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Roots of a Scientific Paradigm
The distinction between sciences of nature and human sciences has been long debated and will probably be discussed for some time. Although some, like L~vi-Strauss, believe that the distinction does not exist on principle, there can be no doubt of its existence in fact. The following brief remarks approach this issue from a standpoint that is perhaps rather unusual. In particular, I intend to show how, towards the end of the nineteenth century, there quietly emerged in the sphere of human sciences an epistemological model (or "paradigm ''1) which has not yet been given enough attention. Between 1874 and 1876, a series of articles on Italian painting appeared in the Zeitschrift fu'r bildende Kunst. Their author was an unknown Russian scholar, Ivan Lermolieff; their translation into German had been done by another unknown, Johannes Schwarze. These articles proposed a new method for the attribution of ancient paintings that kindled divergent reactions and lively discussions. Several years passed before the author cast off the double mask behind which he had hidden himself. The author was an Italian, Giovanni Morelli (Schwarze was a German equivalent of this last name, and Lermolieff a quasi-anagram of it). Art historians even nowadays still talk about a "Morellian method. ''2 Let us see of what this method consisted. Museums, Morelli said, are full of paintings whose authorship has been attributed inaccurately. But to restore each painting to its real author is a difficult task: often these works are not signed, have been re-painted or are in bad condition. In such a situation it is indispensable to be able to distinguish between originals and copies. But to do this, Morelli said, one should not work (as is usually done) on the basis of the most striking features of paintings, which for this very reason are the easiest to imitate, the lifted-to-heaven eyes of Perugino's figures, the smile of
Universitd degli Studi, Bologna.
something unique that can never be repeated . by definition. 7 The editions of Orlando Furioso may exactly reproduce the text as it was written by Ariosto.) The renewal of interest in Morelli's writings was an achievement of E.an attitude tending to an appreciation of details rather than of the work as a whole. s Actually the implications of the method proposed by Morelli were different. But to mention copies is probably a sufficient indication of the existence. that of Cosm6 Tura. The problems that Morelli tried to solve were of a philological nature in that they were similar. Morelli was dealing with texts (that is. and so on. of a decisive difference. he aimed at reconstructing the text (the painting) as it was originally. a stretched-out Venus in the Dresden Gallery. partly maybe because of the almost arrogant assurance with which it was presented. 4 This interpretation is not very convincing. In Morelli. the fingernails. that many scholars who resisted it went on using it silently for their attributions. whereas a work of figurative art is reproducible only imperfectly (despite the invention of engraving techniques and later of photography). 3 (It may well be however. always considered a copy by Sassoferrato of a lost painting of Tiziano. but preliminary problems of a philological nature. A painting is. to those of a philologist editing a text. Wind believed. side by side with the similarity. since Morelli did not propose to solve problems of an aesthetic nature (and he was criticized for this later). but not in copies. in a certain sense. and much more complex. the shape of the fingers and toes.a fact well-known for its . even with mechanical means). damaged. the shape of ears typical of Botticelli. One should rather examine the most negligible details. and fell into discredit. and so on: these traits were present in originals. was identified by Morelli as one of the very few works certainly attributable to Giorgione. Wind. palimpsestic and copied only more or less faithfully. Morelli's method was very much criticized. paintings) that were anonymous. and painstakingly cataloged. For our culture. only a literary text is perfectly reproducible (after the invention of printing. the copies of a protrait by Raffaello will never be able to do this. grossly positivistic. those least influenced by the characteristics of the school the painter belongs to: the lobes of the ears.274 Leonardo's. there was an exasperation with the worship for the directness of genius. Afterwards it was considered mechanical. or of a textual critic. 6 Like the latter. In this manner Morelli discovered. who considered them typical of the modern attitude to works of art . We shall see that Wind came very near to divining them. In many cases his attributions were sensational: for instance. that he had seen during his youth in his contacts with the Romantic groups in Berlin. With this method he proposed scores of new attributions in some of the most important museums of Europe. Despite these results.
On the contrary. later all elements connected to the physical aspects of writing were deemed irrelevant.how to identify the original among a multitude of copies. referred to philology. the text is something deep and invisible that has to be reconstructed beyond all sensory data: "figures. when founding (with an equally drastic reduction) the modern science of nature. 8 At first.275 considerable commercial implications. it attended to only the reproducible features of a text (reproducible at first by hand. All this strikes us as obvious now. all elements connected with voice and gesture were considered irrelevant to the text. . That this choice was not occasioned by mechanical reproduction replacing writing by hand is proved by the striking case of China. On the contrary. no matter how elegantly illumated they might be. . it gradually came to be purified of all sensory references. mechanically). out o f the living animal. especially textual criticism. after Gutenberg. This way it avoided the main stumbling-block of the human sciences: qualityJ ~ It is significant that Galileo. . 9 This thoroughly abstract concept of a text explains why philology. the distinction is eminently historical. which I believe to be. based on the assumption of two decisive historical turning points: the invention of writing and the invention of printing. "triangles. was the first of all humanistic disciplines to acquire a scientific character. as for the philologist. but not odors or tastes or sounds. nothing but words. the immediate legibility of both: Galileo on the contrary emphasized that "philosophy . 12 . . where the invention of printing did not cut the ties between literary text and handwriting. circles. Hence the problem raised by Morelli . numbers and movements. It is sufficient to remember the decisive role of voice intonation in oral literature to see that this concept of text is connected to a cultural choice of incalculable significance." that is. It is well known that textual criticism was born after the former (when Homer's poems were transcribed) and was consolidated after the latter (when humanists began to prepare the first editions of the Classics). The result of this double process was a progressive dematerialization of the text. but it is not at all obvious. cannot be understood unless one learns first h o w to understand its language and recognize the letters in which it is written. The traditional medieval comparison between book and world was founded on the self-evidence. and other geometric figures. ' ' n For the natural philosopher. written down on this great book that is continually open to our eyes (I mean the u n i v e r s e ) .later. in fourteenth century Italy. Making a radical decision. people who were able to discriminate between "good" and "bad" codives of the Commedia were already well aware that texts were not identical with their material prop of paper or vellum. The distinction between literary texts and pictorial "texts" cannot be explained by the alleged eternal characteristics of literature and painting.
