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June 6 – 8 2013
Palacký University in Olomouc, Czech Republic

Book of Abstracts

Keynote speakers (p. 8-10)
Joseph E. Emonds The Derived Nominal Analysis for Indo-European Adjectival Agreement Liliane Haegeman The Syntax of Adverbial Clauses Geoffrey Leech The English Noun Phrase: Aspects of its recent history 1

Oral presentations (p. 10-129)
Anna Almeida On the wh-phrases and word order in Czech and Portuguese Manuela Ambar Yes-no questions, adverbs and left periphery: New evidence from Portuguese Petra Bačuvčíková Listen: Funktionale Aspekte einer kommunikativen Praktik in seminatürlichen Texten Štefan Beňuš Phonological structure and articulatory phonetic realization of syllabic liquids Lolita Bérard, José Deulofeu, Sylvain Kahane A corpus based study of bridge verbs in long distance dependencies in French: a specific construction Paulina Biały Sociolinguistic Contexts of Using Diminutives in Child’s Speech in Polish Adina Camelia Bleotu Is There a Correlation between the Boundedness of the Noun and the Boundedness of the Verb in Noun-incorporating Verbs? Insight from Romanian Carl Börstell Aspects of Swedish Sign Language reduplication Štěpánka Čechová Spanish high front vowel in Czech bilinguals Bożena Cetnarowska The Topic Phrase within a Determiner Phrase: Fronting adnominal genitives in Polish Kateřina Chládková, Paola Escudero, Silvia C. Lipski Pre-attentive processing of speech sounds reveals native phonological structure: tracing phonological length across languages Éva Dékány Obligatorily possessed gerunds in Old Hungarian Mojmír Dočekal, Ivona Kučerová Two flavours of exhaustivity: Aspect and intervention effects in weak islands Martin Drápela Dick Whittington and His Cat (A case study in FSP potentiality) Tomáš Duběda, Martin Havlík, Lucie Jílková, Veronika Štěpánová Loanwords and foreign proper names in Czech: a phonologist’s view


Górski Passive and object fronting in Polish – two topicalising strategies Enrique Gutiérrez Rubio Sufijación española y metonimia Małgorzata Haładewicz-Grzelak Worst case scenario with tonic beats: Beats-and-Binding topics in the phonology of {con-} and {ex-} Milada Hirschová Evidentiality in Czech (and other European languages): a category. or a semanticpragmatic domain? Eric Hoekstra Discourse wh-fragments containing a complementiser or a demonstrative pronoun Andrea Hudousková Analyticity and Syntheticity: What the mistakes in DPs of L2 learners reveal about the structure of Chinese and Czech Ángel L. Anna Babarczy. Iwona Kokorniak Collocation analysis as a means of measuring the grammaticalization of aspectual prefixes in Polish Istvan Fekete. Balazs Suranyi Logical and pragmatic meaning in the interpretation of connectives: Scalar implicatures and ‘shallow’ processing Matyas Gerocs. and common ground management Malgorzata Fabiszak. Balazs Suranyi The Exhaustivity Effect in Focus Beatriz Gómez-Pablos La jerga estudiantil en el Diccionario de Autoridades Manuela Gonzaga Nominal Syntactic Structure. Interpretation and Left Periphery Marina Gorlach Functional shift in contemporary English modal auxiliaries Rafał L. Nicholas Hedegaard Mikkelsen The Structure of Language Use: findings from Danish Talk in Interaction Marie Krappmann Sprachliche Strategien des offensiven Argumentierens 3 . speech acts. Jiménez-Fernández.Markus Egg Discourse particles. Victoria Camacho-Taboada Focus fronting. Anna Babarczy. factivity and the Root phenomenon Michaela Kaňovská Semantik der Phraseme in den Leitartikeln des Mährischen Tagblatts Mathias Høyer Kragelund. Matyas Gerocs. Istvan Fekete.

Boban Arsenijevic The role of partitive construction in generating scalar implicatures José Alejandro Martínez Lara Estudio preliminary del uso de los sufijos apreciativos en el habla de jóvenes universitarios de Caracas Katarzyna Miechowicz-Mathiasen Numeralisation of Nominal Numerals in Polish Mark Newson. English and German corpora Elena Rudnitskaya Syntactic properties of the Korean floating quantifier-type classifier construction – formal syntactic or information structure account? Emilio Servidio Italian polarity fragments as elliptical structures Filip Smolík Imagine that: Imageability affects the acquisition of noun and verb inflections 4 . modo y persona Olga Richterová Determining semantics through collocations. Radek Čech Frequency and Declensional Morphology in Spoken Czech Mirjana Mandič. The interplay with specific constructions based on the example of participial adjectives in Czech.Ján Mačutek. Krisztina Szécsényi Auxiliaries as Dummies: a late vocabulary insertion approach Veronika Opletalová Von den Sprechakten zu den Bildakten Übersicht der Bildakttheorie mit Schwerpunkt auf die deutschsprachigen Ansätze Sofia Oskolskaya The use of pluperfect construction in Nanai Jamal Ouhalla Wh-clitic-doubling. Wh-Cliticisation and Indexing Andrew Pantos The Monophthongization of Pre-Tap /aɪ/ in Southern American English Stephanie (Robin) Quizar Language Attrition in Ch’orti’ (Mayan) Janet Randall Tackling "Legalese": how linguistics can simplify legal language and increase access to justice Vlastimil Rataj Una reconsideración de la estructura de la flexión verbal en el quechua cuzqueño: tiempo.

Veronika Bláhová Word order and information structure in a case-marked language: lexically advanced Czech 3-year-olds comprehend OVS sentences Branimir Stanković Arguments for DP-Analyses of Serbo-Croatian Nominal Expressions Magdalena Szczyrbak Pragmatic aspects of comment clauses in judicial discourse Inna K. girls. Semantic analysis of the Polish numeral dwoje Roland Wagner On cross-linguistic predictability of functionally equivalent linguistic structures: Decausativization in English. Tolskaya Polysemy of verbal prefixes in Russian: conceptual structure versus syntax Patricia Vallejos Grammar and Pragmatics interrelations. Pavel Machač Variability in phonetic realization of the demonstrative ten in terms of its informational relevance in the sentence Markéta Ziková Templates in Czech? Evidence from Diminutives 5 .Filip Smolík The use of gender information in lexical processing in Czech 23-month-olds: an eyetracking study Filip Smolík. and stylistic preferences in science popularization books for children Kateřina Veselovská On Linguistic Structure of Evaluative Meaning Marcin Wągiel Boys. and scissors. German and French as a test case for formal and functional grammars Katalin Weber Language acquisition as a vantage point Magdalena Zíková.

Halina Zawiszová Creativity and Innovation in Word Formation by Japanese Youth Marek Bohuš Humor in Eigennamen Jakub Bortlík Pre-vocalic glottalization vs resyllabification in regional varieties of Czech (work in progress) Kateřina Braunová. Thomas Hawes Research methods of thematic development in spoken discourse Petra Mišmaš An argument for wh-fronting in DPs Katarína Nemčoková Selling through True Stories: Rationality in Printed Ads Andreea-Nora Pop Un enfoque etnolingüístico de los modismos rumanos y españoles que presentan la relación bidireccional hombre. Václav Jonáš Podlipský Developing a longitudinal corpus of learners’ native and non-native speech Oldřich Břenek Deutsch als eine plurizentrische. Piotr Mostowski. Joanna Filipczak.Posters (p. Joanna Łacheta. plurinationale oder pluriareale Sprache Europas Michaela Čakányová Contemporary distribution of verbs start and begin Barbora Charvátová Indirectness as a creative skill in pragmatic research: Corpus-based analysis of the language of American television series Lara Garlito Batalla Entre redes y quienes anda el juego Anna Jelec Embodied simulations or entries in the mental lexicon? Abstract concepts in the language and gesture of blind and visually impaired children Jan Křivan The role of information structure in Czech possessive constructions Dagmar Machová Synchronic and Diachronic Analysis of Marginal Modals in English Petra Martinková.demonio Paweł Rutkowski. Sylwia Łozińska Corpus-based Research on Three-dimensional Grammar 6 . 130-173) Ivona Barešová.

Patricia Vallejos Reflections on the challenging issues posed by highly-advanced scientific title nominal groups Jitka Soubustová Somatische Phraseologie unter dem Blickwinkel der Prototypentheorie Hana Strachoňová Czech indefinites kdokoliv and cokoliv: Semantic analysis of licensing contexts Ida Stria The Linguistic Picture of the World in the Constructed Languages – a Research Project Krisztina Szécsényi Word order or and scope in finite embedded non-argument clauses Alina Tigau On Scrambling and Differential Object Marking with a focus on German and Romanian Ludmila Veselovská DP or NP? Functional Heads in the Nominal projection of article-less Czech 7 .Kuryłowicz Rule Viviana Soler. Or Once More On The Kruszewski .Nezrin Samedova A Tool For Investigating The Semantic Structure Of A Linguistic Unit Through Its Usage.

These agreeing items seem to undermine several otherwise broad generalizations about morphology." which assigns agreeing adjectives a word-internal nominal structure whose head is the agreement suffix itself. while all adjectives agree in Romance and Slavic languages. these "adjectives" are actually Nouns (by R. number and case (if the language's nouns can differ in case). It also accounts for many previously puzzling morphological properties of agreement and its syntactic distribution in those languages on which the study primarily focuses. and so qualify as unexceptional heads of NPs. This supports Abney's controversial conjecture for prenominal attributive adjectives (that they are heads of NPs). word order and phrasal stress. Consequently. I touch on the word order of English adjectives.Keynote speakers Joseph E. Latin and Czech. The Derived Nominal Hypothesis additionally succeeds in making several traditional observations on the behavior of agreeing adjectives fully compatible with current explanatory grammatical theory. German. Emonds Palacký University in Olomouc. Mysteriously. namely The derived nominal hypothesis for Indo-European adjectival agreement Adjectives in many Indo-European languages morphologically agree with the nouns they modify in gender. 8 . agreement in Germanic languages is limited to pre-nominal attributes. To a lesser extent. Czech Republic jeemonds@hotmail. Lieber's Right Hand Head Rule). This study proposes to analyze adjectival agreement in terms of a "Derived Nominal Hypothesis.

When she began to write her regular column again in the autumn. and how it can capture the relation of MCP and assertion. I thought she would be OK. even a syntactic analysis could not account for the semantic/pragmatic restrictions observed. you won't get the degree. 2004) or Main Clause Phenomena (Hooper and Thompson 1973).Liliane Haegeman University of Ghent. (1) a. she began to write again in the autumn. *When her regular column she began to write in the autumn. which is possible in root clauses and in a subset of complement clauses. For instance. is unacceptable in temporal and conditional adverbial clauses (1). The presentation will take up the challenge that H&T’s paper raises for the syntactician and assess the viability of a syntactic account. b. d. c. argument fronting. 9 . *If these exams you don't pass. 1976. and that. H&T (1973) claim (1973: 495) there is no syntactic analysis for the phenomena. Belgium Liliane. which form it could take. The Syntax of Adverbial Clauses A well-known property of English temporal and conditional adverbial clauses is that they are incompatible with syntactic operations usually labelled ‘Main Clause Phenomena’ (abbreviated as ‘MCP’) ‘Root transformations’ (Emonds 1970. I thought she would be OK.Haegeman@UGent. Her regular column.

The reasons for these changes are bound to be speculative. Among the explanatory The English Noun Phrase: Aspects of its recent history This presentation examines frequency patterns in the English noun phrase as revealed in corpora of written English over the last 100 years. 10 . two – densification and colloquialization – seem to be at cross-purposes. but it appears that social factors have been playing a major role. with a steep increase in the use of Noun + Noun sequences and of genitives Noun’s + Noun.Geoffrey Leech University of Lancaster. the use of relativizers has been changing: there has been a big increase in the use of relative that. Some rather remarkable changes have been taking place. the noun phrase has been growing more ‘compact’. at the expense of wh. Second.leech@lancaster. A third factor – prescriptivism – has also been playing a role. First.relativization. colloquialization if the process whereby written language acquires the habits of speech. Densification is the process of compressing information into a smaller number of United Kingdom g. rather than constructions involving prepositions and other closed-class words.

44-65. Rothstein (eds. M. (1999). Kim . (2007). (2003). 141-173.): Formal approaches to Slavic linguistics XII: The Amherst Meeting 2002. 209-250. R.ul. In. R. Zmrzlíková (eds.): Czech in Generative Grammar. Wh-Questions with Conjoined Wh-Words. J. 11 . In: Die Welt der Slaven LI (1). Karlík. The starting point of our analysis will be the classification of the Czech interrogative sentences (Meyer 2003. Special issue „Psycholinguistics in Slavic“. On the nature of wh-phrases – word order and wh-in-situ. M. Superiority Effects in Russian. R. d-linking and wh-phrases conjunction (Škrábalová 2007). post-verbal wh-phrase. Polish. E. In: Browne. The comparison should emphasize the difficulties of Portuguese students of Czech language in learning these structures. (2004).Oral presentations Anna Almeida University of Lisbon. In Anna-Maria Di Sciullo (ed. B. W. M. pre-verbal wh-phrase different from initial position. wh-in-situ. selected papers from “Going Romance”. Ambar.) Asymmetry in Grammar. Meyer.: Docekal. Amsterdam /USA: John Benjamins. and Czech. (2003) Wh-Asymmetries. In: Cahiers linguistiques d´Ottawa. 2004 and 2006) in the groups of interrogative sentences with whphrase in the initial position. The Syntax of Constituent Interrogatives in Russian. wh-clustering. Ann On the wh-phrases and word order in Czech and Portuguese In our paper we will address some questions of constituency and distribution of whphrases in Czech and Portuguese sentences and we will carry out their comparison. Partee. Portugal annaalmeida@fl. On multiple wh-fronting and wh-clustering in Czech. multiple wh-fronting. and Czech: Judgements and Grammar. Leiden Meyer. Meyer. 1999. During the comparison of the Czech wh-structures and the Portuguese ones we will verify if the theory formulated by Ambar (1999) that it is a regular behavior across the languages to have non-inverted wh-structures whenever wh-in situ is preferred to fronted wh-questions and vice-versa applies equally to both compared languages. In: Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory. References Ambar. (2006). pp. Škrábalová. 393-412.. R. P. H. Polish.. Empirical Description and Formal Analysis.

which also licenses wh-in-situ. even in a language that apparently lacks Vmovement (Emonds 1976. Both strategies are however required in wh-questions. as in topic positions. Portugal manuela.flul@gmail. According to C(heng) & R(ooryck) 2000 yes-no questions are licensed by an intonation morpheme (+Q: ) in C0. and will argue for an analysis much in terms of wh-questions. In terms of C&R one could suggest that lá somehow conflicts with the intonation morpheme. lá cannot enter yes-no questions. we will reinforce our view that constituents that don’t move in declaratives move in yes-no questions. acting as an intervener between the C0 intonation morpheme and the Q-feature moved to C0 to value the underspecified (Q: ). Ambar 1996. the interrogative status being assigned through intonation. In its neg reading. the estce que (French) or inversion (French. where given particles license yes-no. Other restrictions (on person. pre-verbal quantified subjects are odd in yes-no. We will review the literature on yes-no and wh-in-situ. whereas floating quantifier structures are good. Besides.).ambar. These until know unknown EP facts suggest then that licensing of yes-no and wh-in-situ questions are dissociated and that the structure of yes-no questions doesn’t parallel declaratives. on quantified subjects.Manuela Ambar University of Lisbon. Japanese a. as described in the evidence from Portuguese It is traditionally assumed that the underlying structure of yes-no questions in E(uropean)P(ortuguese) is similar to the one underlying declaratives. Thus. comparing Portuguese to other languages (Bulgarian. depending on their positions.o. B(razilian) P(ortuguese)). We’ll concentrate on lá ‘there’. different adverbs acquire different readings (Ambar. pre-verbal lá either the locative reading or a focus-like interpretation. Pollock 1989) in these structures. on other adverbs and lexical restrictions on verbs) are some other pieces of empirical evidence. 2003 with 12 . Post verbal lá receives its locative reading or a negation reading. Contrasting with French or English. Third. Negrão and Gonzaga 2004 for sempre ‘always’ in EP vs. if lá blocks yes-no questions formation it should also block wh-in-situ. English) strategies do not license EP yes-no questions. except when they are Future (where inversion occurs).com Yes-no questions.other negation operators do not induce ungrammaticality. adverbs and left periphery . Chinese. a fact that could not be due to the negation status of lá . lá can occur in wh-in-situ. considering a left periphery. We will present new EP data. contrary to yes-no. where speaker-hearer projections play a role (discussing LP conceptions by Rizzi 1997. which provide evidence for another approach to yes-no questions. Second. First.

Reineke Bok-Bennema. A.. Ms. The Syntax of Focus in Portuguese. Ambar.). with new data on the topic. rather remnant IP movement is at stake. Aspects of the Syntax of Focus in Portuguese. Emonds’ 2012 discourse shells). Tense. Miyagawa 2012. In Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 2002 – selected papers from Going Romance. Dissertation. 209-249. Ms.). voiding intervention effects. The clause typing of neg_lá structures will be exclamative. In Asymmetry in Grammar. 2004. In Main Clause Phenomena – New Horizons. Finally we will explain why inversion is the unmarked option in Future yes-no questions. A Transformational Approach to English Syntax. Quantification and Clause Structure in EP and BP – Evidence from a comparative study on sempre. not interrogative. Manuela. due the intervention of the Q-operator (interpreted as an effect of Rizzi’s relativized minimality). Ambar. In wh-in-situ V_lá does not raise to evaluative. Paris (February). and J. 2012.). Haegeman & Hill 2011. Anna-Maria Di Sciullo (ed. Manuela. 2003) checks the eval feature – this movement is blocked in yesno questions. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. References Ambar. Ambar. Ghent University and University of New Brunswick-Sj. Poland. We claim that lá has two features: neg and evaluative (these structures have an exclamative flavor). 1-16. “Licensing wh-in-situ”. in line of Emonds’ 1969 seminal work on Root. PhD. 1999. Root and Structure-preserving Transformations.. Manuela. Esmeralda & Gonzaga. Wh-asymmetries. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. U. 2000. 23-46. MIT. Manuela. University of Wroclaw. Lobke Aelbrecht. Joseph. 2003. accounting for unexpected EP vs. BP variation. Negrão. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Joseph. we’ll turn to why é que (est-ce que) is unavailable in EP yes-no questions. In The Grammar of Focus.). 1969. Cheng. Talk presented at TRAIT workshop. Liliane & Hill. Giannakidou. Augmented structure preservation and the Tensed S Constraint. U. The syntacticization of discourse. V plausibly event features. (2013) The future in Greek and Italian: epistemic modality with evidential. We extend the analysis to BP. further V_lá to EvaluativeP (a label for a speaker’s projection in Ambar 1996. 1976. Emonds. Haegeman. Talk delivered at International Workshop on the Grammar of Focus. 23-53. Lá is first merged in negP (PolP) and the verb adjoins to it. a. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. which we derive from deeper properties whose locus is Tense. lá checks the neg feature. 1996. conjecturing on what Future is (Giannakidou 2013) and arguing they are not true yes-no questions.o. Finally. Ms. Manuela. Emonds. 1999. 2011.revision by Speas & Tenny 2003. Virginia. Emonds. 13 . Bart Hollebrandse & Brigitte Kampers-Manhe (eds. Rooryck. L. New York: Academic Press. Leiden. Joseph. Liliane Haegeman & Rachel Nye (eds. Lisboa. the effect of a general ban on V-to-LP in BP. Georges Rebuschi & Laurice Tuller (eds.

wie auch ihre Einbettung in ihre sequentielle Struktur in deutschen und in tschechischen Texten behandelt. Carole. Agreements that occur mainly in the main clause.).-Y. 2003. 14 . Besonderes Interesse wird dabei dem Zusammenspiel von Syntax. 1997. Liliane Haegeman & Rachel Nye (eds. Auf der Grundlage einer detaillierten Analyse der Listen in 8 Folgen von Talkshows (4 Folgen der deutschen Talkshow Der Talk um Eins und 4 Folgen der tschechischen Talkshow Trní) wird die Liste selbst. A Handbook of Generative Syntax. Luigi. Ich gehe von der Beschreibung der DreiKomponenten-Struktur aus. Anna-Maria Di Sciullo (ed. Lobke Aelbrecht. Rizzi. Speas. bzw. Configurational properties of point of view roles. deren zentraler Punkt die Liste eingerahmt von der Projektions-Komponente und der Gestaltschließung Listen: Funktionale Aspekte seminatürlichen Texten. welche Typen von Listen sich erkennen lassen und welche Funktionen sie in dem gegebenen Kontext vermitteln können. Es wird mit Videoaufnahmen und Aufzeichnungen von Talkshows gearbeitet. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.). In Asymmetry in Grammar. wie sie Margret Selting (Selting 2003) darstellt. einer kommunikativen Praktik in Der vorliegende Text versteht sich als Beitrag zur Gesprächsanalyse und widmet sich der kommunikativen Praktik Liste. Czech Republic petra. Semantik und Prosodie gewidmet. die konstitutiv sind für die Herstellung. In Elements of Grammar.bacuvcikova@upol. (1989) Verb movement. Erkennbarkeit und Interpretation der Liste. der Drei-Komponenten-Struktur mit einer Liste in seminatürlichen dialogischen Texten. Dordrecht: Kluwer. wobei als besonders aufschlussreich die Konzentration auf Listen mit steigender und mit fallender Intonation verstanden werden. 79111.). Petra Bačuvčíková Palacký University in Olomouc. J. 281-337. UG and the structure of IP. 2012. Shigeru. Peggy & Tenny. 315-344.Miyagawa. Der Beitrag stellt insgesamt die Frage. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Liliane Haegeman (ed. In Main Clause Phenomena – New Horizons. Linguistic Inquiry 20: 365-424. Pollock.

In other words. in which syllabic nuclei change their phonemic length either by shortening or lengthening. However. Nitra. the difference between so called ‘dark’ and ‘clear’ /l/ in English has been described as a difference in coordination between a tongue-tip raising and tonguedorsum retracting gestures of /l/ (Sproat & Fujimura 1993). such as /l/ or /r/ in Slovak words vlk ‘wolf‘ or krb ‘fireplace‘. In this paper we examine another potential explanation for the syllabicity of liquids. (Kenstowicz & Rubach 1987). cross-linguistically more marked than syllabicity of vowels. including so called Rhythmic Law (e. and why is the syllabicity of liquids. syllabic liquids are restricted minimally and behave phonologically like vowels.Štefan Beňuš Constantine the Philosopher University. are not cross-linguistically particularly rare. and sonorants in general. in many languages they seem to be significantly restricted to occur predictably in certain phonotactic contexts and prosodically weak (unstressed) syllables (Bell 1978). however. Other sonorants like nasals or glides have been shown to also have two gestures and the timing of these gestures matters for their syllabic affiliation (Krakow 1999). In languages like Slovak. For example. This can be shown in several morpho-phonological alternations. Slovakia sbenus@ukf. The question is how a phonetic consonant with a significant obstruction in the vocal tract may function phonologically fully as a vowel. These phonological processes take place irrespective of the nature of the syllabic nuclei and target vowels and liquids alike. Slovakia Institute of Informatics. Bratislava. we ask how structural properties of syllables and their constituents relate to the phonetic realization and thus to the practical use of language. We used electromagnetometry 15 .g. Moreover. Slovak Academy of Sciences. they resemble vowels articulatorily more than when they are in the onset or the coda position. that allows for some acoustic release of the consonants before and after the syllabic liquid. They did not find any systematic evidence to support this hypothesis and proposed that syllabicity of liquids relates to the coordination patterns of liquids with the gestures of the consonantal onsets and syllables: liquids in the nucleus position require so called ‘open transition’ described in Catford (1977). syllabic liquids in Slovak occur freely in stressed positions and with complex onsets. as in Slovak. Pouplier & Benus (2011) tested the hypothesis that when liquids are in the nucleus Phonological structure and articulatory phonetic realization of syllabic liquids Syllabic liquids. Sonorants commonly consist of two articulatory gestures: one of these gestures is more ‘vocalic’ and another is more ‘consonantal’.

(Hoole & Zierdt 2010) and collected articulatory data from 5 Slovak subjects for the non-sense CNCa words in which C = {p,t,k}, and N corresponds to all nuclei in Slovak, including short and long /l/ and /r/ and 10 vowels. Figure 1 shows a sample of CrCa data from one subject. Several qualitative and quantitative observations will be made. First, both syllabic liquids display both a gesture of the tongue tip raising and a gesture of the tongue dorsum retraction. The former consistently follows the latter. Long liquids show greater displacements but similar temporal coordination to short liquids. Moreover, the coordination of the tongue tip gesture of the liquids with the syllabic onset is quite different from the coordination of the vowel gestures. Importantly, the tongue-dorsum retraction gesture for the liquids in CLCa words coordinated to the onsets in a surprising similar way to the coordination of the onsets and vowels in CVCa words. Hence our data support the proposal that the syllabicity of liquids relates to the articulatory coordination patterns in Pouplier and Benus (2011) but that the important component includes also the coordination of the vocalic liquid gesture (tongue dorsum retraction) with the consonantal onset gesture.

Figure 1

Trajectories of two sensors: vertical movement of the sensor placed on the tongue tip in the top row (TT-y, up means tongue is moving up) and horizontal movement of the sensor placed on the tongue dorsum (TD-x, up means tongue dorsum is moving back). All trajectories are time-normalized with respect to the acoustic release of the C1 (left blue vertical line at 50) and acoustic closure of C2 (the right blue vertical line at 150). Red lines represent long rhotics ŕ [r:], and black ones the short counterpart. Data are from a single subject, 8 repetitions in each condition.


Bell, Alan. 1978. Syllabic consonants. In Joseph Greenberg (ed.), Universals of Human Language. Volume 2: Phonology (pp. 153–201). Stanford: Stanford University Press. Catford, John, C. 1977. Fundamental Problems in Phonetics. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Hoole, Philip, & Zierdt, Andreas. 2010. Five-dimensional articulography. In Ben Maasen and Pascal H. H. M. van Lieshout (eds.), Speech Motor Control (pp. 331–349). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Kenstowicz, Michael, & Rubach, Jerzy. 1987. The phonology of syllabic nuclei in Slovak. Language 63 (3), 463–497. Krakow, Rena A. 1999. Physiological organization of syllables: A review. Journal of Phonetics 27, 23–54. Pouplier, Marianne & Beňuš, Štefan, 2011. On the phonetic status of syllabic consonants: Evidence from Slovak. Laboratory Phonology, 2(2), 243–273. Sproat, Richard, & Fujimura, Osamu. 1993. Allophonic variation in English /l/ and its implications for phonetic implementation. Journal of Phonetics 21 (3), 291–311.

Lolita Bérarda, José Deulofeub and Sylvain Kahanec

Parole et Langage – LPL, France; bLaboratoire d'Informatique Fondamentale – LIF, France; cModèles Dynamiques Corpus – MoDyCo, France;;

A corpus based study of bridge verbs in long distance dependencies in French: a specific construction
Bérard (2012) presents a corpus based study of long distance dependencies phenomena in “extraction” contexts in French. Here are the main findings for structures involving a complementizer. The corpus consists of 12 M words, with 3 M of spontaneous speech, part of which is tagged. Although we apply a systematic semi automatic procedure, only 229 examples have been extracted: Host construction Number of occurrences Interrogative clause 108 Relative clause 95 Cleft or pseudocleft 26

As regards the structure of the “bridge template”, a relevant observation is that it is mainly reduced to a “Pronoun subject–verb–Complementizer” form: “qu’est-ce que [tu veux que] je fasse” (what do you want me to do). We notice very few variations from 17

the basic pattern: even insertions of discourse particles or disfluencies markers are very rare in the sequence: bridge+“subordinate verb”. The only attested developments are intensifying adverbs (7 examples), clitic complements (7) and negation (3). From the point of view of meaning, these extensions do not contribute the descriptive content of the whole utterance, but are involved in the construction of an intersubjective frame for it in domains like evidentiality or epistemicity. As shown in the following table, displaying the most frequent bridge verbs: Relative clause vouloir 14 falloir 13 savoir 12 penser 10 Interrogative clause vouloir 73 falloir 16 penser 8 dire 5

These findings undermine a description of the template based on the embedding of an IP structure in a “main” IP projected by the bridge verb. Such a description would indeed largely overgenerate. It is not clear at all how to constraint the output of such an underlying structure. We will show that the proposed syntactic or semantic island constraints in the literature (Ross 1967, Erteschik-Shir 1973, Dabrowska 2008, Ambridge & Goldberg 2008, Hofmeister & Sag 2010) are not totally met in our data. Lexical constraints are to be stated in a probabilistic way, especially if we take in account further verifications on the web corpus. The best solution seems to be a constructional one: we define a “bridge construction” in which a form: Pronoun subject–verb– Complementizer is associated to a “non-descriptive” semantic feature. This construction merges with a verb to build a clause. The semantic feature excludes the only verbs with que_complements that have not been found in the extended corpus: faire que, provoquer que, vouloir dire que. Further pragmatic restrictions are brought by the host construction (interrogative versus relative clause for instance). As far as formal representation is concerned, we propose to build on the proposal of Kahane (1997, 2000), consisting in representing the template [bridge construction+main verb] by a formal object called a “bubble”. The bubble, which can be composed of one or more verbs, acts as a single node in a regular tree, reducing the “long distance dependency” to a local dependency. Instead of introducing constraints on a general mechanism (island), we start modeling extraction with a single verb and we extend our model by allowing complex verb strings occupying a position of a single verb.


eric. In P. Thèse du Massachusetts Institute of Technology. E.). collected by the author of this paper for the purposes of this presentation. S. 1997. Mélanges offerts à G. Constraints on variables in syntax. Dépendances à distance en français contemporain . Consulté de http://dspace. 2012. Lazard. Questions with long-distance dependencies: A usage-based perspective. Akmajian (Éd. Cognitive Linguistics.. Nevertheless. The examples of the usage of diminutives. Peeters.. 41(1). Thèse du Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Katowice. New York: New York: Academic Press. Leuwen. 19(3).1/12991 Hofmeister. Kahane. Kahane. Culicover.pdf Paulina Biały University of Silesia. & Sag. children use diminutive forms more often not to denote smallness of a given object. 2008. Erteschik-Shir. Le français. On the nature of island constraints. & Goldberg. 71-132). Wasow & A. in Becker & Krieger (eds). 1977. of Modern Languages and Linguistics. Cognitive constraints and island effects. 1967. Traitement Automatique des Langues.Etude sur corpus. Cambridge. p. 366– 415. T.. R. Poland bialypaulina@gmail. Usages de la langue parlée. 391-425. 70-76. On 5th Meeting of the Mathematics of Language (MOL5). While analysing Polish child language.. excluding the reference to the smallness of an object being pointed at. "c'est ce qu'on pense qui devrait être fait". 86(2).. Cl. Bérard L. Collection les langues du monde. Thèse de l'Université Nancy 2. Saarbrücken: DFKI. Proc. 1973. 2000. Language. 2008. Consulté de http://www. Extractions dans une grammaire de dépendance lexicalisée à bulles.References Ambridge. 2010. S. but to express their 19 . Un statut de chaîne verbale. 187–216. Blanche-Benveniste Cl. Sociolinguistic Contexts of Using Diminutives in Child’s Speech in Polish This paper is aimed at analysing and presenting the most frequent situations. A.ed. N. Chomsky. Ross. Blanche-Benveniste. 357–389... Cognitive Linguistics. 2010. E.. B. 19(3). in which children use diminutive forms. Dąbrowska... A. Bubble trees and syntactic representations. Non publié. Dept.. The island status of clausal complements: Evidence in favor of an information structure explanation.. it may be noted that the usage of diminutives is its most characteristic feature.. I.. Formal syntax (Academic Press. are taken from everyday conversations of Polish parents with their children aged 2-10.

) Perspectives on Semantics.attitude towards it. Nevertheless. Pragmatics. Language 72:3:533-578. since adults unintentionally express their affection for the child’s trust and helplessness. When discussing first-language acquisition of diminutives. The use of diminutives and hypocorisms in this particular context seems to be most obvious and natural. Universal Tendencies in the Semantics of Diminutives. 43-58. 1954. Morphopragmatics of Diminutives and Augmentatives: On the Priority of Pragmatics over Semantics. they must be firstly introduced by adults.M. each presented and discussed in this paper. Barbaresi. is reflected in their speech through the use of diminutives. Some scholars are even of the opinion that this emotional meaning of diminutives is of greater importance than the pure denotative one. Jurafsky. before diminutives enter child’s vocabulary. It is them who inspire children to use diminutive forms in order to express various states of mind. which may become the prevailing one in a given linguistic context or situation”. and Discourse. In I. Kenesei and R. Word 10:1:457-468. and L. E. and feelings. Conversation with a small child serves as a good example here. References: Dressler.U. emotions. Stankiewicz.. 1996. Harnish (eds. Stankiewicz (1954: 458) states that each diminutive form has a “concomitant affectionate or pejorative meaning.M. 20 . 2001. The mood of adults keeping company with a child. Dressler and Barbaresi (1994: 51-53) notice that diminutive forms are used initially without any reference to smallness but rather to fictiveness and emotive meanings. W. Expressive Derivation of Substantives in Contemporary Russian and Polish. D. Jurafsky (1996: 543) is even of the opinion that diminutives originate from semantic or pragmatic links with children. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

different denominal verbs are expected to have different Aktionsart properties (Harley. the verb is atelic. while. In short. instrument verbs like hammer seem to escape this generalization. and the telic/ atelic behavior of the noun-incorporating verb.The results reveal that 186 out of 240 verbs contain count nouns. and. when the incorporated Root is a bounded Thing. and there are counterexamples like the verb to oil.out arguments are known to affect the Aktionstart of VP predicates. Location & Locatum verbs present a problematic interfering preposition.g. 1999). Since roots may differ in inherent countness and massness. The results seem to indicate that the correlation between the properties of the root and of the verb does not seem to be as tight as suggested by Harley (2005). Italy cameliableotu@gmail. out of which 105 are telic (e. Kennedy & Levin. as seen in The mare foaled/ bore a foal in 2 hours/#for 2 hours. which can be telic. when it is an unbounded Thing. after eliminating the verbs resulting from backformation. the location/locatum verb must be telic.Adina Camelia Bleotu Ca’Foscari University of Venice.. but as something contextual. we have looked at all the nounincorporating verbs from a bilingual Romanian-Norwegian dictionary. and the in-phrases (în )/ for-phrases (timp de) test was used to distinguish between telic and atelic uses (Dowty. 21 . With this thought in mind. and unincorporated measuring. although the incorporated noun is mass. we created a database of noun-incorporating verbs starting from a bilingual RomanianNorwegian dictionary. 1979. Telicity has been treated not as something inherent to the verb. the concrete/ abstract nature of the incorporated noun. The aim of this paper is to test whether there is a correlation between the boundedness of the incorporated noun and the boundedness of the verb in noun-incorporating verbs in Romanian. This supports Hale and Keyser’s (2002) l-syntactic approach. 2005). we ended up with 240 verbs that we have classified with respect to: the count/ mass nature of the incorporated noun. However. as in John saddled the horse #for 5 minutes. So as to see whether there is an noun-to-verb boundedness effect. a bandaja ‘to bandage’. as in Susan watered the garden for an hour. since identical structures in overt syntax and l-syntax seem to show parallel semantic effects. Hay. the theta-role of the incorporated Is There a Correlation between the Boundedness of the Noun and the Boundedness of the Verb in Noun-incorporating Verbs? Insight from Romanian.

Arne (2007): Rumensk-Norsk Ordbok. a lăcrima ‘to tear/ weep’). ‘to section’. a ciomăgi ‘to club’). ‘to bring misfortune to sb’. 47 incorporate count nouns (a masacra ‘to massacre’. Sypress Forlag . a huzuri ‘to wanton’. a sângera. be they telic or atelic. all Location verbs. rom. there seem to exist tendencies in Romanian: verbs incorporating nouns that are count tend to be telic. an atelic verb. display telic behaviour. Dicţionar Romȃ n. are the result of incorporating count nouns. a vrăji ‘to charm’. According to Harley. In the case of Location verbs. A similar situation occurs in the case of verbs containing abstract nouns. ‘to bleed’). gives proof to the contrary. However. a sfătui. References: Hale. the existence of a verb like a păşuna (lit. Rodica Marian.) Out of the 39 verbs that incorporate Themes and are atelic (a glumi ‘to joke’. All Instrumentincorporating verbs. Halvorsen. Elena Comşulea. there are also count noun verbs that are atelic like a dansa ‘to dance’ or a colinda ‘to carol’. Doina Grecu. such as a necăji ‘to bother/ grieve/ pester’. & Samuel Jay Keyser (2002): Prolegomenon to a Theory of Argument Structure. o. a pedepsi ‘to punish’. a naufragia ‘to shipwreck’ a. and verbs that Incorporate Instruments are activities.o. As for the relation between thematic roles and telicity. where the majority are telic verbs incorporating abstract nouns. a mărgini ‘to border/ edge’.g. Manner Incorporation and the ontology of verb roots in English. These two claims are in line with Harley’s observations. Mihaela Ursa. Heidi (2003): How do verbs get their names? Denominal verbs. these are only tendencies. ‘to pasture’. Harley. most of which are telic. we would expect the incorporation of count nouns to give rise only to telic verbs. a nelinişti ‘to worry’. a secţiona. a tapeta ‘to wallpaper’. only 6 are verbs incorporating mass nouns (e. However. Ken. the non. ‘to calm sb down’. verbs such as a astȃmpăra. a schimba ‘to change’. Therefore. Mariana Istrate. However. a ofensa ‘to offend’. and there are verbs incorporating mass nouns that display telic behaviour. Felicia Şerban. which are atelic.Norvegian. are the result of incorporating nouns that are count (e. out of the 52 verbs that incorporate Themes and are telic. Colab.: Ioana Anghel. a echilibra ‘to balance’. a nenoroci.boundedness of the verb is not dependent upon the non-boundedness of the noun. Valentina Şerban. many verbs incorporating mass nouns. As far as concrete nouns are concerned. as well as count noun verbs that are atelic. a exile ‘to exile’ a.a condimenta ‘to spice’). In conclusion. ‘to advise’.g. However. 22 . a imagina ‘to imagine’. Cambridge: MIT Press. ‘to graze’). 156 verbs out of 240 incorporate such nouns.

Investigating the use of the oral component with reduplication showed that oral reduplication is more often associated with pluractional meanings than with nonpluractional meanings. expressing one reoccurring state (see Example 1). The corpus data came from previously recorded material for the Swedish Sign Language Corpus Project (Mesch 2011). and other pre-recorded material used in education. etc. Unfortunately.). Sweden calle@ling. Kennedy and Levin (1999): Scalar Structure Underlies Telicity in Degree Achievements. SALT IX. American Sign Language (cf. as was the interaction between the manual and oral components in signs when reduplicated. interviews. Previous studies have mentioned that oral components are 23 . a claim that needs to be revised after this investigation. Strolovitch (eds. Also. something that has been argued for in e. quantity. the use of reduplication with stative predicates was always disregarded. Bergman & Dahl 1994). It consisted of narrative texts. Also.Jennifer Hay. 127–144. T. is generally quite iconic and expresses plurality. Carl Börstell Department of Linguistics. This study investigated reduplication of predicative signs in SSL by using a small purpose-built corpus. based on existing corpus data and other data. Wilbur 2009). An interesting addition is that there is a strong tendency for lexically monosyllabic signs to be associated with pluractional readings of reduplication.g. since it means that some semantics of SSL is encoded in the phonology. With stative predicates. the ECHO project (Bergman & Mesch 2004). the combination of reduplication and negation had been said to be impossible. or with one state—temporary or inherent—being associated with several referents at the same time (see Example 2). Ithaca. The general findings of reduplication with dynamic predicates mirror previous findings quite well—that reduplication. and spontaneous dialogue texts. in spoken and signed language. in CLC Publications. Stockholm University. This is an interesting aspect. reduplication usually combines only with temporary state statives. whereas lexically bisyllabic signs are associated with ongoing events or generic activities. repetition. a native signer was consulted to discuss the corpus data as well as for producing additional data. and Aspects of Swedish Sign Language Reduplication Previous work on Swedish Sign Language (SSL) has shown that reduplication can express a range of meanings (Bergman 1983.

Although previous studies claimed that SSL would not negate reduplicated signs (cf. Bergman. Example 1: FRIDAY EXCITED PRO-1 FREE-FROM -WORK+++ THEME-BUOY------------------FRIDAY> PERFECT ‘Then on Fridays I was excited. It was great!’ (SSLC01_162 03:44) Example 2: GROW-UP PRO-1 ALONE DEAF POSS-1 SIBLING INDEX-CIRCULAR HEARING+++ INDEX-CIRCULAR ‘I grew up as the only Deaf. Ideophones in Sign Language? The place of reduplication in the tense–aspect system of Swedish Sign Language. Empirical and Theoretical Contributions to Language Typology. Tense. but the oral component accompanying this movement is reduplicated. 397–422. Copyright terms: http://creativecommons. Basbøll. Language in sign: An international perspective on sign language. Lindberg (eds. ECHO data set for Swedish Sign Language (SSL). In: Kyle.’ (SSLC01_160 02:26) Example 3: neg / NOT g-NO ‘It varies. Brita.’ (lit. This process is used to express ongoingness with telic predicates. We don’t always hug. NH: Croom Helm Ltd. Brita. URL: http://www. NY: Mouton de Gruyter. i. Brita. of Linguistics.e. Stockholm University. Swedish Sign Language Corpus Project. This is when the manual component is articulated with a single movement. H. 2004. In: Bache. of Linguistics. which would instead signal iteration. & C. & Johanna Mesch.let. Verbs and adjectives: Some morphological processes in Swedish Sign Language.en. & Östen Dahl. 1994.’) (SSLC01_006 01:50) VARY ALWAYS HUG++ References: Bergman. Bergman & Dahl 1994). Dept. James. Dept. Stockholm University. 24 . pp. pp.often reduplicated together with manual reduplication. 2011. ‘Always hug is not the case. this study found a few occurrences of a reduplicated sign being negated.5/se/deed. because I had Fridays off. Bergman. by putting the negator outside the intonational phrase containing the reduplication (see Example 3). 3–10. & Bencie Woll (eds. However. this was done with different strategies than the regular negation strategies. Aspect and Action.). Johanna. 1983.E. but this study argues for a phenomenon apparently not described for any sign language previously: oral reduplication without manual reduplication. My siblings are all hearing. New York. something that would not be possible to express by manual reduplication.

01). proficiency level. small but existent. text) and phonological context (voiceless bilabials. thus might represent a challenge for those Czech bilinguals who aspire to the level of excellence in Spanish. time spent in Spanish speaking countries) were recorded in laboratory conditions and subsequently analysed in Praat. where lower values were associated with the first formant of L2 Spanish /i/ in the text-style and in the environments of consonants p (difference 0. α = 0. i. similarly distributed within the vowel space. dentals/alveolars. Štěpánka Čechová Charles University. Czech Republic Stepanka. In order to explore the possible danger of transferring Czech spectral characteristics into L2 Spanish. 31. The speakers. Prague. being elicited in the same environment in L1 Czech and L2 Spanish. This is particularly relevant for Czech learners of Spanish as SLA. 25 . independent variables being language (Czech.cech@gmail. respectively. since the vocalic systems of both languages consist of five vowels. age. Language Sciences.05. Formant frequencies (dependent variable) were converted to ERB values and then compared. a L2 sound is not produced perfectly. On the other hand.3 ERB). no significant difference was found as far as F2 was concerned. high front vowel /i/ was chosen and its pronunciation in ten carefully selected native Czech subjects was analysed. Spanish). given. The spectral differences between corresponding vowels. among others. pp. Ronnie. Productive reduplication in a fundamentally monosyllabic language. second language performance can be negatively influenced by the mechanism of equivalence classification. area of Spanish high front vowel in Czech bilinguals Following Flege (1995). In spite of the acoustic similarity of high front vowel in both languages.e.7 ERB) and k (0. the small perceptual difference between it and its nearest counterpart in L1 phonology. the results of the study indicate significant differences in F1 between L1 and L2 Spanish /i/ in case of style-variation and context-variation (p < 0.Wilbur. showing a high degree of homogeneity with respect to social and extra-linguistic factors (sex. velars). style (nonsense words. 325–342. real words in carrier sentence. 2009.

