSassaniddynasty, on theeve of of thesixthcentury Israel at thestart theMuslimconquest(AD 614-629), also ruledthe to the Yemen fromthe end of the sixthcentury of that Muslimconquest (AD 575-629). country is replete with Needless to say, theQuran itself theobvious of theEnd of Days, under therevelation theidea of theJewish influence tradition,11 although a less and in far more is expressed figurative simply under thanin theapocalypses and complexmanner of the reviewand in the Jewishapocalypses preIslamic and early Islamic periods(Even Shemu'el 1954 : 31#, 52#;Lewis 1949-51;1974; Kedar 1985; theQuranicvisionof the Yahalom 1992). Moreover, End of Days is not meant to express the of a certain groupliving eschatological aspirations but is the in oppressivepolitical circumstances, to of a religious-ethical conceptintended expression behaviour and repentance.12 to proper lead believers after of Islam,right from thebeginning By contrast, and still more afterthe the death of Muhammad, of cAl b. Ab Tlib and the rise of the deposition in Damascus (41/661),a faction Umayyaddynasty formed- firstthe Khawrij (Levi of schismatics Della Vida 1978) and laterthe Shcs (Sachendina to the 1981) - who were not willingto conform reality. Theybeganto developin political frustrating Islam an apocalypticeschatologyin which they of a better their time, hopesof theadvent expressed 237

YOSEFTOBI in which rule would be restored to him who was worthyof it. These groups did not recognize the legalityof the Umayyad and Abbasid rule, and saw theperiod of the first caliphs who reigned in Medina (al-hulaftfal-) as the Golden Age of Islam, whose restoration was to be sought. This may explain the regular appearance of the names of the cities of Mecca and Yathrib13and of the historical figuresof those times, such as Abu Bakr, the first who succeeded after Companion caliph Muhammad's death Another (11-1 3/632-4). historicalpersonage is the Umayyad al-Sufyan, in whom the Messiah, or more precisely the antiMessiah, is incarnate and who represents the historicalfigure of Abu Sufyn. The latter was at firstan opponent of Muhammad, but later joined him; yet from him arose the house of Umayyah which usurped the rule from the family of the Prophetand his son-in-law, cAl b. Ab Tlib, who s daughterFtimah.14 marriedthe latter' In the fullness of time the Muslim apocalypses were augmentedby otherlayers reflecting, as stated, later circumstances,such as the war of the Abbasid caliphs and otherMuslim rulersagainst theChristian kingdoms in Byzantium and Europe, and the struggleof the Arabs against Ottoman rule, while in the Muslim apocalypses from the Yemen, details were added connected with the political conditions of that country. But in the framework of this discussion, whose subject is apocalyptic revelations in Judaeo-Arabicliterature in the Yemen, suffice it to statethattheirliterary origin is not Jewish,except for the pre-Islamic Himyari element. Jews fromthe Yemen, whether associated with a particular messianic activity or not, took up Muslim apocalypses, either from written or from oral sources, and copied them in the Hebrew script, amending and abridging them, yet not eradicating theirevident Arab-Muslim essence, except for the ending, which they made explicitly Jewish: the victoryof the Jewish Messiah and the reign of the Holy One Blessed Be He all over the world. Needless to say, obvious Jewishmotifswere