All the more reason. What Morelli meant to locate was unique artistic personality. 16 The art connoisseur is comparable to a detective who establishes the author of a "crime" of a painting) on the basis of clues that are not perceptible to most people.276 With this sentence Galileo gave a radically new direction to the science of nature. This was the point where the gulf between the sciences of nature and human sciences began to open. Arthur Conan Doyle. But is it possible to take absolute singularity as the object of scientific analysis? Modern science has implicitly adopted the scholastic motto individuum estineffabile.at last a scientific basis to the studies of art history. any art gallery studied by Morelli begins to resemble a rogues' gallery . "Morelli's books. precisely for its uniqueness. distinguishing originals from copies. for excluding the methods of the sciences of nature. had already proposed a different solution. was attributed to Sherlock Holmes by his creator. . . Only linguistics has been able to escape this dilemma. apparently. based on the study of clues.. x3 Attempts to bridge this gulf are well known. in a tendentially anti-anthropocentric and anti-anthropomorphic sense it never lost. one cannot talk about what is individual..xs This comparison was brilliantly developed by Castelnuovo. The instances of Holmes' shrewdness in interpreting footprints in the mud. i. The quantitative and anti-anthropocentric approach of the sciences of nature from Galileo on has placed human sciences in an unpleasant dilemma. He declared that his aim was to give . has made possible the most glorious discoveries. are countless and well known." writes Wind. . But Morelli. excluded the conventional methods of textual criticism. to a method that.e. They are sprinkled with illustrations of fingers and ears. cigarette ashes. through a systematic use of the "experimental method. they must either adopt a weak scientific standard so as to be able to attain significant results. But to convince ourselves of the accuracy of the comparison proposed by Castel- . careful records of the characteristic trifles by which an artist gives himself away. which beginning from Leonardo and Galileo up to Volta and Darwin. almost in those same years. One of them is Morelli's seemingly negligible attempt. or adopt a strong scientific standard to attain results of no great importance. as a criminal might be spotted by a fingerprint . the discovery of a reliable method for identifying unique artistic personalities. several decades earlier. polluted as they were by amateurishness and inaccuracy. . that was later to turn out to be extraordinarily successful. ''14 What meaning are we to give this assertion? We have seen that Morelli's main object. who compared Morelli's method. and so on. "look different from those of any other writer on art..
and probably a close . . Ivan Lermolieff.277 nuovo. Wind's writing about Morelli has attracted the attention of scholars 21 to a long-neglected passage of Freud's famous essay The Moses of Michelangelo (1914). you are aware. grizzled hair.'2~ "Our inadvertent little g e s t u r e s . her little gilt ear-rings.18 o n e . on looking at Miss Cushing. Surprise and satisfaction were both for an instant to be read upon his eager face. and had carefully noted their anatomical peculiarities. Texts give a surprising corroboration to this. though when she glanced round to find out the cause of his silence he had become as demure as ever. Here we see an expert at work: Holmes "was staring with singular intentness at the lady's profile. her placid features. Of course. therefore. her trim cap.' But on this point m o d e m psychology would certainly support Morelli: our inadvertent little gestures reveal our character far more authentically than any formal posture that we may carefully prepare. In all essentials the same ear. had caused a revolution in the art galleries of Europe by questioning the authorship of many pictures. but I could see nothing which could account for my companion's evident excitement. the same broad curve of the upper lobe. showing how to distinguish . and differs from all other ones. At the beginning of the second paragraph. The matter was entirely beyond coincidence. where Sherlock Holmes literally "morellizes. In last year's Anthropological Journal you will find two short monographs from my pen upon the subject. Each ear is as a rule quite distinctive. Watson. examined the ears in the box with the eyes of an expert. It was evident that the victim was a blood relation.. it will be sufficient to take a look at a relatively late story. I perceived that her ear corresponded exactly with the female ear which I had just inspected. We shall soon see what the implications of this parallelism were. I learnt that a Russian art-connoisseur.that of Freud. Imagine my surprise then." The case begins with two severed ears sent by mail to an innocent old lady. I at once saw the enormous importance of the observation. I [Watson] stared hard myself at her flat. . I had. when. There was the same shortening of the pinna. ''17 Later on Holmes explains to Watson (and to the reader) the route his quick-as-lighting mental workings have taken: "As a medical man. that there is no part of the body which varies so much as the human ear. 19 But first it will be useful to consider another valuable insight of Wind's: "To some of Morelli's critics it has seemed odd that 'personality should be found where personal effort is weaker. Freud writes: "Long before I had any opportunity of heating about psychoanalysis. . The Cardboard Box (1917). " : we are immediately tempted to replace the genetic phrase "modern psychology" with a specific name . the same convolution of the inner cartilage. .