In W. 26 . It provides justification for the recognition of a Topic Phrase (TP) within a Determiner Phrase (DP) in Polish. Čermák. and problems. (2009). 132-135). Mª. Examples of adnominal genitive fronting considered in the paper come mainly from Internet fora and blogs (thus representing a colloquial variety of Polish). Flege. (1995). as proposed. Brighton: ISCA. Proceedings of the 10th Annual Conference of the International Speech Communication Association (Interspeech 2009). The assumption is made that the additional motivation for this phenomenon is the scarcity of possessive (genitival) adjectives in Polish (terminating in the suffixes –ow. ( The Topic Phrase within a Determiner Phrase: Fronting adnominal genitives in Polish The present paper considers the left periphery of Determiner Phrases on the basis of selected data from Polish. Estudio del sistema vocálico del español como lengua extranjera. which is interpreted here as the specifier of the Topic Phrase. for Romanian noun phrases in Giusti (2005) and cross-linguistically in Aboh et al. Theory. Babyonyshev 1998 for Russian. Praha: UK. B. The Polish data considered as evidence for the Topic Phrase include instances of movement of the adnominal genitive.& Skarnitzl. Z. Podlipský. Second language speech learning. Real Académia Española (2011). findings. Timonium. (1994). Strange (Ed. Poland bozena. among others.cetnarowska@us. Málaga: Asele. Veselovska 1998 for Czech). 233-277). The fronted genitive DP in (1b) does not receive a contrastive interpretation but is a discourse-active noun. (2005). where possessive adjectives sound more felicitous and are derived on a more regular basis (cf. to the pre-head position (in 1b). E.& Volín. Palková..). Nueva gramática de la lengua española: fonética y fonología. Madrid: Espasa Libros. Fonetika a fonologie češtiny. J.References: Arbulu Barturen. (2000). MD: York Press. most of which sound oldfashioned or dialectal (as in 1c). (pp. Speech Perception and Linguistic Experience: Issues in Cross-Language Research. which follows the head noun in the unmarked word order (as in 1a). R. (2010). Bożena Cetnarowska University of Silesia. . High Front Vowels in Czech: a Contrast in Quantity or Quality?.edu.or –in-). V. P. J. Praha: Karolinum. Polish differs in this respect from other Slavonic languages. J. Fonetika a fonologie současné španělštiny.

Grimshaw 1990). current Examples will be considered of marked and less common orders of attributive adjectives in Polish (including both descriptive and classifying modifiers).(1) a. (2) To był Marii POPRZEDNI mąż.Dim) handbag is lying on the table in the kitchen.3SG on stole table stole table w in w in kuchni.3SG on table in kitchen ‘Zosia’s (Sophie. Fronting the genitive DP in such process nominals results in a highly marked word order. Rappaport1995. Zosi Zosia. since the adnominal genitive calls here for an object-type reading. follows the fronted adnominal genitive.Gen reading’. Zosia. Rizzi 1997) inside the DP. It can be argued that the Topic Phrase precedes the Focus Phrase (cf.’ torebka handbag leży na lie.’ już already miejscówek.Pres. and in simple event nominals (e. piękne beautiful a.g. Aboh et al. possible only in a literary (poetic) style. please. It is unlikely in the case of complex event nominals (cf. e.PossAdj handbag lie. 27 .Pres. bearing a contrastive intonation and marked as contrastive focus. (3) (4) a. as in czytanie książek ‘reading books. ?*książek czytanie ‘books. kitchen kuchni.Gen lie. tanie (nail) tips cheap na pociąg on train to Lublin. and not the current one’ a and nie not obecny.g. since the occurrence of such linearization patterns as those in (3b) and (4b) seems to support the need for recognizing the Topic Phrase inside the Determiner Phrase.3Sg ‘There are no seat reservations (left) for the fast train.Gen’. 2010. Lublin b. The movement of the adnominal genitive can be observed in the case of object-denoting nominals (such as torebka ‘handbag’). Torebka handbag Zosi leży na stole w kuchni.g. kitchen b. it was Mary. Rozwadowska 1997.Pres.’ piękne beautiful poś pieszny fast tipsy (nail) tips do to Lublina. since the adjective poprzedni ‘former’ in (2). ?*Zosina torebka leży na Zosia.Gen c. Na poś pieszny pociąg nie ma on fast train not have. Proszę please ‘A ticket for tanie cheap bilet ticket a fast train tipsy b. przyjazd ‘arrival’). Willim 2000.3SG on The thematic role of the fronted genitive DP is a Possessor or an Agent. seat-reservations The analysis proposed here will be compared to earlier accounts of word order variation in Polish noun phrases (e.Gen former husband ‘It was Mary’s FORMER husband.

In: J. H. 782-801. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wroclawskiego. Bański and A. A. Giusti. Dordrecht. Adjectives.g. E. Lingua 120. At the left periphery of the Romanian noun phrase. criticism of the cartographic approach to noun phrase structure will be mentioned (e. M. N. In: P. Bouchard. Moreover. E. Alexiadou. Cluj. 243-61. number. Amsterdam.) Elements of grammar. References Aboh. Rappaport. Stavrou (2007). A. Georgi. Noun phrase in the generative perspective. (2004). (1997). The fine structure of the left periphery. Rappaport (2004) suggests that the fronted genitive is merged in the same position as possessive adjectives (i.O. Babyonyshev. GSLA Publications. Coene and L. and G. DP-internal information structure: Some introductory remarks. (2005). D. Müller (2010). Kluwer.) On space and time in language. (1998). Tasmowski (eds. 193-233. Berlin and New York. Journal of Slavic Linguistics 6(2). Mouton de Gruyter. Possessive movement in the Czech nominal phrase. Cambridge MA. External and internal eventualities.) Possessives and beyond: Semantics and syntax. Noun-phrase structure by reprojection. North Holland. Argument structure. Partee and Y. Haegeman (ed. 23-49. (2002). L. Kim. MIT Press. van Koppen (2010). The possessive construction in Russian: A cross-linguistic perspective. Corver. Veselovska. as the specifier of the Possessive Phrase). 281-337. 156-167. Syntax 13 (1). Rozwadowska. (2000) Some aspects of the grammar and interpretation of adjectival modification. In: M. While Rozwadowska (1997: 55) regards Polish phrases with fronted genitive DPs as resulting from some surface reordering. Bouchard 2002).g.. (1995) Wh-Movement-in-Comp in Slavic syntax and in Logical Form. Warszawa. (1997) Towards a unified theory of nominalizations.e. B. Haegeman. The syntax of possessors in the nominal phrase: Drawing the lines and deriving the forms. Journal of Slavic Linguistics 5(2). Haegeman and Stavrou 2007. B. IPI PAN. Rizzi. L. Clusium. Willim. (1990). 255-300. L. MA. Przepiórkowski (eds. Alexiadou. Lander (eds. D. Grimshaw. G.2004). G. M. In: L. and M. Amherst. Wrocław. 28 . G. J. Journal of Slavic Linguistics 3(2). and M. 308-56. (1998). 1-36. and interfaces: why languages vary. Dyakonova. Georgi and Müller 2010) and some alternatives to such an account will be discussed (e.) Proceedings of Generative Linguistics in Poland 1. Rappaport.

Thus. Phonological analyses of Dutch provide conflicting evidence with respect to the length feature in Dutch Netherlands. Recent phonetic descriptions of Dutch vowels (Adank et al. bpaola. In quantity languages such as Finnish or Czech. for native and non-native vowels using electroencephalography (EEG). while Escudero et al. c JeanUhrmacher-Institute for Clinical ENT Research Cologne. Van Leussen et al. bUniversity of Western Sydney. Ylinen et al. In the present project we investigated the phonological status of vowel length in Dutch by studying neural auditory responses to duration changes in native and non-native vowels.lipski@yahoo. we used the amplitude of the mismatch negativity (MMN) as a measure of pre-attentive. the status of vowel length is unclear in Dutch. Thus. Furthermore. 2003. Germany ak. linguistically modulated sensitivity to vowel duration changes (Nenonen et al. 2011) show that vowel duration is used to distinguish only few In the present Pre-attentive processing of speech sounds reveals native phonological structure: tracing phonological length across languages The extent to which phonetic vowel duration is used as a cue to vowel identity varies largely across languages. the phonological status of vowel length in these languages is debatable.chladkova@uva.escudero@uws. and Dutch. Specifically. For instance. (2009) showed that they rely on spectral cues to a much larger extent than on duration for the same vowel contrast. 2004. Nooteboom and Doodeman (1980) found that Dutch listeners rely on vowel duration to distinguish /mɑn/ ‘man’ and /maːn/ ‘moon’. Lipskic aUniversity of Amsterdam. which had spectral quality properties that approximated those of a native vowel for all three languages.Kateřina Chládkováa. In other languages. Spanish. Spanish. languages such as Russian or Spanish do not contrast phonologically short and long vowels. vowel duration serves as a cue to abstract vowel length categories. Silvia C. 2006). On the other hand. which had vowel 29 . we measured and compared listeners’ pre-attentive evoked auditory responses to duration changes across three language backgrounds: Czech. they listened passively to short and long tokens of [ɤ]. and Dutch participants listened passively to short and long tokens of [a]. such as Dutch or English. Paola Escuderob. cs. Australia. duration cues the identity of some vowels and often in combination with other cues such as vowel quality differences. according to Booij (1995) vowel length is a structural feature in Dutch phonology. while Van Oostendorp (1995) argues for a theory based on the laxness feature.

This result indicates that Dutch listeners do not perceive unfamiliar vowel sounds into discrete duration-cued categories. The lack of differences in the MMN response to duration changes in [a] between Czech and Dutch participants suggests that Dutch listeners’ pre-attentive sensitivity to vowel duration is similar to that of Czech listeners. thick lines lines represent the mean 30 . 2011). Rather. 2012. We thus demonstrate that thorough cross-linguistic and cross-stimulus comparisons of pre-attentive auditory processing of vowel duration can reveal the phonological status of vowel length in a specific language. Cz. FC4. Ellipses represent 2 standard deviations of the mean. and Van Leussen et al. i. Dutch = Du) and condition (native = white. The Spanish results on the non-native condition will be discussed in line with their implications for second language acquisition. Figure 1. F1 and F2 values for the native (white circle) and the nonnative (grey circle) stimulus together with the average values of Czech (red). We conclude that the Dutch phonology does not encode “short” and “long” as linguistic units.e. the abstract length feature is not part of Dutch phonology. Chládková et al. F3. FC3. Spanish (green) and Dutch (brown) vowels (values from Šimáčková et al. in the non-native vowel condition [ɤ].e. i. the Dutch use of duration is vowel-specific. non-native = grey) pooled across 9 sites (Fz. The bars indicate 95% confidence intervals. axes are scaled in Erb. C4). FCz. The mean MMN amplitude per group (Czech = Cs. Spanish = Sp.quality properties that did not approximate any native vowel for all three languages (see Figure 1). Figure 2 shows that the MMN was larger for the native-like vowel [a] for Czech and Dutch listeners than for Spanish listeners. Figure 2. F4. C3. However. Dutch listeners had a smaller MMN than both Czech and Spanish listeners. it is used for some native vowels and always together with spectral cues. 2011.

Adank, P., van Hout, R., Smits, R. (2004). An acoustic description of the vowels of Northern and Southern Standard Dutch. JASA, 116: 1729-1738. Booij, G. (1995). The Phonology of Dutch. Oxford University Press. Chládková, K., Escudero, P., Boersma, P. (2011). Context-specific acoustic differences between Peruvian and Iberian Spanish vowels. JASA, 130: 416-428. Escudero, P., Benders, T., Lipski, S. C. (2009). Native, non-native and L2 perceptual cue weighting for Dutch vowels: the case of Dutch, German, and Spanish listeners. JPhon, 37(4), 452465. Nenonen, S., Shestakova, A., Huotilainen, M., Näätänen, R. (2003). Linguistic relevance of duration within the native language determines the accuracy of speech-sound duration processing. Cognitive Brain Research, 16: 492-495. Nooteboom, S.G., Doodeman, G.J.N. (1980). Production and perception of vowel length in spoken sentences. JASA, 67:276–287. Šimáčková, Š., Podlipský, V.J., Chládková, K. (2012). Czech spoken in Bohemia and Moravia. JIPA, 42(2):225-232 Van Leussen, J.W, Williams, D., Escudero, P. (2011). Acoustic properties of Dutch steady-state vowels: contextual effects and a comparison with previous studies. Proc. 17th ICPhS, 1194-1197. Van Oostendorp, M. (1995). Vowel quality and phonological projection. PhD thesis. Tilburg University. Ylinen, S., Shestakova, A., Huotilainen, M., Alku, P., Näätänen, R. (2006). Mismatch negativity (MMN) elicited by changes in phoneme length : A cross-linguistic study. Brain Research, 1072: 175-185.

Éva Dékány
Research Institute for Linguistics, Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Hungary

Obligatorily possessed gerunds in Old Hungarian
Aims: The aim of this talk is to account for the syntax of the Old Hungarian gerund employing the non-finite ending -t. As characteristic of gerunds, it has both verbal and nominal properties: it preserves the argument structure of the base verb, and it can be modified by adverbs and negation but it distributes in the clause as a noun, and bears case marking according to the grammatical role it fulfills in the sentence. Interestingly, the -t gerund obligatorily bears possessive morphology. Compare the possessive agreement followed by the Accusative marker on nouns: lelk-ed-et soul-


poss.2sg-acc ’your soul’ (1492-1494, Festetics Codex 123), and on -t gerunds (1). Unlike ordinary nouns, (1) has no non-possessed variant.
(1) haromźèr taga-č-meǵ [èngem-èt esmèr-t-ed-èt] three.times deny-2sg-perf I-acc know-gerund-poss.2sg-acc you deny (your) knowing me three times (1466, Münich Codex 81 va)

Gerunds with -t can have a controlled PRO subject (1). They can also co-occur with an overt DP that supplies a subject with independent reference. These are either Nominative or Dative.
(2) meg-akar-ia ṅomoreita-ni [èn ièlėn vol-t-om-ban] perf-want-3sg cripple-inf I.nom present be-gerund-poss.1sg-inessive He wants to cripple him in my presence (mid 15th century, Vienna Codex 64) hall-ott-ac [ǫ-nèki è ièlènseg te-t-ė-t ] hear-past-3pl he-dat this phenomenon do-gerund-poss.3sg-acc they heard of his doing this deed (1466, Münich Codex 98 vb)


Previous analysis: Tóth (2011) argues that gerunds involve a nominalizing head (Nom), which takes an extended verbal projection as its complement, nominalizes it, and thus allows it to be embedded under nominal functional projections: [NomP -t [clause … ]]. I will adopt this idea. Tóth argues that the bolded DPs in (2) and (3) are in the subject position of the nominalized clause: [NomP -t [TP DP [vP … ]]]. However, it remains a mystery why such nominalized clauses must be possessed: there are other types of nominalized clauses, too, and they can be unpossessed (and so can ordinary nouns). Further, Old Hungarian has both non-finite (infinitival) clauses with Dative subjects and non-finite (participial) clauses with Nominative subjects, but there are no (other) non-finites with an optional Dative or Nominative case on the subject. Proposal: There is, however, a type of nominal that may routinely bear either Nominative or Dative case: the possessor. Given the possessive case marking on the DPs above and the obligatory possessive morphology on the nominalized clause, I argue that the bolded DPs are represented in the structure as possessors rather than as genuine subjects of the gerund. The gerund’s subject is, in fact, always PRO; it is controlled by the overt or pro-dropped possessor. I shall assume with Den Dikken (1999, 2006) that possession involves a predication structure, represented in the tree by a Rel(ator)P. Rel0 has 2 arguments: the predicate and the subject of predication. Den Dikken argues that both [RelP subject [Rel′ Rel predicate ]] and [RelP predicate [Rel′ Rel subject ]] are attested. I propose that the


-t nominalizing head is a Relator. The 2 arguments of the -t Relator are the clause to be nominalized and the possessor DP. Since arguments are obligatory, this derives that in the context of -t gerunds not only the extended verbal projection, but the possessor is obligatory, too. (The possessive agreement in (1)-(3) routinely accompanies pronominal possessors.) The structure of -t gerunds is thus [RelP possessor [Rel′ -t clause ]], where -t both nominalizes its clausal complement and includes it into a predicative relation with the possessor. Other nominalizing heads in Old Hungarian are not Relators, thus they simply nominalize their complement without introducing the predicative relationship and the possessor. References:
Den Dikken, Marcel. 1999. On the structural representation of possession and agreement. The case of (anti-)agreement in Hungarian possessed Nominal Phrases. In: István Kenesei (ed.), Crossing boundaries: Theoretical Advances in Central and Eastern European Languages,137-178. Amsterdam, John Benjamins. Den Dikken, Marcel. 2006. Relators and linkers: the syntax of predication, predicate inversion, and copulas. Cambridge, Mass, MIT Press. É. Kiss, Katalin. 2002. The syntax of Hungarian. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Tóth, Ildikó. 2011. A -t képz ős igeneves szerkezet használata az ómagyarban. In: Katalin É. Kiss and Attila Hegedűs (ed.), Nyelvelmélet és diakrónia, 1-13. Piliscsaba, PPKE BTK. Tóth, Ildikó. 2011. A -t képz ős igeneves szerkezet használata az ómagyarban. In: Katalin É. Kiss and Attila Hegedűs (ed.), Nyelvelmélet és diakrónia, 1-13. Piliscsaba, PPKE BTK.

Mojmír Dočekala and Ivona Kučerováb

University, Brno, Czech Republic; bMcMaster University, Canada;

Two flavours of exhaustivity: Aspect and Intervention Effects in weak islands
We argue that while ungrammaticality of negative manner questions (MAN) in English (weak islands) could be explained by the structure of manners being inherently incompatible with a strongly exhaustive interpretation of wh-questions (Beck & Rullmann, 1999, B&R), such an explanation does not extend to negative degree questions (DEG). We present new data from Czech showing that if strong exhaustivity is introduced by Aspect, MAN behave distinctly from DEG. We argue that the observed


see also Szabolcsi & Zwarts 1993.. In contrast.g. Proposal: D&K observed that weak islands in English can be reduced to a scope interaction with negation: A wh-word cannot be interpreted in the scope of negation unless it is d-linked. Crucially. intervenes between the wh-word and Q. Thus we predict that if another operator. MAN are ungrammatical since manner wh-words cannot be felicitously interpreted in their surface position (CP). instead of the exhaustive interpretation of the Q-operator (cf. don’t exhibit this weak island behaviour (Dočekal & Kučerová 2012. DEG can be grammatical as degree questions are systematically ambiguous between a high scope and a low scope reading (Obenauer. Czech. Puzzle: English MAN and DEG are ungrammatical (unless d-linked). such as ∃ in d-linked questions. We argue that these facts follow if weak islands are understood as an instance of Beck’s IE. unlike English. among others). 2006). 34 . the structure is uninterpretable. Abrusán 2007. Q). D&K). MAN are grammatical only in imperfective. however. another focus sensitive element. We argue that the ungrammaticality can be obviated only if there is another operator in the structure capable of resetting the focus value of the wh-word. Other languages. may have a contrastive focus operator lower in the structure which not only resets the focus value but also yields the some-mention interpretation typically associated with focus. (6-c)). such as the perfective maximization operator of Filip (2008). Consequences: The semantics of manners is intrinsically incompatible with the exhaustive interpretation of Q as manners lack a maximal group-atom element (Landman 2000. a wh-word must be in the immediate scope of an operator which resets its focus semantic value to the ordinary semantic value (typically. where answer1/answer2/answer3 denote different types of answers operating on Karttunen’s denotation for questions (set of propositions p) and they represent exhaustive (answer1/answer2) and non-exhaustive (answer3) successors of the former maximal operator (5) from Rullmann (1995).pattern can be explained if MAN and DEG are understood as an instance of focus-induced intervention effects (IE) (Beck. 1984/1985): high scope is always available. of Heim 1994) but it is a somemention reading (answer3 in B&R. In contrast. such as negation. If. (6-b). Interestingly. e. According to Beck (2006). answer1. the Czech data are more complex than previously reported: As (1)–(2) show. (6-a) and asnwer2. Czech. Sharvit 2002). (7). Crucially. Czech wh-manners and wh-degrees are interpretable in the scope of negation (with the Karttunen’s question denotations as in (3) for MAN and (4) for DEG). were to enforce the maximally informative answer of Heim’s answer1. while DEG are insensitive to the aspect of the main verb. the attested reading is not an exhaustive reading of positive questions (strongly or weekly exhaustive.

Hana. Sigrid. ed. Yael. 2002. Karttunen. Lauri. 2008.Czech MAN should be ungrammatical as their English counterparts. Márta. Sharvit. Heim. Interrogative semantics and Karttunen’s semantics for know. On the identification of empty categories. John Benjamins. we argue that the ungrammaticality of English DEG is solely a result of IE. Focus on weak islands. 1995. as seen in (1). 1999. Rullmann. References Abrusán. Events and plurality: The Jerusalem lectures. 2000. This prediction is borne out. Anna & Frans Zwarts. Irene. Mojmír & Ivona Kučerová. Dizertace. The Linguistic Review 4:153–202. The universal density of measurement. Landman. NLS 14:1–56. Obenauer. contra Fox & Hackl (2006). Fox. Embedded questions and ‘de dicto’ readings. 2006. Events and maximalization. Beck. Weak islands and an algebraic semantics for scope taking. 2006. i. Fred. ed. Jerusalem: Akademon. NLS 7:249– 298. Susan Rothstein. 35 . 2007. NLS 10:97–123. University of Massachusetts at Amherst. Austria.e. 1993. Filip. Beck. 128–144. A talk presented at SinFonIJA V. Buchalla & A. Dočekal. Hotze. Hans-Georg. NLS 1:235–284. 1994. Instead. In Theoretical and crosslinguistic approaches to the semantics of Aspect. 217–256. Vienna. Danny & Martin Hackl. Syntax and semantics of questions. Sigrid & Hotze Rullmann. Intervention effects follow from focus interpretation. Maximality in the semantics of Wh-constructions.. Dizertace. Mittwoch. no such problem arises with DEG as degree always have a computable maximum. A flexible approach to exhaustivity in questions. MIT. In IATL 1. 2012. In contrast. Contradiction and grammar: The case of weak islands. R. Szabolcsi. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers. the impossibility of the wh-word in the scope of negation to have its focus value reset to the ordinary semantic value. L&P 1:3–44. L&P 29:537–586. 1984/1985. 1977. (2).

Brno Studies in English 14. In an ideal case. 37-79. and semantics. a short stretch of an English folk tale called “Dick Whittington and His Cat”. Scene and perspective. Czech Republic martin. DOGS MUST BE CARRIED ON THE ESCALATOR. (1992). Functional sentence perspective in written and spoken communication. J. the co-operation or interplay of factors of FSP in written language. (1999). should be such as to result in unequivocal perspectivisation of information basis and information core. 36 . context. 7-18. The present contribution is based on an example of FSP analysis carried out by Jan Firbas himself (Firbas. Veselá-Havelka-Hajičová.muni. 2012) and is of utmost importance for correct assignment of IS values in electronic corpora (cf. J. i.drapela@phil. J. in other words. Nevertheless. actual linear arrangement of sentence elements. The very same segment of the tale was recently subjected to a rough parallel FSP analysis in a group of doctoral students of English linguistics who were made familiar with the basic notions of the Firbasian approach to the analysis of the information structure (IS) of language. no such parallel reconstruction of functional perspective of the message in a text has been carried out so far within the Firbasian framework. thus revealing places of FSP potentiality in the message of this folk tale. (1984). Firbas. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Martin Drápela Masaryk University. Brno Studies in English 25. although the topic has recently gained some attention in connection with translation from German into English (Jung. the theme and the rheme of the message. 1981). Hajičová 2012).cz Dick Whittington and His Cat (A case study in FSP potentiality) This contribution to the colloquium deals with the phenomenon of potentiality in Functional Sentence Perspective (FSP) as suggested by Jan Firbas in a number of places in his 1992 monograph. In this contribution the author will attempt to present the results of the parallel FSP analysis which clearly show some deviations from the functional perspective of the individual clauses as determined by Jan Firbas. and also in his 1999 study whose title served as an inspiration for the title of the present contribution.e. 2004. References Firbas. Firbas. 1992: 11) of the message. To the knowledge of the author of the present paper. language is not a perfect organism and at times this interplay may lead “to more than one interpretation” (Firbas.

V. 2005.cas.cas. These linguistic items are mostly approached from the lexical perspective. The objective of the present paper is to analyse phonological aspects of this lexical class on a non-normative basis. 2011). Martin Havlíkb. Havelka J. 51-64. i. using explicative concepts proposed by Loanword Phonology (Calabrese & Jung. Écho des études romanes VIII/1. Pravidla českého pravopisu. (ii) less transparent relation between pronunciation and spelling. Nový akademický slovník cizích slov. v. Veronika Štěpánovád aCharles University in Prague. Across Languages and Cultures 13 (2). Conf. 2191-2194. dstepanova@ujc. Tomáš Dubědaa. E. Nová slova v češtině I. Slovník neologizmů. What we have learned from complex annotation of topic-focus articulation in a large Czech corpus. (iv) sociolinguistic implications like prestige/stigmatisation or socioprofessional stratification. Slovník neologizmů.Hajičová. v. Veselá K.cuni. adubeda@ff. the pronunciation suggested for each of these lexical items in five other works was analysed (Výslovnost spisovné češtiny II – Výslovnost slov přejatých. Annotators’ agreement: The case of TopicFocus Articulation. (2012). while their phonetic and phonological characteristics are currently understudied. c. yet dynamic and fairly conspicuous area of the Czech lexicon. 2003. d Institute Loanwords and foreign proper names in Czech: a phonologist’s view Phonologically non-integrated loanwords and proper names constitute a peripheral. Additionally. and to examine the adaptation processes in a sample of anglicisms taken from a recently published dictionary (Slovník současné češtiny. Investigating functional sentence perspective in German-English professional and student they are characterised by a number of specific features including (i) semantic and formal markedness. Institute of Translation Studies of the Czech Language of the ASCR. Faculty of Arts. Slovník spisovné češtiny pro školu a veřejnost. Nová slova v češtině II. cjilkova@ujc. Lucie Jílkovác.cas. Resources and Evaluation VI. 2004). (iii) variable Proceedings of Int. Hajičová (2004).cz b. 263-278. 2009).. 1998. bhavlik@ujc. 1978. On Language. 37 . (2012). 2004. and E.

or orthographic.g. San Francisco. the well-established pronunciation of Deep Purple [ˈdiːp ˈpaːrpl̩]. The construction of the phonological representation in the speaker’s mind depends on the nature of the input. (ii) by applying Czech pronunciation rules to the foreign spelling form. with the ill-motivated sound [a:]. which may be subject to influences from socioprofessional groups (academic bodies.g. /au/. (i) and (ii) in Charleston [ˈʧaːrl̩ston]. palatalisation blocking in Christopher [ˈkrɪstofr̩]. (iii) by using Czech phonemes without applying either of the first two principles. e. word-initial /a/. e. /oː/. or foreign stress patterns. the many attested pronunciation forms of the gallicism croissant (Říhová. 2004). e. (v) by combining any of the first four principles. pronounced with a final [o] instead of an [o͡u]. media. /g/. vocative case Christophere [ˈkrɪstofrɛ].In Czech. The phonological identity of an adapted loanword or a foreign proper name may differ from that of domestic words in the following respects: a) Presence of phonemes or combinations of phonemes that have a marginal status in the phonological system precisely because they are connotated with loanwords (/f/. while their pronunciation is adapted to the domestic phonology in one of the following ways: (i) by replacing foreign speech sounds with their nearest counterparts and applying Czech prosodic. Windows [ˈwɪndə͡ ʊ z] → [ˈvɪndo͡us]. and. b) Different morphophonological processes occurring near the end of the word. or (i) and (iii) in the common pronunciation of the English name Robert [ˈro͡ubr̩t]. Furthermore. this option leads to code mixing. non-integrated lexical items of foreign descent maintain their original spelling. cf. business) exhibiting a variable degree of erudition or pragmatism. Spelling-based adaptation is much more likely to occur at the end of a foreign word due to the necessity to fit it into a morphological paradigm. /ɛu/. cf. c) Intrinsic instability of the phonological form due to the lack of fixation by orthography or by other words from the same derivational family. to phonetic hybridisation.g.g. Superman [ˈsupɛrman].g. e. d) Extrinsic instability of the phonological form. /ɛ/). which may be acoustic (adapted. e. in inflected forms. (iv) by keeping the phonological and phonetic rules of the donor language.g. it may be affected by the speaker’s knowledge of the donor language. pardon (gallicism with variable stress position). cf. or – less frequently – original pronunciation). e. phonotactic and morphological rules. the recent decision of the 38 . by the domestic lexicon or a dominant third language (often English). /ɪ/.

They have a wide range of e. České Budějovice: Jihočeská univerzita. Nový akademický slovník cizích slov (2005). Doch-utterances 39 . A. as a blueprint of an analysis of these particles. speech acts. Loan Phonology. Pravidla českého pravopisu (2004) Praha: Fortuna. (2009). Brno: Lingea. Praha: Academia. 46–53. Praha: Academia. Výslovnost a skloňování cizích osobních jmen v češtině. A. Slovník spisovné češtiny pro školu a veřejnost (2003). W. Ološtiak.html [accessed 2013-01-14] Markus Egg Humboldt University of Berlin. Kučera. doch is used in declarative utterances that react to a preceding declarative utterance. (2004). & Wetzels.. 30–38. Říhová. apartmán “apartment”) or two stylistic variants (bufet: [ˈbufɛt] vs. Slovník neologizmů. J.g. Praha: Academia.novinky. & despite the well-established form [ˈɦjundaj].egg@anglistik. (1998). Nová slova v češtině II. (2004). Praha: Academia. [bɪfɛː]).de Discourse particles. Nová slova v češtině I. both pronounced as [ˈblok]) and parallel adaptation resulting into two different lexical items (apartmá “suite” vs. References: Calabrese. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Jazykovědné aktuality 38 (3). Further phonological issues relevant for the system of loanwords and foreign proper names include homophony induced by phonological adaptation (blok and blog. L. Hradec Králové: Gaudeamus. Germany markus. http://www. (2001). Praha: Academia. Slovník neologizmů (1998). Výslovnost spisovné češtiny II – Výslovnost slov přejatých (1978). Slovník současné češtiny (2011). Editio Universitatis Bohemiae Meridionalis. M. and common ground management I present an account of the German discourse particle doch. eds. Croissant – un des mots tchèques d’origine française – vue sociologique. Anglická osobní jména.Hyundai Group to present their car brand as [ˈɦjondɛː] in the Czech media. XXVIIe Colloque International de Linguistique Fonctionnelle.. J. Cudzie antroponymá v slovenčině (na materiáli anglických antroponým). Opera Romanica 5.

Kaufmann & Kaufmann 2012). doch expresses the negation of the 1st preparatory condition of a request (the speaker believes that the 40 . This condition provides the second semantic argument q of doch. ‘ B: Er ist doch krank..’ ‘Catch me if you can.’ You must be Paul Meier. In (2). like in (3).e. sometimes they are discourse-initial.e.. the doch-utterance suggests that A’s speech act is infelicitous because it presents a potential counterargument for a felicity condition of the utterance (Searle 1969). in this case. or be non-declarative themselves. In (2). (1) A: Peter kommt auch mit in die Disco. but presents it as unexpected (in the light of the non-disputable p) though compatible with p: (5) [[ [ doch]] (p)(q) iff p > ¬q is part of the common ground. I will define it as being part of the CG. The notion of ‘non-disputable information’ is heavily disputed (Grosz 2010. the 1st preparatory condition of A’s question (A as the speaker does not know the answer to his question) is at stake. Here doch p as B’s reaction to A’s statement q expresses that p (Peter’s illness) is a potential counterargument to q (his coming along to the disco). ‘A: Peter will come along to the discotheque. B does not explicitly deny q. B: But you gave it to me recently. a doch-utterance reacts to a non-declarative utterance. they coincide with the interpretations of the doch-utterance and an utterance it is a reaction to.g.. because even ill people can go out in principle. he usually does not go out’. Non-declarative doch-utterances also react to felicity conditions of utterances. he should know the answer to his question (= ¬q). in (1).g. The relevant implicature from the CG states that if A gave the book to B (= p). I.may react to non-declarative utterances as in (2). In (1).’ (2) (3) (4) I will argue that in all these uses the semantic contribution of doch is the same. as (3) and (4).. in (3). B expresses amazement at A’s question: A gave the book to B and hence should know the answer. e.’ B: Das hast du mir doch neulich geschenkt. its first argument is interpretation of the doch-utterance. to ‘if someone is ill. but that the semantic arguments of doch may vary. A: Seit wann hast du dieses Buch? ‘A: Since when have you owned this book? Fang mich doch! Sie sind doch Paul Meier. I. and p is non-disputable information Doch refers to defeasible (Asher & Lascarides 2003) inference patterns a > b in the common ground (CG). E. (1) illustrates the default nature of the inference. of the utterances themselves. B: But he is ill.

(2002). Lascarides (2003). First. then.hearer can carry out the request). triggered by immer noch ‘still’). the relevant condition is the 1st preparatory one (that the speaker has evidence for the truth of his statement).’ References Asher. This explanation carries over to cases like (4). we integrate the analysis of the uses of doch. the relevant inference would state that Peter’s illness is a potential counterargument to A’s having evidence for the claim that he will come along to the disco. For (1). In other words. (7) A: Wohnst du immer noch in Potsdam? ‘A: Do you still live in Potsdam? B: Ich habe da doch nie gewohnt.. Epistemic particles and performativity. A. M. R. which gives (3) its provocative undertone. CUP Stalnaker. Common ground. P. For declarative preceding utterances. that it is not obvious to the speaker that his information is already known to the hearer). Handout. Stalnaker 2002). Speech acts. (1969). Second. these conditions are automatically accommodated into the CG. B refutes the presupposition of A’s statement (that B lived in Potsdam previously. we unify cases like (1) and (2) by assuming that doch targets a felicity condition of the preceding utterance in either case. the 2nd preparatory condition for statements. even though this condition follows defeasibly from his making the request (= p). Logics of conversation. E. even though the utterance occurred. Linguistics & Philosophy 25. Here doch also expresses that a felicity condition of the utterance does not hold (for (4). due to the general assumption that interlocutors are cooperative. SALT 22. we conclude that the semantics of doch can be generalised as reference to presuppositions to be accommodated into the common ground. Anatomy of two discourse particles. the speaker of (3) suggests that he does not believe that the hearer is able to catch him. Matthewson (2009). in (7). Thus. (2010). Reference of discourse particles to presuppositions is not restricted to felicity conditions. CLS 46 Kaufmann. 701–721 41 . N. Cambridge University Press Grosz. B: But I have never lived there. Kratzer. But such an accommodation can be halted by a doch-utterance. performing a speech act presupposes its felicity conditions (or assigns CG status to them. however. Finally. An essay in the philosophy of language. J. SULA 5 Searle. & L. & S. & A. Kaufmann (2012).g. Typically. German doch: An element that triggers a contrast presupposition.

Slavic prefixes were first semantically ‘heavy’. if a light aspectual prefix does not change the meaning of the verb base it attaches to. not the Collocation analysis as a means of measuring the grammaticalization of aspectual prefixes in Polish Aspect in Slavic languages has been a subject of linguistic debate for a long time (Agrel 1908. frequency as the means for identifying the most productive. As Comrie (1976: 89-90) notes. and hence the most grammaticalized prefixes and the ability to combine with other prefixes (Łazinski 2011). wy-.and u. Dickey 2000).do not undergo secondary imperfectivisation. Janda and Lyshevskaya 2011) and can take as many as ten different prefixes. Isacenko 1962. but later developed their aspectual function of perfectivity. In the present paper we want to propose another corpus based method – collocation analysis – for determining the degree of prefix and u. so that our analysis is conducted at a lower level of granularity and does not ask the more general questions of which collexemes are most typical for which collostruct. as the starting point of the analysis. Several different tests have been proposed to check whether the prefix should be treated as a purely categorical grammatical marker of Aspect.Malgorzata Fabiszaka and Iwona Kokorniakb Adam Mickiewicz University Poznan. Piernikarski 1975. Our claim is that the degree of grammaticalisation can be ascertained only with respect to a specific combination with a particular verb. Poland afagosia@wa. Bogusławski 1963. bkokorniak@wa. The top three highest frequency prefixes are po-. and relatively infrequent. It differs from the collostructional analysis by Stefanowitsch and Gries (2003) in that it takes the lexeme. Comrie 1976. Śmiech 1986). One of the issues raised in the debate was the contribution of the aspectual prefixes to the meaning of the verb (Przybylska 2001. as evidenced in the Corpus of the Polish language. such as the blocking of secondary imperfectivization (Karcevski 1927). That So far we have tested this method on the Polish mental verb myśleć ‘to think’. which shows a strong prefix variation (cf. the Imperfective prefixless verb and its Perfective prefixed counterpart should share a range of Direct Objects. Out of these two: po. Tabakowska The ratio is calculated by dividing the number of verb complements shared with the Imperfective prefix-less form by the number of automatically identified and manually checked complements of the prefixed Perfective form.amu. We assume that it is correlated with the ratio of shared verb complements of the transitive verbs. The most grammaticalized prefixes are considered ‘light’. The collocation analysis of shared verb complements of these three prefixes 42 .

However..).is the most grammaticalized one with the ration of 0. B. Bogus ł semantically heavy with the ratio of 0. It could be suggested that what we consider light prefixes correspond to Svenonius’s (2004) superlexical or VP-external. Wrocław. while the heavy prefixes correspond to the lexical or VP-internal prefixes. Comrie. A. Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk B (eds. Warszawa. Polish aspectual prefixes. S. 2012) and the collocation analysis will implement the PELCRA collocation search engine (Pęzik 2012). The latter group will allow us to extend collocation analysis to the Verb Subjects as they can be used as intransitive verbs as well. 1963.. Prefiksacja czasownikowa we współczesnym języku rosyjskim. their order and functions: A study based on the National Corpus of Polish. Wydawnictwo PWN . Die Russische Sprache der Gegenwart. – O. Systeme du verbe russe: essai de linguistique synchronique. Stanford: CSLI. Word Structure 4: 231-243. prze. Górski R. Lund: Ohlsson. 1976. 2011. S. Dickey. Janda. M. Prague: Plamja. In the present paper we want to test the method further with verbs from other lexical fields such as verbs of damage. Marek.21. 2011. Kraków: Zakład Narodowy imienia Ossolińskich Wydawnictwo Polskiej Akademii Nauk. while wy.. Isacenko.ranks second with the ratio 0. Karcevski. The results of the analysis are expected to show that the aspectual prefixes can be arranged along the degree of grammaticalization scale with the help of the collocation analysis. Wyszukiwarka PELCRA dla danych NKJP. Prefix variation as a challenge to Russian aspectual pairs: are завязнуть and увязнуть ‘get stuck’ the same or different? Russian Linguistics 35: 147167. In: Przepiórkowski A. Cambridge Textbooks in Linguistics. Aspekt¨anderung und Aktionsartbildung beim polnischen Zeitworte: ein Beitrag zum Studium der indogermanischen Praeverbia und ihrer Bedeutungsfunktionen. volume I. A. Narodowy Korpus Języka Polskiego. References Agrell. Parameters of Slavic aspect: A cognitive approach.09.48. Halle (Saale): Niemeyer. 43 . volume I. verbs of object manipulation and change of state verbs. This result for wy. 1908. Łaziński. we argue that the ‘lightness’ of the prefixes forms a continuum rather than a dichotomous division suggested by the generative model. further supported by the translation equivalents: Polish myśleć can be translated into English as ‘to think’ while wymyśleć as ‘to invent’. The data for the analysis come from the National Corpus of the Polish Language (Przepiórkowski et al.showed that po. Lyshevskaya. 2000. Aspect. Pęzik. V. 1927. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1962. P. Bańko M. S. L.

2006. Wrocław: Ossolineum. common in neo-Gricean approaches (e. 2011. [Verbs with the po. 2012. are generated automatically by default.prefix in Polish and Czech: In the background of Aktionsarten in Slavic languages]. Horn 2006). 2010). Berg. 1986. Motivation in Language.suranyi@gmail. Anna Babarczyc. performed to assess the opposing predictions of these two major theories of the way scalar implicatures arise. Nordlyd 32. T. Warszawa: PWN. E. 2003.g. Breheny et al. Wilson and Sperber 2012)..Piernikarski. Ś 153-177. Although some recent psycholinguistic experiments. A. apparently disfavor the neo-Gricean view (Bott and Noveck 2004. scalar implicatures like “but not both” in the exclusive interpretation of the conjunction or “A or B but not both”. L. 205-253. Dirven & K.w jezyku polskim i czeskim: Na tle rodzajów akcji w jezykach słowianskich. W. the results have been contested (Feeney et al. In: H. scalar implicatures are generated only in contexts in which they are Relevant. Levinson 2000. Cuyckens. “Collostructions: Investigating the interaction between words and constructions. viz. Gries. Grodner et al.). they yield a significant cognitive effect at a reasonable processing cost (Sperber and Wilson 1987/1995. 209-243. Matyas Gerocsb. Peter. (ed. Balazs Suranyid a. Svenonius. Huang and Snedeker 2009). Istvan Feketea. Bańko – R. [Prefix Derivation of Polish Verbs] . Stefanowitsch and Stefan Th. Przybylska. 2003. – M. bmgerocs@gmail.-U. Czasowniki z prefiksem po. “Slavic prefixes inside and outside VP”. On another. dbalazs. Studies in Honor of Günter Radden. Górski – B. 1975. 44 . Derywacja prefiksalna czasowników polskich. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN. cbabarczy@cogsci. International Journal of Corpus Linguistics 8(2). Amsterdam / Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Polonica 21: 269-286. advocated by Relevance Theory (RT). 2004. R. c. d Research cBudapest Institute for Linguistics of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences University of Technology and Economics dPazmany Peter Catholic University aistvfekete@gmail.) Narodowy Korpus Języka Polskiego. Panther (eds. Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk. b. Struktura schematyczno-wyobrazeniowa prefiksu czasownikowego roz[Image-schematic structure of the verbal prefix ‘roz-’]. 2001. equally influential view. Space and time in Polish: The preposition za and the verbal prefix za-. Przepiórkowski. Logical and pragmatic meaning in the interpretation of connectives: Scalar implicatures and ‘shallow’ processing On one prominent view.”.bme.2.

p<0. 2002. on Relevance Theoretic assumptions it should not arise. For example. this finding provides new experimental evidence that favours the Relevance Theoretic approach to scalar implicatures over neo-Gricean accounts. Stanfield and Zwaan. Assuming that Relevance of the potential scalar implicature (in the technical sense of RT. SD: 601. As the implicature associated with or would not yield any effect in terms of the task itself. this task only requires ‘shallow’ processing of the sentences. 65)=12. The dependent measure was response time to picture stimuli.825. SD: 608. 65)=6.. appearing as NPs conjoined either by and or by or (Connective Type). while such a Congruence effect was not produced after the or-sentences.001.29 ms.77 ms). in the mismatching condition of and-sentences only one of the two objects was peeled (incongruently with and’s entailment). F(1.190). the results suggest that ‘shallow’ processing tasks are a promising experimental tool for psycholinguistic experimental research at the semantics/pragmatics interface more generally. Crucially.224. and Louwerse and Jeuniaux 2010.897. p=0. p = 0. e.324.628. p=0. the concepts of “good-enough”. Each picture was preceded by a sentence describing a scenario with two objects. ANDsentences (M: 1980. John peeled the orange and/or the banana.. F(1. T(67)=0. 65)=0.373. the ratio of the cognitive effect that it can achieve and the processing cost it incurs) cannot enter the computation in ‘shallow’ processing tasks. which the Relevance of the potential scalar implicature cannot enter.22 ms) were not read differently from OR-sentences (M: 2046. or “shallow” cognitive representations in experimental work by Ferreira et al. 45 . p=0. F(1. in a sentence-picture verification task similar to those used in the mental simulation literature (e.g.011. We have found that a significant interaction between Connective Type (and/or) and Picture Congruence (matching/mismatching).22 ms. Participants’ task was unrelated to both Connective Type and Congruence: they had to decide if both of the two objects have been mentioned in the previous sentence or not (without considering the states of the objects depicted). both objects were peeled in the mismatching condition (incongruently with or’s implicature). mismatching pictures were verified significantly slower than matching pictures only in the case of sentences with and-connectives.. We tested the processing of two connectives in Hungarian: and and or. In the case of or-sentences. respectively). T(67) = -1. 2001. p=0. Importantly. In a broader perspective.552. The main effect of Congruence is significant. Zwaan et al.358. Connective Type does not reveal a significant main effect.We have addressed this debate by performing an experiment based on a form of ‘shallow’ processing (cf. T(65)=-3. Our results indicate that in this task the entailment of the connective and was computed automatically.001. 2002). whereas the implicature of or was not activated. The state of the two objects either matched or mismatched (Congruence) the scenario explicitly described in the previous sentence.g.

