ALTORIENTALISCHE Band 39 · 2012 2 FORSCHUNGEN

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Herausgeber: JOOST HAZENBOS JÖRG KLINGER JARED L. MILLER in Verbindung mit MANFRED BIETAK RAINER M. CZICHON HELMUT FREYDANK VOLKERT HAAS KARL JANSEN-WINKELN HORST KLENGEL JOHANNES RENGER WERNER SUNDERMANN

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amad on the Lower ˘ H ¯bur in Syria. This paper was ˘ written as part of the research project ‘Mechanisms of communication in an ancient empire: the correspondence between the king of Assyria and his magnates in the 8 th century BC’. who first alerted me to the existence of the Geneva fragment. Bibliographical abbreviations used can be found in Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie (RlA). 810–783 BC). appa. one in the name of Adad-ne ¯ ra ¯rı ¯ III of Assyria (r. Nergal-e ¯ res ˇ (official). appa. The stele. How the first element of the name. Both inscriptions concern the god Salma and his temple at Du ¯ r-Katlimmu for whose reconstruction and refurbishment Adad-ne ¯ ra ¯rı ¯ and Nergale ¯ res ˇ take credit. one on the front written from the point of view of the king and a second on the left hand side of the stele from the point of view of Nergal-e ¯res ˇ . modern Tell Saih H . or alternatively Pa ¯lil-e ¯res ˇ . 8 th century BC. 265–277 Karen Radner1 The Stele of Adad-ne ¯ra ¯ rı ¯ III and Nergal-e ¯res ˇ ˇ aih H amad) from Du ¯ r-Katlimmu (Tell S . Du ¯ r-Katlimmu (city). the other in the name of Nergal-e ¯res ˇ . and to Hartmut Kühne. 39 (2012) 2. conventionally read Nergal-e ¯ res ˇ . king of Assyria (r. was pronounced is entirely unclear.2 his governor in the province Ras . with whom I have disˇ aih H cussed the Du ¯ r-Katlimmu stele on several occasions. Salma ¯nu (god). surrounded by divine symbols. This paper presents a copy and an edition of a stele of Adad-ne ¯ra ¯rı ¯ III. Keywords: Assyria. See discussion in Kühne / Radner (2008: 31–32). British Museum. Neo-Assyrian stele. who wishes to remain anonymous. whose name and titles. . bears two cuneiform ˘ inscriptions. Russell. Forsch. . funded by the UK Arts and Humanities Research Council from 2008 to 2013. I am also grateful to John M. The presentation of the stele is based on examination of its two fragments. made of black basalt. modern Tell S . There are good arguments for the assumption that neither Nergal nor Pa ¯lil is the correct reading. temple. Adad-ne Neo-Assyrian inscription. ¯ ra ¯rı ¯ III (king).Altoriental. ˘ Abstract ˇ aih H A Neo-Assyrian royal stele from Du ¯ r-Katlimmu. amad itself. as well as to Frans van Koppen for his comments and suggestions.. for allowing me to work with the stele fragments in their care. which Nergal-e ¯res ˇ (or Pa ¯lil-e ¯res ˇ ). amad in Syria. and the owner of the Geneva fragment. 810–783 BC). like on the stele from 1 2 My thanks are due to Jonathan Taylor. often in Tell S . The monument bears two inscriptions.a one in the British Museum and one in a private collection in Geneva. is of the typical Assyrian shape with the rounded top and shows the king in prayer. ˇ dedicated to the god Salma ¯nu of Du ¯ r-Katlimmu. governor of the Assyrian province of Ras ¯nu . Akademie Verlag.