of our observations (auch diese ist gewOhnt. of things like the drawing of the fingernails. under the cloak of anonymity. . Before we try to understand what Freud was able to acquire from reading . Geheimes und Verborgene zu erraten ). as we have said in Freud's "pre-analytic" period. after the discovery had taken place. . of the lobe of an ear. have been advanced upon the meaning of this convergence . too. the contact with Morelli's writings took place. It is a connection corroborated by definite evidence.278 copies from originals with certainty. Some have surmised that Morelli's tendency to erase his own personality as a writer by concealing it under pseudonyms had been caught by Freud: and conjectures. 24 improperly limits the significance of Freud's words: "It seems to me that his method of inquiry is closely related to the technique of psychoanalysis". aus dem Abhub . in any case. or more generally to the essays upon subjects connected to art history. To reduce this influence to the essay upon the Moses of Michelangelo alone.22 The essay on the Moses of Michelangelo was published anonymously at first: Freud acknowledged it as his only when he included it in his complete works. in a form that was both explicit and reticent. Popper "Lynkeus" mentioned in reprints of Traumdeutung zs) of a coincidence that has been found out later. and he laid stress on the significance of minor details. that. from the rubbish-heap. aus gering gesehdtzten oder nieht beachteten Zgigen. We are therefore in the presence of an element that has contributed directly to the crystallization of psychoanalysis.23 There is no doubt. "). . of aureoles and unconsidered trifles which the copyist neglects to imitate and yet which every artist executes in his own characteristic way. I was then greatly interested to learn that the Russian pseudonym concealed the identity of an Italian physician called Morelli. Freud had stated. moreover. and not (as in the case of the passage on dreams of J. as it were. It. varying in acceptability.d e r Beobaehtung. He achieved this by insisting that attention should be diverted from the general impression and main features of a picture. It seems to me that his method of inquiry is closely related to the technique of psychoanalysis. In fact.dem 'refuse' . that Morelli had had a considerable intellectual influence on him long before his discovery of psychoanalysis ("lange bevor ich etwas yon der Psycho~nalyse hOren konnte . as some authors have done. and not conjectural like most of Freud's "antecedents" or "forerunners". is accustomed to divine secrets and concealed things from unconsidered or unnoticed details. and constructing hypothetical artists for those works of art whose former supposed authorship had been discredited. who died in 1891. the whole of Freud's statement places Morelli in a special position in the history of psychoanalysis.
Before that he had had no interest in painting.had taken place in which he had vainly tried to remember the name of the artist of the Orvieto frescoes. As a terminus ante quem we can propose the year 1895 (when Freud's and Breuer's Studies upon Hysteria were published) or 1896 (when Freud for the first time used the term "psychoanalysis". a short time before. " About the date of the first statement we can only advance a conjecture. because Freud mentions two distinct stages: "Long before I had any opportunity of hearing about psychoanalysis. in reprints and translations appearing after 1891 (the year of Morelli's death) both his name and his pseudonym are mentioned. in September 1898. 26 As a terminus post quem we can propose 1883. That year. Dresden and Berlin. 31 At that moment. Now.later analyzed in Psychopathology o f Everyday Life . " : "I was then greatly interested to learn that the Russian pseudonym concealed the identity of an Italian physician called M o r e l l i . For some months he had been concerned with memory lapses. it will be useful to state precisely the moment in which this reading took place. moreover. Upon his copy Freud wrote the date of the purchase: Milan. 1880) were precisely about the works of Italian masters in the galleries in Munich. 1897. Lella pittura italiana: Studii storico criticL . 29 It is not impossible that one of these volumes should have been seen eventually by Freud: but probably he found out about Ivan Lermolieff's identity by pure chance. . in December. Ivan Lermolieff's real name was revealed for the first time in the frontispiece of the English translation of these same essays. Boltraffio) were mentioned in Morelli's book. ''27 It seems unlikely that before this date Freud could be attracted by the writing of an unknown art historian. in Dalmatia.Le gallerie Borghese e Doria Pamphili in Roma. the episode . The moment. 32 .28 It is possible to establish perhaps with an even better approximation the date of Freud's second contact with Morelli's writings. now. that he should start reading them shortly after his letter to his fianc6e about the Dresden Gallery. Ivan L e r m o l i e f f . Milano. while browsing in a bookshop in Milan. "I sloughed off my barbarism and began to admire. he wrote. Among Freud's books that have been preserved in London there is a copy of Giovanni Morelli (Ivan Lermolieff).279 Morelli. . since the first of Morelli's essays to be collected in a volume (Leipzig. Morelli's book had a further interest for Freud. it is perfectly plausible. September 14. 30 The only time Freud visited Milan was in the autumn of 1898. . both the real artist (Signorelli) and the incorrect ones that Freud had first recalled (Botticelli. Freud wrote his fianc6e a long letter about his "discovery of painting" during a visit to the Dresden Gallery. or rather the moments. . on the other hand. which appeared in 1883. I learnt that a Russian art-connoisseur.