J. 42–55. T. P. Journal of Memory and Language. 577–609. Chevallier. Making disjunctions exclusive.. L. Duckworth. 121–132.Selected References Barsalou. & Tanenhaus. Glenberg. Carbary.. 11–15. ‘‘Some’’. Nazir. S. D. Feeney. (2004). & Handley. 558–565.. A.. Bott. Ferraro. 61. The story of some: Everyday pragmatic inferences by children and adults. L. 51. A. F. & Sperber. M. & Kaschak. M. K.. 58. G. Noveck. (1999). Current Directions in Psychological Science. Bott.. A.. 46 . K. Behavioral&Brain Sciences 22. M. and possibly all. I. 9. 116.. 437–457. M. C. A. D. M. L. Klein. Ferreira. (2008). 11. (2004).. V. A.. Perceptual symbol systems.. N. Canadian Journal of Experimental Psychology. S. (2002). Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology. Grounding language in action.. Cognition. 1741-1760. & Bailey. (2002). K. & Noveck. Lanzetti. Psychonomic Bulletin & Review. V. Some utterances are underinformative: The onset and time course of scalar inferences.W. Grodner. Good-enough representations in language comprehension.. D. (2010). scalar inferences are not delayed: Evidence for immediate pragmatic enrichment. Scafton.

& Madden. R. Balazs Suranyid a. 1994). J. Anna Babarczyb. The Linguistic and Embodied Nature of Conceptual Processing. Pecher & R. 13. & Zwaan. (2002). Grounding cognition: The role of perception and action in memory. Istvan Feketec. Louwerse. D. Horvath 2005. 58. Of these. New York: Cambridge University Press. strong exhaustivity is often analyzed as a truth-conditional. Psychological Science. (2000). D. 12. A. c. (2009). Psychological Science. R.A. 153-156. among them immediately pre-verbal focus in Hungarian (PVF) (possibly also fronted foci followed by to in Czech. and thinking. Onea 2007. Cognitive Psychology. This pragmatic exhaustivity effect is characteristic of both syntactically marked and syntactically unmarked focus across a large number of languages. R. language. more marked interpretation. including syntactically unmarked focus (SUF) in Hungarian. Levinson. In D.. Matyas Gerocsa.bme. & Yaxley... a stronger notion of contrast. have been described as associated with a stronger. M.A. arising in the same way as it does for the focus of clefts (and specificational pseudoclefts).com. this view of PVF has been both challenged (Wedgwood 2005. P.A. dbalazs. The effect of implied orientation derived from verbal context on picture recognition. A. On the other hand. 2007) in theoretical work.. Presumptive Meaning. On-line interpretation of scalar quantifiers: Insight into the semantic-pragmatics interface. Embodied sentence comprehension. Relevance: Communication and Cognition. (1995). R. Recently. this has been argued forcefully by Szabolcsi (1981. 2006). J.. For Hungarian PVF.). d Research bBudapest Institute for Linguistics of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences University of Technology and Economics dPazmany Peter Catholic University amgerocs@gmail. leaving the issue still unsettled. T. The Exhaustivity Effect in Focus 1. bbabarczy@cogsci. b. Blackwell. & Snedeker.suranyi@gmail..g.. some (syntactically marked) focus constructions. & Jeuniaux. (2010). or a stronger degree of exhaustivity. Kenesei (1986. 114. Stanfield. 168-171. R. Y. The MIT Press. Onea & Beaver 2011) and defended (É-Kiss 2010. Language comprehenders mentally represent the shapes of objects. and É-Kiss (1998). 47 . (2005). semantic effect. Stanfield. The issue Exhaustivity in the interpretation of focus has been commonly treated in terms of pragmatic (Q-)implicatures. (2001). & Wilson. 376–415. involving e.A. S. Cognition. Zwaan. 2008. 96-104. Sperber. 2007.Huang. cistvfekete@gmail. Zwaan (Eds. 224–245. Simik 2009).

this account can be extended to any focus marked by word order and associated with relatively high levels of exhaustivity in those languages where the ‘focus word order’ is the ordinary word order used in answers to wh-questions. We measured the rate of exhaustive responses (=just Suspect1) and non-exhaustive responses (=Suspect1&Suspect2). only-focus: 98%. clefts: 54%. Subjects had to choose which suspect or suspects may possibly be the actual offender. not involving a more or less direct meta-judgment whether some sentence is ‘true’/‘false’. Suspect2 corresponding to an unambiguously non-exhaustive interpretation. The rates of exhaustive responses were: SUF: 7%. which in itself introduces a potential confound in much experimental work on related topics. contained one of four types of focus: PVF. The experiment We address this debate by presenting novel empirical results from a sentence-picture matching experiment. (specificational) cleft. SUF is not interpreted as an answer to the QUD proper (see Szendrői 2003). and only-focus. Pairwise comparisons revealed that significant differences are found between any two of the four examined Focus Types (in each comparison. In a cross-linguistic perspective. subjects were presented with a picture containing four human figures. whereas it is simply (Strawson-)entailed by the latter (cf. Results and discussion Focus Type yielded a significant main effect. since exhaustivity is asserted by the former (Horn 1981.g. describing the culprit of a crime. van Rooij & Schulz 2004).001). By default. As an outstanding advantage of this method. The difference between only-focus and clefts is expected. 2002). 48 . The significant difference found between clefts and PVF agrues against treating the exhaustivity of PVF as arising semantically in the same way as in clefts. Roberts 1998). the task remains implicit. Each test sentence. The non-exhaustivity of SUF then is a manifestation of the more general fact that answers not directly addressing the QUD are not interpreted exhaustively (Uegaki 2012). PVF: 35%. signaling their status as a direct answer to the QUD. the potential suspects: Suspect1 corresponding to an exhaustive interpretation. Given the availability of this grammaticalized form for answers to the QUD. 2008) in assuming that the word order associated with PVF sentences is grammaticalized as a form expressing an answer to the Question Under Discussion (QUD. Simultaneously. which involved a multiple choice task that allowed for multiple responses. SUF. and two distractors. We draw on Onea (2007.2. 3. and supports a pragmatic account of the exhaustivity of PVF. p<0.. Szabolcsi 1994). answers to the QUD are pragmatically interpreted exhaustively (e.

E. In M. Identificational focus versus information focus. In V. Oxford: OUP. Aloni. K. É-Kiss. Focus as identification. Dekker. ILLC/Department of Philosophy. Phrasal and Clausal Architecture. 169–174. In S. 2007. Onea. K. V. Horvath. 49 . Wilkins (eds. Samiian and W. 2006. 108-145. Molnár & S. & C. Roelofsen (Eds. 2010. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Féry (eds. M.).). Focus and Incorporation in Hungarian. 1998. Amsterdam: Benjamins. University of Amsterdam. Exhaustivity. Separating “focus movement” from focus. The Architecture of Focus. Winkler (eds. 137-168. Language 74. Structural focus and exhaustivity. Karimi.). I.Selected references É-Kiss. 2007. J. Proceedings of the Sixteenth Amsterdam Colloquium. and F. P. Kenesei. In: Zimmermann.) Information Structure.

Lutz (eds. Szabolcsi. Focus. and universal grammar. 342–359. es utilizada por un colectivo concreto de la sociedad. & Katrin Schulz. el carácter innovador y efímero del lenguaje estudiantil. Valladolid. Leipzig 2007. D. In Zybatow. G. Beatriz Gómez-Pablos Department of Romance Languages. sino también la literaria. Comenius University. diastrático y diafásico (en el 50 . 2011. como todas las jergas. Hungarian focus is not exhausted. The syntax. Acta Linguistica Hungarica 42: 171-187. al presentar citas de autores que recogen palabras y expresiones usadas en las Universidades de Alcalá. Roberts. P. Radek. A. D. Meaning. Language. van Rooij. si bien. San Diego: Academic Press. Syntax. Shifting the Focus. the flow of information. Exhaustive interpretation of complex sentences. and pragmatics of the focus particle to in Czech. en colegios mayores.) Studies in Formal Slavic Phonology. U. (eds. Salamanca. 109-160. I. In On Information Structure.Onea. semantics. 2007. Wedgewood. and Information 13: 491–519. S. Proceedings of Semantics and Linguistic Theory (SALT) 19. Beaver. de la que se ha realizado un vaciado completo. The Limits of Syntax.. and Biskup. Lenertová. Culicover & L. All quantifiers are not equal: The case of focus. El contenido de esta ponencia se basa en el material que ofrece la obra primeriza de la Real Academia Española. se distingue de ellas por su carácter temporal. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. etc. Proceedings of FDSL 7. In P. Lang: Frankfurt am Main.).uniba.. 207-227. Las voces pertenecientes a esta jerga han sido identificadas a partir de marcas o anotaciones contenidas en el propio artículo lexicografico. Morphology. La jerga estudiantil se presta a ser analizada desde diferentes puntos de vista: diacrónico (neologismos. K. por otro. D. 2009. el Diccionario de Autoridades (1726-1739). In La jerga estudiantil en el Diccionario de Autoridades La jerga estudiantil. Journal of Logic. 2005. Slovakia gomezpablos@fedu. 1998. & D. Amsterdam: Elsevier. Winkler (eds). Identifying inferences in focus. 1994. esta obra ofrece no sólo su documentación lexicográfica. Robert. la naturaleza cambiante del grupo y. 2004. Schwabe & S. Semantics and Information Structure. and Form. Junghanns. desaparición y pervivencia). Si bien la jerga estudiantil generalmente se sitúa en un marco informal y sobre todo oral. & D. diatópico (en cuanto está vinculado a centros concretos de provincias concretas). Wedgwood. que se refleja en dos aspectos: por un lado.). Simik. E. C. McNally (eds.

Professor. Moreover we will argue that some ambiguities presented by adjectives in English. o bom professor. No faltan en español los estudios y publicaciones (con frecuencia diccionarios) que se ocupan de las jergas. Aboh. Assuming with Cornilescu (1993). ‘husband’. ‘teacher’. En este sentido. en el que se suelen incluir a escolares y universitarios. Interpretation and Left Periphery The aim of this paper is to discuss the different positions adjectives may occupy inside DP/NP in European Portuguese (EP) and relate them to the distinct readings obtained. ‘the husband rich/wealthy’ d. the ones suggested by Larson (op. as discussed in Larson (1995). inflectional and peripheral) (cf. Estos últimos se ocupan de los siglos XX y XXI. La bibliografía al respecto es llamativamente escasa. Olga is a very good dancer.) for English. sin prestar atención a épocas anteriores. Olga is a beautiful woman and she is a dancer. b. we will discuss if adjectives are merged in the lexical/core layer or in the peripheral one. o rico Nominal Syntactic Structure. en el sentido amplio de la palabra. Portugal manugonzaga@gmail. Manuela Gonzaga University of Lisbon. ‘the valuable husband’ 2. marido. result from different positions occupied by the adjective. cit. (example from Larson (1995)) a. 51 . nuestro trabajo desea cubrir este déficit y colocar una primera piedra en la reconstrucción de una jerga que cuenta ya con más de cinco siglos. unida a situaciones y clases sociales concretas). We will present data where distinct orders in EP correspond to distinct readings. además del punto de vista lexicográfico.o. a. 2010. ‘the good professor’ (meaning good as professor) c. 1. 2). ‘the professor good’ b. o marido rico. Giusti (2005).. Menos abundantes son aquellos que se dedican al lenguaje de los estudiantes. Zamparelli (1995/2000). o professor bom. Olga is a beautiful dancer. the existence of three distinctive layers on the DP structure (lexical.que se enmarca de por sí la jerga. et al. with adjectives in pre and in post-N a.

‘German’. (ii)).) (iv) (bom. etc. etc. One position at the extended DP that is the target for adjectives moved from NP. and (possibly) the merge position for a small class of evaluative (only) adjectives (cf. etc. (iii) adjectives that may occur either in pre or in post-N position producing the same meaning. ‘interesting’. Classes of adjectives considering the order in the NP/DP (i) azul. 4. a comparative analysis will be drawn between adjectives modifying deverbal nominals and adverbs modifying the corresponding verbs in the sentence. located in the periphery of NP. 52 . Those merged inside the NP may appear either pre or post-nominally. based on EP. etc. simpático. The other position. ‘mere’. Thus. we will argue that the position above NP. ‘beautiful’. is also present in the structure of deverbal nominals. and the similarity adjectives have in DP/NP structure with adverbs in CP/IP. adjectives are properties instantiated in individuals) and Cornilescu & Nicolae (2011) about the existence of two nominal peripheries. specifically those exhibiting an individual reading (Grimshaw (1990)). belo. 4. we will argue that adjectives merged inside NP either appear in post-N position or in a pre-N position different from the one occupied by adjectives producing an evaluative meaning. (ii) adjectives always occurring in pre-nominal position.) (i) adjectives always occurring in post-nominal position. Finally. sintáctico. ‘true’. (Beyssade & Dobrovie-Sorin (2005)). ‘blue’. functions. [DP [EvP [FocP Peripheral layer [AgrP [P Inflectional layer [NPn APn [N e [NP2 AP2 [N e [NP1 AP1 [N …]]]]]]] Lexical layer As far as word order in the DP/NP is concerned. ‘nice’. members of a set of individuals. titles. Moreover. etc. Data from EP will be presented to show the three possible interpretations deverbal nominals display.) (ii) (mero.3. to where adjectives move. Furthermore. ‘supposed’. we will show that there are two pre-N positions available for adjectives. obtaining an evaluative reading. we will argue that there are four types of adjectives. (iv) adjectives that may occur in pre and in post-N position but with different meanings in each position. ‘good’. ‘syntactic’.) (iii) (verdadeiro. interessante. is occupied by adjectives that modify nouns denoting a specific kind of individuals. alemão. namely professions. assuming Beyssade & Dobrovie-Sorin (2005) about the existence of two types of semantic entities (nouns are individuals. suposto.

) Paths towards Universal Grammar. Ithaca. J. can. Larson (1995). Possessive Descriptions.” Revue Roumaine de Linguistique LVI (1): 35-68. Studies in Honour of Richard Kayne. L. 44-61. At the left periphery of the Romanian Noun Phrase. Chris. D. Gonzaga (2006). Rizzi. Cinque (2010). 782801. There exists a general consensus on the change in progress: can and could are consistently replacing may and might in many of their functions. Argument Structure. The dimensions 53 . could) focusing in particular on the semantic change and the change in frequency they display in literary texts. J. NY: Cornell University. CLUJ. (eds). Ms. R. Garland. X. “Nominal Peripheries and Phase Structure in the Romanian DP. Cornilescu & Nicolae. may. M.). “From DPs to NPs: A Bare Phrase Structure Account of Genitives”.References Aboh. Cornilescu & Nicolae (2012). Layers in the Determiner Phrase. L. From NP to DP. DP-internal information structure: Some introductory remarks. Cambridge. Barker. 2010. Leipzig. Lingua 120. C. Y. Paper presented at LESCOL 2006. CA: CSLI Publications. Howell (eds. Cinque (1994).” In G. A Comparative Study. (2000). “Romanian Adjectives at the Syntax-Semantics Interface”. (2011). Georgetown University Press. J. Thinking Syntactically. Functional Shift in Contemporary English Modal Auxiliaries The paper discusses the development of certain English modal auxiliaries (sould. Blackwell Publishing. et al. Marina Gorlach Metropolitan State University of Denver. Gonzaga (2004). J-Y Pollock. The Projection of DP (and DegP). In Harvard Working Papers in Linguistics. MIT Press. 25th-26th March. Grimshaw. Stanford. might. Giusti (2004). Emonds. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. “On the Evidence for Partial N-movement in the Romance DP. In Coene. A Syntax-based Analysis of Predication. Zanuttini (eds. Dobrovie-Sorin. Haegeman. Lexicon and Grammar: the English Syntacticon. “On the left periphery of DP – Evidence from possessives”. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins (Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today). Georgala and J. 1990. (2006). The Syntax of Adjectives. USA mgorlach@hotmail. 1995. 1995. Zamparelli (1995). MA (USA).C. Cinque. & D’Hulst. Anversa. Beyssade & Dobrovie-Sorin (2005). Washington. Larson (1991).” Paper presented at LSA New Orleans. New York. Koster. (2000). 2002. Vol. SALT XV. “Olga is a beautiful dancer. (2002). On Space and Time in Language. Cambridge: The MIT Press. In E. Clujum. “The Structure of DP in European Portuguese – Evidence from Adjectives and Possessives”. Volume 2: The expression of possession in noun phrases.

including electronic corpora and literary texts of different time periods. Sweetser. Grammaticalization. Emerging English Modals: A Corpus-Based Study of Grammaticalization. where modals function as proper verbs. Eve. (Topics in English Linguistics [TiEL] 32. through their grammaticalization and subsequent semantic change (Middle English texts) to merger of their functions (contemporary texts). 2000.) Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. [1993] 2003. Krug. Manfred G. The paper examines the semantic functions of may and might that have been adopted by can and could. (Cambridge Textbooks in Linguistics. usually following the spatial-temporal-existential path of development.) Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. It also discusses formal factors (the ability of can and could to participate in negative contracted forms) that may be viewed as contribution to the overall decline of the role of may and might on the semantic map of English modal auxiliaries. I will attempt to explain the direction of the observed semantic change. 1990. 2nd ed. The paper provides a brief overview of this change starting from the Old English texts. (Cambridge Studies in Linguistics 54. Selected bibliography: Hopper. among them the expression of possibility and permission. From Etymology to Pragmatics: Metaphorical and Cultural Aspects of Semantic Structure.. 54 . contributing to the more extensive use of the latter ones. revised and enlarged edition. E. Paul.and the mechanism of this change can be demonstrated by analysing the data culled from spoken and written English data. The steady decline in the use of may and might is regarded as a reflection of the systematic process of semantic change that has been taking place for several centuries.) Berlin and New York: Mouton de Gruyter. and Elizabeth Closs Traugott.

Polish makes use of. cf. Thus object fronting could be treated as a “lighter” version of Agent demotion. In case of a by-phrase passive it results in a demotion of the Agent both in terms of constituent structure – the Agent is placed in a Prepositional Phrase. namely passivisation and object fronting. Whereas the main motivation for passive is the promotion of the Patient. Górski Institute of Polish Language.Rafał L.krakow. namely the Referential Distance (RD) which is roughly speaking a measure how recently the referent has been mentioned. Several questions arise in this context. A random selection of 100 transitive verbs was done. Of two referents the one with the lower RD shows a higher degree of topicality. PAS. two strategies of adjusting the syntactic structure to the information structure. Neither agentless passives nor active clauses with no overt Agent were taken into account. inter Passive and object fronting in Polish – two topicalising strategies Likewise several other languages. Poland rafalg@ijp-pan. In this paper we prove that the two constructions have different motivations. the demotion may be restricted to the word order: the removed Agent preserves its privileged status in terms of constituent structure. and word order – it is removed from the privileged sentence-initial position. but is deprived of the sentence-initial position. First of all why does the language have at its disposal two constructions serving for the same aim? Are these constructions mutually interchangeable? Why does the language make use of a complicated construction (full Passive) having at its disposal at the same time a much less complicated one (Object Fronting)? One answer is given by Bogusławski (2001). Przepiórkowski 2004). Object Fronting serves apart from this for the demotion of the Agent only. As well known. the default candidate for a topic of a sentence is an Agent. As an alternative. we took into consideration only clauses with overt Agents. if a different constituent plays this role the Agent is demoted. We adopt Givòn’s (1983) method of estimating the degree of being a candidate for a topic of a sentence. Of course this is not a rule but a noticeable tendency. All examples of by-phrase passives and of object fronting containing one of these verbs were retrieved. If the RD of the Patient is lower than the RD of the Agent we 55 . The study is based on the balanced subcorpus of the IPIPAN Corpus (the corpus of the Institute of Computer Science. For each clause the RD of the Agent and Patient was compared. Polish Academy of Sciences.

Gruszczyński: Nie bez znaczenia. Givón. In: W. often the fronted Patient is discourse new as well.consider that the markedness of the clause (passive or inverted word order) is motivated by the Information Sufijación española y metonimia Esta comunicación pretende presentar las conclusiones de un análisis sistemático de las relaciones de carácter semántico y naturaleza metonímica que tienen lugar en la formación de palabras en español mediante sufijación.. this position seems to be rather a “by-product” of the demotion of the Agent. (2004). El trabajo se basa en las publicaciones de la autora norteamericana Laura Janda (2010. In case of inverted clauses the patient holds a slightly less prominent position (sentence initial.e. In contrast. The results show that a considerable number of full passives are motivated by the topicalisation of the Patient.. T. (2001). Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Warsaw: Institute of Computer Science. In: T. References Bogus ławski. Thus the data should be interpreted as follows: there is a strong tendency to use the by-phrase passive to both: promote the Patient and demote the Agent. prace ofiarowane profesorowi Zygmuntowi Saloniemu z okazji jubileuszu 15000 dni pracy naukowej. Topic continuity in discourse: An introduction. Enrique Gutiérrez Rubio Palacký University in Olomouc.). Szyk uzupełnień w polskiej frazie imiennej. Białystok: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu w Białymstoku. A. (ed.rubio@gmail. Czech Republic egutierrez. This is in line with the interpretation of the constituent structure of the clause: only in passive sentences the object is moved to the most prominent position of the clause namely to the position of the Subject. 79-86. A. 2011) en las que presenta su diseño de un modelo que –siempre en el marco de los principios teóricos desarrollados por la lingüística cognitiva– estudia los 56 . Givón. but not showing agreement with the verb). Agent demotion. Preliminary version. i. The IPIPAN Corpus. whereas Object Fronting serves rather for the latter. 5–41 Przepiórkowski. Topic Continuity in Discourse: A Quantitative Crosslanguage Study. (1983). in case of object fronting.

Cognitive Linguistics 22 (2). así como la distribución de los patrones metonímicos por sufijo o la direccionabilidad de los procesos metonímicos References Janda. en esta comunicación presentaremos los resultados del análisis de un corpus extenso. Metonymy as a prototypical category. A. Cognitive Linguistics 17 (3). The discussion is couched in the paradigm of Beats-and- 57 . Otro objeto de estudio será dilucidar qué combinación de clases de palabras son las más comunes en español. Poland m. (2011). 359-392. Y. (2010).opole. 260273. es decir. Metonymy in Worst case scenario with tonic beats: Beats-and-Binding topics in the phonology of {con-} and {ex-} This paper aims to examine selected aspects of word-medial lenitions in the Latinate prefixes ({con-} and {ex-}) in English and Spanish. A su vez. L. noruego y checo. se trata por primera vez de un estudio de frecuencias de uso que nos ha de mostrar qué patrones metonímicos son los más comunes en los procesos de sufijación del español peninsular contemporáneo. Janda. in particular those involving [ŋ/n] in {con-} and [s/z] in {ex-}. Slovo a Slovesnost 71.haladewicz-grzelak@po. A. The role of metonymy in Czech word-formation. Peirsman. – Geeraerts. hasta entonces nunca explorado sistemáticamente. Si bien en investigaciones pasadas nos dedicamos exclusivamente al estudio de las posibilidades teóricas de la derivación sufijal en el léxico común o estándar del español peninsular –de acuerdo a los datos extraídos de la Nueva gramática de la lengua española de la Real Academia Española y la Asociación de Academias de la Lengua Española–. (2006). L. 269-316. del estudio de la formación de palabras como proceso metonímico. D. Opole University of Technology. Janda parte para su estudio de las publicaciones en las que Peirsman y Geeraerts (2006) desarrollan un estudio en profundidad de corte cognitivo de la metonimia clásica o léxica y que Janda lleva al terreno. Małgorzata Haładewicz-Grzelak Department of Foreign Language Teaching.patrones metonímicos asociados a la formación de palabras en tres lenguas europeas: ruso.

together’ l.g. e. ingurgitate /ɪnˈgɝdʒəˌteɪt/. ingrate /ˈɪngreɪt/. h. which is a syllableless model in the paradigm of Natural Phonology. {pan-} ‘all. {uran-/ urano-} ‘heaven’ or ‘roof’.) /ɪnˈgres/. as in the case of {ex-}) or onto a B←n binding (as B←Σn. {circum-} ‘around’ c. In parallel to /-nk-/ clusters. 2002. not’ b. The database for the study involved also recordings by the author of native speakers as a collateral corpus. collected from several English and Spanish pronouncing dictionaries. 58 . Dziubalska-Kołaczyk 1995. {desm-}.(a-)} ‘without. {in. Yet. {xen-} ‘strange’ For example. {quin-} ‘fifth’. c. as in the case of (con-}). whole’.) /ˈɪngres/. which is caused purely by level 0 (rhythmic preferences). k. {rhin-} ‘nose’. B&B’s account of rhythmic typology is what makes this a particularly good model for analyzing my data. with the stipulation that “rhythm comes first” (Dziubalska-Kołaczyk 1995: 66). ‘bind’ e. {an. {sin-/ sys/ sym/syn-} ‘with. f. ingratiatory /ɪnˈgreɪʃɪəˌtɔrɪ/. ingrowing /ˌɪnˈgr əʊnɪŋ/ ingress (v. {idem-} ‘the same’ d. I was able to single out 23 different lexical entries. {gyn-} ‘female’ m. There is no assimilation in either case. This type of lenition. The first step for the part one that is the analysis of n / ŋ alteration was to establish a list of of English Latinate and Greek prefixes ending in /n/ or /m/: (1) a. is called the ‘worstcase scenario’ here. To recall briefly. opposite’. The basis for the analysis is a corpus of lexical entries. n. ingulf /ɪnˈgʌlf/ 1 ingress (n. which is much fewer than in the correspondent voiceless version. It practically means that the type of isochrony obtaining in a language is hard-wired in the phonology. g. the velar assimilation proceeds without any obstacle. im-} ‘not’ j. I explore this possibility proposing that the tonic beat in Prototypical Stress Timed languages contains a stress concentrator (Σ). ingathering /ˈɪngæðərɪŋ/ 1 There are two possible stress patterns with ingulf. in B&B a suggested scenario for the structuring of phonology is four-layered. inducing its lenition. ingoing /ˈɪn ˌgoɪŋ/. which can either propagate onto an n→B binding to the pre-tonic consonant (as nΣ →B. 2009). {un-} (an OE prefix) ‘not.Binding phonology (cf. with respect to /-ng-/ clusters involving {in-}. with the common male name Ingulf as verified with the native speaker. b. {phon-} ‘sound’ i. one with the stress falling on the {in-}. specimens according to stress patterns are categorized in (2) (2) a.

the passing of a non-cohering boundary to a cohering one in the case of {con-}. something has happened in the case of {ex-} and {con-} and possibly. In this case the analytical criterion was the presence of the voicing of /s/ in an intervocalic position (or a final prefixal obstruent cluster involving /s/). the analysis seems to have captured a process in statu nascenti. inguinal /ˈɪŋgwɪnl ̩/. A visual representation of the Σ dynamics for the {con-}. A number of phonological algorithms are proposed to account for this type of phenomenon. {in-} will pattern exactly like {con-}: obligatory assimilations with the tonic beat. In my interpretation what happens in the “worst case” realization with con is a natural phonological process of lenition. Ingoldsby /ˈɪŋgl ̩zbɪ/. To compare. 1. taking into account also a phonological reaction to /h/. hence the ambiguity between the lack of communication and the assimilations. in the future. Ingraham. that is the gradual erasing of the morphological boundary. a natural phonological process is free to unfurl. /ˈɪŋgrɪəm/. /ɪŋ/. ingle /ˈɪŋgl̩/. the first step of the analysis was compiling a list of Greek and Latinate prefixes in English which end in /s/. Additionally.d. /ˈɪŋəm/. which is fostered by the stress. it is free to start operating. Then a database of vocabulary involving these prefixes was created. {dis-} and {mis-} behave just like {ex-}2 and {co-}: there is no communication at all between the morphemes they concatenate with. 59 . the assimilations and lenitions operate as if morpheme internally: that is. regardless of the voice status of the following stop. Possibly. The data categorized into seven types were further collapsed into four algorithms. Inge. When a morphological boundary ceases to be perceived by the phonology of the language. On the other hand. Ingham. in generative terms. ingot /ˈɪŋgət/. these also provide an explanation for other phonological issues in English. k Σ → o ← Σ ŋ ¦ SV → k → o ← n ¦| SV (Σ) → Fig. Assuming the reason for the phenomenon discussed is the elimination of a morpheme boundary. the process of transformation has started with {in-}. As far as the ‘worst case’ scenario with {ex-) is concerned.

Katarzyna. v jeho kanceláři/Last Thursday he (“měl“) visited N. Czech Republic milada.32.hirschova@pedf. Beats-and-Binding Phonology.. Dziubalska-Kołaczyk. II.M. speaker´s Evidentiality in Czech (and other European languages) – a category.“. vypadá to/it looks. Germ. verbs zdá se/it seems. podle předpovědi/according to the forecast. 2002. In such languages. In: Folia Linguistica 31.e. “Hypotheses of Natural Phonology”. 1066-1476. slyšitelně/audibly. In those languages forms of indicative mood simultaneously express one´s information source (evidence for speaker´s assertion). 2002 [1992] (ed.). but it overlaps with it and sometimes the difference is only context-bound. Patricia – David Stampe 2009. 2010.. similar meanings are expressed by lexical items (adverbs viditelně/visibly.. Phonological structure and the history of English..). – Katarzyna Dziubalska-Kołaczyk – Lina Pestal. or a semantic-pragmatic domain? In about a quarter of world´s languages indicative verbal forms contain /include a morpheme telling the way in which the information conveyed by the predicate was acquired (specificating it as a result of a direct perception.cuni. Evidentiality is not identical with (epistemic) modality. .e. Czech). particles prý/“allegedly“. The Cambrigde history of English Language. sollen): Minulý čtvrtek měl navštívit N. adverbial case forms podle mě/in my opinion. where mít expresses epistemic meaning (“I do not know for sure“). 51-67.References Anderson.“.: Peter Lang Milada Hirschová Charles University Prague. John – Charles Jones. Amsterdam: North-Holland Publishing company 33. in his office can be read as a/ “he was told/asked to visit N. pragmatic. hearsay (reported information as a source). Frankfurt a. or c/ “he allegedly/reportedly visited N. In European languages (incl. . about the verb mít (have/presume. Cambrigde: CUP. Norman. Vol. Wolfgang U. . mostly matrix sentences 60 . i.. a grammatical category called “evidentiality“can be distinguished. zdánlivě/seemingly. hearsay etc. Donegan. i. údajně/reportedly.e. Dressler. with the verb mít expressing deontic meaning. “Change and variation in morphonotactics”. jeví se/it shows) or syntactic constructions. Blake.. In: PSiCL 45(1) 1. 1977. or as b/ “he may have visited N.“. i. In Czech it is true esp.

(c) Nevěřím mu. protože vidím. že/that … etc. the sentences (a) Nevěřím mu. particle prý and adverbial case forms can function as “markers“ (they are not parts of a sentence proposition and work as sentence adverbs/modifiers). slyším/I can see/hear. with pragmatic modifications.) If a language does not express evidences as a grameme. he is visibly lying. unavený – It seems/looks. however. že je P. domnívám se/I assume. reasoning. (d) To jeho lhaní je viditelné/ Those lies of his are Discourse wh-fragments containing a complementiser or a demonstrative pronoun Discourse wh-fragments are utterances consisting of an interrogative phrase with a propositional meaning. All the means of expression conveying evidences are sometimes considered one group called evidential markers. že lže/I can se that he is lying. slyšitelný/audible. explanation (subsidiary illocutions) which belong to the pragmatic dimension entirely. As for bringing forward an evidence (as a communicative strategy). soudím/I think.e. i. Merchant 2004 and 61 . the embodiment of which can occur in almost any sentence position. (b) Vidím/je vidět. Eric Hoekstra Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences. I can see/I assume that P. because I can see that he is lying. can be considered approximate pragmatic equivalents. is difficult to place into any kind of systematic description.– vidím /viděl jsem. (This applies also to related adjectives – viditelný/visible. The diversity of forms expressing the source of information brings up a question about their status. this semantic element. Expressing evidences overlaps with expressing other speaker´s attitudes towards the utterance content. seems to be tired) and matrix sentences (Zdá se/vypadá to/vidím/soudím. The propositional meaning of the wh-fragment is usually reconstructed from the preceding utterance through ellipsis (cf. It is also close to communicative strategies described as argueing. their formal properties are dissimlar to that point that (a) – (d) cannot be comprised into a unified category. zdánlivý/apparent etc. že lže/ I do not trust him. Netherlands ehoekstra@fryske-akademy. which can occur both in an attributive position or be a part of a predicate. is tired) where the evidential element is a proposition predicate. on viditelně lže/I do not trust him. this cannot be said about verbal constructions (Pavel se zdá unavený/P. While the adverbs.

garden (2b) (2c) * Ik wit net I know not ‘I don’t know who?’ wa who dat. the dual nature of this element follows from the hypothesis that the demonstrative subject pronoun is (head-)moved into COMP. since they may be accompanied by an element that seems to be either a complementiser (COMP) or a demonstrative pronoun (DEM). adapting Zwart (2001) who claims that AgrS moves to COMP in main clauses so as to lexicalise CP. this proposal relates this asymmetry to the asymmetry between main and embedded clauses with respect to verb-movement.others).’ Wa who ‘Who?’ dat? COMP / DEM yn in ‘e the tún. An example from English is provided below. An example is provided below. whether the element following the WH-phrase is a complementiser or a demonstrative pronoun. Discourse wh-fragments in Frisian behave somewhat differently from discourse fragments in English. Who? (1c) I don’t know who. Several arguments will be presented that it is both. which shows that wh-fragments are found in main (2b). seeing that verb-movement only applies in main clauses as well. COMP / DEM The question arises what the proper analysis is of discourse fragments in Frisian. but not in embedded clauses (2c): (2a) Immen hat in fjurke oanstutsen somebody has a fire lighted ‘Somebody lighted a fire in the garden. Theoretically. and more specifically. which shows that wh-fragments are found in main (1b) and embedded clauses (1c): (1a) (1b) Somebody lighted a fire in the garden. 62 . cf. the contrast in (2c) versus (1c). The elided AgrSP is claimed to consist of the trace of the subject demonstrative and an empty copula. Furthermore. This proposal explains that discourse wh-fragments do not occur in embedded clauses in Frisian. The resulting empty copula analysis of whfragments will be shown to be independently supported by a series of tests from Craenenbroeck (2010).

(2004) Fragments and Analyticity and Syntheticity: What the mistakes in DPs of L2 learners reveal about the structure of Chinese and Czech The talk will focus on mistakes in forming DPs that beginner and lower intermediate native Chinese speakers make while acquiring Czech. adjective.” z from Číny. 1714-1726. van (2010) Invisible Last Resort.SG.-W.PRES exchangeN student “I'm an exchange student from China. (2) Jsem výměnná be1. Merchant. An example of this sort of mistakes is given in (1). 661-738. Andrea Hudousková Charles University. shown in (3).PRES exchangeA studentka student z from Číny. China The source of the mistake in (1) is the structure of corresponding Chinese DPs. (3) Meiguo de chengshi AmericaN DE town “American town” In Chinese.hudouskova@seznam. China The sentence in (1) is ungrammatical in Czech because of the use of a nominal attribute instead of an adjectival one. Prague. C. Zwart. (2001) Syntactic and phonological verb movement. J. any lexical category (noun. which allows the preceeding phrase to function as an attribute. The correct Czech sentence is given in (2). Lingua 120. (1) *Jsem změna studentka be1. Linguistics and Philosophy 27.References Craenenbroeck. Czech Republic a. A note on clefts as the underlying source for sluicing. verb) or even a whole clause are attached to the modified noun by the particle de. J.SG. 34-62. J. Zhang (1999) argues that de in this type 63 . Syntax 4.

L. As claimed by Huang (Huang. Dekydtspotter. Available from <http://www. The problem lies in the typological difference between the two languages: high analyticity of Chinese in contrast to the syntheticity of Czech. I will infer that the interlanguage data shown in (1) point to the conclusion that it is not the general phrasal structure that is subject to redefinition in the process of L2 acquisition but rather such abstract values as interpretability and strength of syntactic features. Possessive Movement in the Czech Nominal Phrase. Huang. Chinese is a language that spells out light verbs and nouns. Due to the presence of lexical items overtly spelling out the functional categories. 255-300. Zhang. Chinese and Czech learner corpus (CzeSL).of construction is a functional category systematically heading the nP projection within the DP.CzeSL. C. On the other hand. Ústav Českého národního korpusu FF UK. 27-49. Proceedings of the 7th Generative Approaches to Second Language Acquisition Conference (GASLA 2004). J. which is the source of difficulties in the process of L2 acquisition. Lardiere. 2010). MA: Cascadilla. which have to be reset by language learners. & A. References Český národní korpus . (1998). L. Syntaxis 2. (2010).korpus. lexical movement to the latter is blocked in Chinese. London: Routledge. Praha 2012. – Jing-heng Sheng Ma (2006) Modern Mandarin Chinese Grammar. Somerville. Ross. Liljestrand. in Czech the attribute has to be adjectival in order for the DP to be well formed. Macro. On morphological competence. 64 .and Micro-variations and parametric theory: principles-and parameters and minimalism. A. On the contrary. (1999). Journal of Slavic Linguistics 6 (2). Sprouse. non-lexicalized functional heads. Chinese de and the de-construction. Ed. thus overtly reflecting the presumed universal phrasal structure. synthetic languages as Czech are based on head and phrasal movement driven by the need to check uninterpretable and strong features on abstract. Veselovská. R.>. D. On the basis of examples from Czech. (2005).

Jiménez-Fernándeza and Victoria Camacho-Taboadab University of Seville. *I resent that NEVER IN MY LIFE did I do something like that. Within the intervention-based analysis of Haegeman (2012) this constraint is explained by assuming the existence of an event operator in factive clauses (Aboh.1 SG que NUNCA ANTES hayas that never before have–PRES. It is standardly assumed that contrastive focus preposing targets the CP area in English (Rizzi.3 SG surprised of that los the Reyes Magos Kings Magic debajo under del of. focus preposing is predicted to be incompatible with subordinate clauses which are complement of factive predicates. as illustrated in (3). which stops the discourse-oriented constituent from moving to the left given that this type of clause does not contain a factive operator: (2) I think that BOOKS. *He was surprised that NEVER IN MY LIFE had I seen a hippopotamus. Under this analysis. This prediction is borne out by examples (1a-b). Jiménez-Fernández & Miyagawa 2012. tree. coal ‘Angela was surprised that the three Wise Men had left presents under the Christmas tree. If so. for a similar analysis of topic preposing).2 SG conducido driven este coche. we should expect that under no circumstances will the factive operator intervene with focus in subordinate clauses. Ángela estaba sorprendida de que Angela be–PAST. he reads thoroughly. factivity and the Root phenomenon Our purpose in this work is to explore the syntax of focus fronting and negative preposing in embedded contexts in English and Spanish.Ángel L. and not coal. 2004) and Haegeman (2012) show that negative preposing. focus fronting will be totally compatible with factivity. focus fronting is allowed in non-factive environments in English. Siento resent–PRES. (3) a.’ b. (Meinunger 2004. We discuss the phenomenon of focus fronting and negative preposing in Spanish and claim that these operations undergo movement to the TP area in this type of language (cf. 1997). Hence. (H&T (103)) On the other hand.3PL left árbol. based on the typology of factive/non-factive predicates proposed by Hooper & Thompson (1973): (1) a. y and no not carbón. but he doesn’t even have a look at any newspaper. locative inversion.’ 65 .the REGALOS hubieran dejado presents have–PAST. Emonds (1969. that car ‘I resent that you have never before driven this car. (24)) b. Spain aajimfer@us. topic/focus fronting are all Root Transformations in English. 2005). Focus fronting. Hence they can occur in root (or root-like) environments.

Jiménez-Fernández. Giusti. A feature-inheritance approach to the root phenomena and parametric variation. Cambridge. MIT.Based on the strategy of discourse-feature inheritance (Miyagawa 2010). Doctoral dissertation. Hooper. de Gruyter. 2010. 1969. 66 .net/lingbuzz/001752 Meinunger. Miyagawa 2012. Emonds. Munaro. C. J. http://ling. Linguistic Inquiry 4: 465-97. Adger. L. Emonds. 2004. 313-342. A. focused constituents move to the CP area in English. 1973. and G. Referential CPs and DPs: An operator movement account. Theoretical Linguistics 36 (2/3): 111-152. Deriving relative and factive constructions in Kwa. D. main clause phenomena and composition of the left periphery. Why agree? Why move? Unifying agreement-based and discourse configurational languages. L. Brugè. Haegeman. L. In: The Syntax and Semantics of the Left Periphery. ed. Dordrecht: Kluwer. Binding effects and Montalbetti’s effects. N. LI Monograph 54. L. Schweikert. J. 2004. 1997. L. S. De Cat. Tsoulas. 265-285. Ürögdi. J. In Peripheries. eds. W. 281-337. and S. Haegeman. The fine structure of the left periphery. 2005. and B. Unspecified categories as the key to root constructions. E. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. In Elements of grammar. and G. References Aboh. & S. Lohnstein and Susanne Trissler. Venezia: Libreria Editrice Cafoscarina. Á. Adverbial clauses. On the applicability of root transformations. In Contributions to the thirtieth incontro di Grammatica Generativa. G. whereas it is retained in English. Evidence for positing that some types of focus undergo movement to spec-TP in Spanish comes from the syntax of bare quantifiers. Miyagawa. eds. Thompson. 2012. Rizzi. MA: MIT Press. the crosslinguistic distinction detected in focus fronting and negative preposing can be explained by proposing that the focus feature under C is lowered in Spanish. M.L. If this is around the right track. eds. Dordrecht: Kluwer. ms. H. Turano. but to the TP domain in Spanish (see Haegeman & Ürögdi 2010 for the latter possibility in Hungarian). verbal mood and the anchoring (potential) of sentences. Verb position. Root and structure-preserving transformations. 2010.auf. 75-121. Haegeman.