The piece was not sold at the time and was returned to Geneva. Hormuzd Rassam visited Tell S . he never returned to Tell S . the owner of the fragment contacted Dr. amad in 1879. his rule and his realm. Its connection with Rassam’s piece was not ˇ ams recognized at the time. where it has since been stored in its shipping crate. Rassam confiscated the stele fragment and ‘had great difficulty to move to the sea-coast what remained of the Assyrian sculpture. This turned out to be a fragment from the top of a basalt stele with a cuneiform inscription and a representation of an Assyrian king in prayer. Kühne / Radner 2008: 33–34). This upper fragment was identified as a stele of Adad-ne ¯ra ¯rı ¯ III by Alan Millard and Hayim Tadmor. The Two Fragments ˇ aih H In May 1879. so that the god might bless the ruler. amad. as I had taken some tools with me for the purpose. who is presented as a loyal supporter of the crown.At some point after Rassam’s visit. and. who published a full edition with copy and photograph (1973). which bears a second inscription. who erected a shrine …. The Stele of Adad-ne ¯ ra Tell al-Rimah . It has a maximum preserved height of 81 cm and a maximum width of 52 cm. 2002: 15–16). as the effigy was considered an idol of the benighted heathens unfit to remain in that hallowed ground’. ˇ aih H While at Tell S . No further fragments of the stele ˘ have been unearthed during the German excavations conducted under the direction of Hartmut Kühne since 1978. and when we came to thin it. The fragment ‘had been hurled down the mound by the Arabs. amad ‘for the purpose of examining an ˘ Assyrian sculpture. but he did not receive the necessary permit (Rassam 1897: 313). presumably as it was mistakenly attributed to S ˇ¯ ı -Adad V of Assyria (Christie’s New York. This new fragment first came to public notice when it was offered for auction at Christie’s in New York in 2000. ˘ restoring the temple. (see below). Adad-ne ¯ra ¯rı ¯ is credited with found at Tell S . Rassam had some test trenches dug (see Kühne 2008: ˘ 544) and intended to return the following year in order to search for the rest of the monument. In summer 2012. it was possible to propose the join with Rassam’s ˇ aih H piece from Tell S . The inscriptions explicitly mention Du ¯ r-Katlimmu as the seat of the god Salma ¯nu.266 ¯ r¯ ı III and Nergal-e ¯ res ˇ Karen Radner. because it was too large to carry on horseback. also Radner 2008: 543. but it was ‘believed that the remainder of the [stele] is buried on top of the mound’ (Rassam 1897: 312). the fragment as it eventually arrived at the British Museum (inventory number: BM 131124) had been mutilated and is now only 15 cm thick. were erased at a later point. though when and how this occurred is presently unknown. which was reported to me by different Arab travellers to exist there’ (Rassam 1897: 311). However. Jon Taylor of the British Museum. confirming the testimony of archival texts ˇ aih H amad (Radner 1998. a second. with only the head and an arm as well as three divine symbols preserved. larger fragment of the same stele must have been discovered at the site. since the auction catalogue contained very good colour photographs of the front of the stele and its left hand side. While this may give the impression that Rassam was unable to cut away the stele’s back. 491). . amad and offer a reconstruction of its historical context (Radner ˘ 2002: 15. to the best of ˇ aih H our knowledge. is credited with dedicating on behalf of his king a golden sword and this very stele. 13 June 2000: 134–135 no. while Nergal-e ¯res ˇ . it was found too hard to cut’ (Rassam 1897: 312).

5 cm (max. 39 (2012) 2 267 75 cm 0 10 20 cm 27 cm Fig. 1 and it was arranged for me to view it. 2). XXIX). The Geneva fragment preserves the stele’s original width of 75 cm and its original thickness of 27 cm. which likewise shows the king in prayer . A third stele of Adad-ne ¯ra ¯rı ¯ III and Nergal- .4 cm (Börker-Klähn 1982: 196 no.Altoriental.). 164. I am pleased to be able to present here a full edition of the two inscriptions on the basis of my examination of the Geneva piece on 1 November 2012 and the British Museum piece on 16 November 2012. which is somewhat better preserved and clearer to read than the earlier copy suggests. It is broken off at a height of 137.A. and my copy differs only in line 9. Forsch.104.0.7). parts of which are preserved on both fragments. the Tell al-Rimah stele (RIMA 3. The Du ¯ r-Katlimmu stele is therefore significantly larger than another stele of Adad-ne ¯ra ¯rı ¯ III and Nergal-e ¯res ˇ of the same shape. resulting in the following dimensions: 212 × 75 × 27 cm (Fig. The British Museum fragment had previously been copied by Alan Millard (Millard / Tadmor 1973: pl. 1) combines both fragments. surrounded by divine symbols and is made of grey ‘Mosul marble’ and measures 130 × 69. The inscription on the front.). My copy (Fig.3 × 20. allows the reconstruction of the relative position of the two pieces and therefore the original height of the monument.

the Saba<a stele from the southern Jebel Sinjar.2. 140 × 44 × 16. Donbaz 1990: 9) and Antakya stelae (RIMA 3.0. but is executed in such an unusual square shape that it may have served as an architectural element rather than a free-standing monument (RIMA 3. . 322 for photographs).0. The Stele of Adad-ne ¯ ra Fig. 163).104. Donbaz 1990: 7) were erected as border markers rather than dedicatory monuments and are of a different design altogether.3. 2 e ¯res ˇ .0.104.104. Adad-ne ¯ra ¯rı ¯ ’s Pazarcik (RIMA 3. 127 × 52 × 31 cm.268 ¯ r¯ ı III and Nergal-e ¯ res ˇ Karen Radner. A.6). A. A. is likewise smaller at 192 × 50 × 38 cm (Börker-Klähn 1982: 196 no.5 cm. It also depicts the king in prayer amidst divine symbols. but looks rather different (see Blocher 2001: 319.