of such a disagreeable object as the fingernails. As for Morelli.what is striking here is the identification of the intimate core of artistic personality with elements that are beyond the control of consciousness. (Incidentally. considered as detectors. as symptoms or clues."are pleased to define me as one who is unable to see the spiritual meaning of a work of art and therefore attaches particular importance to outward signs such as the shape of hands. Steven Marcus has discussed the remarkable convergence between Holmes' and Freud's proceedings. for instance. Freud was a doctor. pictorial traces. traces that may be infinitesimal make it possible to understand a deeper reality than would otherwise be attainable. one of Conan Doyle's professors in his student days. as How can this triple analogy be explained? At first sight. Morelli had a degree in medicine. or clues in Sherlock Holmes' case. a9 But this is not a case of mere biographic coincidences. the explanation seems simple. details usually considered unimportant or even trivial. ears.not exceptional in that period a6 . a man renowned for his extraordinary diagnostic ability. we might say that the originality of his method consisted in his considering traces.280 But what significance did Morelli's essays have for Freud? Freud himself indicates it: the proposal of an interpretative method based on debris. symptoms in Freud's case. We have already mentioned the connection between Morelli and Holmes and the one between MoreUi and Freud. This way. or even. horribile dictu. a7 In all three cases.or more precisely. Traces . with the shrewd detective and the slow-witted doctor."as Even more than the reference to the unconscious . more . In all three cases we have a glimpse of the model of medical semiotics that makes it possible to diagnose diseases not recognizable through a direct observation and is based on superficial symptoms sometimes irrelevant to the layman . is a splitting of a real figure. "low. these marginal data were revealing. in Morelli's opinion. ''as Morelli too could have appropriated the Virgilian motto Freud was fond of and had chosen as an epigraph to his Interpretation of Dreams: "tqectere si nequeo Superos. Towards the end of the nineteenth century. which was repeated "as a consequence of habit and almost unconsciously. on marginal data.to Doctor Watson. then Hell I will arouse!") a4 Besides. Conan Doyle had been a doctor before he began to write. " ( " I f Heaven I cannot bend. - An analogy between Morelli's. Holmes' and Freud's methods has thus been coming into focus. Acheronta movebo. it is worth pointing out that the Holmes-Watson pair. because they represented a moment in which the artist's subordination to cultural tradition was loosened and replaced by a purely individual trait." Morelli wrote ironically just the sort of irony Freud was bound to like ." could provide the key for understanding the highest product of human spirit: "my opponents.
beyond all differences. far from it. Its reputation was torn to tatters in comparison with human sciences.as some have asserted 41 that these particular practices were historically preceded by a general science of signs. 3. The epistemological model that unites them. semiotics has been considered an integral part of medicine. In the seventeenth century. admitted this lack of strictness. 2. since Hippocrates time." its results. Its first development. was a decisive event for the secularization and democratization (potential. their having as objects individual cases. Writings on the "uncertainty" of medicine. the interpreter of divine language. from Lionardo di Capua (end of the seventeenth century) to Cabanis (end of the eighteenth century). What unites them is. For the sake of clarity. situations. that might be defined as based on signs. we shall separate them and begin with the former. of coniecture. the priest. The oracle. and documents. which is decisive. probably traces back to divination. one should consider the role of conjecture both in the various forms of mantics and in philology. . though afterwards the latter tried to recognize that medicine had a scientific character of its own. 1. made possible by the social system of the Greek polls. 4s The reasons for the "uncertainty" of medicine seemed to be basically two. at least) of culture. 4a As regards this last point. At present only etymology reveals the extremely ancient relationship between medical semiotics and other sciences based on the deciphering of signs. the science that deciphers and interprets languages and writings other than those of the gods. inasmuch as they are individual. a paradigm based on semiotics began to emerge in human sciences. Why semiotics? It developed for internal and external reasons. their being based on the deciphering of signs. Its methods seemed "uncertain. when an extraordinary development of the sciences of nature resulted in a rearrangement of the map of knowledge. the medical man (social figures that were for a long time merged into a single individual) obviously are much more ancient than the semiologist or his direct ancestor.44 These characteristics explain the epistemologic ups and downs of medicine.281 precisely in the decade 1870-1880. 4~ This does not imply . medicine (including semiotics) was suddenly placed in an ambiguous position. 42 But philology too is a science of signs: and as such it can be included in this group of disciplines. In this group of sciences one undeniably differs from all the others: philology. dubious. their attaining a knowledge that implies an inevitable margin of hazardousness.