Die Deutschliberalen bewerteten nämlich die immer stärkeren föderalistischen Bestrebungen der nicht-deutschen Nationalitäten der Monarchie als Gefahr für das Weiterbestehen des Staates und für die Vorrangstellung der deutschen Bevölkerung und stellten sich deshalb auch negativ zu der konservativen Regierung und ihrem Programm der Versöhnung und Verständigung zwischen den Nationalitäten. (2007): Phraseologie.Michaela Kaňovská Palacký University in Olomouc. neubearb. d. Dobrovol’skij. Lüger. der thematischen Struktur der Texte bestehen. Literaturhinweise Burger. deren Ziel die Übernahme der Meinungen des Verfassers (des Chefredakteurs oder eines Redaktionsmitglieds) durch den Empfänger ist. dessen Basis eine Auswahl von Leitartikeln der Regionalzeitung Mährisches Tagblatt (1880-1945) bilden. Schemann. eine reiche Quelle von Phrasemen dar (vgl. 2007).. 69. funkce a aktualizace. 1995) die onomasiologische bzw. 67 . stellen Leitartikel als eine meinungsbildende Textsorte. (1996): Frazeologie novinového úvodníku: úzus. Im Beitrag wird also präsentiert. ideographische Gliederung eines phraseologischen Teilkorpus vorgestellt. Slovo a slovesnost 57 (2). S. Das liberale Mährische Tagblatt (dessen Chefredakteur der Rechtsanwalt Dr. psycholinguistischen und pragmatischen Festigkeit und durch einen bestimmten Grad von Idiomatizität auszeichnen (vgl. die sich durch die Merkmale der Polylexikalität. 1991. Eine Einführung am Beispiel des Deutschen. der strukturellen. Wie es bereits durch mehrere Untersuchungen bewiesen wurde.kanovska@upol. h. Čermák. der sprachlichen Einheiten. 1995. Aufl. 81-90. F. 3. mehrmals besetzten semantischen Feldern und der Thematik bzw. 126 ff. Konkret wird mit Berücksichtigung einschlägiger Arbeiten (Hessky/Ettinger. 2007. 1997. Kultur und Sprache in der Habsburger Monarchie zu verteidigen und zu fördern. Czech Republic michaela. welche Konzepte in den betreffenden Texten phraseologisch ausgedrückt werden und welche Zusammenhänge zwischen den dominanten. H. Skog-Södersved. die deutsche Bevölkerung. Jakob Eben war) hielt es für seine Aufgabe. welche die Zeit der Regierung des Grafen Eduard von Taaffe (1879-1893) kommentieren. 14-32).. Semantik der Phraseme in den Leitartikeln des Mährischen Tagblatts Im Beitrag wird die Aufmerksamkeit der semantischen Seite der Phraseme gewidmet. Burger. Čermák. Berlin: Schmidt.

New York: de Gruyter. 2012).copula drop and exaggerated pitch in reported speech. Renate Birkenhauer. Brøcker et al. neu bearb. Lüger. H. D. (1991): Synonymwörterbuch der deutschen Redensarten.-H. (1995): Pressesprache. Unter Mitarb. Hamann et al.): Phraseologie / Phraseology. (1997): Deutsche Redewendungen. The advantage of this approach is that it enables us to find and investigate phenomena that do not occur in the written language and have thus not yet been described. We find that the copula in Danish can take four different forms on a continuum from being prosodically emphasised to fully dropped. (1995): Kognitive Aspekte der Idiom-Semantik: Studien zum Thesaurus deutscher Sprache. 2010. (2007): Phraseologismen in den Printmedien. Ein Wörter. R. M. descriptive work on Danish has used the written language as its point of departure. S. P. H.und Übungsbuch für Fortgeschrittene. Using naturally occurring recordings as the empirical basis for our research. (Hrsg. 1. This has been done through the analytical framework of conversation analysis (see Hamann et al.. Stuttgart. / Kühn. Likewise. H. Bd. v. Tübingen: Narr. As a part of the DanTIN group (Danish Talk in Interaction) we try to avoid this written-language bias by having another empirical take on describing the Danish language. N. R. 68 .au. we have spent the last couple of years investigating the spoken Danish language. Dresden: Klett. bnicholasmikkelsen@gmail. this line of work has implications in the sense that current grammars on Danish have a clear written-language bias. / Norrick. Hessky. In: Burger. Tübingen: Niemeyer. Skog-Södersved. Mikkelsen 2010.Dobrovol’skij. we find that exaggerated pitch in reported speech can mark the climax of a narrative thus serving as a story-ending device (Jefferson 1978). / Dobrovol´skij. Considering how written Danish on various parameters is different from spoken Danish. D. At OLINCO 2013 we will present the results of two of our recent investigations .dk. 2012. 269-275. Schemann. 2. Tübingen: Narr. / The Structure of Language Use: findings from Danish Talk in Interaction Traditionally. We will demonstrate how the four different forms serve different interactional means. Berlin. Ein internationales Handbuch zeitgenössischer Forschung. Both are phenomena which have not previously been described in Danish.kragelund@hum. Mathias Høyer Kragelunda and Nicholas Hedegaard Mikkelsenb Aarhus University am. Aufl.

NyS 42:10-40.H. (2010) Betydningsforskelle ved brugen af helsætningsordstilling efter fordi.. Brøcker (2010) Tunge led i forfeltet og ekstraposition .H.. Heegård Petersen(eds.K. N. In: J. This will allow us to enter the phenomena that we are describing under different approaches. namely a homepage. N. S. Aarhus: Nordisk Institut. Als Grundlage für die Analyse werden dabei ausgewählte. In: 13. Hamann.) Speech in Action: Proceedings of the 1st SJUSK Conference on Contemporary Speech Habits.B. in deutscher Sprache geführte Debatten aus dem Bereich der Politik und des Sports 69 .H. the systematic use of which is difficult. S.T. New York: Academic Press: 213-48. Møde om Udforskning af Dansk Sprog. M. Mikkelsen (2012) Konversationsanalysen som værktøj til analyse af sproglig variation. Schenkein. Hamann. Studies in the organization of conversational interaction.T. M. Mikkelsen and J. Lange.G. K. Lange.B. Møde om Udforskning af Dansk Sprog. M. Henriksen & fænomen i dansk talesprogsgrammatik [summary]. Czech Republic marberan@upol. In: 13. Aarhus Universitet.One disadvantage of our method is that it yields a number of rather incoherent descriptions. Thus the homepage will be accessible from two paths forming a matrix system. Steensig (2012) Samtalesprogets grammatik.G. K.K. In: P. and gradually construct a more systematic description of a grammar for Danish interaction. Marie Krappmann Palacký University in Olomouc. The homepage will have a structure-based entry called forms and a functional one called actions. Jefferson. Hamann. References Brøcker. Mikkelsen. Frederiksberg: Forlaget Sprachliche Strategien des offensiven Argumentierens Das offensive Argumentieren stellt im Rahmen des Kommunikationsmodells eine sehr häufige und relevante kommunikative Situation im medialen Raum dar. M. Kragelund and N. Aarhus Universitet. Muds 213-224. Der Beitrag konzentriert sich auf die Analyse der sprachlichen Strategien in dem offensiven Typ der Kommunikation. Gail (1978) ‘Sequential aspects of story telling in conversation’. M.G.N. We will therefore demonstrate how our findings can be fitted into an organised system. Aarhus: Nordisk Institut.. Jørgensen.T. 171-177. ed.

In : Languages 142. Thema. Literatur (Auswahl): Anscombre Jean-Claude. nicht erst im Kontext der gesamten Debatte offenbart. Im ersten Schritt werden anhand der Korpusdaten die pragmatisch motivierten Strategien des offensiven Argumentierens definiert und beschrieben. Das Ziel ist zu beschreiben. die Hervorhebung der eigenen Kompetenz. Marion (2001): Argumentation interne et argumentation externe au lexique: des propriétés différentes. Auf der theoretischen Ebene stützt sich der Beitrag auf die Studien der französischen Linguisten Jean-Claude Anscombre und Oswald Ducrot. sodass die grundlegende Struktur in einzelnen Schritten offen gelegt wird. wie etwa spezifischer Gebrauch der Negation (in keinster Weise. schließlich.dienen. Kleiber Georges (eds. Diese Diskursfelder wurden in erster Linie aus dem Grunde untersucht. Der Beitrag verfolgt die These. Satzgliedstellung usw. Strategie. Modalwörter. keineswegs). Zeitgewinn usw. Die Diskussionen werden in genau beschriebene Argumentationssequenzen zerlegt. weil hier der offensive Argumentationstyp überwiegt und sie daher ein breites Spektrum an Beispielen für offensive Argumentationsstrategien bieten. 70 . Ihr Ansatz hat auch im deutschsprachigen Raum Aufmerksamkeit erweckt und wird bei der praktischen Analyse des Argumentationsverfahrens angewendet. bewusster Themenwechsel. dass sich die offensive Haltung innerhalb der Argumentation bereits auf der Ebene der einzelnen Äußerungen. die sich auf eine detaillierte Analyse der einzelnen sprachlichen Mittel auf der Ebene der Äußerung konzentrierten. B. Anhand dieser Gesamtstruktur wird folglich der überwiegende Argumentationstyp bestimmt (etwa strategische oder kooperative Argumentation). Es werden daher verschiedene sprachliche Indikatoren des offensiven Argumentierens analysiert. In den Sequenztabellen wird in Anlehnung an Paul-Ludwig Völzing Handlungstyp. der manipulative Gebrauch von wir). Konnektoren. Es handelt sich etwa um die Disqualifizierung des Kommunikationspartners. 10-21. Ironisierung der Aussagen des Kommunikationspartners. CAREL. dass bereits der Gebrauch bestimmter sprachlichen Mittel in einzelnen Äußerungen den offensiven Charakter des Argumentierens prägt. mit welchen Mitteln dies in deutscher Sprache zustande kommt. Grund und Zweck (Intention) behandelt. Dabei wird in erster Linie darauf Akzent gelegt. Oviedo.) (2001): Problèmes de sémantique et référence. Paris: Editions de Minuit . Die Annahme ist. prinzipiell). Partikel – vor allem Ausweichpartikel (eigentlich. Pronomen (z. DUCROT Oswald (1980): Les échelles argumentatives. mit welchen sprachlichen Mitteln die jeweiligen Strategien realisiert werden. Publications de l'Université d'Oviedo.

the hypothesis can be viewed as a consequence of so called the “Conserving Effect of token frequency”. “Minimisation of memory effort”. Stuttgart: FrommannHolzboog. Harald (ed. Glaube. Particularly. Enonciation. two approaches are examined: 1) nominative singular as the basic form of a noun regardless of its grammatical number. “Minimisation of encoding”. Harald (2008):Der Begriff des Arguments. Würzburg: Königshausen u. We hypothesize that the greater the magnitude of a morphonetic change. Communication and Fallacies. Erklären. Toulmin. bPalacký University in Olomouc. Hillsdale. Bratislava. Frans van/Grootendorst. 2010). Kopperschmidt. and “Minimisation of decoding”.J. Struktur und Funktion von Argumentationsmustern. Wohlrapp. Völzing. and “Minimisation of memory effort” for a speaker. Stuttgart. Subjektivität und Vernunft. Paris: Editions de Minuit. Czech Republic ajmacutek@yahoo. Paul-Ludwig (1979): Begründen. 2005) and b) usage-based cognitive approach (Bybee. Über die Beziehungen zwischen Wissen. bcechradek@gmail. Argumentieren. As for 2). Klein. namely “Minimisation of producing effort”. 71 . 2) nominative singular as the basic form of a noun in the singular and nominative plural as the basic form of a noun in the plural. Forschen. the lower the frequency of word forms with the magnitude – the number of changes with respect to the nominative is considered. Kienpointner Manfred (1992): Alltagslogik. As for a). Rob (1992): Stephen (1996): Der Gebrauch von Argumenten. Frequency and Declensional Morphology in Spoken Czech A relationship among frequency. Modelle und Materialien zu einer Theorie der Metakommunikation. Ondřej (2007): Argumentace v komunikaci. Praha: Univerzita Karlova. Wohlrapp. Slovakia. Structure. we preliminarily suppose that the relationship could be viewed as a result of a mutual interaction of so-called requirements. Stuttgart: Frommann-Holzboog. Weinheim: Beltz Athenäum.Ducrot Oswald (1989): Logique. Specifically. it is assumed that frequency has an impact on the number of morphonetic changes in a particular word form. morphology of nouns and phonetics is observed. Heidelberg: Quelle & Meyer. The presented approach is theoretically based on two sources: a) synergetic linguistics (Köhler. N. Emeren. Josef (1998): Methodik der Argumentationsanalyse. and “Minimisation of inventories” for a hearer.) (1995): Wege der Argumentationsforschung. Ján Mačuteka and Radek Čechb a Comenius University.

Frequency and Declensional Morphology of Czech Nouns. which is based on Pražsky mluvený korpus (Prague Spoken Corpus) (Český národní korpus – PMK. the results will be compared with the model proposed by Mačutek and Čech (2012). this sentence. Praha. b) if the hypothesis is not to be rejected.mirjana@gmail. Mačutek. Synergetic Čermák. de Gruyter. Český národní korpus . the presented analysis should reveal a) the validity or non-validity of the hypothesis in spoken language.G. Dostupný z WWW: <http://www. Čech. a preliminary mathematical model for the relationship between observed language properties was proposed. So. Cambridge University Press. 2007). 2012. they analysed two novels. Belgrade (Serbia).For the testing of a hypothesis a Czech spoken corpus is used. Praha. moreover. Piotrowski.PMK. The international quantitative linguistics conference QUALICO 2012. Frekvenční slovník mluvené češtiny.) Quantitative Linguistics. J. (2005). Usage and Cognition. An International Handbook.arsenijevic@gmail. bb. the hypothesis was not falsified and. each novel separately).) (2007). (ed. (2012). R. 760774. The role of partitive construction in generating scalar implicatures The sentence Some apples are on the table. G. It should be noticed that the hypothesis was already tested by Mačutek and Čech (2012) who used for the testing Czech written texts (namely. implicating the difference in the logical forms of these two readings (Diesing 1992). Berlin/New York. R. References Bybee. R.>. J. 2001). should be rejected as underinformative in the context where 5 out of 5 apples are on the table. can have either a cardinal reading – an undetermined number of apples is on the table. April 26-29. Mirjana Mandica and Boban Arsenijevicb University of Nis. based on the scalar 72 .. Serbia amandic.. In Köhler. (2001). namely. In addition. or a quantificational reading – given a set of apples. Cambridge. (eds. Köhler. Frekvenční slovník mluvené češtiny (Frequency Dictionary of Spoken Czech) (Čermák. although logically true. Language. The corpus is morphologically tagged and lemmatized. F. Ústav Českého národního korpusu FF UK. some members of this set (and not others) are on the table (Milsark 1977). R. (2010).

The overall percentage of SIs is: 59% for partitive and 27% for non-partitive construction. However. typically inferred while interpreting sentences with logical words such as quantifiers (Horn 2006). and children universally show significantly weaker results. In the critical trials. In a modified version of the Truth-value judgment task. would be facilitated if the proper reference domain is provided by linguistic means. df=1. This predicts that the quantificational reading.921. In particular. contrastive focus on the quantifier and contrastive focus on the predicative phrase). preliminary studies have shown that Serbian adult speakers often interpret scalar term neki (some) logically. Previous empirical studies in the domain of scalar implicatures were focused on the developmental problems. These results suggest that the interpretation of Serbian quantifier some is not scalar by default. on the assumption that adults universally have a high performance. thus leading to a cardinal reading of the quantifier. Some apples are on the table). but contextually restrained. participants were shown a set of visual stimuli followed by a sentence containing the quantifier some (e. and a reliable interaction between partitivity and contrastive focus (F=4.05). the subject interprets the noun in a generic fashion.implicature Not all apples are on the table. and the scalar implicature. We hypothesize that the scalar implicature of the quantifier some in adults fails due to a failure in the establishment of the right reference domain restriction. we conducted an experiment with 56 adult participants native in Serbian. This can be achieved by the partitive construction (some of the apples). we expected the participants to reject the sentence based on the scalar implicature.0001). The proportion of scalar implicatures (Charts 1 and 2) is lower than in previous studies. The use of partitive construction significantly gave rise to scalar implicatures. The aim of this paper is to investigate the potential language-specific properties that affect the process of generating scalar implicatures. non-partitive construction – some apples. final position of the quantifier phrase) and the information structure (by an equal distribution of neutral information structure. the quantified expression was invariably in the subject position. We have also controlled for the word order (initial vs. where the use of the quantifier all was more informative for the given situations. To test this prediction.116. They were asked to evaluate whether the sentence was right or wrong for a visually represented situation. p<0. 4 control trials and 4 filer sentences administered in a pseudorandom order.g. without generating the implicatures. df=2. p<0. For each level of the partitivity condition participants received 4 critical trials. We tested the partitivity condition: partitive construction – some of the apples vs. The proportions of ‘No’ responses were entered into the analysis of variance (ANOVA). indicating that partitives dissolve the ambiguity between a cardinal and a 73 . The analysis revealed a main effect of partitivity (F=33.

4 0. Some apples are on table.6% for non-partitive construction 1 0. e.6 0.g. e. We offer an analysis of the presented effects and discuss its consequences for both the theory of syntax and semantics and the developmental studies of scalar implicatures. 16.g. the effect of partitivity is stronger when the quantifier is under focus. A pragmatic strengthening of a cardinal interpretation of the non-partitively used some is implied.8 0.quantificational reading of some. In addition.2 0 part non-part part non-part part non-part quantifier predicative neutral -SI +SI Chart 2: The proportion of scalar implicatures (SI) with regard to contrastive focus and partitivity (QP in the final position.8 0. On the table are some apples.2 0 part non-part part non-part part non-part neutral quantifier predicative -SI +SI Chart 1: The proportion of scalar implicatures (SI) with regard to contrastive focus and partitivity QP in the initial position. 1 0. 37% for non-partitive construction 74 . We explain this by the effect of generating an alternative set to the quantifier used triggered by the contrastive focus.) The overall percentage of SIs: 68% for partitive.4 0.) The overall percentage of SIs: 49% for partitive.6 0.

G. En este nivel.References Diesing. sentimientos y apreciaciones sobre el Estudio preliminar del uso de los sufijos apreciativos en el habla de jóvenes universitarios de Caracas La lengua española tiene varios recursos para expresar emociones.) y iii) los peyorativos o despectivos (-aco. 1997. Indefinites. -ote. masculinos y femeninos. José Alejandro Martínez Lara Universidad Central de Venezuela josealejandromartinezl@gmail. -ico. morfológicos. Horn. distribuidas en tres grupos: i) grupo mixtos. Blackwell Publishing Ltd. 3–28. Linguistic Analysis 3. entre otras) organizan los morfemas apreciativos en tres grandes subgrupos: i) los diminutivos (-ito. conversaciones de solo mujeres y iii) grupo masculino. Las gramáticas (González Araña y Herrero. RAE. 1987 y 1998. Sedano. Misark. 1996a y b. los cuales están agrupados bajo la etiqueta de prefijos y sufijos apreciativos. con el fin de conocer su frecuencia de uso y el valor que le asignan este grupo en las interacciones. sede de Caracas. estudiantes de la Universidad Central de Venezuela (UCV). En virtud de esto. Toward an explanation of certain peculiarities of the existential construction in English. me he basado en un corpus de habla de jóvenes estudiantes de la UCV. L. Iuliano y Gianesin. el cual está compuesto por seis conversaciones naturales y espontáneas. ii) grupo femenino. Los resultados 75 . L. M. Seco. -ángano. etc. Sin embargo. In Horn. Implicatures. conversaciones entre hombres y mujeres. etc. estos recursos pueden ser: fonológicos. L. el objetivo que me propongo en esta investigación es describir los sufijos apreciativos en el habla de jóvenes. 1979. pero ninguno se ha centrado solamente en los sufijos apreciativos y. -ucha. The Handbook of Pragmatics. en esta investigación. en el habla juvenil. & Ward. 2009. etc. solo analizaré los referentes al nivel morfológico. Cambridge. 2006. Tejera. Chumaceiro. entre otros). Según Lázaro Mora (1999). léxicos y sintácticos. 2011. 1977. basados en corpus sociolingüísticos.) En el habla de la ciudad de Caracas se han hecho algunos estudios sobre la afijación (De Stefano. Massachusetts: MIT Press. conversaciones de solo hombres. 1–29. 1992. ii) los aumentativos o superlativos (-ón. -oso. los hablantes cuentan con un conjunto de morfemas (prefijos y sufijos) que les permite expresar afectividad (Lázaro Mora 1999). mucho menos. Para el análisis.). -illo. G. 2001.

63-79. con especial referencia al español de Venezuela. 1998. 51-66. (2011). Caracas: CDCH-CEP-UCV. M. Ma J. M. Madrid: Editorial Catalia. y De Monte. Por último. Seco.preliminares indican que los sufijos apreciativos más frecuentes en el corpus son: ito/-ita. C. Anuario Escuela de Letras. (1996b). Iuliano. Madrid: Espasa Lázaro Mora. Manual de gramatica del español. en un corpus más amplío. I. Español actual 69. (1996a). Madrid: Espasa. peyorativo e intensificativo. (1997). entre el español de Venezuela y el español general (Tejera. Boletín de lingüística 11. -azo y ón en el español de Venezuela. balazos. Estos resultados concuerda con los de otras investigaciones en las que se indica que hay una diferencia en la frecuencia de uso de sufijos apreciativos como -ito/a. (Dir. Manual de gramática española. Gramática descriptiva del español. (1979). y Herrero. los resultados indican que el usos que estos sufijos tienen en las conversaciones del corpus son: atenuativo. L.). En Bosque. López Morales y Vaquero. Sufijos atenuantes o aproximativos en el español de Venezuela. influyen en el uso de unos sufijos apreciativos frente a otro en el habla de Venezuela de manera que puedan compararse con el de otras variedades del español. L. (4646-4680). 2009. más íntimamente ligados a los procesos morfológicos de la lengua. 76 . 361-371). (1999). (1987). 1996 a y b. y Gianesin. y azo. Chumaceiro 1998). Chumaceiro. V. 47-75. impactos físicos y sentidos metafóricos de los sufijos -ada.). -ón y -ota. Golpes. Gramática esencial del español. y su variante -ico/a. Tejera. Referencias bibliográficas Chumaceiro. Algunos aspectos de la sufijación en el español de Venezuela. Un análisis sociolingüístico del habla de Caracas: uso y valores del diminutivo. explosiones. F. La derivación apreciativa. apelativo. C. Sedano. R. Real Academia Española. González Araña. Tejera. (eds.. Morfología. en el que se pueda observar qué factores. también hay casos con los sufijos: -ona y -azo. habría que hacer un estudio más exhaustivo. -ica. Ma J. Nueva Gramatica de la Lengua Española. M. Actas del I Congreso Internacional sobre el Español de América. En H. De Stefano. San Juan de Puerto Rico: Academia Puertorriqueña de la Lengua Española. Boletín de lingüística 10. (2001). I. I. Sin embargo. Madrid: Espasa y El Nacional. (pp. 3-28.

1978. (ii) they function as parts of complex numerals. It will thus be shown that numeralization of numeral nouns results from two related historical changes that directly concerned nouns denoting masculine persons: (i) the development of a new category of virility in the plural (singling out virile nouns. 2003). I concentrate on how it proceeded. the use of the new syncretism was licensed by the presence of a proxy (modifier) which had the capacity to morphologically realize the new gender – without such an element. one that did not target numeral nouns themselves.m. and 1000-tysiąc. The collected data constitute a mini-corpus of sentences including 77 . these alterations were triggered by a (different) paradigmatic change. first in the dual and later in the plural (Kucała 1972. however. I refer to this process as numeralization (cf. and because they resulted in a separate category of numerals. here. the situation under discussion is highly unusual. Noting that numeral nouns were themselves nouns with a full φ-set. where it was the numeral which was the exponent of the new gender. opposed to literally the rest).mathiasen@gmail. I argued elsewhere that it was this pressure to expose the new gender morphologically that triggered the category change. and (ii) the spread of its hallmark Acc/Gen Numeralization of Nominal Numerals in Polish In this paper. 100-sto. and affected the numeral nouns only indirectly. These were chosen for three reasons: (i) they function as simple numerals. To support my proposal. Poland k. The solution I propose is syntactic and shows that the paradigmatic changes in the declension of numeral nouns result directly from their changing syntax. but rather masculine personal nouns (so-called viriles) in their complement. The newly established virile gender did not have any specialized morphological realization on the nouns themselves. which led to their reanalysis as numerals on the example of three numeric bases 10-dziesięć.Katarzyna Miechowicz-Mathiasen Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. It has been reported that the first contexts in which this was allowed were adnumeral contexts. I present a proposal accounting for the diachronic changes that affected Polish numeral nouns (≥5). Łoś & Szober 1928. the nouns reverted to the old Nom/Acc syncretism. which was resolved by the introduction of the Acc/Gen syncretism into the paradigms of these nouns. I present and discuss historical data drawn from numerous primary and secondary sources. Schabowska 1962). spanning the period between 15th and 20th c. Janda 1999). however. The changes under consideration were both paradigmatic and syntactic and amounted to the grammaticalization of the numeral nouns (Roberts & Roussou 1999. and (iii) due to (i) and (ii) they are the most numerous.

Gen. projecting its own phrase (NumP). on the other. The reason why numerals become exponents of the new gender distinctions in the plural shedding their own φ-features in the process. De Vicenzi (1999).numerals either represented by or containing the aforementioned numeric bases in six different case-contexts (Nom. it is argued that it must be the Num0 of the counted noun that they lexicalize. and De Vicenzi & Di Domenico (1999). lexicalizations of the counted noun’s Num0. I propose gender to be parasitic on an existing functional head. and initially also in three different numbers (sg. du. After Ritter (1993). Instr. It will be thus shown that the once biphrasal structure in which both nouns (the numeral noun and its complement) projected their respective noun phrases is reduced to a monophrasal structure once numerals become lexicalizations of the Num0 head in the extended projection of the counted noun (Grimshaw 1991). as they are realized together as portmanteau affixes in Polish. pl). The proposal is based on vast empirical evidence which points to a close connection between: number and gender. Seeing as they realize the gender of the counted noun (and not their own gender). Loc). as the novel gender distinctions introduced in the plural made numerals their category of choice for spell out. in this case number. which brought about the paradigmatic changes in the numeral declension. and numerals and gender. Numeralization is thus argued to have involved reanalysis of the numeral nouns as functional heads – to be precise. on the one hand. as shown by Figures 1 and 2 below. Figure 1 78 . Dat. Acc. is because via numeralization they become lexicalizations of the functional head Num0. and was the direct cause of the loss of the numerals’ own nominal features.

(unpublished manuscript). Where's Gender? Linguistic Inquiry 24:795–803. pp. Ritter. (ed. Grimshaw. M. (ed. Cambridge University Press. Di Domenico. L.) Slavic Gender Linguistics. M. Greenberg. In: Greenberg. Szober. J. Język Polski 13: 97–112. A distinction between φ-features: the role of gender and number in the retrieval of pronoun antecedents. & A. 1962. Extended projection. Symbolae polonicae inhonorem Stanislai Jodł owski.5:537–553.1999. plur. 1999. J. Roberts. Roussou. 1999. Cambridge. Janda.Figure 2 References De Vicenzi. 1991.1:41–74. I. 1928. Język Polski 42: 116–123. (1999) Whence virility? The rise of a new gender distinction in the history of Slavic. określonym przydawką liczebnikową. Journal of Psycholinguistic Research 28. ‘Trzy piękne córki było nas u matki’: Formy podmiotu i orzeczenia w zdaniach z podmiotem logicznym. M. Łoś. A minimalist Approach to Grammaticalization. John Benjamins Publishing Company. J. M.) Universals of Human Language. M. Linguistics 37: 10111041. 1972 Rola zaimków i przymiotników w powstaniu męskoosobowego acc. MA: MIT Press. Roussou. Rodzaj gramatyczny w historii polszczyzny. Differences between the morphology of gender and number: evidence from establishing coreference. Syntactic Change. Kucała. Kucała. A formal approach to “grammaticalization”. & S. pp. 201– 228. 1978. I. Rivista di Linguistica 11. 1993. Schabowska.–gen. & A. In: Mills. 87–92. 1963. De Vicenzi. Some Universals of Grammar with Particular Reference to the Order of Meaningful Elements. M & E. Roberts. O formalnej numeralizacji rzeczowników. 79 . 2003. Ossolineum. J. E.

A late vocabulary insertion perspective is taken in which a dummy is a vocabulary item selected to realise functional material. do spells out more than be and hence be is taken as the default dummy. kszecsenyi@gmail. Hungary. 2009) in determining which vocabulary item will be selected out of a number of compatible choices: this entails that material present in the syntactic representation must be spelled out. Questions which arise are: why are Auxiliaries as Dummies: a late vocabulary insertion approach This paper will argue that auxiliary verbs are all dummies. The framework of the analysis is a limited version of Optimality Theory which operates only with constraints which evaluate the linear relations of precedence and adjacency. 1997) and therefore in so far as the analysis presented here is successful it amounts to an argument against the standard DM position. This approach to dummies is problematic from the perspective of the Subset Principle.1995. spells out functional material plus something extra. bUniversity of Szeged.elte. The approach also sides with the Nanosyntax position on vocabulary insertion in that it demands the adoption of the Superset Principle (Starke. Similarly. The main issue addressed is how the various auxiliary verbs are selected. typically assumed in Distributed Morphology (Marantz. This eliminates a redundancy present in most late vocabulary insertion theories whereby vocabulary items are defined as bundles of features which replace sets of features which are structurally bundled in the syntax. have and do used as dummies and not other vocabulary items and what is it that distinguishes between them – what extra do have and do spell out? 80 . b anewson@btk. Have. This idea is related to Grimshaw’s treatment of do-support (1997. Clearly they do not all spell out the same underlying material as otherwise we would expect only one auxiliary. Budapest. Hungary.Mark Newsona and Krisztina Szécsényib aEötvös Loránd University. As a result the syntactic expressions into which vocabulary items are inserted are unstructured. Based on the common claim that have is be with some added material (Hoekstra. den Dikken 2006 and McFadden and Alexiadou 2010). on the other hand. disregarding its associated root In the current framework. in much the same way that English do is. in its dummy use. features are only bundled in the vocabulary and it is the process of vocabulary insertion itself which serves to define words. 2012). it is argued that the latter is selected when only functional material is needed to be spelled out. but material associated with vocabulary items may be ignored.

In Alexis Dimitriadis.A short primer to a new approach to language. Jane B. With be this is fairly obvious as it is difficult to identify any root content for this vocabulary item in any of its uses. Sheffield. 1––6.ub.1.).). 81 . Susan Olson & Sten Vikner (eds. 389–425.uit. In Peter Svenonius. Be is associated with neither of these features and hence is selected in situations where only tense and aspectual features alone are to be spelled out. aspect and tense. Jane B. and Auxiliaries in Earlier English. (2012). Hoekstra. Last Resorts: A Typology of do-support. Teun (1995). Nanosyntax . they are spelled out by more than one vocabulary When these are contiguous they are spelled out by verbal elements when they are not. Laura Siegel. Michal (2009).). 119–37. (Penn Working Papers in Linguistics 4). and copulas. References den Dikken. Michal Starke & Knut Tarald Taraldsen (eds. 201– 225. Linguistic Inquiry 41(3). Gillian Ramchand. Alec (1997). Linguistic Inquiry 28. (Advances in Optimality Theory). Relators and linkers: the syntax of predication. To Have to Be Dative. Marcel (2006). 373–422. Projection. Starke. Marantz. Tromsø: CASTL. Proceedings of the 21st Annual Penn Linguistics Colloquium. Heads and Optimality. Thomas & Artemis Alexiadou (2010). Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers. Our analysis claims that do is selected to spell out tense in situations where the [v] feature which identifies a root as verbal cannot be spelled out by the verb and have is used specifically in perfect contexts due to an extra feature that the perfect introduces relating its aspectual nature to its temporal meaning. For have and do their lack of root content is indicated by the fact that their non-auxiliary uses are characterized as being context dependent: the meaning of have and do differ depending on what is ‘had’ or ‘done’ – John had his dinner/a cigarette and John did the crossword/the housework.). No escape from syntax: Don’t try morphological analysis in the privacy of your own Lexicon. Oakville: Equinox Publishing. 2. vol. Linguistic derivations and filtering: minimalism and optimality theory. Nordlyd 36. Grimshaw. The analysis assumes that the syntax organizes a set of sub-morphemic elements. Studies in Comparative Germanic Syntax. McFadden. In Hans Broekhuis & Ralf Vogel (eds. Grimshaw. Clarissa Surek-Clark & Alexander Williams (eds. Resultatives. such as roots. (1997). Mass. In Hubert Haider. Perfects. predicate inversion.: MIT Press.The claim is that what unifies the dummy auxiliaries is that they all have undefined root content. http://www. Cambridge.

Horst (2010): Theorie des Bildaktes. 82 . In: Dieter MAURER und Claudia RIBONI (eds. Köln: von Halem. interessanterweise erfolgt sie vor allem in der deutschsprachigen Forschung. Ulrich SCHMITZ (2007) und Horst BREDEKAMP (2010) vorgestellt und diskutiert. POSNER. S. SACHS-HOMBACH.opletalova@upol. Czech Republic veronika. der über die Möglichkeiten der Anwendung der Sprechakttheorie auf die Bilder nachgedacht hatte (vgl. Søren (1978): „Pictorial Speech Acts“. herausgebildet. zudem bietet sie Wege zur Analyse von multimodalen Texten. KJØRUP 1978 oder SCHMITZ 2007) vs. bisher wenig beachtete Facetten der Sprechakttheorie aufmerksam. Im vorliegenden Beitrag werden insbesondere die Arbeiten von Klaus SACHS-HOMBACH (2003). 55–71. der sich zwar nicht explizit auf die Bildakttheorie beruft. KJØRUP. die eigene Theoreme ins Spiel bringt. Die Diskussion kann aus mehreren Gründen für die Linguisten interessant sein: Diese intermediale Anwendung macht auf diverse. Eine intensivere Bildakt-Debatte hat sich erst am Anfang des 21. Roland (2010): „Die Wahrnehmung von Bildern als Zeichenprozess“. trotzdem weisen die einschlägigen Ansätze keine methodologische Kontinuität innerhalb der Bildforschung auf. Jhs. Stuttgart: Reimer.): Bild und Bildgenese. unter Berücksichtigung der Spezifika des Mediums (vgl. allgemeine semiotische Erweiterung der Sprechakttheorie. Berlin: Suhrkamp. Die letztgenannte Richtung vertritt der Semiotiker Roland POSNER. In: Erkenntnis 12. Elemente einer kommunikativen Bildwissenschaft.Veronika Opletalová Palacký University. Im Beitrag werden zwei Herangehensweisen konfrontiert: direkte Anwendung der sprechaktbezogenen Theoreme auf die Von den Sprechakten zu den Bildakten: Übersicht der Bildakttheorie mit Schwerpunkt auf die deutschsprachigen Ansätze Der Begriff pictorial speech act wurde bereits in den 1970er Jahren von Søren KJØRUP geprägt. Klaus (2003): Das Bild als kommunikatives Medium. KJØRUP 1978). Literatur: BREDEKAMP. die ganz unterschiedliche Wege der Anwendung der sprechakttheoretischen Perspektive auf die Bilder zeigen. S. sein pragmatisch orientierter Ansatz vermag aber viele Probleme der aktuellen Bildaktdiskussion zu lösen. 139–183.

The auxiliary verb bičin actually doesn’t change its form: it never acquires person-number past form. project “Corpora of the languages of Far East” (chief E.SG ‘ The use of pluperfect construction in Nanai2 The Nanai (Altaic.PL ‘he was sitting’ bi-či-ni be-PST-P. he used to tell them…’ un-ǯ i say-NPST bi-čin be-PST The construction (2) consists of a converb and the verb bi. Heft 1/2. the main predicate may optionally 2 The research was supported by Program of Fundamental Studies of RAS Presidium “Corpus Linguistics”.in past or present form and expresses progressive action. 83 . the subject can be understood only from the context. Tungusic) pluperfect construction is analytical and consists of the main predicate in past form and the auxiliary verb bi.SCHMITZ. In: Zeitschrift für germanistische Linguistik. The construction (3) consists of the non-past form of main predicate and the verb bi. Sofia Oskolskaya Institute for Linguistic Studies. Russian Academy of Sciences. V. When the personnumber marker is omitted. when he met people. They are presented in (2) and (3): (2) təəsi-məəri sit-CVB.1SG ‘I had hit’ bi-čin be-PST The personal marker on the main predicate is optional. So the word bičin in the pluperfect construction functions as a particle.‘be’ also in past form: (1) paačela-xam-bi hit-PST-P.SIM. Ulrich (2007): „Bildakte? How to do things with pictures“. Russia sonypolik@mail. 419–433.3SG (3) tawaŋki naj-wa baa-pii further man-OBL find-CVB. The pluperfect construction is close to other analytical constructions with the verb bi-. Perekhvalskaya). S. 35. that also refer to past.

ouhalla@ucd. the tiger struck the ground.simultaneous. For instance. Abbreviations 1 -1st person. 3 – 3rd person.REFL. Jamal Ouhalla University College Dublin.possessive.conditional.converb. At the same time.have a person-number marker.’ In example (4) the pluperfect construction is used because it describes an action that preceded an action expressed in the main text (first.past.plural. Wh-Cliticisation and Indexing This paper outlines supporting evidence for Cliticisation as a mechanism of deriving antecedent-dependent links. had stricken) the ground with my tail once. 1995). SG .SG əm modan naa-wa one time land. there are contexts where it is possible to use only one type of construction. CVB . there is a number of contexts where it is possible to use two types of the constructions (e. INS – instrumental case. pluperfect or habitual). PL . PST . the pluperfect construction is used in the direct speech which is inserted into narrative in past: (4) laočan-ǯ i-i tail-INS-P. The research is based both on the material collected during the field trips in the last six years and on the material of the scholars who worked with the Nanai language in the middle and last half of 20th century.1SG bi-čin be-PST {I met a tiger who told me:} ‘<…> I struck (lit.g. Ireland j. OBL – oblique Wh-clitic-doubling. REFL – reflexive. COND . and then he told the narrator about it).OBL paačela-xam-bi hit-PST-P. Although these constructions differ in formal features and in meaning on the whole. In the talk I am going to discuss types of contexts in which only the pluperfect construction can be used and to compare the use of pluperfect construction with the use of other related analytical constructions with bi-. This construction expresses habitual action in past that is not actual at the moment of utterance. P .singular.. part the project to eliminate Indexing from Grammar (Chomsky 1986.doesn’t acquire person-number marker. The project was initiated in Lebeaux (1983) in the form of a derivational analysis of antecedent-anaphors links of the type found in English. NPST – non-past. the verb bi. SIM . 84 .

[CP [op] [C’ C=[wh DAT] [TP T [vP V… [whDAT] . which yields an A’-binding relation (operator-variable links) in contexts such as (3a&b). which is base-generated in the variable position and undergoes wh-Cliticisation to C (4a&b).C to the variable it binds. (LF) (Lebeaux 1983:726) The supporting evidence for Cliticisation as an interpretive mechanism outlined here concerns operator-variable links in contexts where the operator is basegenerated in its scope position.. which applies in contexts where the operator is base-generated in the variable position and derives the operator-variable link by moving the operator to its scope position... (S-structure) Johni selfi saw ei in the mirror. (3) a. 1986). The other is a wh-clitic in the dative form. Chomsky (1995) uses the terms CliticisationLF and CliticisationSYN to refer to these two instances of Cliticisation (see also Pica 1987). A’-clitics undergo A’-Cliticisation to the C-domain. The derivation mimics the one seen overtly in the French pattern (1). Underlying the attempt to extend Cliticisation to operator-variable links is a well-motivated distinction between A-clitics and A’-clitics (El Hankari & Ouhalla 2012). Jean se regarde dans le miroir.. b. A-clitics undergo A-Cliticisation to the T-domain. One is Caseless and functions as an operator base-generated in its scope position (Spec. The need to eliminate Indexing from Grammar necessarily implies a unified theory of Binding of the type sought in Aoun (1985. (Kayne 1975:348) Johni saw himselfi in the mirror. [CP [op] [C’ C=[wh DAT] [TP T [vP V [DP D [NP N [whDAT]]] . It includes the phenomenon of wh-clitic-doubling found in Berber. thereby achieving a uniform derivational analysis of antecedent-anaphors links. (4) Wh-clitic-doubling and wh-Cliticisation a.C). Wh-Cliticisation differs from wh-Movement. Wh-Cliticisation of the dative clitic has the function of linking the operator in Spec. (1) (2) a.whereby the self-constituent of the anaphor undergoes covert Cliticisation to the head position associated with the antecedent (2). whereby operator-variable constructions involving dative constituents show two occurrences of wh (3a&b) (El Hankari & Ouhalla 2012). which yields an A-binding relation (antecedent-anaphor links) in contexts such as (1). m-ad=mi t-fka ijjign? wh-Comp=whDAT she-gave flowers ‘To whom did she offer flowers?’ m-a(d)=mi i-ḥsa [tanddamt]? wh-Comp=whDAT he-know poetry ‘Whose poetry does he know?’ (Tashelhiyt Berber) b. though one that 85 . b.

S. French relative que. J. 1986. El Moujahid. Generalized Binding. P. J. Rabat. Dordrecht: Kluwer. 2012. The monophthongization of /aɪ/ to /a/ is a linguistic trait considered characteristic of SoAE. Mass. Null subjects and clitic-climbing. 1987. USA apantos@msudenver. A distributional difference between reciprocals and reflexives. Jaeggli and K. Linguistic Inquiry 14.S. The Monophthongization of Pre-Tap /aɪ/ in Southern American English This study examines the production of /aɪ/ in pre-tap [ɾ] environments in order to determine whether the monophthongization of /aɪ/ to /a/ in the Southern American English Dialect (SoAE) occurs at a phonological or phonetic level. Doctoral dissertation. Amherst. 1986.) Current Studies in Romance Linguistics. 2005. In J. Washington DC. 1995. 1985. Cambridge. Chomsky. On the nature of the reflexivisation cycle. New York: Oxford University Press. Cambrdige. In O. McDonough and B Plunkett (eds. D. Syntaxe de groupe nominal en berbère tachelhiyt. 1975.: Georgetown University Press. E. N. 1983. Andrew Pantos Metropolitan State University of Denver. 723-730. Kayne. MA: MIT Press. Dordrecht: Foris publications. Cambridge. A Grammar of Anaphora. In F. The Minimalist Program. Chomsky. GLSA.) The Null Subject Parameter.S. University of Massachusetts. R. 255-299. El Hankari. 1989.) Proceedings of NELS17. J. Ash & Boberg 2006). Lujàn (eds. conditioned on both the speaker’s social identity and the phonetic traits of the segment following the /aɪ/ token (Labov. Typically. and J. Lebeaux. R.2:78-103 Kayne. Pica. MA: MIT Press. N. University Mohamed V. New York: Praeger. Hensey and M. Kayne. A. Knowledge of Language. This research adds generally to previous work on variation in regional dialects and specifically to an understanding of the level at which regional linguistic variables function. 1993. 1976. Movement and Silence. 239-261. References Aoun.operates on the basis of the derivational process of A/A’-Cliticisation rather than the representational principles of Binding Theory.S. R. Safi (eds.: MIT Press. French Syntax: The Transformational Cycle. Wh-clitic-doubling and Wh-Cliticisation. non-working class European-American SoAE speakers fully produce the 86 . Kayne. IBERIA 4. R. Aoun.

This study considers whether SoAE speakers apply the /aɪ/ monophthongization rule before or after the alveolar plosive equalization rule. This hypothesis was confirmed by the results of the present study in which 21 native SoAE speakers were recorded while reading a series of 15 sentences that contained /aɪ/ tokens in a variety of phonetic environments. Pursuant to standards established in previous studies (e.diphthong /aɪ/ only when it is followed by a voiceless segment. The voice recordings were acoustically analyzed using Praat™. The 9 participants who selectively monophthongized were three times more likely (33% versus 11%) under the 300 Hz standard to produce /aɪ/ as a diphthong preceding underlying voiceless segments versus voiced segments or word-finally.g. otherwise [a] Scenario B: 1) /aɪ/ → [aɪ] /____C[–voice]. These results suggest that the monophthongization of /aɪ/ occurs on a phonological rather than a phonetic level and thus help to clarify the interaction between phonetic variations and phonological rule ordering in dialect variation.. North American English speakers—including SoAE speakers—generally equalize intervocalic /t/ and /d/ to [ɾ] when the second vowel is unstressed (e. Ladefoged & Johnson 2010).. Hayes 2009). Example Underlying form Scenario A: 1) /t/ and /d/ → [ɾ] / V[+stress]____V[–stress] 2) /aɪ/ → [aɪ] /____C[–voice]. in all other environments. This question can be stated in terms of rule ordering as illustrated in Scenarios A and B. otherwise [a] 2) /t/ and /d/ → [ɾ] / V[+stress]____V[–stress] writer /ˈɹaɪˌtɚ/ rider /ˈɹaɪˌdɚ/ [ˈɹaɪˌɾɚ ] [ˈɹaˌɾɚ] [ˈɹaˌɾɚ] [ˈɹaˌdɚ] [ˈɹaˌɾɚ] [ˈɹaˌɾɚ] [ˈɹaɪˌɾɚ ] [ˈɹaˌɾɚ] Surface realization [ˈɹaˌɾɚ] = [ˈɹaɪˌ tɚ] [ˈɹaɪˌɾɚ ] Surface realization [ˈɹaɪˌɾɚ ] ≠ Based on similar research conducted on Canadian Raising (e. below.g. diphthongization was determined based on two levels of differences between the measurements analyzed: minimum differences of 300 Hz and 200 Hz.. 13 participants either did not monophthongize /aɪ/ at all or monophthongized /aɪ/ in all environments. Fridland 2003). Of the 21 total participants. As such. At the same time. they monophthongize /aɪ/ to /a/. 87 .g. this study’s findings have implications for the fields of both phonology and sociolinguistics. Scenario B was hypothesized to be the more accurate rule order. Similar results were found under the 200 Hz standard (59% versus 28%). measuring second formant frequencies of the /aɪ/ tokens at 1/3 and 2/3 of the way through production.