3 930 kg according to the note on its shipping crate. amad today is no ˘ longer ‘such an out-of-the-way place’ as Rassam (1897: 313) found it to be. 4 ˇ aih H The Geneva fragment weighs close to a ton. one must wonder how this heavy and unwieldy object might have been excavated and especially ˇ aih H transported from the site. 39 (2012) 2 269 Fig.). amad ˘ since excavations began in 1978 never noticed illicit digging on the mound of the necessary large scale (Hartmut Kühne. The German team that has worked annually at Tell S . 3 Fig.Altoriental. pers. when Kühne and his collaborators first started surveying the site. .3 and whereas Tell S . This may perhaps lend some support to the assertion that the fragment ‘was inherited from the owner’s father in the 1960s’ (Christie’s New York. 13 June 2000: 134). which may perhaps indicate that the stele had been unearthed before 1975. comm. Forsch.

5 cm wide border of the stele. The signs are well shaped and very regular despite the fact that they are incised across the body of the king. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 ˇam-s ˇ ú man kur As ˇ-s ˇur a mS ˇi–X [mdX–érin. [I subdued] the land of Hatti to its full extent.táh man] dan-nu man s ˘ m d  ˇ man kib-rat IV-ti [man s ˇ ú man kur As ˇ-s ˇur a ] di -ma-nu–mas ˇ ˇ ˇ I. The fragment in the British Museum (BM 131124) preserves the ends of lines 1–10. 3). which is executed in high relief (4 cm).dib-s ˇú lu e-pu-us ˇ é–dingirMES ˇ ˇ GIS ˇ GIS ùrMES e-ri-ni s ˇá ta* qé-reb kur Lab-na-ni ina ugu-hi lu-u ú-kin ˘ (space) e-nu-ma é–dingir s ˇu-a-tú ú-s ˇal-bar-ú-ma e-na-hu ˘ ˇ mu s ˇat ˇú lu-ter nun egir-ú an-hu-su lu-ú-dis . Towards the s[ea] of the west [I marched]. has the beginnings of lines 9–10 and all of 11–20. [king of the universe. -ru a-na ki-s ˘ (1–2) [Adad-ne ¯ra ¯rı ¯ (III)]. my lord. a-lam en-ti-i]a URU Ar-me-di s ˇ á murub4 ÍDtam-ti lu az -qu-pu ina ˇ ˇ GIS ˇ ùr!MES e-ri-ni a-na kur Lab-na-ni e-li GIS ˇ GIS ˇ u-ma e-ri-ni s ˇ u-a-tú-nu dan-nu-ti a-kis ina u4-me-s ta* qé-reb kur Lab-na-ni lu ás ˇ-s ˇá-a ina ká é ddi-ma-ni en-a ˇ a-bi lu ú-kin é-dingir la-bi-ru s ˇá mddi-ma-ni–mas ˇ à-bi-ia e-pu-us ˇ e-na-a h-ma u a-na-ku ina hi-sa-at s ˘ ˇ ˘ s ˇu-a-tú ta* ú-s ˇi-s ˇu a-di gaba.hi me-lam-me s ˇá As ˇ-s ˇur e[n-ia] [a-na áMES-s ˘ ˇ ú-nu-te ina is ˇ -t]e-et mu.MES gigirMES érinH ] karas ˇ lu-ú ad-ki a-na kur Hat-t [i] [GIS ˘ ˘ Í D ˇ á e-bi [r] [a-na du-ki lu aq-bi ] a. whose surface is better preserved than that of the other piece. son of] Salma ¯nu-as ˇ are ¯d (= Shalmaneser III).ki  [a-na URUPa-qi-ra. I crossed the Euphrates in flood.hu-[m]a ˘ ˘ ˇ ˇ ú-nu it-tak-lu p]u-ul. king of the universe. [son of Abı ¯ -ra ¯me. gim-ri-s ˇ i lu-ú [a-lik s s ˇ á di-me dutu-s . king of Assyria. ˘ I [erec]ted m[y lordly image] in the city of Arwad in the midst of the sea. In photographs. The lines are separated by very straight horizontal rulings. together with eight kin]gs the city of Paqirahu]buna.an. (12–17) .A. In just o]ne year.an. son of ˇ ams S ˇ¯ ı -Adad (V). The Geneva fragment. King of Assyria On the front of the stele twenty lines of cuneiform inscription are incised across the body of the king.270 ¯ r¯ ı III and Nergal-e ¯ res ˇ Karen Radner. including the one presented here (Fig. the shadows cast by the figure of the king and the rim obscure part of the text. Several lines continue onto the raised. Atta ˘ of Hatti. [overwhelmed them. (3–4) I mustered (my) [chariotry.na kur Hat-t[i] [is.hu]-bu-na a-ta-rad mA-tar–s ˘ MES ˇ  m [a ad –ra-me a-di VIII man] -ni s ˇ á kur Hat -ti s ˇ á i-si.hu-pu-s ˘ ˘   a-di pa -[at ˇ á lu-ú ak-s ˇ u]d ina ugu ÍD[tam-ti] . (5–6) I went down [to ˘ ¯r-s ˇ umkı ¯ . troops] and armed forces and [gave the order to march] to the land of Hatti. strong [king]. king of Assyria. who had rebelled and (7–11) [trusted in their strength] – the awesome ˘ radiance of the god As ˇs ˇur. The Stele of Adad-ne ¯ ra The Inscription of Adad-ne ¯ra ¯rı ¯ III. king of the four quarters.rad ina mi-[l]i-s ˇ úm.