added, surrounding the figure of Aaron the priest, Jerusalem and the building of the Temple and suchlike. Naturally, the use of these apocalypses elicited no essential problem,in thatthe ideological foundation came from Judaism; moreover, the 238 Jewishapocalyptic creation,as early as the Biblical literature (the book of Daniel) dealt much with the strugglesand wars between the various kingdomsas preparatory stages for the appearance of the Jewish Messiah and the rule of the Kingdom of Heaven. A separate question is, when did the use of the Muslim apocalypses begin in Judaeo-Arabic literature in the Yemen? It is difficult to answer with precision. The manuscripts in which Jewish revelations of the apocalypse have survived do not predate the fourteenth/nineteenth century.But, since these belonged to folk literature and were not absorbed into the scholarly literarycanon, the date of the copying of these manuscriptscannot be taken as proof of the time of the revelations in them. In any event, in the Sabbatean composition Ge Hizzayon (The Valley of Vision) of the 1070s/1660s the influence of the apocalyptic literatureunder considerationis clearly marked.15

This was done thoroughly by Hartmann(1924) in the apocalypse published by him, although it seems that he was rather far-fetchedin his attemptto give the relevantbackground to each event, place and name mentioned in that Yemenite apocalypse. Regarding the Judaeovisions of the End of Days from the nineteenth cf. Eraqi-Klorman 1993 : 73-6. See also century, the brilliant analysis by Lewis (1949-51). A vast scholarlyliterature has been published on apocalyptic Muslim-Arabic works; most of them are mentioned in the comprehensive book of Fahd (1966). The followingare some of the more ones: Casanova 1910; Hartmann1924; important Geddes 1967; Fahd 1960; Sachendina 1981 : and passim; Fahd 1991. 161ff For the description of this manuscript, see Witkam 1986 : 368-70. I would like to express my sincere thanksto the libraryof the University of Leiden and to its librarianHans Van de Velde for the warm welcome during my visit in July 1995. 4 I intend to publish an article soon with a comprehensive study of the contents of this manuscript and its relation to the JewishYemenite visions of the End of Days. For the use of this termin Arabic literature, see

ARABIC ANDMUSLIMAPOCALYPTIC VISIONS JUDAEObecause there is no solid proof. It is clear, Van Vloten 1894 : 56-7; Casanova 1910; 1924 : 111; Fahd 1991. thatQillirilived in EretzIsrael at the Hartmann however, 6 On cAbdAllah b. end of thesixth and thebeginning of the Saba>,see Hodgson1960. The century Irantry hardto dissociate him seventh and it is probablethathe was Shicites of modern century 1978. witness to theMuslimoccupation of thecountry of Shicism. See cAskari from thenascency in 13/634. See Klein 1930 : 30; Fleischer 1988 : see Huart1904; Horovitz On Wahbb. Munabbih, 406. Qilliri'sconsciousness of the existenceof 1934; Khouri1972; Adang,forthcoming. 