& Boberg. Hayes. positionals. tied and tight’: The Expansion of /aɪ/ Monophthongization in AfricanAmerican and European-American Speech in Memphis. A Course in Phonetics. antipassive constructions. Ash. 88 . in her article Contact as a Source of Language Change (2003). (2003). If language mixing can result in language reduction. Malden. (2009). It is thus logical that language mixing between Ch’orti’ and Spanish has been a significant factor in the structural reduction of Ch’orti’. as Thomason claims. and analytic structures. Stephanie (Robin) Quizar Metro State University of Denver USA quizarr@gmail. in contrast to most other Mayan languages. Language Attrition in Ch’orti’ (Mayan) A comparative and historical study of Ch’orti’ reveals that. are bilingual in Ch’orti’ and Spanish. Tennessee. W. Labov. Interestingly. C. (2010). Berlin: Mouton/de Gruyter. (2006). 279-298. Sarah Thomason.. then a creole-like structure would be a natural consequence. Journal of Sociolinguistics 7(3). both men and women. claims that such structural reduction can be caused by language mixing and may be an indication of slow language death. serial verbs. Boston: Wadsworth. Ch’orti’ shows language reduction on all levels of structure. culturally non-Indian. Ladefoged.. Ch’orti’ is spoken in an isolated area ― eastern Guatemala and western Honduras ― where outsiders rarely travel. the resultant reduced structure is reminiscent of a language creole. B. but where Ladinos (mixed race. It has syntactic features common to the family: ergative person marking on the verbs.References Fridland. Although Ch’orti’ is highly reduced. The Atlas of North American English. having simplified morphology. Spanish speakers) have also been living since the 1600’s. the only significant influence on Ch’orti’ since the Conquest has been Spanish. relational nouns. Introductory Phonology. assuming the existence of some kind of unmarked universal structures (Givón 1979) or bioprogram features (Bickerton 1981). K. MA: Wiley Blackwell. it is historically and structurally a Mayan language. P. ‘Tie. and Johnson. although she gives no specific examples of languages that are dying in this manner. a situation that has been in effect since at least the 1930’s (Wisdom 1940). In addition. Ch’orti’ is clearly a case of language contact since most Mayan adults in the area. noun classifiers. S.

Robin. (1983) A Grammar of Mam. Bibliography: Bickerton. Austin: University of Texas Press. Perez Martínez. Fought (1950’s). John G. and in the case of Ch’orti’. and a common basic vocabulary. 3-35. (1977) The Structure of Jacaltec. 89 . a Mayan Language. Another important question is the radical change to unmarked structures in Ch’orti’. as opposed to being the result of normal language change. but reductions in language structure that appear to be unrelated to specific influence from Spanish structure. (1979) “Prolegomena to Any Sane Creology. Jon P. One issue under investigation is how much of the language reduction in Ch’orti’ is a result of attrition within the community of speakers. Lyle. (1972) Chorti (Mayan) Texts (I). Ann Arbor. and Ch’orti’ data come from texts recorded by Wisdom (1930’s). Most studies of language attrition have focused on language loss in individual speakers. (1981) “Voice and Ergativity in Mayan Languages. México) 15-16: 211-229. yet many of these constructions have been marginalized in Ch’orti’. comparative data comes from Dayley.” Función (Universidad de Guadalajara. or at most.). Givón. and research by Quizar (1975-present). starting with a comparative perspective between Ch’orti’ and other languages of the Mayan family and looking at historical and present-day texts to show the latest trends. Most studies of language contact focus on lexical and structural borrowings. England. in current communities of speakers. Nora C. Derek. Austin: University of Texas Press. The most significant changes in the language are not borrowings. Dayley. (1985) “Mayan Linguistics: Where Are We Now?” Annual Review of Anthropology 14: 187–198.” Readings in Creole Studies. pp. such that they occur in fewer types of grammatical structures and in limited sociolinguistic situations. Craig. Mayan language reconstruction data has been taken from Campbell and Kaufman. Craig. Perez (1996). Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. however. and Terrance Kaufman. This paper claims that these changes are due to language attrition in bilingual speakers of Ch’orti’. Ian Hancock (ed. The morphology in most of these constructions is phonologically related to the morphology in other Mayan languages. Quizar. The present study is instead an investigation of language attrition over time. Fought. Ghent: Story-Scientia. (1994) “Motion Verbs in Ch’orti’. Colette Grinevald.glottalized consonants. there are numerous Spanish loan words and some structural borrowing from Spanish. Guatemala: Proyecto Lingüístico Francisco Marroquín. (1996) Leyenda Maya Ch’orti’. Campbell. MI: Karoma. Talmy. and England. Vitalino. (1981) Roots of Language.” Journal of Mayan Linguistics 2:3-82.

Diamond Tackling “Legalese”: How linguistics can simplify legal language and increase access to justice You are a juror in Massachusetts. Cambridge University Press. Berkeley: University of California Press. Elwork. But if you were a juror in California instead of Massachusetts. Diamond & Levi 1996. (1988) Language Contact. Thomason. USA randall@neu. 90 . Vago. Sarah Grey.” International Journal of American Linguistics 54. instead.” The Handbook of Historical Linguistics. you would hear. Sarah Grey. 1982. the judge reads you the "jury instructions" that explain the laws that apply to the case. ――. Innocent misrecollection is not uncommon. Creolization. (1950) Materials on the Chorti Language. Janet Randall Northeastern University.2: 120-138. MA.” International Journal of American Linguistics 60. Thomason. (2011) Language Attrition. Cambridge University Press. Wisdom. Before you and the other jurors go off to reach a verdict. University of Chicago Microfilm Collection. One instruction concerns your own memories: (1) Failure of recollection is common. al. Malden. and Robert M. Wisdom. Quizar.1:73-95. and Terrence Kaufman. (2) People often forget things or make mistakes in what they remember. (1940) The Chorti Indians of Guatemala. Seliger. (1994) “Split Ergativity and Word Order in Ch’orti’." recognizing that confused jurors cannot deliver well-reasoned or just verdicts. Schmid. MA: Blackwell. Boston. Herbert W. ――. Charles. and confusing to even the most highly educated jurors. Monika S.. (1991) First Language Attrition. and Susan Knowles-Berry.Quizar. USA. et. (2003) “Contact as a Source of Language Change. Research has shown that the language of the instructions is obscure and complex. (1988) “Ergativity in the Cholan Languages. and Genetic Linguistics. never mind jurors with less education or non-native English skills (Charrow & Charrow 1979. University of Chicago Press. syntactically and semantically challenging. ――. California is one of a small number of states that have overcome substantial hurdles (Marder 1996) and succeeded in rewriting its jury instructions in "Plain English.

Data Tables Table 1: How many questions were answered correctly by at least 90% of the subjects? Original out of 72 Q's out of 64 Q's 23 (32%) 19 (30%) Plain English 33 (46%) 33 (52%) Difference 10 (14%) 14 (22%) p-value p = 0. California – and now Massachusetts – offer models for collaboration between linguistics and legal practitioners. our rewritten versions significantly improved subjects' performance for all 72 questions (Table 1. Linguistic research will provide the justification needed for Massachusetts to take on a rewriting project and the outcomes are promising: to make courtroom verdicts more reliable and to make the judicial system more accessible and. who may perform worse. formal register. 2009). Original) showed that only 23 of the 72 questions (≈ 1/3) were answered correctly by at least 90% of the subjects. Plain English) and even more so for 64 questions. a move that other states are now following.Tiersma 1999. given lower language and educational levels. and a host of Gricean violations. presupposed knowledge. low-frequency words. In Massachusetts. judges and linguists.0049 91 . with college student subjects answering true/false questions after hearing each instruction. Our results (Table 1. test them in psycholinguistic studies and propose and test remedies (Solan 1999. multiple passives. The difficulty came from several linguistic factors: stacked negatives. is currently running studies showing (1) the difficulty of current jury instructions and (2) the possibility to improve comprehension by rewriting them.042 p = 0. more fair. Opportunities for linguists to have an impact on social change are rare. the Plain English Jury Instruction Project. ultimately. a joint effort of lawyers. Targeting these in Study 2. Though legal language is entrenched and reform is difficult. but we are well-equipped to do so here because of our ability to pinpoint linguistic problems. and (b) our listening-only task with a listening + reading task. This paper will report on the results of Studies 1 and 2 as well as the results of the other studies completed to date. confusing information structure. which we predict will improve scores. eliminating 8 questions whose answers were inadvertently omitted in the rewritten instruction (Tables 2 & 3). A critical feature of California's project was that it included linguists. 2001. Solan & Tiersma 2005). The first of 8 planned studies used 6 sample instructions read by a judge. multiply-embedded clauses. Our next 6 studies will compare (a) college students with actual jurors.

Alfini (1982) Making Jury Instructions Understandable.0285 90. Elwork.28% 4. Lawrence M.0078 Original Plain English difference 9. 143-155. Shari S." Harvard Journal of Law & Public Policy 26.79% 3 74. Loyola-LA Legal Studies Paper No. & Judith N.77% 20.0025 5 68.28% 4.3897 0. Peter M.45% 87.68% 73. (2003) "Truth. Solan.04% 4 80. Judicature.3897 0. Tiersma.60% 6 63. and. 79.08% 81. (2009) Communicating with Juries: How to Draft More Understandable Jury Instructions. and Veda R.91% 3 73.93% 87. Texas Law Review 78.93% 87.07% 2 89. 105-147.51% 83. Bruce D.2484 0.091 Table 3: % of 29 subjects who answered correctly (64 questions) Instruction # 1 87. Peter M. Amiram.84% Overall 78% 81% 3% 0.05% 0. Available at SSRN: http://ssrn. Chicago.24% 13. 92 . Lawrence M. Shari S.4041 0. (1999) Refocusing the Burden of Proof in Criminal Cases: Some Doubt About Reasonable Doubt. Diamond.07% 2 89. Peter M. Tiersma (2005) Speaking of Crime: The Language of Criminal Justice. University of Chicago Press. Brooklyn Law Review 66. 1306-1374.2539 0 References Charrow.0181 p-value 0.46% 6. Solan. 1081-1118. Columbia Law Review 79.ncsconline.html.Table 2: % of 29 subjects who answered correctly (72 questions) Instruction # 1 87. Charrow (1979) Making Legal Language Understandable: A Psycholinguistic Study of Jury Instructions.33% 0. Justice and the Jury.79% 72.68% 73. Michie.60% 0.091 6 61. (2001) The Rocky Road to Legal Reform: Improving the Language of Jury Instructions.24% 5 and through National Center for State Courts http://www. Diamond . Levi (1996) Improving Decisions on Death by Revising and Testing Jury Instructions.37% 88. Robert P. 224 -231.42% 80. VA. Sales and James J.79% 4 76. 2009-44.69% 82. Tiersma. Charlottesville.69% 0 Overall 77% 84% 7% 0 Original Plain English difference p-value 0.84% 7.

La morfología quechua es aglutinante (no flexiva concatenativa) con predominancia de formativos separativos (sufijos). tradicionalmente se habla del indicativo. “imperativo” y “condicional/potencial” (tiene las dos funciones). es decir “futuro” (modo prospectivo.yapoq@seznam. Una reconsideración de la estructura de la flexión verbal en el quechua cuzqueño: tiempo. número. y tiempo y modo o subordinación. 28-36. (1999) Jury Instructions in the New Millennium. del potencial o condicional. no futuro o simple. que tiene dos tiempos (presente y pasado). Vlastimil Rataj Charles University. (1993) Reforming the Language of Jury Instructions.78. Peter M. y no tres. Los pocos formativos cumulativos se dan en la flexión verbal: los sufijos de persona indican a la vez el tiempo y el modo. La categoría de tiempo (presente. expresados cumulativamente junto con la persona: “realis” (situaciones reales.Tiersma. que comprende todos los tiempos incluyendo el futuro. y tres modos irreales (realidad (todavía) no existente). modalidad y modo. En cuanto al tiempo y modo. según la morfología de los formativos verbales en el quechua y sus significados parece ser más adecuado excluir el futuro de la categoría de tiempo y considerarlo un tipo de modalidad. Court Review 36. Tiersma. En la presentación quisiera justificar este punto de vista poniendo las formas verbales del quechua cuzqueño y sus significados en un contexto más amplio de la tipología de las categorías de tiempo. 37. que por conveniencia podría seguir llamándose “indicativo”. modo y persona En la flexión verbal quechua se distinguen las categorías de persona (sujeto y objeto). pues por consiguiente sólo presentes o pasadas). desde el punto de vista tradicional. 93 . Sin embargo. y los pasados) se marcaría entonces en todas las formas separativamente por medio de otros sufijos agregados a las formas del indicativo (el potencial/condicional pasado es una forma compuesta de su forma en el presente más verbo auxiliar en el pasado). Hofstra Law Review 22. aludiendo ocasionalmente también a otras variedades del quechua y al aymara. y del imperativo. Peter M. Así el quechua tendría cuatro modos verbales. futuro). Czech Republic pato. Prague.

2 For more details on the diachronic development of Czech participial adjectives. it signifies a certain meaning change as well as a change in its syntactic distribution. Moreover. -ing in English) . TIMBERLAKE. mood. (ed.). J. (. (ed. are not constructions.) A construction is an abstract. English and German corpora When a word form changes its POS category. En: SHOPEN. Olga Richterová Institute of the Czech National Corpus. 169–240. such as sentences and phrases. The interplay with specific constructions based on the example of participial adjectives in Czech. 94 . and NICHOLS. Cusco: CBC. SHOPEN. 280–333. En: SHOPEN. but Determining semantics through collocations.g. representational entity. Volume III: Grammatical Categories and the Lexicon. T.) the actually occurring linguistic expressions.. it is of course impossible to access meaning through POS category only. Given the fundamental differences between spoken and written language 2 1 “Grammatical constructions are symbolic signs and represent the basic building blocks of a linguistic analysis. CUSIHUAMÁN GUTIÉRREZ. see Fried 2008. Baker et al. New York: Cambridge University Press. The first one puts emphasis on the notion of construction (the term is understood in line with the definition found in Fried and Östman. VÁSQUEZ. B. The paper is based on two hypotheses.” see Fried and Östman 2004.Bibliografía BICKEL. T. T.. tense. 2004)1. A. (2001 [19761]): Gramática Quechua Cuzco Collao.. stating that individual constructions can be indicative of a specific meaning.cuni. A. 2007) provides access to meaning... J. HARDMAN. La Paz: ILCA. J. (2007): Aspect. Nevertheless.). forms derived from verbs with the help of a characteristic ending (–ící/oucí in Czech. The paper investigates participial adjectives (PAs).. Charles University. (. Second edition. (2001 [19741]): Aymara: Compendio de estructura fonológica y gramatical. it is sometimes not easy to access the meaning of a word form at all. J. The second one posits that collocational analysis (see e. Czech Republic olga. -end in German. (2007): Inflectional morphology.. (ed. M. y DE DIOS YAPITA.richterova@ff.) (2007): Language Typology and Syntactic Description.

An evaluative construction. to which extent meaning is co-determined by them.04 0.during. -ing forms in BNC interesting surprising misleading disgusting tempting striking frightening exciting embarassing disappointing Fq 19 14 6 6 5 5 4 4 4 4 i.04 0.04 Table 1: It is + English PAs preceding punctuation. Collocational analysis using both a new proximity-based tool P-collocations (Cvrček. various corpora of spoken language will be investigated (ORAL2008 and 2006 with 2 million tokens of non-formal conversation and the unique SCHOLA2010 with 0. in German and English. namely that following a copular verb.04 0.p. Based on the identification of certain reoccurring constructions.05 0.“ see Martin.04 0. while also differentiating certain individual genres. Vondřička – forthcoming) and the well-established frequency-based measures incorporated in the corpora used will help to reveal the meaning of individual participial adjectives. and White P. attracts a special semantic group of participial adjectives. it seems to emerge that one syntactic position. In Czech.m. concerning. In a special construction.17 0. R. a comparison of these two registers will be carried out for these three languages. some PAs have become grammar words (während . regarding) and others could be identified as candidates for categorial change (Richterová 2011). 95 .05 0.13 0.04 0. Biber et al. J.8 million words). 1999).g. they seem to realize the language function of evaluation3. Speaking of findings. however. Furthermore. it will be possible to identify. as well as from the much larger DeReKo for German. R. relating). týkající se. the situation is less unambiguous (e. 0.g. For Czech. související s – concerning.(see e. 2005. R. 3 Evaluation: “the subjective presence of writers/speakers in texts as they adopt stances towards both the material they present and those with whom they communicate. The data will mostly come from the 100-million BNC and SYN2010.

2008. 1999. S. In A. J.. Čermák (ed. G. P. Praha: NLN. Leech.korpus. R. Biber. Institute of the Czech National Corpus. Available online at http://www. Essex: Longman..9 34. M.m.. and Vondřička. growing) odpovídající (respective.. Institute of the Czech National Corpus. and Östman. SCHOLA2010: Czech National Corpus . 2010: Czech National Corpus . Available at: http://www. D.-ící/oucí forms in SYN2010 vedoucí (the leader) následující (following) budoucí (future – adj. Praha. Amsterdam / Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Constructions and constructs: mapping a shift between predication and attribution.SYN2010. University of Birmingham. Johansson. Fried.. Using collocation analysis to reveal the construction of minority groups: The case of refugees. Corpus SYN2010. Finegan. C.). V. 2004. In Corpus Linguistics 2007. 123 109 67.p. Longman Grammar of Spoken and Written R.cuni.4 30. Available online: http://ling.ff. and White P. E. The Language of Evaluation.SCHOLA2010. T.pdf Martin. answering) stávající (current) žijící (living) Fq 14976 13290 8225 5457 5437 4993 4731 4244 4180 3714 i. O.korpus. 96 . 2011.9 oofs. 2007. Constructions and language change. Diewald ( Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Can Translations Help Reveal Categorial Change? In F. (Forthcoming). Korpusová lingvistika Praha 2011 – 1 InterCorp. Gabrielatos. UK.5 Table 2: 10 most frequent -ící/oucí forms in written Czech References Baker. P-collocations. R. Fried.) cestující (traveller) vynikající (outstanding) rozhodující (decisive) rostoucí (rising. Praha. M. Conrad. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. S. Bergs and G. Cvrček. McEnery. Construction Grammar in a Cross-Language Perspective.). J. P.8 44. asylum seekers and immigrants in the UK press.6 44.7 41 38.. 2005. Richterová.

if (as in (2)) NPLEX controls PRO. What are the mechanisms of Caseassignment/ checking and/or Case drop in Korean that result in the paradigm in (3)(4)? (5) breaks the dependency outlined above: A’-movement (of NPLEX) is grammatical in (5b). Subject-to object raising in (3a) is impossible since NPLEX cannot get two Cases. in which NPLEX and FQ are one constituent in Spec vp. 2011]. In (3)-(4). myeng has no Case. Moscow. In √(4a). If vP is the minimal linearization domain in Korean. In (1)-(2). A Caseless ‘nominal’ FQ ((4b). does not form a constituent with NPLEX: the FQ is inside an adjunct SC (cf. and the FQ(=[sey kwen(-ul)]) is predicated over NPLEX. and NPLEX is basegenerated in Spec vP. and CLASS agrees with PRO in Case. (2)) adjoined to V’. Based on the first account. Zribi-Hertz 2008. Compare the formal syntactic account and the Information structure account of (3)-(5). Kim J. (3b) (unlike (3a)) is tentatively a raising structure: in √(3b). and A’movement in (4) is possible if CLASS does have a Case-marker. we see that presence or absence of Case-marking on CLASS affects the grammaticality of A/A’ -movement of the lexical noun NPLEX haksayng-ul. 2005 and others]. while myeng has no Case marker in both (5a-b). Pesetsky’s 2005] cyclic linearization to rule *(4b) out. [Ko 2007] uses [Fox. Kim S. the FQ is a secondary predicate that is a Small Clause (SC) with a PRO subject controlled by NPLEX. The Subject position of the embedded clause in (3b) is a non-Cased position.-B. [Ko 2005] proposes that a subject FQ=[Num+CLASS] with a Case-marked ‘adverbial’ FQ ((4a). 97 . the Floating Quantifier (FQ) construction’s (illustrated in (3)-(5)) commonly accepted structure is (2) [Cho 2003. NPLEX and FQ are not one constituent. Kim Ch. myeng) forms a constituent with NPLEX. myeng-i). the NPLEX>Obj>FQ order can only be achieved if Obj (wain-ul) moves to the left periphery of vP: this is impossible in *(4b).-Y. in *(3a). Syntactic movement seems to be dependent on CLASS’s Case marking.Elena Rudnitskaya Institute of Oriental Studies. In (2). FQ=[Num + CLASS] stays in this position. then NPLEX is assigned Nominative inside the embedded clause. so Obj can move to a position between them. Russia erudnitskaya@gmail. 2004. the lexical noun (NPLEX) is Logical Subject. Consider the NPLEX’s subject-to-object raising and topicalization (3)-(4) in terms of generative syntax [Ko 2005] and of information structure [Kwon. A-movement in (3) is possible if CLASS has no Syntactic properties of the Korean floating quantifier-type classifier construction – formal syntactic or information structure account? The structure of the CLASS(ifier) construction in an argument position with a postnominal classifier (as one constituent) is (1).

as it is inside the SC – Logical Predicate to the Logical Subject NPLEX. NOM/ ACC markers -(l)ul and -ka are regarded as both Case-markers and focalizers [Schütze 2001]. so myeng must be specially focused by adding the NOM marker (a focus particle can also be added to CLASS instead of the NOM marker. Kim 2004: 59-60] myeng-i masi-ess-ta CLASS-NOM drink-PST-DECL (4) a. or rhematic/ predicative but not specially focused [Kim J. 2011: 43] information. if.-B. (1) [chayk-(ul) book-ACC three [ sey kwen(-ul)]] = [ClassP NPLEX [FQ Num + CLASS]] CLASS-ACC “Three books” (2) (3) a. as in (3b). professor Kim believes three students to be smart” Haksayng-i student-NOM sey sey ecey wain-ul [subject CLASS.e without any Case-marker. in √(5b) than in ?*(5a).STAT Kim professor-TOP student-ACC sey myeng-i yunungha-ta-ko sayngkaha-n-ta. 2007]). which supports the focalizing function of NOM. three CLASS-NOM smart-DECL-QUOT believe-PRS-DECL ? Ku kulwup-eyse Kim kyoswu-nun haksayng-ul this class-LOC. NPLEX … [SC PRO [QP=FQ Num + CLASS]] *Ku b. 98 . the Case marker on CLASS (myeng-i/-ka/(l)ul) does not change CLASS’s category (nominal/ adverbial) but focalizes CLASS. the drop of NOM in Cases of subject-FQ is ungrammatical because the FQ=SC with a Caseless CLASS (myeng) has a predicative function. Cased] yesterday wine-ACC [S. FQ would neutrally be just after the topicalized NPLEX. in the Altaic subject-to-object raising sentence.STAT Kim professor-TOP student-ACC sey myeng yunungha-ta-ko sayngkaha-n-ta. i. kulwup-eyse Kim kyoswu-nun haksayng-ul this class-LOC. insertion of additional adverbials that are foregrounded makes it easier to treat the FQ=[Num + CLASS] phrase as background. Zribi-Hertz 2008]. The focused direct object (wain-ul) intervenes. For (3a-b). the raised NPLEX is “focus of empathy” [Serdobol’skaya 2012].). In (5a-b) ((5b) is not discussed by [Ko 2005. three CLASS smart-DECL-QUOT believe-PRS-DECL “In his class. In *(4b). a bare NP/ DP usually represents irrelevant/ background [Kwon.-Y. Examples (3)-(5) would then be explained as follows. CLASS is supposed to be background (Сaseless).In terms of Information structure.



ecey wain-ul sey myeng masi-ess-ta [subject CLASS, Caseless] “Three students had wine yesterday”
? *Haksayng-tul-i

(5) a.

caki-uy ton-ulo [J.-B. Kim 2011: 41] student-PL-NOM self-GEN money-INSTR twu myeng cenhwahay-ss-ta two CLASS phone-PST-DECL “Two students made a phone call with their own money”


Haksayng-tul-i student-PL-NOM twu myeng two CLASS

caki ton-ulo cikcep self money-with cenhwahay-ss-ta phone-PST-DECL

Seoul-ey Seoul-LOC

“Two students made a phone call to Seoul with their own money without any help”

Cho S. 2003. “Quantifier agreement in Korean” // W.E. Griffin (ed.), The role of agreement in natural language: TSL-5 Proceedings. Texas Linguistic Forum, 25-34. Fox, D., Pesetsky D. 2005. Cyclic Linearization of syntactic structure // K.É. Kiss (ed.), Object shif, special issue, Theoretical Linguistics 31(1-2), 1-46. Kim S.-Y. 2004. Constraints on distributional patterns of floating quantifiers // Enehak 38. Kim Ch. 2005. Order and meaning: numeral Classifiers and specificity in Korean // Alderete J., Kochetov A., Han Ch. (eds). Proceedings of the 24-th WCCFL, Somerville, p. 218― 236. Kim J.-B. 2011. Floating numeral Classifiers in Korean: a thematic-structure perspective / Presentation at the 18-th international conference on HPSG, August 2011, Univ. of Washington at Seattle. Ko H.-J. 2005. Syntactic edges and linearization. PhD Dissertation, MIT. Ko H.-J. 2007. Asymmetries in scrambling and cyclic linearization // Linguistic Inquiry, V. 38 (1), 49-83. Kwon, S.-N., Zribi-Hertz A. 2008. Differential function marking, Case, and Information structure: Evidence from Korean // Language 84 (2), 258-299. Schütze C. 2001. On Korean ‘case stacking’: the varied functions of the particles ka and lul // The Linguistic Review. Vol. 18 (3). 193–232. Serdobol’skaya, N. 2012. Raising in Altaic languages: syntactic criteria / Paper presented at SWLV, 1-4 October 2012, Croatia.


Emilio Servidio
University of Siena, Italy

Italian polarity fragments as elliptical structures
Approaches to nonsententials or fragments differ as to whether the seemingly absent syntactic structure is indeed present at some level of representation or not. Merchant (2004) adopts a deletion approach to simple XP fragments according to which subsentential utterances are the result of constituents moving to a left peripheral position (namely a Focus position), with an [E](llipsis) feature on a functional head triggering non-pronunciation of its complement. Evidence for this analysis is twofold: connectivity effects support full sentential structure and island effects support movement. Both kinds of evidence for Merchant’s original examples have been contested (Casielles 2006, Valmala 2007, Barros 2012). Here I discuss the class of Italian fragments in (1), that I argue to support an analysis à la Merchant: (1) a. b. c. d. Gianni Gianni Il libro The book A casa At home Andare al mare Go to the beach sì. yes. sì. yes no. no no. no

The interpretation is as expected under the assumption of a theory of Contrastive Topics (CTop) like Büring (2003). A sentence with a CTop addresses a question that belongs to a set of questions that are part of a strategy to answer a superquestion currently under discussion. In the relevant cases, the set includes polar questions such that alternatives for the CTop substitutes for it:
(2) a. b. I dottorandi sono venuti alla cena sociale? ‘Did the grad students come to the social dinner?’ Gianni Sì (= GianniCT è venuto alla cena sociale). ‘Gianni did’ (= GianniCT came to the social dinner) Gianni Sì (= GianniCT è venuto alla cena sociale)] [ ]

ct = {{ [ c. Gianni è venuto alla cena sociale] ,[ ] Gianni non è venuto alla cena sociale] ] }, { [ Maria è venuta alla cena sociale] ,[ ] Maria non è venuta alla cena sociale] ] }, { [ Luca è venuto alla cena sociale] ] ,[ L uca non è venuto alla cena sociale] ]} … }


In analogous contexts, on the other hand, a simple fragment (interpreted as an information focus for Merchant 2004 and Brunetti 2004) is infelicitous:
(3) a. b. c. I dottorandi sono venuti alla cena sociale? ‘Did the grad students come to the social dinner?’ #Gianni. ‘Gianni.’ Gianni sì. ‘Gianni came.’

Here the subquestions are not wh-questions on a constituent, but polar questions (Cf. Büring 2003, p. 532 for a comparable English example). To the extent that one can regard answers with sì and no as expressing polarity focus (Krifka 2001) the two cases can be assimilated. The syntax of the Spanish equivalents of these fragments have been studied by Depiante (1999) and Vicente (2006) (fragments of the no XP type, also discussed by these authors, have no direct equivalent in Italian). Unlike the former, I argue that the XP is a Contrastive Topic rather than in a Focus position. Unlike the latter, I propose that no is in a Focus position, encoding the nature of answer to a polar subquestion kind (Cf. Poletto 2010 on Italian for a proposal close to mine):
(4) [CTop Gianni [ Top [FocP no [ Foc [ … [IP è venuto ]]]]]]

The fragments are degraded when extracted out of strong islands, which is evidence for the view that this class of fragments is derived via movement and deletion (Merchant-style):
(5) RELATIVE CLAUSES i. a. Conosci gli amici che hanno fatto un regalo a ognuno dei ragazzi? ‘Do you know the friends that gave a present to each of the kids?’ b. #A Gianni no. ii. a. Alfredo ha votato il candidato che hanno votato i suoi colleghi? ‘Did Alfredo vote for the candidate his colleagues voted for?’ b. # Manfredi no. ADJUNCTS i. a. Avverti tua madre prima di andare da qualche parte? ‘Do you tell your mother before you go somewhere?’ b. #In palestra no. To the gym no ii. a. Gloria piange sempre quando qualcuno la rimprovera? ‘Does Gloria always cries when somebody scolds her?’ b. #La zia no. Her aunt no



25. D. (2012) Sluiced fragment answers: another puzzle involving islands and ellipsis. exhaustivity (Molnár 2002). I will argue that this turns out to be immaterial to my analysis. Sta circolando la voce che i ragazzi vogliono lasciare la scuola? ‘Is there a rumour around that the kids wants to leave school?’ b. #Gianni no (8) SENTENTIAL SUBJECTS a. 5-6. (2003) On D-trees. Snippets. Büring. saliency. and B-Accents. Notice also that. Padua: CLUEP. b. 26. (2004) A Unification of Focus.(7) COMPLEX DPS a. Con Gianni no. or different Foc positions exist in Italian or in related languages (Cruschina 2011). 511–545. #Gianni no I propose that the offending movement step in (b) examples is the topicalization of CTop across island boundaries (clitic left dislocation is known to be island-sensitive. Opinions diverge as to whether FocP in the left periphery is bound to be contrastive (Rizzi 1997) or not (Brunetti 2004). see Cinque 1990. preposition stranding makes polarity fragments degraded: (9) a. see Cecchetto 1999 for an analysis that involve movement). beans. Brunetti.’ My analysis is consistent with cartographic studies that assume that in the left periphery a CTop is rigidly ordered before a Foc (Frascarelli and Hinterhölzl 2007): (10) [ShiftP Aboutness-Topic [ContrP Contrastive-Topic [FocP [FamP* Givenness-Topic [FinP [IP … ]]]]]] On the other hand. Linguistics and Philosophy. References Barros. M. 102 . since the domain of polarities trivially satisfies the properties attributed to contrastive focus: membership in a finite set. Sei riuscito a parlare con i dottorandi? ‘Did you manage to talk to the grad students?’ #Gianni no. for approaches that do not posit sentential structure in fragments (à la Valmala 2007) the ordering restriction is unexpected. like simpler fragments (Brunetti 2004). L. c. ‘Not to Gianni. Che i ragazzi vogliano lasciare la scuola ti sorprenderebbe? ‘Would that the kids wanted to leave school surprise you?’ b.

(2004) Fragments and ellipsis. Oxford: Oxford University Press. V.) Information Structure in a Cross-linguistic Perspective. (pp.D. Available online at http://linguistics. (pp. In K. G. In L.) Linguistics in the Netherlands 2006. L. (2010) The syntax of focus negation. 117145). Vicente. The Syntax of Nonsententials: Multidisciplinary Perspectives.cms. (pp. Falk (ed. Hinterhölzl (2007) Types of topics in German and Italian. In Y. (2002) Contrast in a contrastive perspective. and R. 40–67. 103 .) Proceedings of the 23rd Israel Association for Theoretical Linguistics Conference. 147-161). Depiante. M. Molnár. Progovac et al. E.huji. Studia Linguistica. 87–116). (eds. Quaderni di Lavoro ASIt 10: 39-61. Krifka. (2007) The syntax of little things. V. Amsterdam / New York: Rodopi. (1999) A Comparative Analysis of Left and Right Dislocation in Cinque. Amsterdam : John Benjamins. (2001) For a structured meaning account of questions and answers (revised version) Available online at http://amor. Schwabe and S. (2000) The Syntax of Deep and Surface Anaphora: A Study of Null Complement Anaphora and Stripping/Bare Argument Ellipsis.pdf Merchant. C. (1990) Types of A’-Dependecies. Cruschina. (2006) Big questions. S.huberlin. Los (eds. Thesis. J. Linguistics and Philosophy 27. Frascarelli. C. M. (2006) Negative short replies in Spanish. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Cecchetto. Meaning and Form. van de Weijer and B. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. M. 661-738. 53. Cambridge (MA): MIT Press.Casielles. In J. 199-211). Hasselgård et al. (2011) Discourse-Related Features and Functionl Projections. University of Connecticut: Ph.) On Information Structure. (pp. Winkler (eds.’In H. small answers.

81 increase in the chance of observing the plural form. such as imageability.e. Imageability ratings from the MRC psycholinguistic database (Wilson.& Rowland. There was a strong effect of imageability on the chance of observing the plural form (p< 0. after accounting for maternal frequency and age of the first occurrence of the singular form. and maternal input frequency of the inflected form. a semantic property of word stems. 2001) in CHILDES (12 children observed over 1 year). 1202 occurred in plural. but not for progressives and third person singular forms. A subsequent analysis using linear mixed models excluded words for which no plural was observed. All nouns that occurred in each child in the uninflected form were used in the analysis (total of 3560 observational units). Imagine that: Imageability affects the acquisition of noun and verb inflections Semantic properties of words. 1997). There is thus both theoretical and empirical motivation for examining the effects of semantic factors on the acquisition of grammatical morphemes. even after accounting for the effects of input frequency and age of stem acquisition.001). Lieven. 1982). & Ellis. 104 . can facilitate the retrieval and recognition of inflected forms in adults (Prado.Filip Smolík Institute of Psychology Academy of Sciences.51 to 1. affect their acquisition (Morrison. it has been suggested that the acquisition of grammatical morphemes is affected by the properties of the open-class morphemes they combine with (cf. Of these nouns. such as imageability or concreteness. Cox proportional hazard regression was used to examine the effects of imageability and other predictors on the acquisition of inflected forms. Bloom. The present study addressed the issues by testing whether imageability. Further predictors were the age of acquisition of the bare stem. 1988) were used (score range from 100 to 700). This analysis also found a significant effect of imageability.cas. The study used longitudinal data from the Manchester corpus (Theakston.psu. the effect of imageability was significant for past tense forms only. Prague. Czech Republic smolik@praha. Pine. recent research shows that semantic properties of words. Merkin. In verbs. & Wootten. and used the age of the first plural occurrence as the dependent variable. Chappell. the effects of semantic factors may also be related to the acquisition of grammatical language elements. However. i. affects the acquisition of inflected forms of these stems. A 100-point increase in imageability was associated with 1. At the same time. 2009).

.. Solid line: 90th percentile on imageability. Wh-questions: Linguistic factors that contribute to the sequence of acquisition. Dotted line: 10th percentile on imageability. J. and to a lesser extent in verbs. 1984). At the same time.. Pinker. Merkin. Overall. Figure 1: Estimated proportion of nouns for which plural has not yet occurred. 105 . because highly imageable words tend to be semantically specific. maternal frequency of plural. S.The study suggests a new perspective on the roleof semantic factors in morphological acquisition.... L. (1982). The effect is present in nouns. Remaining predictors are set to the mean values: uninflected form age of acquisition. Child Development.&Wootten. 1982. Major proposals assumed that the first open class elements that appear in combination with grammatical morphemes are semantically general (cf. 53.1. the study confirms that linguistic elements that are easy to process semantically play a special role in grammatical development.. the results show that semantic properties of stems affect grammatical development. Bloom et al. 1084–1092.24 months. References Bloom. The present results suggest the opposite.

D. Behavioural Research Methods. Gleitman. The Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology A: Human Experimental Psychology . (1984).M. Gerken. Prague. gender and number. 2009). 2007). T. Filip Smolík Institute of Psychology Academy of Sciences. Wilson. (2001).. C. A. This raises the question of whether children in these languages use the information encoded in affixes in a similar manner to children who acquire languages with articles.. 1969. Swingley. Johnson. but it is not known in detail when they begin to use different aspects of grammatical information encoded in these words. The use of gender information in lexical processing in Czech 23-montholds: an eyetracking study Adults use the information from determiners to guide the interpretation of content words (e. Theakston. E. g. Tanenhaus & Magnuson. C. McIntosh. 50A. & Rowland. Pine. 127–152. 6–11. The existing research used articles as the elements introducing gender.: Harvard University Press. compared to words presented after gender-mismatched articles. Instruments and Computers. The role of performance limitations in the acquisition of verb-argument structure: an alternative account. Shi. (1997).M.V.F. Lew-Williams & Fernald. Mass. g. Spanish and French children identify words faster if they are preceded by articles in the appropriate gender form. g. M. 20. Czech Republic smolik@praha.M. Recently. Journal of Child Language. 2000). Related is the question of whether children show early sensitivity to gender if the affixes encode a complex set of grammatical categories such as case. (1988). Chappell. & Ellis. 528–559. A..Morrison. The MRC psycholinguistic database: Machine readable dictionary.Age of acquisition norms for a large set of object names and their relation to adult estimates and other variables.L. J. Cambridge. but use bound affixes on pronouns or adjectives that precede nouns..cas. it was demonstrated that children learning gender-marking languages use the gender form of articles to constrain the processing of subsequent nouns (e.W. Shipley. S. Pinker. 28. Language learnability and language development. Some languages do not mark gender using the free articles. Such effects were demonstrated as early as 25 months in French-learning children (van Heugten. version 2. 1993). Lieven. To address this question.psu. 106 . Children are sensitive to the presence of function words soon in the development (e.. 2005. The available research shows that Dutch. Dahan.

the effect of gender match was not strong. Suchmasc bigmasc ball / *suchfem *bigfem ballmasc Gaze direction in children was followed using a desktop-mount eyetracker. Both the pronoun and the adjective included a suffix that had to agree with the subsequent noun in gender.6 0. The name was introduced by a three-syllable demonstrative pronoun and a three-syllable adjective.4 0. Thirty-three children from 21 to 24 months of age participated in the experiment. number and case. when children were split according to an offline test of grammatical comprehension.8 Prop.5 1. High-grammar group Match Mismatch Low-grammar group Match Mismatch Prop. In a half of the trials.5 0. in the other half. Takový velký míč / *taková *velká míč.0 2.5 1. testing the slope of the increase in looks towards the referent picture after the onset of the stimulus noun. case and number. and heard the name of one of the pictures in each pair. the gender of the demonstrative and adjective matched that of the noun.0 2.0 0. The age of the children suggests that sensitivity to gender agreement emerges before 2 years of age for some but not all children. looks towards target 0.0 1. 107 . The data were evaluated using mixed logistic models with polynomials of time as the predictor.6 0.5 2. but also to the gender properties of bound suffix inflections. The results suggest that children are sensitive not only to gender in articles. This happens even in a language with a complex system of affixes that encodes for gender. it was inappropriate. Overall.the present experiment examined the effects of gender-marking suffixes on noun identification in Czech.0 0. Children saw four pairs of pictures. and away from the stimuli. looks towards target 0.5 2.2 0. towards the distractor.2 0. The proportion is the proportion of looks towards target over the total of looks towards target.8 0.0 1. the high-performing group showed faster increase in fixations to the target noun when the pronoun and adjective had the appropriate gender suffix.5 Time from noun onset Time from noun onset Figure 1: Proportions of looks towards the target noun in the gender-match and gender-mismatch condition. However.4 0.

(2000). A study in the acquisition of language. & S. (2007). Proceedings of the 29th annual Boston University Conference on Language Development (Vol. J. M. 419-425. Developmental Psychology. pp. & Word order and information structure in a case-marked language: lexically advanced Czech 3-year-olds comprehend OVS sentences It was proposed that children’s comprehension of transitive sentences is initially mediated through verb-specific patterns.. In A. 320–330). L. B.cas. children first learn for each transitive verb whether the agent is represented sentence-initially or sentence-finally. 193–198. but OVS sentences are possible.psu. however. Smith. According to this approach..References Dahan. R. Brugos. for instance..1992). bblahova@praha. E.R. subject-verb-object (SVO) is the dominant word order. Journal of Memory and Language.). Developmental Science. & Shi. 45. French-learning toddlers use gender information on determiners during word recognition. 18. D. 12. they would have to represent for each verb-noun combination separately which morphological form codes for the agent/subject and which for the patient/object. E. D..cas. In Czech or German.g. Psychological Science. this approach is problematic for the acquisition of languages with case marking and variable word order. 322–342. If children show early comprehension of the transitive sentences based on case morphology. & McIntosh. 108 . Shipley. M.Tomasello & Olguin. (2005). & Magnuson. Swingley. Gerken. Prague. Otherwise.. The interplay of function morphemes and prosody in early language. & Fernald. Ha (Eds. L.S. Filip Smolíka and Veronika Bláhováb Institute of Psychology Academy of Sciences.psu. A. Language. M. even though pragmatically marked. and only later abstract a general rule.A. 42. This “doubly item-specific” representation. they must possess some knowledge that goes beyond verb-specific patterns. Sommerville MA: Cascadilla Press. Johnson.. 465–480.. However. C. Lew-Williams.g. Van Heugten.K. would be in conflict with existing evidence that children can freely substitute nouns in their very early productions (e. i. that the order of agent and patient roles is represented separately for each verb (e. e.K. Czech Republic asmolik@praha. 29. C. 1993). Young children learning Spanish make rapid use of grammatical gender in spoken word recognition. 1. Clark-Cotton.Tomasello. 448–457. Tanenhaus. (2009). Linguistic gender and spoken word recognition in French. Grammatical gender and early word recognition in Dutch. (1969).cz. (1993).

It is possible that children’s initial comprehension is affected by information structure more than by the agent/patient status of nouns. 1). but that the development continues to extend to noncanonical sentences. Figure 1: Numbers of correct responses in each combination of conditions separately for children with higher and lower vocabulary scores. 109 . Information structure was manipulated so that each sentence was preceded by context that introduced the sentence-initial or the sentence-final noun as given.9 to 4. Information structure is not major a factor in early comprehension. and the new information towards the sentence end.6) showed above-chance performance only in SVO sentences. Children were also presented a receptive vocabulary task. Most languages express the old information sentence-initially. The study examined 107 children acquiring Czech (aged 2. The study thus provides evidence that Czech children have some lexically independent knowledge of the rules for agent/patient interpretation by 3 years of age. and no effect of information structure in either group (cf. Logistic mixed model analysis found significantly better performance in SVO than in OVS sentences in both groups. and the 3-year-olds with high lexicon also understand noncanonical OVS sentences. Lower-vocabulary children (mean age 3. the performance was above chance even in OVS sentences.The word order in transitive sentences may also be affected by information structure. The present study examined the effects of word order and information structure on the comprehension of transitive sentences with case-marked nouns in Czech children. Half of the sentences had SVO and half had the OVS word order.5). they were asked to point to the referent picture. The results show that Czech 3-year-olds understand transitive SVO setnences on the basis of case forms. Fig. Results were evaluated separately in children with lower and higher receptive vocabulary. Children heard 12 sentences and saw two pictures with the same participants performing the same action but in the opposite roles. with the presentation counterbalanced so that each sentence appeared as SVO and OVS for a half of the children. In the high-vocabulary group (mean age 3.10).