diseases take on different characteristics. a telltale light: there is no escaping the paradigm). the neologisms of Rabelais. But despite the great success of Marxism. Second. Aphorisms. a symptom. as a matter of fact. the impossibility of medicine achieving the reliability of the sciences of nature stemmed from the impossibility of quantification. there was a rise in the fortunes of aphoristic thought . already injured by the processes of death. the semiotic one on the other. by definition. the impossibility of a quantification stemmed from the inevitable presence of qualitative and individual elements. it was not enough to catalog single diseases so as to build up an orderly framework: in each individual. the healing of scrofula patients by French and English kings (to quote only a few of many possible instances) have been taken. each time in a different ~ense. from the identity of the subject that knows and the object that is known. human sciences have adopted (with few exceptions. one of them linguistics) the paradigm of semiotics. Discussions about the "uncertainty" of medicine quickly formulated the epistemological crux of the "human sciences. and the presence of individual elements. or of a writer. used for instance by Marx and Engels. based on signs. In the seventeenth century collections of Political Aphorisms .282 First. (It is a clue. medicine acquired an unprecendented epistemological and social ascendancy. as Cabanis said. as small but significant clues of more general phenomena: the outlook of a social class. was the title of a famous work by Hippocrates.from Nietzsche to Adorno." In fact. But which part of medicine? Towards the middle of the nineteenth century. Side by side with the decadence of systematic thought. but how could one infer from a corpse. as these discussions began to develop in the early nineteenth century they took medicine as their model. knowledge of diseases was always indirect and based on clues: living bodies were. expresses an aspiration to a systematic knowledge in an age that had witnessed the collapse of the last great philosphic system. The metaphor of the anatomy of society. and degraded to the rank of forms of divination. The fluttering robes depicted by fifteenth-century Florentine painters. In conclusion. that of Hegel. from the assumption that seemingly negligible details could reveal deep and far-reaching phenomena. Of course it was possible to dissect corpses.47 A discipline such as psychoanalysis developed. the characteristics of living individuals? 46 This double diifficulty made it inevitable that it was not possible to prove the effectiveness of medical practice. While other recently formulated disciplines based on signs (as phrenology) were about to be definitely labelled as fictitious sciences. as we have seen. an alternative begins to appear: the anatomic paradigm on the one hand. The very word aphoristic is revealing. or of an entire society. inaccessible.
especially after the economic crisis of 1873. 49 The success of an epistemology based on clues can also be explained by external reasons. . among them those interested in social control. In a sense it can be said that a distinct criminal fringe began to form only in the latter part of the century. the distinction between lower classes and criminals blurred. An analysis of statistical data about criminality in France since 1870 onwards shows a dramatic increase in the number of recidivists: at the end of the century they were 50% of prosecuted criminals. that are undergoing a crisis. hippocratic term. To catch the elusive uniqueness of individuals. New social controllers appeared: the doctor and the policeman. To identify somebody as a recidivist. and (b) he/she was the same person who had been condemned before. it can be said that the individual. as the criminal codes became tighter and covered a larger area. that the anthropometric method elaborated by Alphonse Bertillon was defeated. Until the middle of the nineteenth century. posed fresh problems to policemen and governments. The first problem was solved by creating police registers. sl This phenomenon testified to the complete failure of the redeeming qualities ascribed by philanthropists to the new penitentiary system. 4s Aphoristic literature is by definition an attempt to formulate opinions about man and society on the basis of clues. The increasing uncontrollability of social tensions produced a new phenomenon: the growing "criminalization" of the "class opponent. s~ Eater. by devising new identification methods. But the growing percentage of recidivists. This example shows the deep connection between the problem of individuality and the problem of social control." Factories had been built taking jails as a model. It was in this context that the new paradigm emerged. marginals. In fact. the figures of criminal and proletarian tended to merge: that is.283 began to be published. It is highly significant. which had been abolished in all advanced countries. it was necessary to prove that (a) he/she had been condemned before. and discipline in workhouses followed that of convict prisons. superseding the old marks. of symptoms: a humanity and a society that are diseased. "Crisis" too is a medical. Juvenile offenders. the second. individuality and identity grew in importance as issues to specific social groups. in this context. by the finger-print method based on Francis Galton's discoveries. the clue provided by a small detail like papillary ridges proved more useful than the complex description of macroscopic bodily features such as height and arms-breadth. occasional thieves transformed themselves in jail into criminals in the full sense of the word. as well as the rising influence of international workers' associations. at the end of the century.
000. traditional figures o f those w h o control everyday life in society.). Croce. p. as if he knew it by heart.284 born in a religious c o n t e x t (persona). Torino 1969. It would be useful to analyze. later on psychoanalysts and social scientists. XXIII. Carteggio Minghetti. see first of all E. La vita". ed. proposing him for the chair of Italian Literature in Zurich (F. 114. On Morelli's political engagement. one might see the passing references in G. Wind. were increasingly superseded by new ones: physicians. spoke about "the sensualism of immediately perceived details" (La critica e la storia clelle arti figurative. Lettere dall'esilio (1853-1860). both in his behaviour and in his thinking. On Morelli's biography. For the European echo of Morelli's writings. On Morelli. 3. "Giovanni MoreUi. for instance. Chicago 1974. in footnote 21. Napoli 1956. trans. De Sanctis. 4. his early scientific education. It is in this c o n t e x t that we can u n d e r s t a n d the pervasive influence o f the m o d e l based on clues the semiotic paradigm. Fagiolo. but considerable man": immediately afterwards. Art and Anarchy. Kuhn. A damaging comparison with Cavalcaselle is taken up. by M. 2. pp. pp. pp. C. Questioni di metodo. secularized meaning only in relation with the State. the MoreUian method was recently re-examined by Wollheirn.. Unfortunately. op. n. his engagement in politics. 174 sgg. 42-44. 51-74. Saggi e rieerche: 1925-1928. Risorgimento e protestanti. compared to the "great" Cavalcaselle. 2. Most aptly. whom I visited last night. pp. He is a very original man..1969"." (Biblioteca Comunale di Bologna. Art. such as priests. political subversive and so on . 177-201. see Morelli's letter. dated June 22. and especially Donna Laura. "a lesser. Enlarged. See Wind. pp. by B. in The Structure o f Scientific Revolution. I am using this term in the meaning proposed by T. . there is no general study on Morelli. S. pp. 234). would like him.M. pp. See also the indices of De Sanctis' Epistolario being published by Einaudi Publishers in Turin. Spini. This morning I am going to meet him again . see his letter to Marco Minghetti from Basel. Bari 1938. in On Art and the Mind: Essays and Lectures. He talked about Lermolieff's book. Fagiolo in G. his relationship with the German intellectual milieu. Firenze 1967. Second Edition. however. he spoke about "materialistic indications" which rendered "his method shallow and useless from the aesthetician's point of view" ("Cartella tizianesca. pp. It. 32-51. Ginoulhiac. 261. As for De Sanctis. 1882: "Old Jacob Burckhardt. XXXIV (1940). 54). London 1963. his friendship with the great Italian literary critic Francesco De Sanctis. Concern with an individual's uniqueness as t a x p a y e r . Longhi. you. was extremely kind to me. 97. La struttura delle rivoluzioni sciennfiche. . . Croce. Longhi judged Morelli. NOTES 1. Firenze 1974. in the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . 15). criminal. 34-38). besides his writings on art history.which flattered me a great deal. and used it to ask me a lot of questions . psychiatrists. 101. in Bergomum. Other contributions will be quoted later. Guida alia storia dell'arte.is a typical feature o f developed bureaucracies. and the bibliography quoted herewith. Bari 1946. on the other hand. not considering the distinctions and specifications introduced later by the same author (see 'Tostcript . London 1973. policemen. Archiginnasio. p. Argan . acquired its m o d e r n . cit. "Giovanni Morelli and the Origins of the Scientific Connoisseurship". add M. and insisted on spending the whole evening with me." in R. soldier. 335.