7 On in the Yemen may be from theYemen, Jewish communities Judaeo-Arabic apocalypses his shvfata(a paytanic in deducedfrom see Ratzahbi1970; Tobi 1996a : 181-93. For a genre), and which he mentions the Time of see of these Redemption, study apocalypses, Eraqi-Klorman in Tobi includesthe Yemenitecommunities 1993 : 63-86. This work is criticized among the whose communities in of thepreJewish 1996a : 169-74.On thepreservation exile, suffering return to EretzIsrael at thattimeis anticipated: of in Arabictradition element IslamicHimyarite thedistressed whopainfully the Yemen afterthe adventof Islam see Van 'So, He shall deliver dwell amongthenations cElamand from 1993 : 18; Vloten 1894 : 61-2; Eraqi-Klorman / from Shincar and from Kush and from Sheba1 Mermier1994: especially 133; Varisco 1994 : fromHebrew). cElam is a paytanic about a malhamah For a 13. (translated recently published 1984. I have been figurativesynonym for Persia, Shincar for Himyari king,see Pitrovski unableto gainaccess to thispublication. Babylonia,Kush for Egypt,and Sheba for the theArabsin that Yemen.Qillirimentions Jewishmessianismat that time,especially in poem, believes butFleischer stone for the (1981 : 296-9), its editor, Arabia, serves as a foundation the thatit was composedbeforetheyconquered of Crone and Cook explanation comprehensive of Islam.A renewed (1977), fortheadvent country. image This is not the place to discuss this subject of Muhammadas a messiah arose among the but sufficeit to say thatin Moriscos,aftertheirexpulsionfromChristian comprehensively, sir to Gen. 10:29,as well as Sacadia'sbiblicaltaf in their argument Spain, as an anti-Christian midrashic in the Yemenite in the work It is work, Yoqtan is polemical expressed polemics. namesof three of with and the close identified The Barnabas 1995). Qahtn, (Wiegers Gospel of his sons,Hadoram, betweenthe appearanceof Muhammad relation Uzal, and Diqlah, withthree San'a5and Sacdah. towns in theYemen:Dhamr, notion of traditional and theJewish as a prophet which was In accordance with this tradition, is clearlyexpressedby the Muslim messianism Rabbi Yosef in the rooted the the Ibn about Jew Yemen, strongly Sayyd,embodying myth Madmuni(d. 1948), theleaderof theYemenite of al-Daggl (the Muslim Antichrist) character to Muhammad in reference community in Kefar Ha-Shilo5ah (near (Halperin1976). The of a Judaeoin his Hebrewrendition claim that Muhammad is mentionedin the Jerusalem), the of vision of End Arabic in the form of as to Pentateuch expected appear Days, identified : 186-7).There 1996a with was still made in the Messiah sixth/twelfth Qahtn Yoqtan (Tobi is Sacadia's this identification that is no Yemen by a Jewishconvertto Islam question century a it or speculation, rather that reflects invention (Halkin1952 : x-xi[inHebrew]). 9 This later adapted by pre-IslamicJewishtradition, poem has been discussed many times in Sacadia,like manyothertraditions keptin prepaytanicand eschatologicalresearchliterature. thatwere Sacadian Arabic biblical translations See Even Shemu'el 1954 : 154-60;Lewis 1974. later transplanted of the discussionand a full For a summary by him into his own tafslr of the poem, see Yahalom 1979 : (Tobi 1993 : 112; 1996b : 490). C/.n. 13,below. publication 11 For 128-33. Even Shemu'el (1954 : 54, 157-67), bibliography regarding the Muslim eschatologyin Muhammad'stime,see Aneesadoptstheviewof Marcus(1934 : 21-9; see also 1986 : 100-2. Athar 1933 : 28-9), thatthe authorof this poem is 1 Cf. Croneand Cook (1977 : 34) on thecharacter Qilliri; while Yahalom (1979 : 128), doubtsit