Tomasello, M. (1992). First verbs. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Tomasello, M., & Olguin, R. (1993). Twenty-three-month-old children have a grammatical category of noun. Cognitive Development, 8, 451–464.

Branimir Stanković
University of Nish, Serbia

Arguments for DP-Analyses of Serbo-Croatian Nominal Expressions
Two different approaches towards the interpretation of nominal expressions in SerboCroatian (SC), a language without articles, are offered in linguistic literature, one of which postulates a Determiner Phrase (DP) (Progovac 1998, Leko 1999, Aljović 2002, Caruso 2011), in which SC demonstratives / anaphoric pronouns occupy DP, while the other argues for a bare nominal phrase (NP). The latter type of analyses draws support from morphological and syntactic similarities between Serbian demonstratives / anaphoric pronouns and adjectives (Zlatić 1998), typological differences between SC and languages with articles (Bosković 2008) and types of mistakes made by SC natives when in the L2 acquisition of English (Trenkić 2004). This paper offers empirical arguments in favor of the (phonologically null) DP-analyses. Firstly, SC spatial, temporal and possessive adjectives (STPA) in post-cardinal position are ambiguous between the specific and the non-specific reading, (1), whereas STPAs in pre-cardinal position have the specific reading only, (2):
1) Pet sutrašnjih / njihovih prezentacija (ambiguous) five tomorrow’s.GenPl / their.GenPl presentations. GenPl ‘Five of tomorrow’s / their presentations will be canceled’ ‘Tomorrow’s / Their five presentations will be canceled’ se Refl otkazuje. cancel.Pres3Sg

2) Sutrašnjih / Njihovih pet prezentacija se otkazuje. (specific) tomorrow’s.GenPl / their.GenPl five presentations.GenPl Refl cancel.Pres3Sg ‘Tomorrow’s / Their five presentations will be canceled’


We argue that the specific reading in (2) is obtained by the movement of the adjective to the Spec of DP:
3) [DP [sutrašnjihi/njihovihi] [D’ [CardP [Card’ [pet] [AP [A’ [ti] [NP [N’ [prezentacija]]]]]]]]].

On the other hand, the bare NP analyses doesn’t offer a satisfactory explanation for this phenomenon. Further, some discourse-linked (D-linked) adjectives, like ordinal numbers/adjectives (ONA) and adjectives like isti (the same) or pomenuti/navedeni (the mentioned), always precede the noun, (4), whereas the reverse order is ungrammatical, (5):
4) drugi / naredni / second.NomSg next.NomSg ‘the second / next / same meeting’ 5) * sastanak meeting.NomSg drugi / second.NomSg isti same.NomSg sastanak meeting.NomSg

naredni / next.NomSg

isti same.NomSg

In our analyses, ONAs and adjectives like isti and pomenuti/navedeni occupy the Spec of DP: [DP [drugi/naredni/isti] [D’ [NP [N’ sastanak]]]]. This interpretation predicts that the word order in (5) will be ungrammatical, uniformly with the ungrammaticality of *meeting the in English. Once again, the bare NP analyses lacks for adequate explanation of (5). Finally, Bošković 2008 states that left-branch extractions (LB), (6), and adjunct extractions (AE), (7), are allowed only in languages without articles:
6) Skupai / tai je vidio [ti kola]. Expensive / that is see car ‘He saw an/the expensive / that car’ Iz kojeg gradai je Ivan From which city is Ivan ‘Ivan met girls from which city?’ sreo met [djevojke ti]? girls


Nevertheless, we point out that some D-linked adjectives, like a STPA, or isti (the same) and pomenuti/navedeni (the mentioned), cannot be extracted from the rest of the nominal expression, (8): 8) *Pomenutai / *Prošlogodišnjai je kupio [ti skupa kola]. Mentioned / Last year’s is bought expensive car ‘He bought the mentioned / last year’s expensive car’


Similarly, adjuncts can’t be extracted from a nominal expression when any of these D-linked adjectives is present: 9) *Iz kojeg gradai je Ivan upoznao [ pomenute / Markove kolege ti]? From which city is Ivan met mentioned Marko’s colleagues ‘Ivan met the mentioned / Marko’s colleagues from which city’

We argue that the D-linked adjectives in (8) and (9) (pomenute, Markove) occupy the Spec of the DP, which disallows LBE and AE, similarly to languages with articles. On the basis of all the presented data and analyses, it is concluded that SC nominal expressions project a phonologically null DP, which can be occupied by Dlinked elements, thus obtaining a specific reading, (2), more restricted word order, (5), and disallowing LB and AE, (8) and (9). References:
Aljović, N. (2002). Long Adjectival Inflection in Serbo-Croatian. Recherches Linguistiques de Vincennes 31: 27-42. Bosković, Z. (2008). What will you have, DP or NP?. Proceedings of NELS 37, 101-114. Caruso, D. Z. (2011). In Support of DP-Analyses of Nominal Phrases in Croatian. 9th European Conference on Formal Description of Slavic Languages. University of Göttingen, December 7-9, 2011. Leko, N. (1999). Functional categories and the structure of the DP in Bosnian. In: DimitrovaVulchanova, M., Hellan, L. (Eds.) „Topics in South Slavic Syntax and Semantics“. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 229–252. Progovac, Lj. (1998). Determiner phrase in a language without determiners. Journal of Linguistics 34: 165-179. Trenkić, D. (2004). Definiteness in Serbian/Croatian/Bosnian and some implications for the general structure of the nominal phrase. Lingua 114: 1401-1427. Zlatić, L. (1998). Slavic Noun Phrases are NPs not DPs. Workshop on Comparative Slavic Morphosyntax, Bloomington, Indiana.


(1985). Biber et al. including that of Quirk et al. falling under the broad category of parentheticals. Central to the analysis will be the inventory of clauses used by the trial participants as well as their pragmatic interpretation. in the paper various views on the notion of comment will be presented. specified in the lexicon. further. Inna Tolskaya CASTL. More specifically. Norway inna. comment clauses or clausal pragmatic markers (Brinton. the study will focus on various realisations of comment clauses in courtroom discourse based on the transcripts of a high profile libel case. taking into account contextual grounding.and you-oriented comment clauses and their pragmatic functions. Yet. Then the conceptual meaning combines with the structural meaning component.tolskaya@uit. an attempt will be made to find linkage between the most frequent I. the study will show that comment clauses can be approached as a discourse (performance) phenomenon and. pragmatic markers of a clausal nature seem to have received less attention. 113 . 2008) might be of interest not only to syntactic theorists. Consequently.Magdalena Szczyrbak Jagiellonian University. Polysemy of verbal prefixes in Russian: conceptual structure versus syntax I address the problem of widespread polysemy of Russian verbal prefixes and argue that different uses of a single prefix share a core meaning. Therefore.k. especially in the context of specialist discourse.szczyrbak@uj. that their examination in the context of courtroom interaction may provide insights into how pragmatic meanings are created in institutional settings. (1999) and Huddleston and Pullum (2002). Poland Syntax may combine the prefix with the verb in a variety of configurations. which is a function of the syntactic position of the prefix and its structural relation with the verbal arguments. but also discourse Pragmatic aspects of comment clauses in judicial discourse While discourse markers have been addressed in numerous scholarly publications. Tromsø University.

2008). which results in deviations from the pattern (table 2). state. or activity. is possible for pro.g. When the rheme contains conflated material. compatible with either directional or scalar rheme (c. if the verb lexicalizes a scale of change. incompatible with result. spatial or a change of state. The meaning variation is determined by the inner structure of the verb. a spatial configuration.refers to entering a certain location. or activity. if it is a manner verb. The lexical/superlexical distinction (Isačenko (1960). and the prefix is superlexical and refers to temporal dimension. and thus are incompatible with scale of change configuration with pere. The conceptual meaning of do. scale of change (Rappaport-Hovav. Schoorlemmer (1995)) is crucial. Za. no result projection may be formed. Babko-Malaya (1999).while allow such configuration with other prefixes. E. Romanova (2007). which host the corresponding thematic arguments. Many verbs are flexible. When a path or a scale is the complement. but no result. The rheme may be path. Svenonius (2004). If the verb is a result verb. the syntactic configuration is determined by the rheme type: if the verb root selects for path. the prefix must be above aspect. depending on the syntactic configuration.refers to the event extending beyond the maximal point on the scale. verb contains initiation and process projections. the configuration is scalar. non-directional Z-path in Romanova (2007)). If neither. the configuration is directional . Ramchand’s ‘first phase syntax’ approach is used. atelic. The scale is provided by the complement selected by the verb. state.introduces an ordering of subevents. or conflated material (e. I suggest that the prefixes are range assigners in terms of Borer (2005). pro. where direct object itself provides the scale. while ot. The prefix ‘za-’ is only compatible with bounded location and this requirement results 114 .I adopt a ‘neo-constructivist’ viewpoint where the meaning rests partly on what is brought from the lexicon and partly on the syntactic structure (cf.involves covering an interval on a scale. where the lexical prefixes are located in the res (result) projection. and can be temporal. process and result the reverse transition. pere. ‘exceed’ meaning of pere. attaching between the head and its complement and establishing a mapping relationship between the event and its complement (rheme).is only compatible with scales that extend beyond the goal point (such as ‘warm’ ) and allow ‘overdo’ interpretation. Table (1) illustrates how the conceptual prefix meaning combines with the structure. ‘load the hay’ / ‘load the wagon’ alternation). Borer (2005) and Ramchand (2008)). For lower prefixes. where the figure is the external argument traveling along the path/scale specified by the internal argument.g. An unprefixed. Creation or cleanliness scales stop at the goal. out of a place. while the superlexical prefixes are above aspect. where a verb may contain initiation. the prefix is in res. a result phrase may be formed.and pere-. which then interacts with the maximality operator.f.

theme) pere-goroditj block III. wash dirt removal change of state change of state directional change of state directional 115 . on the other hand. which results in a clear correlation of the semantic distinctions with the syntactic properties. (1) Meaning differences correlate with structural differences: pere‘exceeding’ I. drink alternating figure/ground creation redo directional distributive a change of state configuration with alternating roots. posits stricter requirements on the state out of which the transition happens (which is generally an undesirable state). R(e. R(e. R(e. time) pro‘through’ pro-bežatj run through pro-bitj break through pro-varitj cook through do‘up to’ do-bežatj run up to ot‘off’ (+ –) ot-bežatj run away za‘into’ (– + ) za-bežatj run into pere-tancevatj pro-tancevatj over-dance dance for a time do-varitj complete cooking do-tancevatj complete dancing ot-varitj cook completely ot-tancevatj stop dancing za-varitj brew (tea) za-tancevatj start dancing (2) Meaning predictable from verb structure: pere‘exceeding’ directional change of state superlexical scalar amount spatial pro‘through’ directional change of state superlexical amount lost directional/ spatial directional do‘up to’ directional change of state superlexical scalar amount directional change of state change of state change of state ot‘off’ (+ –) directional change of state superlexical directional directional za‘into’ (– + ) directional change of state superlexical directional change of state change of state change of state path lexicalized scale conflated material consumption eat. norm) pere-varitj over-cook IV. ground) pere-bežatj run across II. R(e. Thus the domain measured by the prefix is determined by syntax. ‘Ot-’. and thus directional configuration turns out preferable.

Častj vtoraja. argument structure and case. and so on. 2008. 1998. 2008. Halliday & Martin. As befits its comparative purpose. Malka. Verb meaning and the lexicon. 2007. Borer. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Tromsø working papers on language and linguistics 32. 13–42. 205–253. 1999.). 1960. a specific purpose. New Brunswick. Theoretical and crosslinguistic approaches to the semantics of Grammar and Pragmatics interrelations. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Olga. Participial passive and aspect in Russian: University of Utrecht dissertation. a given period. In Peter Svenonius (ed. Zero Morphology: A study of aspect. and stylistic preferences in science popularization books for children The study of scientific popularization for children has been enriched. Schoorlemmer.References Babko-Malaya. Each context determines a different corpus of texts with a common set of linguistic options. 2004. Hagit. It assumes a relational concept of style that refers to the correlation between characteristics of language use and a given extralinguistic context . Svenonius. Constructing perfectivity in Russian: University of Tromsø dissertation. Rappaport Hovav. Argentina vallejos@bvconline. Peter. In name only (structuring sense. 2000. Lexicalized meaning and the internal structure of events. morfologija. Nordlyd. Isačenko.a speaker or writer. Romanova. Eugenia. in the last two decades.). The present work consists in a comparative study of the stylistic preferences in popularization books for children written in English. Bratislava: Vydavatelstvo Slovenskej Akadémie vied.2: Special issue on Slavic prefixes. Alexander. Ramchand. Patricia Vallejos Universidad Nacional del Sur. 1995. among them. Gillian. vol. New Jersey: Rutgers dissertation. Tromsø: University of Tromsø. 1993). the research programmes from systemic-functional linguistics on the features of Scientific English in textbooks at primary and secondary schools (Christie & Martin. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Grammatičeskij stroj russkogo jazyka. 2005. Martin & Veel. the study focuses on young readers with different levels of the decoding skills needed to perform the passage from common 116 . Maaike. Slavic prefixes inside and outside VP. In Susan Rothstein (ed. i). an addressee. with a variety of works from different

This work will be complemented with a study of the Interpersonal Rhetoric and the way it operates to produce effects such as arousing the interest of the addressees. G. changing their attitudes towards scientific knowledge. G. P. Leech. Principles of Pragmatics. 1986) that facilitate the readers’ task of making sense of the texts. This contribution is part of a research project called “Aspectos de la textualización de los saberes científicos” and funded by the Universidad Nacional del Sur. (1986 [1983]). 2010). P. Martin. Veel (eds) (1998) Reading Science. the corpus is composed of a series of books designed for children aged from five to twelve and covers different subjects of natural and social sciences. Martin (1993) Writing Science. Vallejos.sense to scientific knowledge. Bahía Blanca. Likewise. (1990 [1981]). El discurso científico pedagógico. On account of this. Palmucci (2012). Recursos de la divulgación científica en la literatura para niños. London. Halliday M. Leech. Continuum. In connection with this interplay. Vallejos & Palmucci. textually “well-behaved” utterances (Leech. London. & J. London. & J. and D. it belongs to a personal research referred to different genres of scientific communication for the Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas (CONICET) (Vallejos.) (2000). Anclajes 15 (2). Semantics.) (2004). 117 . (ed. Genre and Institutions. It analyses the interplay between choices in the grammatical level and the Principles of Textual Rhetoric (PTR) (ibid) that determines the stylistic form of the texts. Routledge. 2012. & D. Vallejos. Aspectos de la textualización del “saber enseñado”. J. London. calling their attention. Construcción verbal y visual del disparate. References Christie. Palmucci. 165-188. the study will describe the ways in which grammatical structures serve as means for the performance of the PTR in the exercise of stylistic choices suitable to communicate young readers the challenging subjects of science in an easier way to understand. Martin (eds. for the purpose of popularizing scientific subjects. Argentina. The aim is to identify different grammatical and rhetorical options as resources out of which the authors construct. 2004. etc. the results of this paper will be contrasted with those pertaining to previous studies carried on in Argentina related to scientific popularization books for children within the same range of ages. F. Finally. London & New York. Vallejos. Falmer. Penguin. Longman. & R. EDIuns.

we will use the construction grammar framework (see Fried and Östman. On Linguistic Structure of Evaluative Meaning This paper is based on the assumption that there is a distinction between descriptive and evaluative meanings of language structures (Hare.g. proposing relevant attributes. (iii) Finally.0 (see Wiebe et al. 2010). meaning and use of evaluative expressions in language. Moreover. words or phrases inherently bearing a positive or negative value. The new AVM contains not only well examined attributes (e.e. 2005) or stance triangle (Du Bois. broadly defined (e. Although there are some relevant linguistic theories dealing with evaluative meaning. e. including information extraction and text categorization (see Liu. In this talk we pursue several goals. the person or entity that expresses or experiences the private state. Whereas descriptive meanings express objective facts (Black Ivory coffee is made from elephant dung. we are not aware of any systematic description of evaluative structures by means of the currently available grammatical formalisms. 2008. evaluative meanings convey attitudes instead (I find Black Ivory coffee disgusting. ‘cat’) but also new attributes assigned especially for evaluation. 1952). Terkourafi. joining the growing body of constructional research concerning the expressions of subjective judgment.e. the source. 2008).). 2004) to describe evaluative sentences and to explore the relationship between structure. appraisal theory (Martin and White. 2009). i. In the present contribution. Czech Republic veselovska@ufal. This classification gained much attention over the past decade again with the rise of Web 2. (i) We will explore and formalize a constructional analysis for common evaluative sentences like I think Gandhi was a great man. A subjective frame bears the form of a common attribute value matrix. the Subjective Construction. we will take into account some further aspects including the intensity of the private state or the type of the attitude expressed (see Wilson. (ii) We will address a new type of construction. Fried and Östman.g. 2009.). Matsumoto.cuni. 2007). 2004) and with the newly-emerged evaluative data obtained from weblogs or social networks which serve as a basis for numerous natural language processing applications. we will point out some commonalities and differences 118 .g.mff. and integrate it with the CxG formalism. the evaluated target.. The core of the study lies in the analysis of: polar elements.Kateřina Veselovská Charles University in Prague.

g. (1952). iii) numerals with the suffix -k. Computational Linguistics 30 (3). Matsumoto. 11-86 Fried. Stancetaking in Discourse. Fine-Grained Subjectivity and Sentiment Analysis. Y.-O. References Du Bois. Amsterdam: Benjamins. Brno. R. In Polish there are several different classes of numerals counting objects: i) basic cardinal numerals (e. 2013). White (2005). dwaj ’two’). "Construction grammar. The Language of Morals. Construction grammar and spoken language: the case of pragmatic particles. M. (2008). M. with the emphasis on grammatical patterning of negation and evaluative idioms. pragmatic and prosodic aspects of a prohobitive construction. B. PhD Dissertation. Don’t go V-ing in Cypriot Greek: semantic. Martin (2004). Constructions and Frames 2(2): 208-241. Östman (2009). Wilson. Learning subjective language. Bruce. Czech Republic marcin. Second Edition.g. and scissors.g. Journal of Pragmatics 37: 1752-1778 Hare. J. Marcel Dekker. Construction Grammar in a Cross-Language Perspective. Östman (2004).wagiel@upol. In Englebretson (ed. T. and J.). and Chierchia..o. "Sentiment Analysis and Subjectivity".). Amsterdam: Benjamis. Olomouc. dwoje ’two’). ii) numerals with the suffix -e (e. Invited Chapter for the Handbook of Natural Language Processing. (2008).between Czech and English evaluative Boys. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. R M. "The Stance Triangle". dwójka ‘(a 119 . Wilson. Oxford: Clarendon Press.. 1998 a. Liu. The Language of Evaluation: Appraisal in English.(e. M. Variations in Japanese honorification – deviations or a change in the making? In J. Inc: New York. girls. and J. (2010).-O.. Leino (ed. (Dočekal. 89104. 130-182. T. and M. In: Fried. J. R.o. M. Constructional reorganization. Terkourafi. Fried. University of Pittsburgh. and P.-O. 1989 a. Martin. (2007). London: Palgrave. Wiebe. Czech Republic Masaryk University. Semantic analysis of the Polish numeral dwoje The issue: It has been shown that Slavic derivationally complex numerals display in their morphology shifting operators postulated in theories of Landman. Intelligent Systems Program. M. (2009). J. A thumbnail sketch".). 2012. and J. Östman (eds. Bell. Marcin Wągiel Palacký University.

but it is the suffix -e that determines that the counted atoms have to be the elements of two different sets being the intersections of the set denoting the type of counted individuals and sets denoting all male or female mature creatures.(e. different suffixes. In this paper. while (8) denotes a set of properties of a group of elements (collective reading) of) two’). iv) numerals with the suffix -ak.) In this analysis (7) denotes a set of properties that a sum of elements has (distributive reading). 2000 a. it is now clear why (5) is awkward – one of the 120 . in (3) the root defines the total number of counted entities. 1989.) and it provides means for a unified analysis of all classes of Polish numerals. Moreover. ↑ – a group-forming operator (Landman. dwojaki ’twosome’). For example.g.∃xy : x ∈ *(STUDENT∩MATURE∩MALE) ∧ y ∈ *(STUDENT∩MATURE∩FEMALE) ∧ |x| > 0 ∧ |y| > 0 ∧ |x⊔y| ≥ 2 ∧ P(x⊔y) (8)〚dwoje studentów〛= λP. specify what exactly is counted. Interestingly. NPs (4) dwaj studenci/dwie studentki denote respectively male/female students only. NPs denoting immature creatures: (2) dwoje dzieci (‘two children’) or with NPs denoting collections (sums or groups) of creatures consisting of both male and female individuals: (3) dwoje studentów (‘two students’). Moreover -e numerals cannot occur within NPs denoting collections of mature individuals of the same gender: (5) #dwoje mężczyzn/kobiet (‘two men/women’). Thus. The proposal: The morphological make-up of -e numerals (e.o. in contrast to basic cardinal numerals. In all classes of Polish numerals it is always the root that determines the cardinality of counted entities. Moreover. while (3) denotes both male and female students. it requires the cardinality of these two intersections to be at least 1: (7)〚dwoje studentów〛= λP. The framework: The framework adopted in this paper is Landman’s theory of plurality (Landman. however. In all cases NPs with the -e numeral can have either distributive or collective interpretation: (6) Dwoje studentów upiekło dwa ciasta (‘Two students baked two cakes’) could mean either that there was a total of 4 cakes baked (distributive reading) or that there were only 2 cakes baked (collective reading). I focus mainly on the numerals with the suffix -e. however. numerals with the suffix -e show some significant constraints in their distribution – they can combine only with pluralia tantum: (1) dwoje nożyczek (‘two pairs of scissors’). Building on Landman’s theory I present a semantic analysis that explains their limited distribution that is complementary to basic cardinal numerals and allows for formal interpretation of both distributive and collective reading. dw-oj-e) is the following one: root-non_cardinal_stem-derivational_suffix.∃xy : x ∈ *(STUDENT∩MATURE∩MALE) ∧ y ∈ *(STUDENT∩MATURE∩FEMALE) ∧ |x| > 0 ∧ |y| > 0 ∧ |x⊔y| ≥ 2 ∧ P(↑(x⊔y)) ⊔ – a typical join or sum operator. 1989 a.

(1989). groups and kinds in Czech. Events and plurality: The Jerusalem lectures. 109-126. Some extensions of a Montague fragment of English. 339-405. (1983). On Analyticity in Natural Languages. The logical analysis of plurals and mass terms: A lattice-theoretical approach. von Stechow (eds. use and the interpretation of language. D. (1998). M. Ch. (2012). Journal of Semantics 9. Walter de Gruyter. F. Pluralities. 69-93. G. MIT. Dočekal. R. University of California Los Angeles. Meaning. Schwarze & A. Formal Description of Slavic Languages: The Ninth Conference. Bennet. What do we count with numerals? Semantic analysis of Czech group-denoting and kind-denoting NPs. 2002). G. Peter Lang. Reference to kinds across languages. Group terms in English: representing groups as atoms. References Barker. In R. Ch. Lappin (ed. Schwarzschild. 297-322. (2013).). Manuscript. Fehrmann. Landman. & H. Plurality. M.). so the requirement that the cardinality of both intersections has to be at least 1 cannot be fulfilled. Dissertation. In U. D. Springer. Dočekal.intersections is an empty set.). (2002). 121 . PhD. F. 87-105. Kluwer Academic Publishers. J. The handbook of contemporary semantic theory. This would lead to the tautological truth-conditions of the whole sentences (the predicate P in the formulas would be applied to the empty set which would always result in the truth value True) that can be linked with ungrammaticality (Gajewski. 559-605. Landman. (1974). Pitsch (eds. M. Groups I. Gajewski. Junghanns. (1997). Link. Bäurle. Proceedings of FDSL 9. Lenertová. Natural language semantics 6. Acta liguistica Hungarica: an international journal of linguistics 59. Linguistics and Philosophy 12. Atoms. Chierchia. In Sh. 303-323. Göttingen 2011. (1992). (1996). Landman. (2000). F. Backwell Publishing.

[Melis 1990: 27] / Die Tür öffnet *(sich). [Internet] / Das Schiff ist (*hat sich) gesunken. A case at hand is decausativization (cf. (1) The door opens. it 122 . while in German. for a recent overview). (4). / Le bateau s’est enfoncé. This is more or the less the research program followed within generative grammar e. there are remarkable differences in the form of certain linguistic structures denoting more or less the same state of affairs in the world. Within the European structuralist tradition. 2009. at least in the passé composé. / La branche s’est cassée (a cassé). German and French as a test case for formal and functional grammars Even in genetically closely related languages as English. Schäfer. For On cross-linguistic predictability of functionally equivalent linguistic structures: Decausativization in English. German and French. while the contexts in (2) and (3) disallow for a reflexive in German. To make matters worse.Roland Wagner Masaryk University. / La porte s’ouvre. Czech Republic wagner@ped. by Kayne (2000). [Ruwet 1972: 130] / Der Ast ist (*hat sich) gebrochen. a reflexive in a similar construction is strictly excluded: (4) [. [Geniušienė 1987: 204] It is tempting to search for general rules which would predict the structural differences and similarities surfacing in examples as (1) – (4).muni.. who tries to derive differences between very closely related dialects from differences in parametrical settings.] the point [of the spear] passed the Egyptian’s head and broke itself against a stone wall. we find instances of reflexive marking paralleling (2) in French even in English. especially the presence or absence of the reflexive. (1) – (3) show that while the English examples consistently lack formal marking on the inchoative verb. the reflexive is facultative in (2) but obligatory in (3). by referring to linguistic universals in conjunction with certain specific properties of the languages involved. (2) The branch broke. on the other hand. g. (3) The boat sunk.. the French and German equivalents behave in each case differently: (1) shows obligatory reflexive marking both in French and German.

The aim is to verify.has been claimed (e. (= Empirical Approaches to Language Typology 2). Explorations of the Syntax – Lexicon Interface. 2010). More on the typology of inchoative/causative verb alternations. M. Chierchia. Oxford. New York: Oxford University Press.): Causatives and transitivity. Anagnostopoulou. Geniušienė. (2004). (2000). M. (eds): Antwerp Papers in Linguistics 107. (eds. 87-120. Haspelmath. 1-33. on the other hand. 5-25.: Oxford University Press.. 2010). A. (1993). 1990) that the only way to map structures of one language onto structures of another language is via conceptual representations. Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Everaert. K. Barrie & Frigeni. no cross-linguistic predictions whatsoever can be formulated. Oxford. (2008). Amsterdam: Mouton de Gruyter. In: Comrie. Barrie. R. A frequentist explanation of some universals of reflexive marking. 123 .g. M. Even though no precise predictions concerning concrete cases of decausativization can be formulated within such frameworks either. M. 2008. Haspelmath. In both cases. “Functionalist” approaches. Haspelmath. 1969. References Aboiu. (eds. (1987). New York. In: Coene. & Polinsky. Chierchia. Siemund. Se and the Unaccusative–Unergative Paradox. & Everaert. The findings will be that the reviewed generative studies either are based on extremely abstract structures which grossly overgenerate concrete language structures (e. Aboiu. Heger. M. Amsterdam. Labelle & Doron. 22-59.. A Semantics for Unaccusatives and its Syntactic Consequences. which may not have led to consistent patterns in a given language. (2004). 109-139. Everaert. 2005.). 1986. E.g. G.g. Antwerp: Universiteit Antwerp. Y. B. rely on scalar concepts without sharp boundaries (Nedjalkov. M. M. Berlin. (1990). Kayne. Reinhart & Siloni. Noema kak tertium comparationis pri sravnenii jazykov. Parameters and Universals. & D’Hulst.. commonly termed tertium comparationis. Voprosy jazykoznanija 39 (1). C. New York etc. 2004). or make reference to arbitrary lexical features which cannot be predicted from other properties of the languages under scrutiny (e. In the presentation. The Typology of Reflexives. E. Utrecht: Rijksuniversiteit. G. Cognitive Linguistics 19 (1). 2000. G. In: Alexiadou. (1986). if we fare better on a “universals and parameters” approach in the style of generative grammar or if a functional grammar style analysis referring to conceptual structures and markedness-conditions is needed. 2004. 1993. The Unaccusativity Puzzle. de Cuyper. Nedjalkov 2011) or grammaticalization paths (König & Siemund. they at least allow statistically relevant prognoses. Heger. I will review several more or less resent studies on decausativization in order to determine if they facilitate cross-linguistic predictions concerning the appearance of a reflexive in a target language structure. & Frigeni. The syntax of reflexivization.

V. Labelle. V. T. (2009). 389-436. (1990). Grammaticalization.): Reflexives. who has limited memory capacity and productive skills (Tomasello 2003). Marie. the child. Edit Doron. The Lexicon-Syntax Parameter: Reflexivization and Other Arity Operations. Paris: Le Seuil. Reinhart. Nedjalkov. & Siemund. (1969). The Causative Alternation. F. 41-74. Schäfer. 303-316. lexicalization and intensification: English itself as a marker of middle situation types.König. Anticausative derivations (and other valency alternations) in French. Linguistics 48 (4). I. 2010. This intitial pragmatically reduced complexity of the child’s utterances reveals core structures worth investigating since they can be conceived as layers of the adult speaker’s grammatical system full of highly complex and nearly intangible interrelations. (1972). Hungary wekatal@gmail. In my presentation I am going to prove the above mentioned finding with corpus-driven data from the Hungarian language acquisition process. Théorie syntaxique et syntaxe français. (ed. La systématique des tours pronominaux en français moderne. 106114. 111-131. (2010). 3 (2). Voprosy jazykoznanija 60 (2). In the synchronic view of the two Hungarian conjugations (which do not base on the phonological character of the verb stem as in most Indo-European languages but have functions to refer either to indefinite objects or to definite objects) the distribution of indefinte and definite objects seems to be illogical: first and second person objects (the most salient 124 . Forms and functions. T. Linguistic Inquiry 36 (3). (2011). Siemund. Katalin Weber University of Pécs. L. Z. In: Frajzyngier. F. Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Language and Linguistics Compass. 797-835. La voie pronominale. N. Language acquisition as a vantage point The contextual setting of language acquisition is fundamental in studying grammatical structures of all languages. Nedjalkov. & Siloni. S. (eds. Amsterdam. (2005). (2000). Melis. In: Varduľ. Intensifiers and reflexives: A typological perspective. Moskva: Nauka. T. Ruwet. I. Nekatorye verojatnostnye universalii v glagoľnom slovoobrazovanii. Paris: Editions Duculot. P. & Curl. Probus 22 (2). 641-681. P.): Jazykovye universalii i lingvističeskaja tipologija. E. It entails a verbally experienced interlocutor (mother or caretaker) and an unexperienced interlocutor. Ob otce-lingviste i učitele.

251– 299. Stanford University Press. Third person objects (him/her. Christopher 1999: Definiteness.−Thal.) 1995: The handbook of child language. Sherwood.–Thompson. 96−151. Cambridge University Press. Osiris Kiadó. In Fletcher. A kognitív tudomány fejlődéselméleti megközelítése. 1069−1155. Osiris Kiadó. MacWhinney. Langacker. Budapest.1987: Foundations of Cognitive Grammar I. P. D. Langacker.) 1996: Kognitív tudomány. Annette. Sandra A. reflexive pronouns and the Vousform) accordingly belong to the definite conjugation as a result the following questions (only to choose a few) may arise: why the speech participants as objects are taken indefinite in the synchronic view? Why third person Vous-form (entailing distance. Oxford. A kognitív tudomány fejlődéselméleti megközelítése. Annette. In Pléh Csaba (eds. Ronald W. 1996: Túl a modularitáson. Brian 1985: Hungarian Language Acquisition as an Exemplification of a General Model of Grammatical Development. 254− 281. Peter 2000. Karmiloff-Smith. Anu Nurk. politeness and respect to denote the interlocutor other than the speaker) is thus viewed as definite compared to the more familiar (indefinite) Tu-form? My presentation is aimed at demonstrating that the basic functions that the Hungarian conjugations grammaticalized is not agreement with object-definiteness as seen synchronically but rather a common view of the world’s entities shared by the interlocutors: a vehicle to profile certain entities (objects) in the foreground of the common understanding of a situation (Hopper−Thompson 1985). In Pléh Csaba (eds.and graspable speech participants) belong to the first. E.) 1985: Cross-linguistic studies of language acquisition. Stanford University Press. Dan I. Ronald W. (eds. Hillsdale New Jersey. Stanford. Stanford.) 1996: Kognitív tudomány. 254− 281. Karmiloff-Smith. No. 125 . References: Bates. 1996: Túl a modularitáson. Paul− MacWhinney.−Dale. 1995: Individual differences and their implications for theories of language development. Trükk OU PAAR. Transitivity in Grammar. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates Publishers.) 1996: Kognitív tudomány. A kognitív tudomány fejlődéselméleti megközelítése. 1996: Túl a modularitáson. Blackwell. 1980. 254− 281. In Slobin. Paul J. Karmiloff-Smith. Lyons. 56. Hopper. 1991: Foundations of Cognitive Grammar II. In Pléh Csaba (eds. Brian (eds. Annette. Seilenthal. Budapest. In T. them. Tartu. London. Language. Definiteness in the Ugrian Languages. Vol. 185−187. Cambridge. the indefinite conjugation (Lyons 1999). Budapest.) 2000: Congressus Nonus Internationalis Fenno-Ugristarum Pars VI Dissertationes sectionum Linguistica III. Osiris Kiadó. Triinu Palo (szerk. 2.

Traditionally described as a demonstrative pronoun. A Usage-Based Theory of Language Acquisition. Humboldt Universität zu Berlin. Letöltés: 2011. 09. possibly the) is to be given special attention.machac@ff. Magdalena Zíkováa and Pavel Machačb Charles University in Prague. et Variability in phonetic realization of the demonstrative ten in terms of its informational relevance in the sentence Functional words are commonly reduced in spontaneous speech. New York.cuni. Czech Republic amagdalena. Harvard University Press. 12. bpavel. London.cuni. 171–188. Publishers. Wéber. and still we can understand − Working papers 85. London. Slobin. Berlin– Budapest. it is deprived of the ability to convey deictic meaning and it is mainly used textually [2].zikova@ff. http://www. Formally. Katalin 2010: How to translate what is not? Berliner Beiträge zur Hungarologie 15. 19952: Linguistic categorization: Prototypes in linguistic theory. Hillsdale. Moreover.) 1985: The Cross-linguistic Study of Language Acquisition. often in a rather drastic C. Oxford University Press. 4]. Cambridge. Zíková & Skarnitzl. New Jersey. some of its aspects imply that considering it a definite article might be a reasonable option as well: it is widely used in contexts where typical demonstratives are not. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Reduced forms of functional words are thus a very valuable source of knowledge both about speech variation and language development (frequently used words generally become shorter and phonetically “less salient” in time [1]). Dan I. John R. some reduced variants do not resemble their full forms but in a single vowel.lucs. the pronoun ten (this/that. from the history of languages which possess articles we know that definite articles mostly derive from adnominal demonstratives. Taylor. Tomasello. Moreover. I−II. Among functional words in Czech. particularly because of its ambiguous word-class status. Chris 2001: The Epigenesis of Symbolization. Mass. 2010 [5] analyzed some of the prosodic aspects of ten and found a correlation between the degree of prosodic salience (expressed mainly as a 126 . this development is almost regularly accompanied by the reduction in phonetic material and the lost of the potential to bear stress [3. Clarendon Press. (ed. Michael 2003: Constructing a Language. (eds): Proceedings of the First International Workshop on Epigenetic Robotics.

& Skarnitzl.). 29-33. perceptually and acoustically based phonetic features [6] which might but need not be present in the realization of the given segment (e. These findings actually correspond to our knowledge about contextual origins of definite articles – at least in some languages they are claimed to occur in thematic position first [3]. Redukční procesy v řeči z hlediska fonetických rysů. P.) of the word ten in formal semi-spontaneous dialogues. [3] Lyons. Přívlastkové ten.muni. focusing on segmental reduction (segment weakening. M. In: R. Czech Republic zikova@phil. [2] Mathesius. pp. Naše řeč. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Co. pp. H. & Traugott. 39-41. In: Studie k Moderní mluvnici češtiny. Vích (Ed. & Zíková. segment elision etc. E. Definiteness. Templatic activity in Czech. 20th Czech-German Workshop . 10. 2003) and 127 . V. (2003). [tɛ̃] or [t ̞ɛn] instead of canonical pronunciation [tɛn]). [6] Machač. Brno. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Speech Processing. (1999). (2010): Prosodic Aspects of the Czech Demonstrative Pronoun "Ten". (v tisku). Markéta Ziková Masaryk University. M. Bibliography: [1] Hopper.pitch step from the first syllable of the demonstrative to the first syllable of the subsequent word) and the position of ten in the informational structure of the sentence: the pitch difference was greater when the demonstrative was placed in the rhematic part of the sentence than when it stood in the thematic part of the sentence. has been already identified by Scheer (2001. The present study further develops this line of research.g. [4] Diessel. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Segmental reductions are analyzed by means of articulatorilly. The study aims at presenting a typology of reduced forms of the demonstrative and relating the types and degrees of its reduction to its informational relevance in the sentence. (1999). Demonstratives. (1926). ta. to v hovorové češtině. [5] Zíková. Grammaticalization. P. R. C. Templates in Czech? Evidence from Diminutives The goal of this paper is to show that templates which are traditionally assumed to be a characteristic feature of the Afro-Asiatic languages are active in Czech as well. which controls distribution of vowel length in certain morphosyntactic categories.

I claim that in this case lengthening is controlled by the template which is generally defined as a rigid connection between a certain portion of the morphosyntactic structure and a certain portion of the prosodic structure (McCarthy. but not -iːk is a cyclic affix which means that the phonological structure of ek-diminutives is derived in two cycles: [[base]-ek] vs. I argue that the diminutive template scopes over two syllables at the suffix boundary from which at least one must be heavy. This explains why the suffix -iːk has no impact on the preceding vowel: its long vowel constitutes the heavy syllable. kufiːr-ek (< kufr) Since quantity is distributed freely in Czech and lengthening before the suffix -ek is restricted just to diminutives.e. Vowels followed by clusters with falling sonority (RT) do not lengthen at all (2b). Lengthening of bases ending in consonant clusters. its vowel appears in the light syllable because its final consonant is an onset of the final empty nucleus: /-e. affixes fall in a cyclic and a non-cyclic group (cf. bases whose final clusters are of increasing sonority (TR) do lengthen but differently from bases in (2a): it is not the last vowel of the base that lengthens. In this paper I focus on vowel lengthening in diminutives and argue that it is also of templatic nature. modiːl-ek (< model). 1987). obličej-iːk (< obličej). beraːn-ek (< beran). Kaye 1990). 1979). Halle & Vergnaud.kø/. Masculine diminutives are derived by two suffixes which differ in vowel length: a short -ek and a long -iːk. [base-iːk]. diamant-ek cukiːr-ek (< cukr). the -ek. (2) a. (< hadr). short vowels thus have no reason to lengthen and long vowels could be preserved. In the next. on the other hand. but an epenthetic vowel which is inserted inside the TR (2c). VRT > VRT-ek c.Bethin (2003). depends on their phonotactics. On the contrary. (1a) shows that ek-suffixation is accompanied by lengthening of the preceding vowel. oltaːř-iːk (< oltaːř). koncert-ek. 128 . First. nothing happens phonologically: both VC and VRT are legitimate word final strings in Czech. the suffix -ek differs from the -iːk in two ways. The analysis of the phonological structure of diminutives that I propose is based on two main assumptions: 1. VTR > VTVVR-ek kliːd-ek (< klid). see also Ziková (2009). VC > VVC-ek b. Bases which end in a singleton consonant lengthen rather regularly (2a). šeːf-iːk (< šeːf) Although Czech grammars claim that lengthening in diminutives is unpredictable. 2. By contrast. on the other hand. debiːl-ek (< debil). kliːp-ek (< klep). in fact three phonologically well-defined patterns can be identified. hadiːr-ek. župaːn-ek (< župan) flirt-ek.or VRT-base cycle. In iːk-deminutives. In the VC. bič-iːk (< bič). diminutive cycle. obchuːd-ek (< obchod) b. final consonants are onsets of empty nuclei (cf. Second. neither lengthening nor shortening occurs (1b). (1) a. i.

2003. 1979.]. Formal problems of Semitic phonology and morphology.Re). i. Jean-Roger. Phonology 7: 301–330. McCarthy. i. Tobias.the template is activated which requires at least one heavy syllable. 2002. In W. Kaye. i. Formal Approaches to Slavic Linguistics. 2003. 2001. Browne et al. München: Lincom. In the next cycle the epenthetic vowel then lengthens in order to create a heavy syllable. and Vergnaud.e branching onsets. Morris. (eds. References Bethin.). By contrast.e. John.): Czech in Formal Grammar. Mass. are ungrammatical word-finally. Ann Arbor: Michigan Slavic Publications. Scheer. hence its syllable is heavy: [(VR.e. The short vowel in a VRT-base is followed by a coda. Tobias. The Rhytmic Law in Czech: Vowel-final prefixes. Dočekal (eds. Halle. 237– 250.] > (VV. Mass.TR] > [V.TeR]. Kosta et al. Investigations into Formal Slavic Linguistics.kø] > [(Tiː. This is the reason why VRT-bases never lengthen. 'Coda' licensing.Ce).: MIT Press. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang. the latter process. Scheer. Zybatow et al. 2009. Metrical Quantity in Czech: Evidence From Hypocoristics.kø]. V owel-zero alternations in Czech double diminutives: from the Havlík to the Lower pattern. An Essay on Stress. 1987. In the base cycle of ek-diminutives. In M. Current Issues in Formal Slavic Linguistics. Cambridge. Ziková.Re). Jonathan 1990. Cambridge. Ziková & M. Czech employs two repair strategies to eliminate such final branching onsets: either the final sonorant becomes syllabic or an epenthetic e breaks down the cluster. epenthesis. the vowel thus lengthens in order to meet the heavysyllable restriction: [(V. In G. the syllable of the short vowel in VC-bases is light.).kø]. 97–118.kø. 63–82. The Amherst Meeting. Markéta. In P. 129 .). The key to Czech vowel length: Templates.: MIT Press.Ce). it behaves in the same way as short vowels in VCbases do: [(Te.Te). VTR-bases differ from the previous two types in the fact that TRs. (eds. Christine.kø. (eds. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang. 37–48. is always applied: [V. Finally.

New 130 . and derivation of verbs from proper nouns) as well as new methods. Prague. high expressivity. simplified syntax. started drawing the attention of linguists as well as the wider public in the 1980s. playfulness and originality. exaggeration and semantic intensification.g.baresova@upol. Eble. in order to enhance communication they do not limit themselves to existing language norms and create new expressions that are fresh. Zimmermann. and interesting. 1994–95. and numerous studies indicate that various youth languages share a number of characteristic features (e. Czech Republic aivona.Posters Ivona Barešováa and Halina Zawiszováb aPalacký University in Olomouc. While the particular expressions generally change very quickly. Characterised by rich diversity and rapid development. 1996. 1998a. Young people (at least in modern. the tendency to create short. bCharles University. Barešová – Zawiszová. for example. in English variously referred to as youth language. Therefore.g. Creativity and Innovation in Word Formation by Japanese Youth The language used by young speakers. 1993. such as. substitution of part of a Japanese word or phrase with an English word or morpheme. Yonekawa. These include both innovative uses of traditional word-formation processes (such as blending Japanese and English adjectives of the same meaning. Walter. semantically rich expressions. 2012). young people’s vocabulary has received most careful attention. 1993. and collaborative interaction. Albrecht. 1993). overuse of vague expressions. 1992. Radtke. bZawiszovaH@gmail. 2009. the processes by which they are created are of much longer duration. brisk. Much vocabulary used either in standard language or colloquially by older generations is perceived by younger generations as old-fashioned and inexpressive. new metaphors and meaning shifts (e. clipping adjectives and phrases. postindustrial societies) have been proven to often initiate and propagate language changes. This poster presents several productive word-formation processes typical of contemporary Japanese youth language. Youth language strongly features lexical innovations utilizing word-formation and morphophonological processes. the frequent use of a limited number of favourite evaluative adjectives. and also the creation of neologisms. Androutsopoulos. These include a creative and innovative approach to language. b. teenage talk or adolescent 1998.