104.104. built this temple from its foundations to its parapets. 1263–1234 BC).g. who indeed has already been suggested as the temple’s founder on independent grounds (Radner 1998: 49–51). which Salma ¯nu-as ˇ are ¯d (= Shalmaneser I).. New. but the identification with the island city is clear because of its description as s ˇa qabal tâmti. This shrine is said to be a foundation of ‘my father Salma ¯nu-as ˇ are ¯d’. The signs are not as deeply incised as those on the front and are less evenly ˇ appears in two variants arranged. appa On the left side of the stele are preserved 25 further lines of the cuneiform inscription.0. off the shore of the modern city of Tartus in Syria. and specifically relevant for Du ¯ r-Katlimmu. 13′ and 14′). whoever composed the text made use of a highly literary language and . The old temple. Forsch. which must refer to the first king of that name (r. which. The Inscription of Nergal-e ¯ res ˇ . with at least one line missing at the beginning (Fig. The Tell al-Rimah . see Bagg 2008: 186. URU Ar-me-di is the first such spelling of Arwad (see Bagg 2007: 27–29. URU Ar-ma-di. Paqarhubuni). my ancestor (lit. The lines are separated by irregularly applied rulings. and the overall context. While it is easy to find fault with the work of the stone mason who applied the inscription. the sign MES (compare ll. after the defeat of the coalition at Paqirahubuna (in the region of modern Gaziantep in south˘ eastern Turkey.v. father). (19–20) When this temple becomes old and dilapidated may a future prince renovate its dilapidated parts and return the inscription (lit. Governor of Ras .0. my lord. I cut strong logs of cedar. s.A. There are also some mistakes in lines 7′ and 11′ (see below). I placed those cedars from Mount Lebanon in the gate of the temple of the god Salma ¯nu. 10′ and 18′ with ll.7: 10) has The final vertical wedge of the sign ÙR is missing. – According to the Tell al-Rimah .Altoriental. At that time. The sign forms are also less uniform. 39 (2012) 2 271 I ascended Mount Lebanon. ‘in the midst of the sea’. 9: 11: There is a space between the two components of the sign ÍD due to the fact that the carving of the fingers of the king precluded writing there. (18) I placed the cedar roof beams from Mount Lebanon on top. Adad-ne ¯ra ¯rı ¯ cut 100 cedar beams ‘for the requirements of my palace and temples’ (RIMA 3. written name) to its place. All this information is known already from other inscriptions issued in Adad-ne ¯ra ¯rı ¯ ’s name (Millard / Tadmor 1973: 57–64). in a stroke of inspiration.7: 11). afforded an opportunity to visit the Mediterranean and the island of Arwad. 12: The inscription contains a version of the report of the campaign of 805 BC against an alliance of western rulers under the leadership of Atta ¯r-s ˇ umkı ¯ of Arpad. had built. stele (RIMA 3. is that a visit to Mount Lebanon at that time resulted in cedar logs being brought back in order to renovate the temple of Salma ¯nu. 4). had become dilapidated and I. Constructing the Salma ¯nu temple’s gate and roof out of the Lebanese cedar beams must have consumed a significant portion of that number. stele. s.v. the god of Du ¯ r-Katlimmu. A. Arwa ¯da for the other attestations). e.