YOSEFTOBI thein-gathering of 'Whereas ofIslamicmahdism: the Israeliteexiles is a centralthemeof the the eschatologicalinmessianic programme, is a purely Christian of theIshmaelites gathering theotherside of ... whereasin Judaism fantasy thecoin is messianic hope,in Islam it is a Sufi resignation.1 13 On theroleof Mecca in theJewish visionsof the 1993 : 72-3. It End of Days, see Eraqi-Klorman should be noted that Mecca is frequently in theJewish of theYemen as mentioned poetry well as in the Sabbatean work Ge Hizzayon (Scholem1946; Tobi 1986 : 95-6, 99, 132) in a butby its notby itsArabicname, similar context, of Mesha. This identification Hebrewrendition biblicalMesha withMecca is foundin Sacadia's tafsrto Gen. 10:30. C/. n. 10, above, and is theancient, Yahuda 1895 : 110. Yathrib preMuslimcapital. IslamicnameofMedina,thefirst 14 On Abu with the Sufynand his connections Watt 1960. see house, Madelung1986; Umayyad the the ShN visions of End of On his imagein 1981 : 165; in theYemeniDays,see Sachendina 1993 : 17, 66see Eraqi-Klorman Jewish visions, 7, 69, 77. Ge Hizzayonwas published by Scholem(1946). C/.Tobi 1986: 92-101. A JewishLegend in an Adang, (forthcoming). ArabCoat, [inHebrew] A. N. 1986. Guide to Sra Anees,M. A. & Athar, in Western and Hadlth Literature Languages. York. London/New 1294 (H). Srat Fans al-Yaman alAnonymous, MalikSayfibn Dhl Yazan.Cairo,[inArabic] cAbdu>l-lah Ibn Saba> and Other M. 1978. cAskari, Teheran. Myths. Casanova, P. 1910. La Malhamat dans l'Islam des Religions61 : Revuede l'Histoire primitif. 151-61. P. & Cook, M. 1977. Hagarism:theMaking Crone, the Cambridge. of IslamicWorld. B. 1993. The Jewsof Yemenin the Eraqi-Klorman, a Portrait Nineteenth of a Messianic Century: Leiden. Community. Even Shemu'el, Y. 1954. Midrashic Works on Jerusalem, [inHebrew] Redemption. Fahd,T. 1960.Djafr.El2 II : 375-7.Leiden. 1966. La Divinationarabe: tudes religieuses, sur le milieunatif sociologiquesetfolkloriques de l'Islam.Leiden. 1991. Malhamah,Malhim.El2 VI : 216, 247. Leiden. CE.1981. Qillirian Issues.Tarbiz50 : 282Fleischer, 302. [inHebrew] 1988. Concerning the Solutionof the Question abouttheTime and Place of R. ElcazarBeribbi Qillir's Activity.Tarbiz 54 : 381-427. [in Hebrew] Geddes, L. 1967. The Messiah in SouthArabia. MW51: 311-20. Halkin,A. S. 1952. Moses Maimonides' Epistleto New York. Yemen. D. J. 1976. The Ibn SayydTradition and Halperin, theLegendof al-Dajjl.JAOS96 : 213-25. R. 1924. Eine islamiche aus Hartmann, Apokalypse der Kreuzzugzeit. Ein Beitrage zur Gafrder konigsberger Literatur, Schriften geleherten : 89-116. Berlin. 1/3 Gesellschaft et les Juifs de Heller,B. 1927. YouschaAl-Akbar dans le romand'Antar: un movement Kheybar dans l'ancienne Arabie.Revuedes messianique 84 : 113-37. EtudesJuives H. Z. 1946a. Israel in Arabia.Tel Aviv, Hirschberg, [inHebrew] 1946b.The Tracesof theMessiahin Arabiain the and SixthCentury theDestruction after of Fifth the Second Temple.In, A. Schwartz (ed.) The MemorialVolumeof theRabbinicalSchool in Vienna: 112-24.Jerusalem, [inHebrew] and theRise of 1968a. Yosef theKing of Himyar Mar Zutra.In, H. Z. Hirschberg (ed.) All the : 139-46. Jerusalem. [Hebrew] LandofNaftali 1968b. Mar Zutra, Head of the Sanhdrinin Tiberias. In,H. Z. Hirschberg (ed.) All theLand : 147-53. Jerusalem, [inHebrew] ofNaftoli 1976. The Jewish Kingdom in the Land of Himyar.In, Y. Yeshacyahu& Y. Tobi (eds) Yemenite Jewry:Chapters of Research and Studies: 19-27.Jerusalem, [inHebrew] M. G. S. 1960. <AbdAllah B. Saba>, I Hodgson, : 51. Leiden. 4 : 1084J.1934. WahbB. Munabbih, Horovitz, 5. Leiden. Huart, M.C. 1904. Wahb Ben Munabbih et la