. Sobrero. La dimensione internazionale del linguaggio giovanile. A. Tübingen: Gunter Narr. Esistono delle caratteristiche generali del linguaggio giovanile? In Radtke. Zimmermann. C.. Studien zum romanisch-deutschen Sprachvergleich. 25–34. (ed. Yonekawa. A. C. Tübingen: Niemeyer. K. Chapell Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Wakamonogo o kagaku suru. 14 (13). Yonekawa. The data and examples used herein are from the corpus collected in 2011 for the purpose of analysing contemporary Japanese youth language (see Barešová – Zawiszová. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang. La lingua dei giovani. (1998b). (1993). 131 . I. Wakamonogo no sekai 1–14. Il linguaggio giovanile degli anni Novanta. Eble. Tokio: Meijishoin. E.). Olomouc: Univerzita Palackého. Le vocabulaire des jeunes en France. E. Forschungsperspektiven auf Jugendsprache: Ein integrativer Überblick.). A. J. E. G.). Jugendsprache – langue des jeunes – youth language: Soziolinguistische und linguistische Perspektiven. A. Slang & Sociability: In-group Language among College Students. Shingo to wakamono kotoba. 6–7. Bari: Laterza. (ed. Nihongogaku. Scholz. J. Wotjak. Androutsopoulos. K. (2009). méthode d’enquête et d’analyse. Walter. A. References Albrecht. H. 121–130.). Zawiszová (2012). J. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang. La lingua dei giovani. Současná hovorová řeč mladých Japonců.. and their assessment of word lists created on the bases of Japanese youth language dictionaries and secondary literature on the subject. In Androutsopoulos. Deutsche Jugendsprache: Untersuchungen zu ihren Strukturen und Funktionen. (1993). (1998). Nihongogaku 13 (12). The processes will be described in respect to motivations and effects. Yonekawa. 5–44. E. Barešová. Androutsopoulos. In Radtke. K. original and often more expressive words that are generally short but semantically rich. (1996). Radtke. Rome. 28–14 (11). französischen und deutschen jugendsprachlichen Varietäten.expressions often result from a combination of several word-formation processes and a particularly popular expression tends to inspire numerous other expressions based on the same formation method. In Banfi. 49–80. (ed. and H. 2012). G. showing how young Japanese speakers can create fresh. In Rovere. (1994–1995). A. (1992). (1993). K. Einige Gemeinsamkeiten und Differenzen der spanischen. (ed. (1998a). (ed. J. 1–34. The data collection methods included audio recordings of young Japanese speakers’ spontaneous face-to-face conversations. their textual conversational interactions on selected social networking sites and blogs.). Tübingen: Gunter Narr.

Ihre Autoren nutzen dabei verschiedene Prinzipien: am häufigsten spielen sie mit der „Bedeutung“ der Eigennamen und behandeln sie als Appellative. Ausser Personennamen im weitesten Sinne (Pseudonyme.Marek Bohuš Faculty of Education. Da das Phänomen Humor in Eigennamen marginal vorkommt. entspringt das Sprachmaterial einer langzeitigen Lese (Beobachtung. Im Beitrag werden konkrete Beispiele für einzelne Typen von Namenwitz angeführt. The form of this delimitation can range from full glottal stops [ʔ] to various kinds of non-modal phonation (creaky voice.) (Skarnitzl in Palková. Volín (2012) found 132 . oder nutzen wenigstens den Sinn ihrer Vorbilder aus dem Bereich der Appellative (literarische Namen). desinterpretiert (mondegreen.bohus@upol. Czech Republic jakub. Daneben entsteht unbeabsichtigte Komik. Umfragen) und beschränkt sich nicht auf eine Humor in Eigennamen Die Eigennamen als wesentlicher Bestandteil des Wortschatzes werden gelegentlich zum Medium der Komik. Verwechslung) unterliegen solcher sprachlichen Behandlung auch Chrematonyme. can vary significantly in actual speech.a. Czech Republic marek. 2004). Diesem Aspekt der Eigennamen wurde bisher wenig Aufmerksamkeit gewidmet. Kombinationen von Ruf. Markennamen u. soramimi). verballhornt.bortlik@gmail. etc. Jakub Bortlík Palacký University in Olomouc. as an alternative to hiatus and resyllabification. falsch übersetzt. die auf Kompetenzmangel oder sprachliche Fehlleistungen zurückzuführen ist. Palacký University. zumal das „Umschalten“ zwischen zwei Sprachen eine der Quellen komischer Wirkung darstellt. 1997). Die Namen werden verwechselt. durch Interferenz fehlerhaft gebildet.und Familiennamen) und Ortsnamen (Ü Pre-vocalic glottalization vs resyllabification in regional varieties of Czech (work in progress) Word-initial vowels in Czech continuous speech can optionally be delimited from the preceding segment by glottalization (Palková. and its frequency. aperiodicity. Spitznamen.

however. others remain yet to be evaluated. and Ostendorf. Garellek. the research of glottalization phenomena in other languages has presented conflicting results as to the role of gender (see Redi and Shattuck-Hufnagel (2001) for an overview). so that the stimuli have to be carefully adjusted as to produce continuous speech with the opportunity for resyllabification. 2012)). which is considered Moravian dialect (Palková. 1997). and other factors have been found important. Preliminary observations show that certain syntactic constituents (clause boundaries) cause the production of pauses before target vowels. 133 . Speakers from Bohemia have by some been said to glottalize word-initial vowels much more often than speakers from Moravia (e. The impression of higher resyllabification rates in Moravia can possibly be supported by the fact that Moravian speakers of Czech are also said to use voice assimilation patterns different from those of Bohemian and Common Czech speakers. segmental and lexical context (back vowels are more frequent at the beginnings of common Czech words than front vowels (Volín. 1997). which usually leads to automatic insertion of full glottal stops (Palková. most notably phrasal position and prominence (Dilley. the voice onset in vowels after pause is not without interest.g.g. Bělič.that the combined factors of speech style (read vs semi-spontaneous) and gender can produce differences in glottalization rates as big as 41% (male. 2012). 2001).g. and Ostendorf. The voiced production of final obstruents (e. and Żygis 2010). Vachek. 1972) consider the regional differences to be far less significant than the differences caused by speech rate and style.g. One aspect. Hála. The present research examines the differences in the rates and temporal characteristics of glottalization vs resyllabification in the speech of Bohemian and Moravian speakers. as opposed to the potential resyllabification of a voiceless final obstruent in Bohemian Czech (e. however. unprepared dialogue) vs 97% (female. Some of these factors have also been examined for Czech (e. speech rate (Pompino-Marschall. the insertion of glottal stops in front of these vowels has been observed to be far from automatic (e. 1996. has often been assumed to play a significant role in the frequency of glottalization in Czech. since for other languages. However. segmental context (preceding segment and target vowel). 1996)). and word frequency (Umeda 1978). only 64% of word-initial vowels were glottalized after pause in English (Dilley. 1968). However. 2012). Shattuck-Hufnagel. pět oken [pjɛt ‿ ɔkɛn]). Volín. namely the speech style (read speech). could be more easily recognized as not glottalized. 1962. Pavelková. and strength of phrasal boundary. and that is the aspect of dialect (cf.g. without actually being experimentally tested. others (e. while controlling some of the factors mentioned above. Shattuck-Hufnagel.g. read speech). even though the actual rate of glottalization might be the same. pět oken [pjɛd ‿ ɔkɛn]).

S. Hála. Ż Developing a longitudinal corpus of learners’ native and non-native speech The aim of this poster is to describe the initial stages of developing a longitudinal bilingual corpus of learners’ native and non-native speech. (2012). (2001). M. (1995). Czech Republic aKatyes@seznam. Palková. I. Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 64 (1). et al. Stabilizace některých termínů pro fonetický popis češtiny v závislosti na nových výsledcích výzkumu. Garellek. Occurrence of Glottal Stops in Fluent Speech. Jak se v Čechách “rázuje”. Volín. Nástin české dialektologie. which makes it possible to adjust the data elicitation to the research question. Glottal stops before word-initial vowels in American English: distribution and acoustic characteristics. 51–54. Pompino-Marschall. However. Shattuck-Hufnagel. Umeda. (1962). Duběda (ed. Vachek. J.. and M. K tzv. Praha: Československá akademie věd. Pavelková. Česká výslovnostní norma. (1968).podlipsky@upol. Uvedení do fonetiky češtiny na obecně fonetickém základě. Dynamika fonologického systému současné spisovné češtiny. Praha: SPN. 88–94. Sborník z Konference česko-slovenské pobočky ISPhS 2004. Praha: Scientia. Praha: Karolinum. J. 78–83. J. UCLA Working Papers in Phonetics 110. Fonetika a fonologie češtiny. B. Speech production and/or perception data are often collected for a single Glottalization of word-initial vowels as a function of prosodic structure. Glottal marking of vowel-initial words in German. Palková. Variation in the realization of glottalization in normal speakers. Ostendorf. Hůrková. B. bvaclav. References Bělič. (2004). Praha: Academia.. (2012). (2010). Kateřina Braunováa and Václav Jonáš Podlipskýb Palacký University in Olomouc.). Z. Journal of Phonetics 29: 407–429. 1–23. rázu v češtině. 65–74. precisely because such 134 . and S. 1–17. Shattuck-Hufnagel.which should not be overlooked in the interpretation of glottalization in continuous speech. L. Dilley. (1997). Naše řeč 95 (1). ZAS Papers in Linguistics 52. (1996). (1978). Journal of Phonetics 24: 423–444. N. and M. Z. (2001). J. L. (1972). Jazykovědné aktuality: Informativní zpravodaj českých jazykovědců 38 (4). Redi.

and after a longer period back in the L1 environment. when the corpus is bilingual it is possible to study bidirectional interactions between the first language (L1) and the second language (L2) for one individual over time. Admittedly. documents influence of L2 on L1 (see also Pavlenko 2000 for a review). the production data will be supplemented by recordings of spontaneous speech. Recordings will be transcribed and annotated in the EMU interface (Cassidy & Harrington 2001) adhering strictly to the segmentation rules defined by Machač & Skarnitzl (2009). in other words that second language learners are not able to produce as distinct sounds what they are not able to distinguish perceptually. it is necessary to include also reading of a short standardized passage. Testing will take place before departure. identification tasks of the whole vowel space will be used. Participants will be recruited among university students receiving scholarships for short-term study in English-speaking countries (3 months to 1 year). inspired by Flege’s (1995) Speech Learning Model. and a growing body of research (earlier studies include Flege & Eeiting 1987 and Sancier & Fowler 1997). as an irreplaceable source of natural production. perception precedes production. Llisterri (1995) reviews studies examining the relation between perception and production. after return. the mainstream view is that in L2 acquisition. the desired universality of the corpus is difficult to achieve. This is why we intend to use different elicitation procedures covering L2 as thoroughly as possible while establishing L1 baseline. they cannot be used more universally. a longitudinal bilingual corpus is invaluable. Finally. longitudinal corpora are less common because their creation is demanding. To understand interrelations of an individual’s L1 and L2 sound system development.probes are designed for a single particular purpose. To study suprasegmentals such as rhythmical or melodic properties of speech. To map L2 learners’ vowel categories in both L1 and L2. our database will include data about perception. Both wordlist and passage reading require prior familiarization to lower the risk of speech disfluencies. There is ample evidence of L1 interference in L2. involving both vowel spectrum and duration as variables. Similarly. Wordlist reading will ensure eliciting all major consonantal allophones as well as vowels in both stressed and unstressed syllables and in different consonantal contexts. Moreover. Tests of perception of consonants need to be designed more specifically: perception of syllableonset voicing (Voice Onset Time) as well as coda vocing (vowel duration) is especially of interest because of the differences between English and Czech. but they help make stronger conclusions about language experience effects. To make it possible to study the relationship between perception and production at different stages of L2 acquisition. It is even more challenging to obtain multi-purpose perception data. Participants will complete online questionnaires at regular 135 .

. Bozen-Südtirol und Ostbelgien. weil sie mehrere nationale Sprachzentren aufweist. Insgesamt umfasst Deutsch drei nationale Zentren: ein Zentrum bildet Deutschland und zwei weitere stellen Österreich und die deutschsprachige Schweiz dar. Außerdem gibt es noch die sogenannten Halbzentren der deutschen Sprache in Liechtenstein. MacKay. 11(2). J. and other potentially relevant factors (see Piske et al. J. Baltimore: York Press. M. 136 . (2000). J. T. P.intervals mapping their L2 and L1 use. Czech Republic oldrich. Speech Communication 6. L. findings and problems. Factors affecting degree of foreign accent in an L2: a review. W. Oldřich Břenek Palacký University in Olomouc. References Cassidy... Llisterri. R. I. J. Second language speech learning: Theory.. C. Speech perception and linguistic experience: Issues in Cross Language Research. Speech Communication 33. 191-215. E. Pavlenko.. Gestural drift in a bilingual speaker of Brazilian Portuguese and English. Skarnitzl. The longitudinal bilingual corpus will allow us to make acoustic measurements of selected phenomena both in the temporal and the frequency domain. plurinationale oder pluriareale Sprache Europas Die deutsche Sprache ist eine plurizentrische/plurinationale Sprache. Flege. 175-205.). Piske. 421-436. Harrington. Cross-language switching in stop consonant perception and production by Dutch speakers of English. Stockholm. Principles of phonetic segmentation. (2009). Paper presented at the 13th International Congress of Phonetic Sciences. Fowler. Multi-level annotation in the Emu speech database management system. A. Journal of Phonetics 25. The non-native speech can also be presented to native English listeners for foreign-accent ratings.brenek@upol. Prague: Epocha. Sancier. Issues in Applied Linguistics. 185-202. In Strange. motivation. Deutsch als eine plurizentrische. Eeiting. (2001). 2000). A. W. (1995). S. E. A. R. Flege. (1995). 61-76. (Ed. E. Journal of Phonetics 29. (2001). Luxemburg. 233-277. and Flege. Machač. (1987). Relationship between speech production and speech perception in a second language. L2 Influence on L1 in Late Bilingualism.

Österreich und der Schweiz. because we can also use 'I began to work' and 'I began working'. Am Beispiel der deutschen Sprache in Österreich wird auch die Einstellung der Österreicher zu ihrer Muttersprache behandelt. Es werden einzelne Etappen dieser Entwicklung beschrieben.): Österreichisches Deutsch und andere Varietäten plurizentrischer Sprachen in Europa. Richard (Hrsg. von einer monozentrischen bis zu einer pluriarealen Auffassung des Deutschen. Das Problem der nationalen Varietäten. h. The situation is even more complex. Peter (Hrsg. In: Ernst. Markhardt. Hand in Hand mit der politischen Umstellung Europas und mit dem Beitritt Deutschlands und Österreichs zu der Europäischen Union steht dieses Thema immer häufiger im Mittelpunkt wissenschaftlicher Diskussionen. Muhr. it is crucial to define the differences that delimit and specify these two verbs and their complementation. S. Ulrich: Die deutsche Sprache in Deutschland. Rudolf/Schrodt. Das vorgestellte Poster beschäftigt sich mit der heutigen Auffassung der deutschen Sprache. Czech Republic Contemporary Distribution of Verbs start and begin Origins of the verbs start and begin vary. Moreover they can be both followed by either infinitive or gerund. 137 . Heidemarie: Das Österreichische Deutsch im Rahmen der EU. Ulrich (1998): Plurinationalität oder Pluriarealität? Begriffliche und terminologische Präzisierungsvorschläge zur Plurizentrizität des Deutschen – mit einem Ausblick auf ein Wörterbuchprojekt. Literatur: Ammon. today they are used as synonyms and they occur with comparable frequency. 313 – 321. d. Ammon.): Deutsche Sprache in Raum und Zeit. As Randolph Quirk (1974: 66-67) said “there ought to be a big award for anyone who can describe exactly what makes him say 'I started to work' on one occasion and 'I started working' on another”. Berlin und New York 1995. however. Festschrift für Peter Wiesinger zum 60. Frankfurt am Main 2005. Wien.Die Problematik der plurizentrischen/plurinationalen Auffassung der deutschen Sprache blieb jahrelang sowohl von der breiten Öffentlichkeit als auch von der Sprachwissenschaft wenig beachtet. Geburtstag. Since absolute synonymy in language does not exist. Wien 1997. Michaela Čakányová Palacky University in Olomouc.

Svartvik. Christian Mair and Hans Lindquist (eds. R. 2004) and synchronic point of view (Duffley. A. The Linguist and the English Language.e. London: Longman.. 1999) and even the semantics of the verbs themselves has been taken into consideration (Schmid. Three changing patterns of verb complementation in Late Modern English: a real-time study based on matching text corpora. Quirk.). Language and Linguistics 6. O. In my pilot study I am going to examine these through corpora COCA and BNC. far too little attention has been paid to the semantics of the subject and of the following verb. In Lexicographica. i. 2002. 99-122. English of news magazines or fiction. 329-345. 295-331. British and American. Mair. Christian. Introspection and Computer Corpora: The Meaning and Complementation of Start and Begin. Gerhard. 2003. 1996). W. if there is any. London: Arnold. Christian. Berlin .Hermes. All these findings combined together shall serve to foreshadow the direction of the future distribution of these two verbs. S. van Kemenade. The first criterion will be the type of register in which these verbs occur. 138 . Mair. 105-131. 129-132. PhD dissertation. Koopman. The Semantics of Aspectualizers in English. W. Christian.. Determinants of Grammatical Variation in English. The Syntax of Early English. 1987. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins. Tübingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag. Tünde. Mair. Apart from this I am also going to apply the following criteria. Notes on infinitival and ing. and how they work against each other. Rericha. It may also help to predict the winner of this three-hundred-year-long language competition. Folia Linguistica 33. And the second distinction will be made between two varieties of English. References Duffley. 1985. Quirk. 3-4. H. Fisher. 13. Begin and start in British. Nagy. 1999. Philologica Pragensia 30. however. Cambridge University Press English. 1974. R. American and Indian English. . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. van der Wurff. 2004. Greenbaum.1. A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language. 1996. Journal of Linguistics no. or rather predict the functional specialization of these two verbs. Gerundial complements after begin and start: Grammatical and sociolinguistic factors. Schmid. 2009. Patrick J.. spoken versus written language. The Use of the Infinitive and the -ing after Verbs Denoting the Beginning. Vaclav. 2000. Middle and End of an Event. G. but also genres spanning from academic English. 121-150.New York: Mouton de Gruyter.This topic has been already approached from both diachronic (Mair. Symposium on Lexicography VII. Debrecen University. Leitner.complements of the verbs begin and start. Leech and J.-J. Corpus linguistics and grammaticalisation theory: Beyond statistics and frequency? In Corpus Approaches to Grammaticalisation in English. 1994..

Available online at http://corpus. the paper first discusses the notion of indirectness as such. Davies. the process of communication The British National Corpus. becomes an immense source of pleasure and reward for the hearer. The use of indirectness is one of the factors that play a decisive role in how easy or difficult the interpretation is. To support the claim. novelty and interestingness – features that should attract the audience and invite it to actively participate in the co-creation of meaning. (2010-) The Corpus of Historical American English: 400 million words. rightly considered costly and risky in the sense that if the other person is not able to interpret what is indirectly said. followed by a more in-depth analysis of the cases of indirectness. http://www. Brno. speakers make linguistic choices that either directly or indirectly reflect their goals. (2008-) The Corpus of Contemporary American English: 450 million words. 139 .com Indirectness as a creative skill in pragmatic research: Corpus-based analysis of the language of American television series In the process of communication. it is the wish to elicit humor and to entertain the viewers that governs linguistic choices. however. 1810-2009. which.byu. The hearer consequently interprets such choices and makes sense of them. Mark.ox. 2001. Built on a hypothesis that the degree of indirectness is genre-specific and should be interpreted as such. Indirectness is.Corpora Davies. Czech Republic barcacharvatova@yahoo.natcorp. in the chosen genre of fictional television commedy series. Mark. 1990present. The paper reaches the conclusion that the main motivation for the use of indirectness in the given genre is the production of humor. this paper puts forward a claim that. if successful. Version 2 (BNC XML Edition). Distributed by Oxford University Computing Services on behalf of the BNC An attempt is made to classify these cases into categories based on the degree of indirectness in order to define the motivations for their Barbora Charvátová Masaryk University.byu. including the use of indirectness. entertainment. A brief commentary is then provided on the general pragmatic particularities of the text under Available online at http://corpus.

Abingdon: Routledge. El lenguaje se amolda a estos nuevos medios para producir nuevas formas de interrelación. Lancaster: Longman. Pragmatics: An Introduction. Internet. Mey. (2009). el propio concepto de “comunicación” hasta el 140 . mantener contactos y crear redes sociales en el espacio virtual. (2004). Language and Creativity. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Cáceres. The Computational Foundations of Linguistic Creativity. T. los chats. Por otra parte.Bibliography Carter. ha cambiado totalmente. Principles of Pragmatics. G. Urbanová. el Messenger. L. Meaning in Interaction: an Introduction to Pragmatics. Quaglio. R. London: Bloomsbury Publishing. J. ha alterado sustancialmente nuestra percepción cultural del tiempo y el espacio y. (1989). la velocidad con la que se transmite y se recibe la información. (2012). el teléfono móvil. Lara Garlito Batalla University of Extremadura. L. Twitter o Facebook constituyen el corpus de comunicación de los jóvenes y ya no tan jóvenes. Brno: Masarykova Univerzita v Brně. On Expressing Meaning in English Conversation. Veale. (2003). Leech. nuevos usos teniendo en cuenta la influencia electrónica del medio. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing. (1995). The sitcom Friends vs. Exploding the Creativity Myth. a tenor de los últimos estudios. Television Dialogue. Semantic Indeterminacy. estudiar. Spain laragarlito@hotmail. P. al que recurren a diario con total naturalidad para buscar información. The Art of Common Talk. investigar. lo que ha provocado que los usuarios exploten todas sus posibilidades de expresión modificando la conducta lingüística previa y poniendo en tela de juicio algunas cuestiones tan importantes como el equilibrio entre el lenguaje escrito y el leguaje oral. natural conversation. (1993). Thomas. Tuenti. Entre redes y quienes anda el juego Las Tecnologías de la Información y la Comunicación (TICs) han propiciado cambios en las formas de comunicarnos y relacionarnos en la sociedad. London: Longman Linguistics Library.

We may know brain activation patterns evoked by the word love. In general. El lenguaje se amolda a los nuevos medios para producir nuevas formas de interrelación. Se pretende mostrar con ello las características y procedimientos lingüísticos propios de este lenguaje en los diferentes idiomas de la Romania. as if meaning was an object handed over to an interlocutor. Lakens. en concreto.punto de que más que intercambios de contenidos. Despite a plethora of research on the subject. la comunicación ha pasado a concebirse como una toma de contacto. pero sobre todo en las semejanzas que muestran que se están produciendo fenómenos casi universales en este lenguaje online. nuevos usos de llamada comunicación mediada por ordenador y nuevos códigos lingüísticos que les sirvan. communication is defined as exchange of information. 2010. Internet posibilita el uso de varias herramientas de comunicación en tiempo real (sincrónicas) y en tiempo diferido (asincrónicas) que pueden estar provocando que el proceso natural del lenguaje en las sociedades se esté acelerando cada vez más. Lakoff. including communication. and many abstract subjects. 1987). 2002). Este estudio trata de dar cuenta de ello y analiza el lenguaje empleado en esos medios de comunicación. We speak about hurtful words and force of argumentation. foros y redes sociales. 1980. Poland ajelec@wa. efímera y contingente como el medio en que se desenvuelve. are commonly described as sensorimotor experiences (Lakoff & Johnson. incidiendo en las diferencias. but we are far from understanding how it is conceptualized. Anna Jelec Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. the human capacity for abstract thought remains a mystery. Embodied simulations or entries in the mental lexicon? Abstract concepts in the language and gesture of blind and visually impaired children. en los programas informáticos y páginas web más utilizados en Internet: El Messenger. as if speech had a physical everyday metaphorical language suggests that abstract 141 . Research demonstrates that a vast majority of abstract concepts in language and gesture is represented in concrete terms (Cienki & Müller.amu. Szwedek.

sensory based language. Casasanto (2010) suggests that we speak about abstract concepts in concrete terms because humans use brain circuits designed to deal with the physical world to understand both physical and non-physical concepts via a process called exaptation (Gould & Vrba. Fogassi & Ferrari. S. (2010). 136–141. & Ferrari. To compare both theories we looked at the representation of abstract and concrete concepts in the language and gesture of blind and severely visually impaired children. Cambridge University Press. Lakens. Exaptation-a missing term in the science of form. to a lesser extent. John Benjamins Publishing. However. Paleobiology. P. F. 453–478. & Müller. cognition and space: The state of the art and new directions. Understanding abstract concepts would be. Abstract concepts in grounded cognition. (2006). 2004). On the other hand. The congenitally blind participants in their descriptions of abstract concepts relied on reenacting (simulations of) real life situations rather than metaphorical language. movement and. based on the existing mental representations of concrete concepts and exhibited in metaphorical language. The presence of simulations in the descriptions of both types of concepts suggests an involvement of the sensorimotor cortex. 2007. Evidence for this theory can be sought in correspondences between language and gesture.). (1982).nl/dissertations/2010. D. (2008).library. vision (with the notable absence of smell). 2010-3. D. Current directions in psychological science. M.uu. Retrieved from http://igitur-archive. (2007). A. Our preliminary findings imply that understanding of abstract phenomena need not be based on a mental lexicon type network of concrete concepts.concepts are understood in terms of concrete experience. & Vrba. J. L. Language.. References Arbib. Fogassi.0114200203/UUindex. (Eds... We searched for correspondences between their descriptions of different concepts: both in terms of metaphorical language used and exhibited gesture. Dissertatie reeks Kurt Lewis Instituut. S. there are two competing explanations regarding the possible conceptualization mechanism. mirror neuron theories claim that language and thought depend on sensorimotor simulations. E. in addition to or instead of a semantic network structure. Action to language via the mirror neuron system. 16(3). J. with participants using descriptors from a variety of sensorimotor domains. C. therefore. 1982). Gould. touch. Space for thinking. Metaphor and Gesture. Cienki. 2006. 4–15. Mirror neurons and the evolution of embodied language. including hearing. Casasanto. Results indicate abstract and concrete concepts are primarily explained using concrete. so that the same circuits are activated when we perform an action and when we think (or speak) about it (Arbib. Rizzolatti & Craighero. (2010). A.html 142 .

attributive possessor) and the external possessor (EP) constructions. & Craighero. 2b) with the direct syntactic relation between the PR and the PM. child:GEN:SG:NEUT 143 . Fire and Dangerous Things–What Categories Reveal about the Mind. Cognitive Linguistics Today. 2a). the predicate.. University of Chicago Press.” dítěte. Syn2010) I claim that the actual usage of one or the other possessor type in Czech is not only determined by specific semantic and pragmatic features of constructional elements. (1987). G. Based on the data from the Czech National Corpus (Syn2000. (2002). Neurosci.Lakoff. Czech Republic Jan. More specifically. Rizzolatti. Fried 2009). The mirror-neuron system. Mother:NOM:SG:FEM wash:PRS:3SG child:DAT:SG:NEUT hair:ACC:PL:MASC “The mother washes the child’s hair. G. Syn2005. (1) CZECH a. 159–175.. The main target of the presentation is to compare semantics and pragmatics of two types of possessive constructions: the internal possessor (IP. Chicago. the PR and the PM (cf. Szwedek. L. Objectification: From object perception to metaphor creation. Rev.Krivan@ff. but it is also related to the information status of the PR. Matka myje vlasy Mother:NOM:SG:FEM wash:PRS:3SG hair:ACC:PL:MASC “The mother washes the child’s hair. 169–192. The EP construction (terminology based on Payne & Barshi 1999) is a crosslinguistically attested type of construction in which the possessor (PR) and the possessum (PM.” (lit. Haspelmath 1999. M. Annu. G. Jan Křivan Charles University in Prague. semantic roles and information structure. Lakoff. & Johnson. University of Chicago. (2004). 27. Metaphors We Live By. A. Matka myje dítěti vlasy. I will examine the functional properties of the distinct possessor forms (IP vs. ie.cuni. (1980). Women. EP) in terms of frequency. opposed to the IP construction (1b. nominal possessed by the possessor) do not form a single noun phrase constituent (1a.) The role of information structure in Czech possessive constructions The paper investigates the expression and functional properties of possessive constructions in Czech. The mother washes hair on the child”.

213–248. (2009). Payne. D. pp. In: Payne. ie. Praha: Ústav Českého národního korpusu FF UK. Praha: Ústav Českého národního korpusu FF UK.(2) CZECH a. I. Matka myje Mother:NOM:SG:FEM wash:PRS:3SG “The mother washes his hair. Syn2010. Situated Possession in a Network of Grammatical Constructions. functional explanations for the possessive expressions can finally be suggested. (>. External Possession in a European Areal Perspective. pp. WWW: <http://ucnk. (eds. I. whether they tend to be frequently used in a non-focal position. for the form of the pronominal IP & EP possessive constructions (pronominal EPs are prototypically second position clitics (2a). Mother:NOM:SG:FEM 3SG:DAT wash:PRS:3SG hair:ACC:PL:MASC “The mother washes his hair. Matka mu myje vlasy. 100-million representative corpus of written Czech.) Expression of Possession. Syn2000. L. M.cuni.) b. I will test the hypothesis whether the Czech external possessors tend to systematically avoid the most prominent (final) position of the information structure. & Barshi. Plain vs. & Barshi. pronominal IPs (2b) are prenominal).cz>.” (lit. WWW: <http://ucnk. WWW: <http://ucnk.” jeho his vlasy. References Fried. M. (eds. In: McGregor. Haspelmath. L.) External Possession. hair:ACC:PL:MASC I will present an analysis and show how information status properties of the PR interact with other semantic and pragmatic properties of EP constructions in Czech.cuni. (1999). 144 . 100-million representative corpus of written Czech. If the empirical data support the hypothesis. Syn2005. External Possession.cuni. D. 2000.ff. 100-million representative corpus of written>. Amsterdam: Benjamins. 2005. 109–135. 2010. 1999. especially. W.) (1999). Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. Praha: Ústav Českého národního korpusu FF UK. The mother washes hair on him”. Principally. Amsterdam: Benjamins.ff.

in contrast to the other verbs. London: Longman. Whereas some are descendants of preterite-presents. C.e. M. K. J. Hundt. need. S. R. have got to and used to. Emerging English Modals. This rather vague group includes elements with different history. A. Greenbaum. J. University of British Columbia. others originated as lexical verbs. G. Bell. M. The group is also heterogeneous in terms of semantics of the elements – for example dare or used to. Fischer. The Cambridge Grammar of the English Language. the paper shows and stresses that each member of this set is highly idiosyncratic. M. G. other semantically synonymous elements exhibit different syntactic properties. Zlín: Tomas Bata University in Zlín. 2002) in contemporary English. and N. have to and have got to. Quirk. Leech. The Origin and Development of Quasi Modal ‘HAVE TO’ in English. do not have modal meanings. L. In Up and down the Cline: The Nature of Grammaticalization. R. Czech Republic machova@fhs. edited by O. Leech. (2004).cz Synchronic and Diachronic Analysis of Marginal Modals in English The paper studies the English verbs dare. Trušník. ought to. L. and G.. it analyzes their historical development. The paper explores grammatical behavior of these verbs with respect to their morphological and syntactic properties – i. Smith (2009). Svartvik (1985). 145 . An Investigation into the Marginal Modals DARE and NEED in British Presentday English: A Corpus-based Study. In Theories and Practice. such as must. have to. (1993). (2011). (1991). and at the same time. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. English Auxiliaries: Structure and History. Pullum (2002). Norde. the NICE properties (Huddleston and Pullum. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. and G.utb. Mair. and furthermore. Berlin: De Gruyter. M. meaning and grammatical properties. Taeymans. 5164. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. which are frequently referred to as marginal modals. R. Huddleston. Unpublished manuscript. K. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Nemčoková. quasi-modals or semiauxiliaries.. Krug. A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language.Dagmar Machová Tomas Bata University in Zlín. Despite the fact that various linguistic manuals tend to present these verbs as one group.. (2000). Perridon. 97-114. Warner. and H. References Brinton. edited by R. G. Classification of the Verb DARE in Modern English. and J. Veselovská. Change in Contemporary English: A Grammatical Study.

so we are also able to compare the suitability of methods for thematic development research in two languages: Czech and Research methods of thematic development in spoken discourse This contribution deals with various methods suitable for the research of thematic development issue. The methodology is based on defining the theme as ‘what the speaker is talking about‘ and the rheme as ‘what has been said about the theme‘. bLMU University. the suitability of methods for thematic development research in Czech and English spoken language. The analysis of thematic structure of dialogues will be realized by the means of three frameworks. The aim of this paper is to present options in the research of theme-rhematic line in spontaneous spoken dialogues. As the second method to analyze thematic development Maynard’s concept (1986) will be introduced. P. 213–249. but. 11 (2). His conception is based on the combination of Hallidayian (1976) approach to the theme as well as Danešian concept of TPs. Material for analysis consists of Czech and English dialogues based on authentic social interaction between at least two people. Theme in Discourse. bthomas. Germany apetra. The first method was introduced by Daneš (1968. The results obtained from applying these three methods are compared and described in detail. but this framework was formed primarily for prepared well-organized texts. Participants of the dialogues are native speakers. We would like to verify the applicability of Daneš’s concept to spontaneous dialogues. Daneš classified five basic types of TPs. Functions of language. 146 . Typy tematických posloupností v textu. The author of the third framework for revealing thema-rhematic development is Leong (2005) who proposed a special apparatus for dialogues. (2004). Czech Republic. References Crompton. Leong proposed to introduce a different typology of thematic development in spontaneous dialogues. Munich.Petra Martinkováa and Thomas Hawesb aPalacký University in Olomouc. The specificity of his approach consists in close attention paid to rhematic development of texts.uni-muenchen. 125–141. as mentioned above. The paper presents not only terminological and methodological differences. Slovo a Slovesnost 29. (1968).hawes@anglistik. Daneš. Thematic progressions and method of development reevaluated. In her approach the themes and the thematic chunks are analyzed in order to account for the interactional aspects of F.martinkova04@upol. 1974) and it has been known as the concept of thematic progressions (TPs).

Müllerová. Bern: Peter Lang. (1990). Enkvist. J. (1987).) Conversational organizational and its development. – Thompson. Principy strukturace dialogu. 98–109. K. Philologia 8. Praha. 55–84. Text 6 (1). (2004). G. 31–45. (2010).) Papers on functional sentence perspective. Müllerová. (2011). (2001) Thematic Progression as a Functional Resource in Analysing Texts. Themes. Philadelhia: John Benjamin PC. Themes. Praha: Pansofia. S. Exploring Theme: Problems for Research. Patterns of Cohesion in Spoken Text. J. Vande Kopple. P. interaction and contexts in dialogical perspectives. F. O. Philadelphia. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins PC. 45–60. Occasional Papers in Systemic Linguistics 6. O. In: Scott. K tematické výstavbě nepřipravených mluvených dialogických projevů. 213–258. Segmentace mluveného projevu. W. P. – Hoffmannová. Leong. In: Daneš. A reformulation of thematic progression typology. Methods of Development and Texts. Müllerová. London: Longman. Geoff (Ed. Slovo a Slovesnost 37. (1976). Kapitoly o dialogu. Studia Anglica Posnaniensia 5. Written Communication 8 (1). Journal of Linguistics 3 (2). and some implications for understanding discourse. In: Dorval. (1973). (ed. A. Hoffmannová. P. p. A. Cohesion in English. Hawes. 51–77. (2001). Downing. Thompson. E. Amsterdam. Discourse Studies 7 (6). O. Theme Dynamics and Style: An Experiment. 199–244. In: Konverzace v češtině při rodinných a přátelských návštěvách. (1990). A Contribution on panel discussion on Rheme. 311–347. Círculo de linguistica aplicada a la comunicación 5. 127–35. Slovo a slovesnost 48. J. In: Thematic Development in English Texts. Firbas. A. R. (1995). Hoffmannová.Daneš. Praha: Academia. A. M. Dubois. H. Linell. Tematická strukturace dialogu. Talking themes: the thematic structure of talk. – Francis. – Hasan. (1987). N. 73–105. Notes on transitivity and theme in English. F. Academia. (1976). J. Text 7 (2). L. J. Maynard. (1999). (1992). Interactional Aspects of Thematic Progression in English Casual Conversation. 106–128. In honour of Michael Hoey. 701– 732. Fries. výstavba textu. 147 . A. (1976). P. Schlegloff. Halliday.) Patterns of Text. E. (1998). 316–360. Leong. Thompson. New York: Pinter. (2005). M. London. K. S. (1986). Talk. A. thematic progressions. In: Mluvená čeština: hledání funkčního rozpětí. Breaks in Thematic Progressions. Halliday. P. On the Organization of Sequences as a Source of „Coherence“ in Talk-inInteraction. 131–153. 89–116. In: On Subject and Theme. Functional sentence perspective and the organization of the text. G. 37–72. Amsterdam: John Benjamin Publishing Company. P. Mike. (1995). T. Theme and Rheme: An Anternative Account. Approaching Dialogue. (1974). (Ed. B. New Yersey: Ablex. (1994). Fries. Praha: Trizonia. K. 308–317. B.

see Bernstein. Slovenia petra. The basic word order in Slovenian DPs is shown in (1) and (2). as shown in (6).Petra Mišmaš University of Nova Gorica. 2001) proposal that demonstratives are generated in a position below DP and then universally move to SpecDP.mismas@gmail. (4). but crucially: when a demonstrative is present in the DP. 2012) and we could assume that the same holds for DPs. a wh-word cannot be fronted. 1998. and the numeral wh-word kateri. 2008). as they do in Slovenian IPs (see Mišmaš. (6) is then ungrammatical because SpecDP is unavailable for wh-movement because of movement of the demonstrative. while (3) shows that different adjectives have different corresponding wh-words: (1) (2) (3) Tisti prvi Majin rdeč nemški That first Maja’s red German Dem>Num>A POSSESSOR>A COLOR>A ORIGIN/ NATION > N Čigav kakšen whose POSSESSOR what-kinf-of COLOR avto car kateri which ORIGIN N N Any of the wh-phrases can be fronted in the DP. Using Slovenian data I will show that wh-words move to SpecDP to check the [+wh] feature (and not the [+focus] feature. This suggests that wh-words move to SpecDP. The talk builds on an assumption that Slovenian can have a DP layer (following Progovac. In Slovenian IPs wh-phrases move to check the [+focus] feature (see Mišmaš. (5). (4) (5) (6) Kakšen what-kind-of Kateri Majin Which Maja's *Kakšen What-kind-of Majin Maja's rdeč red tisti that nemški avto? German car nemški avto? German car prvi Majin first Maja’s (Rdeč) (Red) (Prvi) (First one) nemški avto? German car (Rdeč) (Red) The ungrammaticality of (6) can be explained using Giusti’s (1993. 2012)). contra Bošković. but that they are moved to the An argument for wh-fronting in DPs The talk explores wh-fronting in DPs and argues that wh-words are not merged to SpecDP (see for example Adger. 2004). shown below for kakšen ‘what-kind-of’. given that IPs and DPs were 148 .

the focus words can never move across the demonstrative. − −. GLSA. Ntelitheos. but to SpecDP. (9a). In Perspectives on Phases. (2001). UCLA. 157−181. as Giusti (1996) shows for Albanian. M. MI: Michigan Slavic Publications. La sintassi dei determinanti.…). Chomsky. I will show that this is not the case. the focus position is below the demonstrative (in SpecDP). ‘What will you have. Tisti That NEMŠKI German rdeč red Majin Maja's Majin Maja’s avto? (8) *NEMŠKI kakšen Majin avto? car avto. J. 1995. Core Syntax: a minimalist approach. Matushansky. Bernstein. University of Massachusetts. (8): (7) (9) Kakšen what-kind-of a. Ntelineos. The DP Hypothesis: Identifying Clausal Properties in the Nominal Domain. New York: Oxford University Press. Vienna. ed. b. D. ed. as I will show in the talk. 1996. or a wh-word. Ann Arbor. Ewa Dornisch. (2004). Mass. Is there a FocusP and a TopicP in the Noun Phrase structure? In: Working Papers in Linguistics 2 (6). (2008). Possessor Extraction in Greek and the left periphery of the DP.shown to be parallel structures (see Giusti. (9). *Rdeč tisti Majin avto. In The Handbook of Contemporary Syntactic Theory. Mark Baltin and Chris Collins.: Blackwell Publishers. Wayles Browne. MIT Working Papers in Linguistics. (2005). the [+wh] feature is checked in SpecDP. see (7). Golden. In Proceedings of the North East Linguistic Society 37. Cambridge. 536− 561. 2002. Amherst. (7). MA: MIT. by Martha McGinnis and Norvin Richards. Malden. Focus movement is available in DPs and the focused word can have an emphasis. (1997). Natasha Kondrashova. P. car This suggests that. Cambridge. DP or NP?’. ed. Bošković. Padova: Unipress. 240− 266. MA. O. G. A data-based argument for optionality of multiple wh-fronting. B. D. 149 . as Giusti (1996) shows for Italian.: MIT Press. References Adger. But we can assume that in (5) a wh-word in the SpecDP is moved to check the [+wh] feature. Also. (2012). The Minimalist Program. Giusti. (1995). Paper presented at SinFonIJA 5. From this we can conclude that wh-words do not front to check the [+focus] feature in the DP. (2002). Manuscript. Mišmaš. Ž. or not. Department of Linguistics and Philosophy. Oxford. (1993). But contrary to Italian where SpecDP can only be an escape hatch for a wh-element. (7) and (9) also show that focused words move in a DP (compare the word order to (1)). University of Venice. (1996). Despite the availability of a focus position in the DP in Slovenian wh-fronting in the DP does not proceed to it. 101−114. In: Formal Approaches to Slavic Linguistics: The Cornell Meeting. September 27−29 2012. Going through a phase. MITWPL. N. Multiple wh-questions in Slovene. and Draga Zec.