the field-marshal of Adad-ne ¯ra ¯rı ¯ III (see Dalley 2000: 85–86). u-ti-s ˘ ˇ 14′ mil-ki kúrMES -s ˇú ana gìr. a-pi] U RU [ Ne-med–dXV URUAp-k]u 4′ 5′ nam-s ˇe-pis ˇ-ma .II.II-s ˇú 10′ unMES ˘ ˇ-s ˇur 11′ di numun-s ˇú {SI} di un! kur As ˇú ana mar-e 12′ u di kur As ˇ-s ˇur za-<i-ri-s ˇ 13′ ás ˇ-t ˇú a-na záhMES . a-r [u kù. his beloved abode. for the wellbeing of his seed.te sanga-ti-s ˇú 8′ pab-ir GIS ˇ GIS gidru mur-te-<-at 9′ ˇ s ˇu-ut-mu. his lord. -s .g] i ú-s ˇ-s ˇur en-s ˇú 6′ alam mX–érin. king of Assyria}.hal-liq it-ti ˘ 25′ géme kur-s ˇú ina mi-nu-ti lu-s ˇi-ib [To the god Salma ¯nu] (1′–2′) who resides in Du ¯ r-Kat[limmu. to scatter his adversaries. the city of [Ne (and) the city of Apk]u. his lord.lim ki-is . king of Assyria. .táh man kur As ˘ ˇ-s ˇur} en-s ˇú 7′ ana d{X mX–érin. to subdue his enemy princes.táh man kur As ˘ ˇ as ˇ . appa].kur kur R[a-s 3′ . (5′) had a gol[den sw]ord made and (15′) made and presented (6′–8′) an image of Adad-ne ¯ra ¯rı ¯ III.272 ¯ r¯ ı III and Nergal-e ¯ res ˇ Karen Radner.A i-kát-ta-mu 19′ ina saharH ˘ ˘ 20′ lu-u ina é azag a-s ˇar 21′ la-ma-a-ri ú-s ˇe-ra-bu-ma gar-nu d di-ma-nu en gal-u 22′ 23′ lugal-su lis-kip mu-s ˇú numun-s ˇú 24′ ina kur li. This literary style is ˇ ams reminiscent of that found in the inscriptions of S ˇ¯ ı-ilu.mes ˇ -s ˇú 15′ s ˇuk-nu-s ˇe dù-us ˇ-ma i-qis ˇ 16′ s ˇá nu s ˇú-a-tú ta* igi d di-ma-nu s ˇ ub ana ki man-ma gar-nu 17′ ˇ s ˇ ub-ú lu-u 18′ lu-u ina aMES I.hi s ˇ u. the] holy [shrine]. which contrast with the blander inscription on the front. the wellbeing of the people of Assyria and the wellbeing of Assyria. i] 2′ kù s ˇu-bat na-ra-me-s ˇú en gal en-s ˇú md  igi. the great lord. Most of lines 3′ and 4′ were intentionally erased at a later point. (3′–4′) Nergal-e ¯res ˇ . The Stele of Adad-ne ¯ ra vocabulary. [gover]nor of the country of R[as ¯ med-Issar .du–kam [gar]. who protects the Salma ¯nu!! {Text: Adad Adad-ne throne of his priesthood. his lord. (9′–15′) to give into his hands the sceptre that shepherds the people. [beginning lost] 1′ a-s ˇib URU bàd–duk -[I. There are some passages in our inscription that are so far without direct parallels (see below). largely obscuring the name and titles of Nergal-e ¯res ˇ and damaging also some of the signs in line 5′. to the god ¯ra ¯rı ¯ . to destroy his fierce foes.