Firenze 1961. But this is very likely to be a gratitous assumption: the article on ears had been preceded. the parallel between "the spoken language and the painted or sculpted language" (I. Conan Doyle. "Galileo on Primary and Secondary Qualities". Goody and J. Le opere dei maestri italiani nelle gallerie di Monaco. See E.. a few months later. 18. by an article entitled "Hands".Le Gallerie Borghese e Doria Pamphili in Roma. the stimulating remarks by S. pp. 15. trans. cit. Benjamin. Dresda e Berlino. L'opera d'arte nell'epoca della sua riproducibilitd tecnica. 11 lapsusfreudiano. S. Galilei. p. A. J. as far as I know. pp. 932). Sosio. 321. On the impact of the invention of writing. II. eit. by W. p. 525-27). in those years. 40-41. 73. Galilei. See. G. London 1968. . in Encyclopaedia Universalis. 8. advanced by E. Psicanalisi e critica testuale. . See Longhi. Conan Doyle would have finally written Holmes' contribution to the Anthropological Journal (misquotation of Journal o f Anthropology). . See also E. pp. V (1962-63). In other words. 10. p.. Bologna 1886. pp.. 9. 12. 1968. 4 5 1 . Garin's point of view is quite similar to my own. II.37. Lermolieff. A. . in Journal o f the History o f Behavioral Sciences. 10 (1974). . I. signed by Beckles WiUson. . 208) that in the same quarterly. Milano 1897. 782. pp. R. in The Complete Sherlock Holmes Short Stories. p. Castelnuovo. op. . Ricerche e documenti. It.. See E. See A. Da Omera a Platone. p. Lermolieff. It has been remarked (see A. The Annotated Sherlock Holmes. 38. however. Saggi . tradotto dal russo in tedesco per cura del dott. op. Milano 1965. in Past and Presen t. 13. Curtius. . "The Consequences of Literacy". See A. there appeared an anonymous article on the different shapes of the human ear ("Ears: a chapter on". see p. Le teorie dell'arte. p. Conan Doyle. Petrocchi (Dante Alighieri. footnote 21). The analogy. Martinez. 388-91. p. 4. Bari 1973.. It.. 304-45... Garin.. 16. 11. 264. see J. The Complete Sherlock Holmes . cir. pp. p. La Divina Commedia. p. . Firenze. Havelock. . Timpanaro. p.'" in La cultura filosofica del Rinascimento italiano. A . "The Cardboard Box". in The Strand Magazine. ed. pp. trans. pp. 160-69. Anyway. 7. A r t . Della pittura italiana.285 5. Morelli (I. More generally. . of this specific range of interests. Baring-Gould. I will further discuss this point in the forthcoming broader version of this essay. . 14. "The Cardboard Box" was printed for the f'trst time in The Strand Magazine. See the introduction to the critical edition of the Commedia edited by G. who compares Freud's detective-like method to Morelli's (see further. 17. 61-73. . Le opere dei maestri italiani. op. p. the page reproducing the different shapes of ears in the magazine irresistibly recaUs the illustrations to Morelli's writings: this confirms the diffusion. Hauser. in the same Strand Magazine. See also. V (January-June 1893).//Saggiatore. 1976). ed. . Torino 1975). 73 (Nov.//Saggiatore. On the seventeenth century roots of this contrast. Tendenze e metodi della critica moderna. The editor of The Annotated Sherlock Holmes (op cir. Torino 1969. "Attribution". It. London 1976. op. never is expficit in Morelli's writings.. 208) surmises that the article's author could have been Conan Doyle himself. see A. cit.. . See W. in Comparative Studies in Society and History. Lermolieff). see my article "High and Low: The Theme of Forbidden Knowledge in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries". who discusses the interpretation of this (and other) passages by Galileo. 6. Conan Doyle. 35 . saggio c r i t i c o . See W i n d . Studii istorico criticL . Giovanni Schwarze e dal tedesco in italiano daUa baronessa K . see also G. Torino 1974. . "La nuova scienza e il simbolo del 'libro. July-December 1893). on this subject. Watt. 923-47 (for the quoted passage. trans. 97..6 5 . Cultura orale e civilt~ della scrittura. 6. cir. by L. 1974). He emphasizes. VI. 937-38. for the moment.