Syntax and Semantics 27. 150 . Senders often deliver their messages through stories. These include the birth of promoted product. The article maps the occurrence and features of true stories in printed ads and contrasts them with fictional ones. Szabolcsi.e. A. More specifically.utb. i. the analyzed ads contain true stories. Stories in ads. Determiner phrase in a language without determiners. 179−274. L. the fictional stories. True stories allow for a rational reasoning and leave smaller interpretive space for the recipient in comparison with the fictional stories.Progovac. they differ in formal characteristics as well as in their impact on the recipient. (1994). Czech Republic nemcokova@fhs. The major specification of the true stories is the use of reason-evoking persuasive strategy. This article presents a corpus-based study of magazine advertisements which promote products through telling stories. especially in the area of recipients’ possible contribution to the story development. The Noun Phrase. testing the product and using the product by a known person. may contain characters engaged in a plot that develops at a location. Katarína Nemčoková Tomas Bata University in Zlí Selling through True Stories: Rationality in Printed Ads Storytelling is a widely used discourse strategy in communicative discourse. accounts of what seem to be real and plausible events. Advertising discourse is not an exception. Special cases of seemingly true stories are surveyed as well. are represented rather equally in the ad corpus. as in any other type of discourse. Journal of Linguistics 34: 165–179. The Syntactic Structure of Hungarian. Even though the true accounts and their counterparts. (1998).

la tentación (ro. la ayuda (ro. las mujeres saben un punto más que el diablo). Romania andreea_nora_pop@yahoo. l-a albit până şi pe dracul. a trimite pe cineva la dracu’. pe dracul l-a căutat. Hemos dividido el corpus según la dirección de la influencia de los dos seres porque el diablo aparece antropomorfizado y cada relación interhumana es bidireccional: el impacto del diablo sobre el hombre y el impacto del hombre sobre el diablo. vender el alma al diablo). dracul joacă). la limosna (ro. es. mandar a alguien al demonio). el emparentamiento (ro. la experiencia de vida (ro. es. sea milagro y hágalo el diablo).demonio A través del presente trabajo pretendemos comparar las unidades fraseológicas rumanas y españolas que hacen referencia a la figura del demonio en su relación con el hombre. a face pe dracu’ ghem). a fi Aghiuţă). monolingües y fraseológicos las unidades que incluyen la figura del demonio y que aluden a su relación con el hombre. a-şi vinde sufletul diavolului. es. dracul ştie. la agrupación de personas (es. El enfoque de nuestra investigación es interdisciplinario: en el análisis etnolingüístico vamos a englobar la perspectiva religiosa oficial de los dos pueblos (el 151 . pe dracul nici să-l vezi. cumplir con tareas (ro. tener el demonio en el cuerpo). Cluj-Napoca. a se uita la cineva ca la dracul). la tortura (ro. pe dracul l-a aflat. a avea pe dracul în el. la precaución (ro. el diablo nos juntó).com Un enfoque etnolingüístico de los modismos rumanos y españoles que presentan la relación bidireccional hombre. a tăia dracului bureţi). s-o suit dracu’ pe casă. es. avocatul diavolului. Los hablantes utilizan metáforas que aluden a ella para expresar diferentes sentimientos o actitudes. La primera categoría tiene que ver con la esencia de tentador del diablo y con su objetivo de impedir la salvación del hombre. Hemos recogido de los diccionarios bilingües. la defensa (ro. la búsqueda (ro. Hemos dividido esta categoría en siete subcategorías actitudinales según el efecto positivo o negativo de la acción del demonio: la posesión (ro. andar el diablo suelto).Andreea-Nora Pop Babeş-Bolyai University. la generación de desgracias (ro. La categoría del impacto del hombre sobre el diablo se realiza a través de las metáforas culturales que revelan una relación activa y variada (el hombre aparece como amigo o enemigo del diablo). la generación del miedo (ro. la falta de obedencia (ro. abogado del diablo). nici să te vadă). a se face frate cu dracul). a fi înţărcat de Scaraoţchi). Identificamos las siguientes subdivisiones: la exasperación (ro. el pacto (ro. es. es. yo como tú y tú como yo. es. a da dracului de pomană).

Expresii populare româneşti. 155-194. Argos. „Lengua. Ş. la estructura. Antropología y trascendencia. Madrid. Corneliu. Asociación de Editores del Catecismo. E. Evseev. Geertz. (2008). Asa. Civilizaţia română săteasc ă. Levi-Strauss. cosmovisión y mentalidad nacional”. M. Învăţătura de credinţă ortodox ă. Además. Amarcord. 152 . Sevilla. Península. Barcelona. Barcelona. (1996). Cliford (1987). pero conocen variaciones en el número de fraseologismos. Y. Caro Baroja. Granada. (1976). Calero Fernández. (1997). Á. Guichot Y Sierra. Bilbao. Bibliografía Baconski. Bucureşti. El diablo en España. Actitudes y mentalidades. Anastasia. Moartea ş i apa. Estepa Llaurens. Timişoara. S. Structural Anthropology. Gedisa. Díaz Rojo. simbolism acvatic şi structura lumii de dincolo în imaginarul ţărănesc. en la imagen mental o en la expresividad.. Harris. T. Paideia. et García. (1986). Crítica. Las dos lenguas organizan de una manera similar la figura del demonio. J. F. New-York. (1998). Maldonado. Wotjak G. (1992). E. Dicţionar de magie. La interpretación de culturas. (2004). Dorondel. Biblioteca de la cultura andaluza. Refranero clásico español y otros dichos populares. Bernea. Catecismo de la iglesia católica. Bucureşti. Ritualuri funerare. Dumistrăcel. Revista electrónicos de estudios filológicos. A.. Cardaillac-Hermosilla. G. el focus cultural. Vremea.demonio. Los españoles. (1985). J. Basic Books. Credos. el sistema actitudinal. (1990). (1988). Bucureşti. vamos a destacar los fenómenos semánticos más representativos que surgen en la creación del significado y su valor simbólico. Universidad de Málaga. Barcelona. (1963). Valencia. Supersticiones populares andaluzas. (2005). Alianza Editorial. co-creador del mundo o espírito lúdico).ángel caído) y la concepción popular (el demonio configurado como nohermano del hombre. I. Bucureşti. Málaga. (2012). VII. Madrid. Los nombres del diablo. Consideramos que la originalidad del trabajo reside en el análisis contrastivo del vocabulario y de la cultura de los dos pueblos y en el intento de ver cuáles son los motivos que generan las diferencias. M. A. Bennassar. Institutul European. F. Iaşi. Râsul patriarhilor. (2000). Falgueras. (2004). Madrid. Teorías sobre la cultura en la era posmoderna. B. demonologie şi mitologie româneasc ă. „Acerca de Dios y del demonio en la fraseología española y catalana”. Inc. Estudios sobre la vida tradicional española. Vamos a trazar los ejes de convergencia entre las dos visiones y vamos a subrayar las diferencias conceptuales entre las unidades fraseológicas correspondientes. (2006). Mencionamos algunos de los conceptos que nos ayudarán a la investigación: el nivel émico/ ético. Flores Arroyuelo. (1998). Universidad de Granada. J. México. C. M. Publishers. Estudios de fraseología y fraseografía del español actual. S. Taurus. II. (2005). Rodríguez Becerra. American Anthropologist. Joanna Filipczakd. It emerged around 1817. II. Madrid. Ruiz Domínguez. Cuvânt împreună despre rostirea românească. Madrid. Sevilla. 8. Paweł Rutkowskia. Rodríguez Becerra. 51 (3). I. „El demonio y los endemoniados en la Castilla del siglo XIII”. the hearing linguistic community in Poland devoted very little attention to PJM. (2003). dj. The aim of this paper is to present a new large scale research project aimed at documenting PJM. Núñez García. 365-369.Moliner. Madrid. P. Eminescu. Polirom. (1999). M. 446-456. Zanne. S. Sylwia Łozińskae Section for Sign Noica. with the foundation of the first school for the deaf in Poland. Polirom. McGraw Hill. (2001). C. J. University of Warsaw. Silva Fuenzalida. Gredos. Teodorovici. (1949). Bucureşti. Universidad de Sevilla.rutkowski@uw. Piotr Mostowskic. Buxó Rey. “Ethnolinguistics and the study of culture”. Nemira. Proverbele românilor. (1987). A. R. Oişteanu.filipczak@uw. Paremia. L. (2003-2004). La religiosidad popular. 411429. Its main goal is to create an extensive and representative corpus of video material that will further form the basis of detailed grammatical and lexical analyses. et Pisot. La Inquisición y el diablo. Scrisul românesc. (1992). Fundación Machado. Religión y fiesta. The underlying idea is to compile a collection of video clips showing Deaf 153 . Colecţia Ştiinţe Sociale. I. Iaşi. D. cpiotr. Stăniloaie. Diccionario de uso. Datinile ş i credinţele poporului român. Up until recently. (1998). Bucureşti.mostowski@uw. C. Joanna Łachetab. Anthropos. Paideia. usually abbreviated as PJM) is a natural visual-spatial language used by the Polish Deaf community. Weibel. (2004). Dicţionar român-spaniol de expresii ş i locuţiuni. „El diablo en fraseologismos italianos y españoles: acercamiento a un análisis cultural contrastivo”. The Big Red Book of Spanish Idioms. (2000). Niculiţă Reflexii despre spiritualitatea poporului român. Bucureşti. Sevilla. Bucureş Mythos & logos. (2003). Iaşi. Pamfil T. Craiova. Poland ap. M. Diavolul învrăjbitor al lumii. Álvarez Santaló. Asociaţia Română pentru Cultură şi Ortodoxie: Scara. J. (1998). (2000). New Series. Corpus-based Research on Three-dimensional Grammar Polish Sign Language (polski język migowy. The PJM corpus project was launched in 2012 and its first phase will conclude in 2014.

When designing the above procedures. The PJM corpus is diversified geographically. The aim of this poster is to give a detailed overview of the above procedures. Recording sessions always involve two signers and a Deaf moderator. Typically. They come from different social and educational backgrounds (respective sociological metadata is an integral part of the corpus). we attempted to make use of elicitation materials that had proved successful in the other projects. we took into account the challenges and problems encountered in similar projects conducted for other languages. comic strips etc. the signers are asked to react to certain visual stimuli. The procedure of data collection is based on an extensive list of tasks to be performed by the two informants. The raw material obtained in the recording sessions is further tokenized. The group of signers participating in the project is well balanced in terms of age and gender. (re-)telling a story. they are given some time for free conversation (they are aware of being filmed but no specific task is assigned to them). are presented to the participants on computer screens. The elicitation materials include pictures. The first phase of the project will involve approximately 100 informants. e. The latter two parts of the recording session scenario are aimed at collecting spontaneous and naturalistic data. graphs.g. Data is collected exclusively from signers who either have deaf parents or have used PJM since early school age. The annotation conventions we employ have been designed especially for the purposes of PJM.people using PJM in a variety of different contexts. in particular for German Sign Language (DGS) and Sign Language of the Netherlands (NGT). or explaining something to their partner. naming an object. All the necessary instructions are given in sign language exclusively. annotated. like the elicitation materials. As of May 2013. by describing a scene. glossed and translated using the iLex software developed at the University of Hamburg. they have been pre-recorded and. When the project is completed. The participants are also requested to discuss a number of topics pertaining to the Deaf. more than 70 people have already been filmed. lemmatized. covering a representative number of Polish cities with significant Deaf populations. videos. 154 . some 700 hours of footage will be available for research purposes. Additionally.. with as little reference to written Polish as possible. For instance.

2. On bol’še ne stal s nimi rabotat’ (‘He did not work with them any more’) and the correlative sentence On bol’še ne načal s nimi rabotat’ (‘He did not start / begin any more working / to work with them’). However. One of them is synonymous with the construction načat’+INF. vyšla na noč pasti stado (A.. the more special (richer) the content. We have applied the rule to investigate two Russian homonymous constructions stat’+INF. she did not go to pasture cattle at night’).Kuryłowicz Rule 1. It can be translated into English both as He did not start / begin working / to work and He did not work. Some non-trivial findings that the paper sets forth will hopefully re-draw researchers’ attention to the heuristic and explanatory power of the Kruszewski– Kuryłowicz rule.. 19]. the ambiguous sentence On ne stal rabotat’. Its most specific wording (among those available) runs as follows: “…The more generalized (poorer) the content of a sign. she went to pasture cattle at night’) and the incorrect sentence Ajna stala spat’. ne vyšla na noč pasti stado (‘Ayna started / began to sleep.. A Tool For Investigating The Semantic Structure Of A Linguistic Unit Through Its Usage. At the same time. 2. Or Once More On The Kruszewski . the wider its sphere of using by speakers.1. cf. its ambiguity does not impede effective communication. On stal rabotat’ and On (bol’še) ne stal s nimi rabotat’. the narrower the sphere of its not only internal usage (=inside the system) but also external usage (=in the linguistic community)” [Kuryłowicz. 2. Azerbaijan nezrin.1..g. e.g. Cf. e. e. However. cf. 2. ‘Ayna did not sleep. these homonyms display obvious semantic resemblance.samedova@gmail. Kuryłowicz puts it) and revealed the following fact. The other homonym cannot be substituted by načat’+INF. as Je. respectively. To explain the similarity and difference. Affirmative sentences with Construction 1 always have negative sentences with Construction 2 as their correlate. On stal rabotat’ and On načal rabotat’ (both sentences are translated as ‘He started / began working / to work’). Let us label these units Construction 1 and Construction 2. 155 . Platonov. negative sentences with Construction 2 do not always have affirmative sentences with Construction 1 as their correlate.Nezrin Samedova Azerbaijan University of Languages..g. we have explored the sphere of usage of these homonyms (internal usage. Cf.. Ajna ne stala spat’.

the meaning of Construction 2 can only include one semantic element. the Kruszewski . demonstrate to have acquired proficiency in different scientific discourse genres Therefore.2. Linguistics and Psychology (Soler.Kuryłowicz also allows us to deduce regularities in the usage frequency (external usage. Argentina ainsoler@criba. References Kuryłowicz. it cannot explain the fact that imperfectives are only able to occupy the INF position in the constructions at issue). Construction 2 has a wider sphere of usage. involves an awareness of which grammatical structures are the 156 . Je. So we conclude that the meaning of Construction 2 only consists of the seme ‘process’. Je. 9-20. The comparative analysis of Construction 1 and načat’+INF has established that the meaning of the former contains two semantic elements. The Kruszewski . Viviana Solera and Patricia Vallejosb Universidad Nacional del Sur (UNS). Moscow. in contrast to Construction 1.b). 2011a. Thus.2. Očerki po lingvistike. namely ‘perfectivity’ and ‘process’ (we ignore irrelevant details).g. 2. according to the Kruszewski Reflections on the challenging issues posed by highly-advanced scientific title nominal groups That English is the language of science and that nominal groups are a recurrent structure in highly-advanced scientific discourse are both a general truth. previous studies have confirmed that title nominal groups are also the most recurrent structure in research papers and review papers written in English and in Spanish in the fields of Biology. according to Je. whether native English speakers or non-native English speakers. scientists. Kuryłowicz) of the homonyms under scrutiny. We can show that treating the element as ‘perfectivity’ encounters insurmountable difficulties (e. 2007. 2009. (1962). Lingvistika i teorija znaka. In line with this. Through their publications. In: Kurilovič.. Biochemistry and Medicine and in the fields of Anthropology. bvallejos@bvconline. P. in turn.Kuryłowicz rule. the meaning of Construction 2 isłowicz rule enables us to qualify Construction 2 as imperfective.

Comparative and contrastive observations on scientific titles written in English and Spanish.K. on the authors´ own title database composed of 1140 research and review paper titles published during 1996-2002 in two fields: biological sciences and social sciences. M. Arnold. E. --------.A. (2007). Halliday. This work represents an attempt to bring these diverse reflections together to further provide a framework which will be of value to scientists and teachers and learners of English and Spanish for Scientific and Academic Purposes. Títulos científicos en lengua española: Estudio exploratorio. Reasons for choosing scientific titles in particular lie in the need to continue with our studies on this particular section of papers as part of the research project “Textual aspects of scientific knowledge” which is being currently carried out at the Universidad Nacional del Sur. among others) and. In many cases. Germany) (2). Lebende Sprachen (Leipzig Univ. ---------. (1997).A. Martin. An Introduction to Functional Grammar.. 1997.(2011b).R. (1994). The purpose of this paper is therefore to present a series of reflections on the interesting issues and challenging difficulties derived from optimal writing and/or translating (from Spanish into English or vice-versa) title nominal groups in the light of a hallidayan approach (Halliday. English for Specific Purposes 26.K. English for Specific Purposes 30. 124-137. V. ---------. 50-58. (2004). An Introduction to Functional Grammar. References Halliday. Working with Functional Grammar. E.(2009). E. Matthiessen & Pinter. Arnold. These reflections are based on a reading of related literature (Halliday & Matthiessen. Matthiessen. ESP Across Cultures 8. Martin. the one composed of non-native English speakers is particularly exposed to a series of linguistic difficulties to be able to have their papers published in high-impact factor journals. Soler. 157 . translators are needed to cope with these difficulties. M. Writing titles in science: An exploratory study. London. 1994). & Matthiessen. Arnold. Designing ESP material for Spanish speaking scientists: the case of specialized scientific titles under the nominal-group construction in English and in Spanish. 90-102. more importantly. C. 125-138. Of these two groups. London. C.(2011a).most appropriate to the communicative context and purpose of their research studies.. Argentina. C. J. 2004. & Pinter. London.

aus der Haut fahren. Das Ziel deises Beitrags ist zu überprüfen. Konstituentenbestand: konventionelle Lexikoneinheiten vs. Non-Kompositionalität. Haare auf den Zähnen haben wird die Inkomatibilität ihrer Konstituenten festgestellt. Fixiertheit des Konstituentenbestandes. Motiviertheit vs. Allomorphie zwischen der formalen und semantischen Struktur. Diese Merkmale charakterisieren die guten Vertreter der Idiom-Kategorie nach dem Prinzip: Je mehr Merkmale und (oder) je wertiger. dass sie mit verschiedenen theoretischen Richtungen der Sprachwissenschaft kooperiert. Syntaktische Durchlässigkeit vs. Die Beziehung der Phraseologie und der kognitiven Linguistik erläuterte schon D. Undurchlässigkeit. unikale Konstituenten. Defektivität des Paradigmas. zwei Lesarten. Regularität vs. markiert. weil alle Komponenten des 158 . Isomorphie vs. markiert. Inkompatibilität der Konstituenten. Formale Spezifikation: neutral vs. wie man semantische Beziehungen zwischen den somatischen Phraseologismen mit Hilfe des Begriffsapparats der kognitiven Linguistik bestimmen kann. Nach Dobrovoľskij gibt es zwölf Irregularitätsmerkmale der Idiome: Kompositionalität vs. desto besserer Vertreter der Kategorie. Semantische Ambiguität: eine Lesart vs.Jitka Soubustová Palacký University in Olomouc. Beispielsweise bei folgenden Phraseologismen sein Herz auf der Zunge tragen. Dobrovoľskij in seiner Studie “Kognitive Aspekte der IdiomSemantik” (1995). Variabilität vs. Somatische Phraseologie unter dem Blickwinkel der Prototypentheorie Die moderne Phraseologieforschung ist dadurch charakteristisch. Semantische Kompatibilität vs. Daraus geht hervor. semantische Simplizität. Semantische Komplexität vs. Dagegen bei j-m etwas auf die Hand geben oder j-m (mit etwas) unter die Arme greifen ist der Grad der Idiomatizität niedriger. Czech Republic soubustovi@seznam. dass der Grad ihrer Idiomatizität relativ hoch ist. Konnotativ-pragmatische Extension der Idiom-Bedeutung: neutral vs.

Stuttgart. welchen Status die Somatismen in der Gruppe aller Phraseologismen haben. Christine (1995): Phraseologie. Linke. Dadurch lässt es sich feststellen. Glück. Tübingen 1997. Wolfgang (1997): Phraseologie der deutschen Gegenwartssprache. Markus/Portmann. Irmhild (1992): Phraseologische Varianten. Linguistische Grundfragen und kontrastives Modell deutsch – ungarisch. Leipzig.) (1992): Deutsche Phraseologie in Sprachsystem und Sprachverwendung. Duden. Csaba (Hrsg. Klaus Dieter (1981): Phraseologie: Redensartenforschung. In: Földes. 25 – 47) Burger. Harald (1998): Phraseologie. Dmitrij (1988): Phraseologie als Objekt der Universalienlinguistik. Barbara (1986): Zu einer integrativen Mehrebenenbeschreibung von Phraseologismen. Mannheim – Leipzig – Wien – Zürich. Leipzig. Studien zum Thesaurus deutscher Idiome. Tübingen. Wien. Tübingen Földes. Leipzig. Hessky. (S. Palm.): Deutsche Phraseologie in Sprachsystem und Sprachverwendung. Begriff und Probleme.) (1993): Metzler Lexikon Sprache. Ein Wörter. Heft 6. Dobrovoľskij. Wien. In: Földes. (S. Stefan: Deutsche Redewendungen. (S. Idiomatizität und Konnotation im Phrasem. In: DaF 1995/1996. Sternkopf. Hans (1991): Synonymwörterbuch der deutschen Redensarten. Tübingen. Pilz. In: DaF. Tübingen. Fleischer. Hessky. Wien. Regina/ Ettinger. Schemann.): Deutsche Phraseologie in Sprachsystem und Sprachverwendung. Jochen (1995): Wörtliche Kategorien in metaphorischen Komplexen. Csaba (Hrsg.und Übungsbuch für Fortgeschrittene. Arme und greifen) semantisch vereinbar sind. Meibauer. 89 – 106) Palm. Weitere ausgewählte somatische Phraseologismen werden unter Berücksichtigung oben genannter Irregularitätsmerkmale analysiert. Fleischer. Dmitrij (1995): Kognitive Aspekte der Idiom-Semantik. Helmut (Hrsg. 326– 330) 159 . Eine Einführung am Beispiel des Deutschen. Eine Einführung. Wolfgang (1982): Phraseologie der deutschen Gegenwartssprache. Eine Einführung. Redewendungen und sprichwörtliche Redensarten. (S. (1994): Studienbuch Linguistik. 234 – 237) Wotjak. Tübingen. Stuttgart – Dresden. Berlin. Literatur Barz. Christine (1992): “Umgekehrt wird ein Schuh draus”. Dobrovoľskij. (1992). Stuttgart – Weimar.jeweiligen Phraseologismus (Hand und geben. Tübingen. Paul R. Regina (1987): Phraseologie. Csaba (Hg. Angelika/Nussbaumer. Jörg (2001): Pragmatik. Wörterbuch der deutschen Idiomatik.

for both FCIs and NPIs. indifference and irrelevance (Komárek. Fut to you: Dat ‘Adam will buy any wine tomorrow and then we will go to your place. Past buy: inf any wine: Acc ‘Adam could buy any wine. reinforcement (Rejzek. it expresses doubt or uncertainty about the truth of the embedded sentence.e. Fut any wine and go: 1 pl. or future statements. see (2). arbitrariness. Veridicality is then defined as a property of the function that operates on the denotation of embedded sentence.Hana Strachoňová Masaryk University.) are traditionally treated as indefinites (i. Past any wine: Acc Adam mohl koupit jakékoliv víno.’ Non-Czech linguistic literature usually treats this type of items as so-called free choice items (FCI): expressions that are semantically sensitive to the polarity of the statement. 1980). imperatives. Czech Republic hana. Giannakidou (2011) examined the distribution of equivalent expressions crosslinguistically and defined the licensing semantic context as non-veridical environment. buy any wine!’ Zítra Adam koupí jakékoliv víno a vyrazíme k tobě. Adam can: 3 sg.strachonova@gmail. 160 . 1980) or generalization. kdekoliv ‘anywhere’. We can find more o less the same semantic characteristic of them throughout the Czech literature: these items contain the semantic feature of generality (Kopečný. see (3). Adam buy: 3 sg. see the main clause in (6). see (1). tomorrow Adam buy: 3 sg. in contrast with modal statements. kterýkoliv ‘any’. A veridical function expresses a commitment of the speaker to the truth of the embedded sentence. It contains some kind of speaker’s resignation to that commitment. (1) (2) (3) (4) #Adam koupil jakékoliv ví Czech indefinites kdokoliv and cokoliv: Semantic analysis of licensing contexts Czech lexems containing the -koliv morpheme (kdokoliv ‘anyone’. But we are not aware of a study that would deal with the fact that the expressions with this specific morphology are excluded for instance from simple episodic past statements. I wished that Carl was late. Non-veridical function doesn’t express that commitment. Komárek. Brno. see the main clause in (5). etc.’ Adame. 1986). kup jakékoliv víno! Adam: Voc buy: Imper. sg. see (4). (5) (6) I know that Carl was late. any wine ‘Adam. cokoliv ‘anything’. 2001).

and Problems. (2011). Any. Svazek 2. Free choice and exhaustification: an account of subtrigging effects. Aloni. FCIs become illicit there (Giannakidou. De Gruyter Mounton. 2.The difference in distribution of NPIs and FCIs is explained by the presence of nondeictic world variable in the semantics of FCIs which becomes licit only by being bounded by a Q-operator. V. (2000). Then we will evaluate her claims with respect to several other approaches (Vendler. 1967. Kopečný. 161 . 1660-1913. Landman (1993). Praha. 433–476. Praha. Leda. J. Barcelona: Universitat Pompeu Fabra. Any and (–)ever: Free choice and free relatives. The meaning determines the distribution. (A variable is defined as non-deictic iff it cannot be interpreted as a free variable. zájmena a zájmenná adverbia. (2001). Horn.). Z. Błaszczak. Linguistics & Philosophy 21. Kadmon. Berlin/Boston. Our task is to analyze the real data from the Czech National Corpus (CNC) and check the validity of Giannakidou’s claims about FCIs distribution for Czech. Spojky. Voznice. Mluvnice češtiny. In Workshop on Free Choiceness: Facts. Komárek. M. Horn. Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung 11. In: A. Models. et al. Wyner (ed. L. (2007). To achieve this goal we will classify and analyze 500 Czech sentences with kdokoliv ‘anyone’ and cokoliv ‘anything’.) As an episodic context (even negative one) lack such operator. (1980).). obtained from SYN2010 — the latest representative electronic corpus of contemporary written Czech. Unpublished manuscript. 2007. 1993.). Linguistics in Philosophy. (1986). et al. C. May 2007. částice. References Aloni. Rejzek. Z. Błaszczak 2008). 2000. Kadmon&Landman. On free choice-like wh-based expressions in Czech. 1998. (2008). J. Academia. NY: Cornell University Press. Hamburg: ESSLLI. 71–111. Jacquec Jayez and Lucía Tovena. Our main goal is the proper formal description of the meaning of Czech FCIs. von Heusinger. M. 353–422. Academia. Giannakidou. In Estela Puig-Waldmueller (ed. N. Etymologický slovník slovanských jazyků: slova gramatická a zájmena. Portner (eds. Semantics. The puzzle of kolwiek-pronouns in Polish. 3-12. Český etymologický slovník. Vendler. Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Israel Association for Theoretical Linguistics (= IATL)15. Ithaka. ed. (1967).. the latter enables us to describe all relevant components of the first. (2008). Any as inherently modal. Maienborn. part of the CNC. F. Tvarosloví. Linguistics & Philosophy 16. Jerusalem: Akademon. Šimík. 2011:1697). An International Handbook of Natural Language Meaning. A. Negative and positive polarity items. (1998). R. R. K. Volume 2. & P. Šimík 2008. Dayal. & F. Dayal.

there are different types of those with quite different purposes. quite the opposite is true for such languages as international auxiliary languages (Esperanto. Pres . inf . Past .present tense. 162 . Dat . The LPW is therefore a variously verbalised interpretation of reality. Bartmiński (Bartmiński. pl . Poland istri@amu. see Schubert. masc – masculine.first verbal person. 1989).dative. Ptc The Linguistic Picture of the World in the Constructed Languages – a Research Project The main notion of this presentation is the concept of the Linguistic Picture/View of the World (henceforth LPW) created by the Polish linguist J. Acc . NPI – negative polarity item Ida Stria Adam Mickiewicz University. It is stated that phenomena culturally important for a given group will be reflected and retained in the group’s language.imperative.past tense. 3 .accusative. Therefore it is clear the LPW is an idea prior to the creation of the language in itself. A similar situation might concern researchers who reconstruct language historical stages. The author is in search of such linguistic structures in the artificial languages (for the usage of “artificial languages”. sg . The artistic languages are specifically created to suit the demands of worlds already in existence (e. Obviously enough. 1983. Klingon. The LPW. with its source in the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis and Humboldt’s ideas.vocative.future tense. might be quite appealing in the nowadays linguistics as it combines both the universalist and the relativist point of view. 1980. 1999). However. even Lojban) or programming languages.List of abbreviations: 1 . Grzegorczykowa.infinitive. Is it possible to reconstruct their LPW or is there only a common natural conceptual system behind them? The author attempts to determine possible research directions into this matter by using the methodology described in Bartmiński 2006.third verbal person. with a presupposed world and race).g. 2003. Voc .plural. Fut . Poznan. specific to a given culture but still possible to be transferred to other societies (Allwood.singular. 2006). The goal of the author’s research is to examine whether the LPW is a notion applicable to a wide variety of constructed Imper .

Interlinguistics: aspects of the science of planned languages. Language. (ed. high: ‚I leave after the time t when you tell me that Peter has left. In Ilie. J.).) (1989). (2006). & Dąbrowska.). (ed. Bartmiński. Detlev (2000).). In Schubert. J. Język a Kultura 13. Językowe podstawy obrazu świata.A. (2003). You tell me that Peter left at time t. (ed. Językowy obraz świata. R. K. (1999).). (ed. Språk och världsbilder. Pojęcie językowego obrazu świata. Krisztina Szécsényi University of Szeged. In Anusiewicz.) (1980). Hungary kszecsenyi@gmail. Vom Entwurf zur Sprache. Sł ownik ludowych stereotypów językowych. (1992). et al. In Bartmiń Word order and scope in finite embedded non-argument clauses In my paper I contrast the scope properties of different types of finite adjunct clauses in Hungarian and (mainly) English.References Allwood. Allwood. Językowy obraz świata i kultura.). Projekt koncepcji badawczej. Tal och Tanke. Kan man tänka oberoende av språk? In Teleman. A. J. Anusiewicz J. Grzegorczykowa. C. Schubert. J. Problematyka językowego obrazu świata w poglądach niektórych językoznawców i filozofów niemieckich XX wieku. Rhetoric: Cultural and Rhetorical Perspectives on Communication. (1999). Blanke. In Bartmiński. J.) Planned Languages: From Concept to Reality. K. Lucy. Culture. (1983). (1) I will leave after you said that Peter left. (ed. J. J. Językowy obraz świata. U. some English sentences containing temporal subordinate clauses can be ambiguous. Language diversity and thought: a reformulation of the linguistic relativity hypothesis. (2000). Anusiewicz. 1133. 261-290. J. (ed. Bartmiński. 163 . (i) As observed in Lipták (2005). J. (eds.’ low: ‚I leave after time t. (ed.

where the different meanings are expressed by different constructions (6). that-AFTER leave-1SG PV what-AFTER tell-1SG that Peter left-3SG high: ‚I leave after the time t when you tell me that Peter has left. only single time interpretation (4) (iii) When a sentence containing a clause-modifying adjunct is negated. (2) Azután indulok el [miután szólsz.In the Hungarian equivalent only the high interpretation is available. The Hungarian data that turn out to be the most problematic with respect to this proposal are free relative temporal adjunct because bad the brake N(egated) H(ead) reading (6) Kusumoto (2009). an account of German and Japanese. not in Hungarian. mert rossz a fék.each executive: wide or narrow scope. N(egated) A(djunct) reading: Marty did sell his bike but not because the gears were broken. temporal and non-temporal adjunct clauses pattern similarly with respect to scope taking: temporal adjunct clauses cannot override the clause boundedness of quantification (4). Peter not that-CAUS sold PV the his. Péter (azért) nem adta el a biciklijét. [hogy Péter elindult]]. (5) Marty didn’t sell his bike because the gears were broken.’ (ii) In a number of languages quantificational arguments can take scope outside of temporal adjunct clauses (3). amikor/miután minden vezető-t kirúgtak. Péter nem *(azért) adta el a biciklijét. claims that the class of adjunct clauses that allow dependent time readings and long-distance dependencies (high/low readings) is the same. both single time and dependent time reading possible Sírt egy titkárnő. a. N(egated) H(ead) reading: Marty didn’t sell his bike as the gears were broken. Hungarian. 164 . Johnston 1993). a language that has been claimed to wear its LF on its sleeve.mert rossz a fék. (3) A secretary cried before/after/when the board fired each executive. the resulting sentence is ambiguous in English ((5). Peter that-CAUS not sold PV the his. cried-3SG a secretary when after every executive-ACC fired-3PL no because bad the brake N(egated) A(djunct) reading b.

ShareP where they may acquire narrow scope. but dependent time readings are not. Michael (1993) Because-clauses and Negative Polarity Licensing. Ithaca. SALT XVIII. the latter suggesting that it is actually the scope transparent property of Hungarian that makes it impossible for quantificational arguments to scope out of temporal clauses.o. Diesing 1992. suggesting that we are dealing with different types of locality violations. and overt or covert operator movement. the possibility of operator movement depending on the presence/type of operator and/or the locality restrictions at work (Haegeman 2010). Anikó (2005) Relativization strategies in temporal adjunct clauses. Alina Tigau University of Bucharest. pp. New York: Cornell University Press. In this paper we would like to substantiate the claim that clitic doubling (CD) is the counterpart of Germanic scrambling (in line with Alexiadou & Anagnostopoulou 1997. NY: Cornell University Lipták.). Kiyomi (2009) Dependencies in Temporal Adjunct Clauses in T. John Benjamins. 1995. Thus. As known from Beghelli & Stowell (1996). References Haegeman. The factors that play a role in how embedded finite clauses interact with their main clauses are argued to be the following: the type of (relative) construction. Romania alina_mihaela_tigau@yahoo.where long distance dependencies are allowed. Lopez 2012 for Spanish). Friedman and S. This is why Beghelli & Stowell (1996) assign these DPs (which they label ‘Group Quantifier Phrases’) two positions: a high RefP position situated above CP (where they are interpreted with the widest scope) and a lower position. Ithaca. 628-648. Philadelphia/Amsterdam. 165 . Liliane (2010) The internal syntax of adverbial clauses. function of their lexical nature. Johnston. In: LIVY Yearbook 5. Lingua 120. 133-185. Kusumoto. Proceedings of The Eastern States Conference On Linguistics (ESCOL).). Adger 1993. different quantifiers scope differently. Ito (eds. indefinite DPs are shown to have both a capacity for wide scope (on account of their ability to introduce group referents) and for narrow On Scrambling and Differential Object Marking in German and Romanian A commonly held view in the literature on Scrambling and Clitic Doubling is that both constructions are sentitive to specificity (Abraham 1994. de Hoop 1992 a.

‘At least one student read every novel. or a wide scope interpretation according to which ‘there is a certain book on linguistics such that all the students read. it will outscope the DQP in the SpecDistP.). the scope of an indefinite direct object DP is largely determined by word order and movement: out of two potential scoping DPs. On the other hand.o. In example (2) the indefinite ‘o carte’ may either acquire a narrow scope reading according to which ‘every student read a (possibly) different book on linguistics’. More precisely.’ 166 .’ (Krifka (1998)) If it is not a wide scope reading. Romanian does not rely on word order to differentiate between the wide scope and the narrow scope readings of indefinite DPs. ‘All the students learning English have read a book on linguistics. ‘each’ occupy the specifier of the Distributive-Universal category DistP.’ Configurational languages such as German.This is. two readings may obtain: if the GQP occupies SpecShareP it will acquire a narrow scope interpretation because this position is in the scope of the DQP occupying SpecDistP. de Hoop 1992. possess a way to override these lexical factors and to disambiguate between the two possible readings that indefinite DPs may acquire. The leftmost DP ‘mindestens ein Student’ takes scope over the QP ‘jeden Roman’ in example (3) below borrowed from Krifka (1998): (3) Mindestens ein Student hat jeden Roman gelesen. When a DQP and a GQP co-occur in the same sentence.’ (2) Toţi studenţii de la englez ă au citit o carte de lingvistică. if the GQP fills SpecRefP. however.Distributive-Universal QPs headed by ‘every’. ‘Every student of this faculty read two books on linguistics. what happens in example (1) below where the indefinite ‘a book’ is ambiguous between a wide scope and a narrow scope interpretation: (1) Every student in this class read a book on linguistics. even if we move an indefinite DP out of VP and to the left of another operator we will still obtain both a narrow scope interpretation and a wide scope one for this DP: (4) a. Thus. Unlike with German indefinites. This analysis could handle Romanian unmarked direct objects (which are not PE marked and CD-ed) which behave in a similar way to English ones. Diesing 1994 a. Două cărţi de lingvistică a citit fiecare student al acestei facultăţi. the scrambled indefinite is associated with strong/ specific interpretation (Adger 1993. Abraham 1995. Delfitto & Corver 1995. the leftmost one outscopes the other. indeed.

e. which reads as ‘there is a set of two books such that every student has read’. this comes as a sequence of the position (the edge of the vP phase) occupied by the scrambled DO in German or the CD-ed DO in Romanian (Lopez (2012)). and SOV.. (5) a. OSV. PE marking+CD does not necessarily ensure a wide scope reading but rather specificity in the sense of Enç (1991) i.The indefinite ‘două cărţi’ may acquire a narrow scope reading according to which ‘each student read a (possibly) different set of (two) books’ as well as a wide scope reading. 167 . At festivity from summer this every teacher has praised many pupils. Marked DPs seem to favor a wide scope reading irrespective of the position they occupy in the sentence. The indefinite DP remains ambiguous between a wide scope reading and a narrow scope one in all the possible word orders: SVO. b.’ Example (7a) is a suitable continuation for the context in (6). At festivity from summer this every teacher them. (6) When the school year ends every summer our school principal gives prizes to the most diligent pupils who obtained the best marks. ‘At this summer’s festivity every teacher praised many pupils. OVS. (7) a. whereas (7b) is not: Thus. In this praper we provide data showing that German scrambling and Romanian CD amount to the same interpretive effects. Nevertheless. This year fifty pupils received such prizes. Pe câţiva moguli români îi vânează toate has praised PE many pupils. VOS.a lăudat pe mulţi elevi. does not trigger the wide scope reading of this DP. we noticed a difference in behavior between unmarked direct objects (which go by the findings of Beghelli & Stowell 1996) on the one hand and PE marked + CD-ed direct objects on the other.’ Yet. VSO. Furthermore. ‘All women are hunting for some Romanian moguls. La serbarea din vara asta fiecare profesor a lă udat mulţi elevi. movement of the indefinite DP to the left of the universaldistributive QP. they function as covert partitives. Therefore. (7a) states that the pupils that were congratulated by their teachers necessarily belong to the range of fifty pupils mentioned in the context (6) as opposed to (7b). La serbarea din vara asta fiecare profesor i. This is in line with the lexical factors accounted for by Beghelli & Stowell (1996).

137-161. F. Stowell.) Was determiniert Wortstellung. Lopez. e.). Krifka. Scope inversion under the rise-fall contour in German. Distributivity and Negation: The Syntax of Each and Every. Towards a Uniform Account of Scrambling and Clitic Doubling. However. 71–107. Diesing. Werner. Abraham. 1995. the contrast in left branch extractions illustrated in the contrasting (1) for Croatian. Czech and English. 1996. Manfred. 2001. German: Syntactic Problems – Problematic Syntax. Frey. Dissertation. Scrambling. Mürvet . Linguistic Inquiry 22: 1-25. CZ c. Abney (1987) proposed the (universal) existence of a DP projection above the NP. Cambridge. Indefinite Objects. M.1991.veselovska@upol. Choice Functions. Linguistic Inquiry 29 (1): 75-112. Fokusgrammatik und Indefinitheit. Deutsche Syntax im Sprachvergleich. -Ph. Enç. The Semantics of Specificity.g. MA: The MIT Press. CR b. most of which do not have an obvious (and/ or obligatory) lexical item to be classified as D. Adger. Czech Republic ludmila. Alexiadou. London: Routledge. Werner . 1993. Artemis & Eena Anagnostopoulou. 168 . 1994. Tübingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag. Ways of Scope Taking. 1997.). 1998. Luis. Massachusetts: MIT Ludmila Veselovská Palacký University in Olomouc. Szabolcsi (ed.1992. In A. Beghelli. 235-245. de Hoop. In Werner Abraham and Elly van Gelderen (eds. and Differential Marking. Werner. 2012. In B. About the whereabouts of DP or NP? Functional Heads in the Nominal Projection of Article-less Czech Assuming general cross-linguistic and cross-category parallelism. Haftka (Hg.. (1) a.Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag.Bibliography Abraham. EN Ovuii / Lepujj sam pronašla [ ti/tj knjigu]. Želko Bošković and Larisa Zlatić have argued repeatedly in favor of a simple NP (or QP) analysis in some Slavic article-less languages. the existence of a DP layer above NP seems not be resolved yet for Slavic languages. Takovoui /Krásnouj jsem našla [ ti/tj knihu]. 142-161. University of Edinburgh.D. Dordrecht: Kluwer. Cambridge. Most prominently. and T. Functional Heads and Interpretation. focusing on several correlations with the missing D layer in their systems. Case Configuration and Noun Phrase Interpretation. David. Indefinites. *Thesei / Nicej I found [ ti/tj books]. Tübingen: Günther Narr. H. Theoretical Linguistics 27. 1996.

e. I will propose that even those Czech functional heads which are realized in their canonical positions can first enter the derivation as late as the morphological component . Durdica Caruso. systematically trigger a morphology which signals their presence. Croatian) NPs in terms of a split DP hypothesis. ϕ-feature agreement morphology with short vowels. b. Q. like e. i. Pět chlapců/jich/*Ø přiš -lo/*-li do kina pozdě. and N projections. The analysis and data provided in the poster will suggest that there is no reason in Czech to give up the parallelism between verbal and nominal projections and that the D above NPs in a DP projection can remain a universal property. Concentrating on the paradigms of Czech adjectives and determiners. determiners and (in)definiteness markers.g. some Czech quantifiers.e. arguing in favor of its DP characteristics. then the remnant DP undergoes the contrastive focus movement to the left periphery of the clause. using a DP structure containing multiple functional heads. Monika Bašić and Pavel Rutkowski.e.g. other authors.On the other hand. such as: (i) for Ds. 1990). ‘Five/four boys/of them arrived to the cinema late.g. when lexicalized.’ The lack of an overt D head in Czech is related to its typological characteristic. (2) a. I will also show that the left branch extraction phenomena as in (1a-b) can be explained in Czech using a remnant movement analysis as demonstrated in Veselovská (1995) or Bašič (2004). try to keep the DP domain universal and provide analyses of the left periphery of Slavic (Polish. they are able to express referentiality) irrespective of the presence or absence of specific D. whereby it realizes most of its functional heads (including its verbal functional heads) using bound morphology. sampled here as (2a) contrasted with (2b). The proposed alternative analysis consists of two steps: first the NP leaves the DP (to avoid focus interpretation). In my paper I will discuss the internal syntactic structure of nominal expressions in Czech. and (ii) for Qs. I will provide data showing that Czech nominal expressions display both N. I will demonstrate how different morphology appears in the D. I will compare in more detail (including some relevant corpus statistics for Czech) the word order inside English and Czech nominal complexes showing the overwhelming similarities which suggest non-distinct underlying structures. Čtyři chlapci/*jich/Ø přiš *-lo/-li do kina pozdě. the distinct Case and agreement patterns specific to Czech QPs as in Veselovská (2001). which can host various quantifiers. Some of the functional heads. Corver. 169 .and N-elements.and D-semantics (i. In this conception it is not a prenominal AP that is extracted from a nominal complex (as assumed in e.

Paris (CNRS/Paris 8). Katolieke Universiteit Brabant. N.D. (2001) ’Agreement Patterns of Czech Group Nouns and Quantifiers. 159-170.D. Dissertation. Mouton de Gruyter. Caruso. Ph.’ In Corver. Zlatić. MIT. (1998): Slavic noun phrases are NPs not DPs. March 3-4. (1997): The Structure of the Serbian Noun Phrase. Bašić. Indiana. Ph.References Abney. dissertation. L. Mass. Ph. 2011. L. P. Palacký University. Bloomington. Evidence in support of the DP hypothesis in Polish. 1998. Bošković. Zlatić..1-2. Steven (1987): The English NP in Its Sentential Aspect. Studia Linguistica 59. Ž. dissertation. Veselovská. Jezikoslovlje 3. Paper presented at the “Workshop on Comparative Slavic Morphosyntax”. dissertation. Norbert (1990) The Syntax of Left Branch Extractions. Tromso. Semi-Lexical Categories. 170 . Paper presented at the “Conference on Languages with and without Articles”. (2005): On the Locality of Left Branch Extraction and the Structure of NP. and Rijemsdijk. (2002): Noun/pronoun asymmetries. Veselovská. van (eds. Olomouc. Austin. Bošković. Monika (2004) Nominal substractions and the Structure of NPs in Serbian and English. 273-320. University of Stuttgart. Durdica Z. Studies in Generative Grammar.). MPhil dissertation. Cambridge. L. (2012): The Syntax of Nominal Expressions in Articleless Languages: A Split DPAnalysis of Croatian Nouns.D. June 6. (1995) Phrasal Movement and X-Morphology: Word Order Parallels in Czech and English Nominal and Verbal Projections. (2011): More on the DP/NP analysis of languages with and without articles.D. Ph. University of Texas. Rutkowski. L. Tilburg.1: 1-45. PhD diss. Berlin. Ž. Corver. H.

Palacký University in 171 . Czech Republic www.