v. Nergal-e temple beside the podium that once held the statue of the god. In Neo-Assyrian usage. inscription of Adad-ne ¯ra ¯rı ¯ II (911–891 BC): RIMA 2.. This is the first explicit such mention attested for the first millennium. ˇ ams Roughly contemporary to our reference is a passage in an inscription of S ˇ¯ ı -ilu. ‘she who drives out the fierce foes’ (RIMA 3. 11′: Again there are some writing mistakes. 8′–9′: Salma ¯nu is presented as the guardian of kingship.A. from Til-Barsip that calls the goddess Is ˇ tar sa ¯ kipat as ˇ.v. 377).0.2’). Adad-ne ¯ra ¯rı ¯ III’s field-marshal. apparently seated on a throne (Oates 1968: 123.99. nams ˇs ˇ ur contains a .104. 7′: The passage marked with { } is an obvious copying mistake. XXXII–XXXIII. may he live in a contingent together with the slave women of his land. 70–71). a nams . We can correct this passage with confidence to read Salma ¯nu. the frequently used terms za ¯ <iru and nakru as well as the rather more high-brow as ˇ. 25′: The last curse formula has no known parallels in the corpus of Assyrian inscriptions. may his name (and) his seed disappear in the land. We can assume that the Du ¯ r-Katlimmu stele was set up in a similar position inside the Salma ¯nu temple.2010: 7). tu ¯ te. tu ¯ te. and the object presented here by Nergal-e ¯res ˇ will have been a similar weapon for Salma ¯nu. 16′–17′: At Tell al-Rimah ¯res ˇ ’s stele was found in situ inside the cella of the . The sign SI seems to be superfluous and the sign interpreted here as UN has too many vertical wedges. runs largely parallel 5′: .Altoriental. the great lord.0. (22–25) may the god Salma ¯ nu. 12′–14′: No fewer than three synonyms are used to describe the king’s enemies. s. especially the description as to what evil fate might be in store for the monument (see Radner 2005: 259). which is attested in Assyrian inscriptions from Tukultı ¯ -apil-Es ˇ arra (= Tiglath-pileser) I (1114–1076 BC) onwards (CAD A/II 475. . 39 (2012) 2 273 (16–21) Whoever discards this image from the presence of Salma ¯ nu (or) puts it into another place. as ˇ. but it fits well with the fact that Salma ¯nu is one of the ‘gods of the palace’ receiving votive gifts as part of the installation of the new king according to the so-called Middle Assyrian Coronation Ritual (see Radner 1998: 39). as the protector of the throne and the donor of the sceptre. pl. ‘to sow seed.2: 7–8. A. aru-sword is no ordinary blade but a weapon fit for a god (see CAD N/1 246. The rest of the curse section. to scatter’ (CAD Z. ‘the sceptre that shepherds the people’ is attested in an 9′–10′: hat t u murtê <at nis . in other Assyrian inscriptions. whether he throws it into water or covers it with earth or brings and places (it) into a taboo house where it is inaccessible. s. as it is this deity that is referenced in lines 17′ and 22′ and of course also in the inscription on the front of the stele. – ¯s ˇu ana zarê. . where the stone mason repeated parts of the previous line. ˇê. Forsch. ˘ 3. aru). Page 1968: 139). . overthrow his sovereignty. Sargon II’s Letter to As aldi of Mus as ir ‘wore at his side’ (TCL description of the golden nams aru that H . t u a. ‘in order to scatter (like seed) his adversaries’: there seem to be za ¯ <irı no parallels so far for the use of zarû. although the alliteration with za ¯ <iru makes this a particularly attractive turn of phrase.

on behalf of Adad-ne ¯ra ¯rı ¯ . A. stelae for the storm god Adad at 4 < ) and at Saba a. A. ‘May the gods Salma ¯nu and [DN] make him disappear from Ne ¯med-Issar!’ (Postgate 1970: 31–32. appa’ (RIMA 3. pl. rather than Salma ¯nu.0. outside of Du ¯ r-Katlimmu. But Saba<a is certainly not Zabban.2006).104. On the other hand.104. The first of these clauses is so far without parallel and reads.6: 22) would seem to refer to it. The titles of Nergal-e ¯res ˇ.0. The latter city is associated with Ne ¯med-Issar in the Saba<a stele (RIMA 3. which.6: 24).9). the god Salma ¯nu is also attested elsewhere in close association with Nergal-e ¯res ˇ .104. a direct link is made between the logging of cedar beams in the Lebanon.0. A.104. appa and Apku. we encounter Nergal-e ¯res ˇ specifically as a devotee of the god Salma ¯nu. however. as was the norm. In the present inscription.104. for which the stele was fashioned. although the passage ina an za-ban-ni ul-ziz-s ˇ ú (RIMA 3.6). and. The Stele of Adad-ne ¯ ra to the formulation of the Saba<a stele (RIMA 3. A. Two of his holdings can be reconstructed with relative certainty as Ras . This suggests a dating of the monument to 805 or relatively soon thereafter. After all.0. nevertheless allow us to narrow this down to the period prior to 797 BC. The only Neo-Assyrian archival tablet so far excavated at Tell al-Rimah . A. Nergal-e ¯res ˇ does not ¯nu yet. One might simply assume that the care for Du ¯ r-Katlimmu’s patron deity Salma ¯nu was part of his expected duties as the senior administrator of the province in which this temple was located. Du ¯ r-Katlimmu and Salma ¯ nu – A Special Relationship? Nergal-e ¯res ˇ ’s holdings as a governor included the city of Du ¯ r-Katlimmu.0. although there As ˇs ˇur and Marduk. XI: 4 The ancient name of Saba<a is unclear. Zama ¯hu (Tell al-Rimah . and this trans˘ action is.274 ¯ r¯ ı III and Nergal-e ¯ res ˇ Karen Radner. moreover.). Nergal-e ¯res ˇ also dedicated. ˘ Or are there any indications for a special relationship? Indeed.0.6: 26–30). and certainly before 797. is a city in the Diyala region (George 2008). and the renovation of the Salma ¯nu temple. Nergal-e ¯res ˇ . albeit mostly erased. a notable cult centre of Adad. as is made explicit in the inscription of the Saba<a stele (RIMA 3. which makes Ne candidate for the second toponym in the present list (certainly a city). which was added to his holdings by royal edict in 797 appear to control Hinda ˘ (RIMA 3. are the ones who are to punish any offender. this is the case at least two decades after his donation of sword and stele to Salma ¯nu and. A. significantly. The Date of the Monument The stele is dated to the reign of Adad-ne ¯ra ¯rı ¯ III (810–783 BC). It documents how the governor Nergal-e ¯res ˇ exchanged a field against one controlled by an official from Zama ¯hu (Tell al-Rimah . protected with security clauses that curse whoever would break the contract. . and the very concise title of Nergal-e ¯res ˇ on a small stone cylinder reads ‘governor of Ne ¯medIssar and Ras ¯med-Issar a plausible . dated to 805 due to the connection with the campaign against Arpad. is a legal text dated to 777 BC.104.

after all. . along with an entire section detailing how the king had authorized him to rebuild 331 settlements in the Jezirah (RIMA 3. suggests that the city and its temple were meant to play a prominent and very visible role within the imperial project. an impression of the cylinder seal of one ‘Is ˇ me-ilu. Forsch. however.0. as this was the year when he held the office of year eponym for the second time. A. Salma ¯nu-…).Altoriental. his name and titles were erased from the Du ¯ r-Katlimmu stele. and the remains of the signs as copied by Postgate cannot be restored in a way that would offer a convincing reading.7: 13–21. the eunuch of Nergal-e ¯res ˇ ’ from a discarded jar sealing (Kühne / Radner ˇ aih H 2008) was excavated in Tell S . s. That we do not know what role the city of Du ¯ r-Katlimmu played within Nergal-e ¯res ˇ ’s holdings and Adad-ne ¯ra ¯rı ¯ ’s realm is of course part of the problem. ˇ aih H Recent archaeological work at Tell S . s. of which only 100 had been brought back from the campaign to the Mediterranean in 805. the god to whom Nergal-e ¯res ˇ had dedicated the Tell al-Rimah stele and whose mention would be far less surprising in the . stele. At some point thereafter. ‘in a stroke of inspiration’. but it is certainly not the name of Adad. Nergal-e ¯res ˇ ’s name and titles were also deleted from the Tell al-Rimah . whose lower town had been thought to be a much later creation. Salma ¯nu) and the personal names listed in Radner (2002: 250–251. Unfortunately. This is. decided to completely rebuild Du ¯ r-Katlimmu’s ancient temple at a time when the Assyrian presence in the Jezirah was revitalised at considerable expense (Kühne 2010: 118–126). amad has highlighted the great potential for ˘ recovering evidence for the time of Nergal-e ¯res ˇ . but the fact remains that according to the inscription of our stele. appa and his other holdings long after he dedicated the Du ¯ r-Katlimmu stele and also after Adad-ne ¯ra ¯rı ¯ had been succeeded by his son Salma ¯nu-as ˇ are ¯d IV (r. after a first turn in 803 BC under Adad-ne ¯ra ¯rı ¯ (Millard 1994: 57–58). amad’s lower town.104. one of the extremely rare NeoAssyrian attestations for the god Salma ¯nu outside of Du ¯ r-Katlimmu (see Radner 1998). with two more attestations from Du ¯ r-Katlimmu in Radner (2010: 183–184).v. The Deletion of Nergal-e ¯res ˇ ’s Name and Titles Nergal-e ¯res ˇ remained governor of Ras . 782–773 BC). it has emerged that Du ¯ r-Katlimmu’s transformation from a relatively small town to a 60 hectare city began already in the 9 th century BC. Page 1968: pl. That he even used for this enterprise precious cedar beams from Lebanon. the name of the second deity is damaged. XXXIX–XLI). 39 (2012) 2 275 TR 4001 14–17). Now. Our monument offers no clues as to when and why this happened. As this forms the end of the inscription on the front of the stele. the only place where the deity is well attested at the time.5 While it seems most likely that the god is mentioned here due to Nergal-e ¯res ˇ ’s role in the text. present context than that of Salma ¯nu. and the fact that the site underwent major changes during the time that Nergal-e ¯res ˇ controlled it has started to become clear (Pucci 2010). In 2003.v. He was in active service at the very least until 775 BC. radically changing previous assump˘ tions about the development of the city. it nevertheless remains unclear what underpins this relationship. the deletion of these nine lines is far more 5 See Radner (2002: 262. the king.