. see also Damisch. 44 (Hirer 1971). pp.286 19. 70-96. n. 21. yon J. R... . La v i t a e l'opera di Freud. I wasn't able to see K. 27. trans. Gombrich. "Freud and the Understanding of the Art. Dresden and Berlin . Strachey. . See W i n d . the original edition was printed in 1959): J." On A r t and the Mind . Robert. London 1883. It could however be more than a mere parallel. pp. See S. . La rivoluzione psicoanalitica. p.". . p. Revue d'esthdtique.. Une interpretation de l'esth~tique freudienne. . footnote (the footnote to p. 19. A r t . I.. op cir. All this shows that Conan Doyle may possibly have directly known Morelli's method. "Les m~thodes de la critique d'art et la psychanalyse freudienne". Damisch. 24. Holmes' first adventure (A Study in Scarlet) in 1887. denies a real relationship between Moreili's and Freud's methodsm ("Les m~thodes . G. . . Layard Papers vol. It's quite surprising that in this essay Gombrich doesn't mention Freud's passage on Morelli. Ein kritischer Versuch . "La partie et let tout". in trad. "Le gardien . 97. in Freud on Creativity and the Unconscious. . . pp. 289. painter and art critic. 84. an unnecessary assumption: obviously. the intellectual trend that we are analyzing was diffused even outside Morelli's writings. L'interpretazione dei sogni. . Doyle. 38965. 22. . See E. op cir. especially since I had the opportunity in London to personally make the acquaintance of that wonderful Mr. . "Freud's Aesthetics". An uncle of Conan Doyle's. 9). c. cir. A. Victorins. . Paris 1964. "Der 'Moses des Michelangelo' yon Sigmund Freud. herausgeg.. Leipzig 1880. Die Werke italienischer Meisterin den Galerien yon Mfinchen.. 25. . cit. Torino 1967. cir. Diogdnes. XXXV. thoroughly revised by Layard in 1887 under Morelli's supervision. 27. . 1bid. p. 26. who made the best of impressions on me . Henry Doyle's knowledge of the Morellian method (that we may take for granted in an art historian in those years) is proved by his Catalogue o f the Works o f A r t in the National Gallery o f lreland (Dublin.. 107 lists two essays by Freud on his relationship with "Lynkeus"). herausgeg. Paris 1975. M. 2 (1970). . See S. . "The Moses of Michelangelo". ed. besides a precise reference of Hauser (Le teorie dell'arte . L 'enfance de l'art. 66 (1969). Add. . pp. See S. . 28. Ms. But this is. 168-188. Dresden und Berlin.. New York 1958. Italian Masters in German Galleries: A Critical Essay on the Italian Pictures in the Galleries o f Munich. pp. J. who." op. in Encounter. . 120 v). In 1887 Morelli met Henry Doyle and wrote about him to his friend Sir Henry Layard: "What you tell me about the Dublin Gallery interests me very much. 210. See. Stuttgart 1956. It. pp. Richter. . 40. Mitscherlich. Nordon. Johannes Schwarze. yon A. after all. cit. p. It.1 8 9 1 . op. Lermolieff. pp. translated from the German by L. n. Kofman." in Entfaltung der Psychoanalyse. 20. Aus dem Russischen fibersetzt yon Dr.. p. 1890) where Kugler's handbook. trans. 29. op. 23. XXVI (1966). 209-120). See M. Morelli (I. H. 24-25. We can except the perceptive essay by Spector. p.. Freud. pp. Richter." Tel Quel. The first English translation of Morelli's writings appeared in 1883 (see the bibliography listed in ltalienische Malerei der Renaissance im Briefwechsel yon Giovanni Morelli und Jean Paul Richter: 1 8 7 6 . 82-83). Spector. pp. how different from Doyle are the individuals whom one ordinarily meets as directors of European galleries!" British Library (the original text is in French). p. in 1869 became director of the National Art Gallery in Dublin (see P. 30. Sir Arthur Conan Doyle: L ' h o m m e et l'oeuvre. Freud. Henry Doyle. however. op. 70 sgg. Lermolieff). . B. 1-10. Wollheim. alas. On A r t and the Mind . 77-101: H. Baden 1960). Torino 1976. Wollheim. Nelson. . . "Le gardien de l'interpr~tation. und G. is quoted.