VISIONS ANDMUSLIMAPOCALYPTIC JUDAEO-ARABIC au Yemen. JA traditionJudeo-Chretienne Scholem, G. 1946. Ge Hizzayon - a Sabbatean tome3) : 331-50. srie, (dixime ApocalypsefromYemen. QovetzcAl Yad 14 : 105-41.[inHebrew] II. A. 1949.Kitbal-cIqdal-farid IbncAbdRabbi-hi. A. al-Zayn& I. al-Bayyn, Tobi, Y. 1986. Studies in the Scroll of Yemen. Amn, (eds). Cairo. Jerusalem, [inHebrew] Kedar, B. Z. 1985. The Arab Conquest and of a pre-Sacadian Arabic 1993. Remnants a Seventh CenturyApocalypse, Agriculture: Massorot7 : 87of thePentateuch. Translation Asian and and Palynology. SatelliteImagery, 127. : 1-15. Studies 19 [in Hebrew] African 1996a. The Visions of the End of Days in the Teil I. Der R. G. 1972. Wahbb. Munabbih. Khouri, of theJewsof Yemen.Tema 6 : 169Literature 23. PSR Heid Arab HeidelbergerPapyrus 93. Arabici des Dichters. LebenundWerk [in Hebrew] (Codices Arabic 1996b. Another Vernacular JudaeoWiesbaden. Antiqui). M. Bar-Asher of the Pentateuch. Translation the Studies in S. 1930. In, Klein, ofGenealogy Chapters in theBookofChronicles. Jerusalem. (ed.) Studiesin HebrewLanguage and Jewish [Hebrew] IV : Levi Della Vida, G. 1978. Khridjites. Languages - ShelomoMorag JubileeVolume: 481-501.Jerusalem, 1074-7.Leiden. [inHebrew] The Unity Vision of An Varisco,D. M. 1994. Textsand Pretexts: Lewis, . 1949-51. Apocalyptic State under al-Malik of the Rasulid : BSOAS 13 308-38. IslamicHistory. al-Mu?affar. Poem on the Arab 1974. A Jewish In, M. Tuchscherer(ed.) Yemen: pass et Apocalyptic : 13-23.Aix-en-Provence. de l'unit present Conquests. In, P. Salmon (d.) Mlanges surla domination G. Van. 1894. Recherches Vloten, lslamologie: 197-200.Leiden. et les croyances Tradition between 1986. W. The Sufyn arabe, le chi'itism messianiques Madelung, des Omayades. Amsterdam. sous le khalifat SI 63 : 5-48. andHistory. W. M. 1960.Abu Sufyn. El2 1 : 151. Leiden. Marcus,J. 1933. Treasuresof Poetryand Piyyut. Watt, as theMessiah:a G. A. 1995. Muhammad New York,[inHebrew] Wiegers, 1934. R. Elcazar Beribbi Qillir and His New Comparisonof the Polemical Works of Juan Alonso withtheGospel of Barnabas. BO 52 : Poems.Horev 1 : 21-9. [inHebrew] 245-91. de F. 1994. Les Fondationsmythiques Mermier, San'aa et d'Aden. In, M. Tuchscherer Witkam, J. J. 1986. Catalogue of Arabic (d.) in theLibrary de l'unit:131-9.AixYemen: of of the University Manuscripts pass et present Leiden and Other Collections in the en-Provence. 4. Leiden. Netherlands Nicholson,R. A. 1929. A Literary Historyof the I. Arabs.Cambridge. Wolfensohn, 1933. Kb al-Ahbr und seine alcan al-Malik Malhamah 1984. M. Pitrovski, Stellung im Hadth und in der islamischen Frankfurt-am-Main. from Translated al-Kmil. Legendliteratur. Himyarl Ascad 1979. On the Validity of Literary J. Russianby Shahir Jamal Yahalom, Agh.Sanc>. for the Inquiry into as a Source Works Ratzahbi, Y. 1970. Apocalypses and 'End 11 : 128-33. [in Cathedra HistoricalIssues. Calculation1among the Jews of Yemen. Hebrew] MehqereHa-MerkazLe-Heqer Ha-Folklor 1 : 1992. Change of Kingdoms in Eretz Israel 295-322.[inHebrew] A. A. 1981. Islamic Messianismithe Sachendina, according to the Perceptionof Poets and Shalem6 : 1-22.[inHebrew] Homilists. ShiHsm. Idea ofMahdiin theTwelver Albany. F/ : 316-7. M. 1978. Ka<b al-Ahbr. Yahuda, A. S. 1895. A History of the Arabs. Schmitz, Jerusalem, Leiden. [inHebrew] address Contributor's of Haifa, Mount of Hebrew and Comparative Yosef Tobi, Department Professor Literature, University Haifa31905,Israel Carmel,