perhaps it points not to Nergal-e ¯res ˇ ’s assumed personal downfall 6 but is a result of the division of the province of Ras ¯res ˇ (Radner 2006: 52–53) . In: G. other monuments of Nergal-e ¯res ˇ elsewhere. ˇ ams Fuchs. ) also suffered the erasure of the ˘ inscriptions on two pairs of lion-head column bases (Oates 1968: pl. Dalley. London. Blocher. 298–324. The Stele of Adad-ne ¯ ra noticeable than in the case of the Du ¯ r-Katlimmu stele. (1990): Two Neo-Assyrian Stelae in the Antakya and Kahramanmaras ¸ Museums. Louvain: 79–88. Page 1968: 139–140). But Nergale ¯ res ˇ may already have died long before these events as there are no known attestations available for the period after 775.AoF 28. close to the divine statue. found his death in the course of the usurpation of the Assyrian throne by Tukultı ¯ -apil-Es ˇ arra (Tiglath-pileser) III in 745 and sees the mutilation of the inscriptions as key evidence for this assumption. 65. ARRIM 8. (2000): Shamshi-ilu. 61–145. Catalogue. ¯ r-Katlimmu were While Nergal-e ¯res ˇ ’s inscriptions in the temples of Zama ¯hu and Du ˘ defaced.276 ¯ r¯ ı III and Nergal-e ¯ res ˇ Karen Radner. (2001): Assyrische Würdenträger und Gouverneure im 9. the stele and the column bases were left inside the temple. Jh. (2008): Der Turta ¯n S ˇ¯ ı-ilu und die große Zeit der assyrischen Großen (830–746).Antiquities Sale 9380. und 8. Thus.K. George. Grayson. 13 June 2000. Despite the mutilation of their inscriptions. remained unharmed. A. Donbaz. Mainz. F. A.9). A. included regions such as La ¯qê and Hinda ˘ Du ¯ r-Katlimmu. (2008): The Sanctuary of Adad at Zabban? A Fragment of a Temple List in Three Subcolumns. correctly in my view. In addition to the mutilation of the stele. which have been interpreted (Oates 1968: 125. as duplicates of the stele inscription. appa. BiOr. together with the field-marshal S ˇ¯ ı-ilu.und Gewässernamen der neuassyrischen Zeit 1: Die Levante (RGTC 7/1). XXXVII) from the outer façade of the cella. 7). that also the Du ¯ r-Katlimmu stele remained inside the Salma ¯nu temple.). M. I (1114–859 BC) (RIMA 2). Börker-Klähn. Christie’s New York. for one. A. and once Nergal-e ¯res ˇ ’s territories had been divided it may have been deemed inappropriate to advertise that the city and its temple had formerly been controlled by a governor of Ras .104. such as the Saba<a stele and the stone tablet from the Is ˇ tar temple of Nineveh (RIMA 3. S. (1991): Assyrian Rulers of the Early First Millennium BC. 6 ˇ ams Andreas Fuchs (2008: 94) has recently argued that he. . (2008): Die Orts. the Adad temple of Zama ¯hu (Tell al-Rimah . therefore. where only two lines of the less prominent inscription on the left hand side were excised. (1982):Altvorderasiatische Bildstelen und vergleichbare Felsreliefs (BagM 4). which under Nergal-e ¯nu that were later turned into separate provinces. Tübingen. 714–717. Essays on Syria in the Iron Age (ANES Suppl. J. 2006: 55). Toronto. was then part of the province of La ¯qê (established at the latest by 736: Radner 2002: 4. Eine Neubewertung ihrer Rolle. whatever prompted the obliteration of Nergal-e ¯res ˇ ’s name and titles in Zama ¯hu and ˘ Du ¯ r-Katlimmu must have been of specific regional import and not necessarily relevant elsewhere. WO 38. Bibliography Bagg. We may assume.0. A. appa. V. Language and Power in the Western Assyrian Empire. Bunnens (ed. 5–24.

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