it. p. VV. Sigmund Freuds Prosa. ~critures" (pp. for instance. Indiana 1976. Schoenau. 43. 37.8 9 (on Signorelli). Paris 1801 (which I wasn't able to see). See Robert. It trans. p. . See also A. and Mr. La soluzione sette per eento. Romeo. 72).. trans. in my view. The meaning of Freud's choice of this specific Vergilian verse from Aeneis.. 159 (on Boltraffio). Milano 1976. Moravia. 39. 61-73. 34. p. . . op. . The relevant fact for the right interpretation of Heraclitus' fragment is. 404. Morelli (I. Paris 1974. 197-98 and passim. . L. His Parere . . Conan Doyle.. The Annotated Sherlock Holmes . invisible side of reality is no less important than the visible one. 214 (this is an undeservedly successful novel. Vico.. Bari 1974) with an introduction by S. trans. Bott~ro "Sympt6mes. Sherlock Holmes of Baker Street"). cit. cit. 42. pp. passim. p. The very etymology of con]ectura (from cum-javio) has divinatory overtones. 31. trans. Firenze 1966). De l'art de conjecturer en mOdecine. 8 8 . Readers will have recognized the allusions to A.. La rivoluzione . La scoperta dell'inconscio. See M. op.X I . It. . See. It. 36. 325 sgg. I.. 32. See G. . 41. Conan Doyle. Mayer. On the possible political implications of the motto (which had been already used by Lassalle) see the fine essay by C. Lermolieff). I will quote here only AA. Literarische Elements seines Stil. putting them in a broader context. 28 (1973). and particularly the excellent essay by J. . Timpanaro. p. XVIII.. 38. in 1681. Bloomington. 4. where Holmes and Freud appear together as characters). Della pittura italiana . trans.. Milano 1961. that it refers to the oracle of Delphi. . . Introduction ("Two doctors and a detetective: Sir Arthur Canon Doyle. . See also the bibliographical appendix to N. Sebeok. See H.). op. Trosman and R. . . 144. I1 lapsus freudiano. cit. cit. divisato in otto ragionamenti. Simmons. Conan Doyle. 21 (1973). op. On Lionardo di Capua see N. I have used the Italian translation of Cabanis' tract (La certezza della medicina. Schorske. 47. the philological Divinationes. A. 33. 73-90. D. 45. cit. "Heraclitus and the Foundations of Semiotics". who believes that the motto means that the hidden. It. "The Freud Library".C. Brulley. Warburg (La rinaseita del paganesimo antico. chiaramente l'incertezza della medesima si fa manifesta. 7. 46. B.. see T. See J. I. . 35. 7 sgg. Lermolieff). Della pittura italiana . in Annales E. The Adventures o f Sherlock Holmes: A facsimile of the stories as they were first published in the Strand Magazine . 25-26. or works such as C. Watson. 309 328 (particularly p. Milano 1964. Ellenberger. The most convincing interpretation appears to me that of E. For the distinction between symptoms and clues.. See L. Storia della psichiatria dinamica. F. 15/5 (1977). "The C o n s e q u e n c e s . Introduzione a G. Nascita della clinica. pp. See H. Simon (p.. . on John Bell. Memories and Adventures. op. the physician who inspired the character of Holmes. pp. Vitae opere di Freud. 312. Torino 1976. New York 1976. in Vs. was printed for the first time in Naples. A. I will expand this passage in a forthcoming version of this essay. 74-75. 7 0 197). Watt. Ibid. Stuttgart 1968. For the moment I will say that by foremost interlocutor (both in agreement and disagreement) is S.. 2 vols. London 1924. M. D. p. I mean to enlarge these statements. " . op. Spitzer (Die I~ortbildung als stilistisches . 672 (I am very grateful to Pier Cesare Bori for calling my attention to this article). and eon#ctor means "divine". pp. pp. Foucault. Contributions to the Doctrine o f Signs. Goody and J.. Loeb edition has been interpreted in various ways: see W. pp. . p. 40.. ne" quali partitamente narrandosi l'origine e "l progresso della medicina. Torino 1969. that is to a divinatory context. p. E. Badaloni. Morelli (I.. 44. X . .S. pp. . cit. "Politique et parricide darts l"Interpr~tation des r~ves' de Freud". Jones.. See his introduction to A. G. See A. in Journal o f the American Psychoanalytic Association. signes.287 30. See E. Divination and RationalitY. John A.
and to m y translator. 1975. Bozza. pp." Annales E.. A forismi politici cavati dall'Historia d'Italia di M. M. Acknowledgment This is a draft o f an on-going research. 51. in J u n e 1977. But the whole issue is too vast and complex for a full bibliography to be listed here.Printed in the Netherlands .. 48. Marta Sofri I n n o c e n t i . See. See the well-known book by L.. Scrittori politici italiani da11550 a11650. Bloch (1re taurnaturgai: Studi sul carattere sovrannaturale attribuito alia potenza dei re particolarmente in Francia e in lnghilterra. Chevalier. 30.151-52).C. trans. Amsterdam .288 Mittel exemplifiziert an Rabelais. Koselleck. trans. Classes laborieuses et classes dangereuses Paris pendant la premiere moiti~ du XIX e si~cle. M. Venezia 1625 (cfr. 161--63. Bologna 1972. Critica illuminista e crisi della societgz borghese. 68. "D~linquanee et syst~me penitentiaine en France au XIXe si6cle.S. I am very grateful to all participants for their criticisms and suggestions. referred to the sphere of law: for a short history of this word.. however. Halle 1910). Paris 1958. 141-43. Canini. Perrot. T. It. See also the heading "aphorisme" in Littr6's Dictionnaire. Roma 1949. see R. 50. The original implication. Francesco Guicciardini. besides Campanella's Aforismi politicL originally printed much in a Latin translation as part of his Realis Philosophia ("De Politica in Aphorismos digesta"). 49. p. " sponsored by the Rockefeller F o u n d a t i o n . Theory and Society 7 (1979)273-288 9 Elsevier Scientific Publishing Company. a first version o f which was discussed at Bellagio. during a conference o n " H u m a n i t i e s and Social T h o u g h t . G. Torino 1973). pp. It.
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