Root Affix Asymmetries | Lexicon | Symbols

Root/Affix asymmetries in contact and transfer: Case studies from the Andes* Pieter Muysken Centre for

Language Studies, Radboud University Nijmegen

Abstract In this paper I want to explore the psycholinguistic processing issues, in terms of the type of transfer that they exemplify, that we need to postulate to be hypothetically involved in the emergence of two mixed languages and a mixed register with a Quechua structure: Media Lengua (Ecuador) and Kallawaya (Bolivia), both relexified varieties within the Quechua language family, and bilingual mixed songs in Peru, waynos. The two issues that require most attention are (a) the mental status of roots versus affixes in the transfer process; (b) the possibility of manipulating lexical access in transfer. The languages and the register share a number of structural features, but are sociolinguistically totally different. In Media Lengua the lexicon comes from a „new‟ language (Spanish), and in Kallawaya from an „old‟ language (Puquina). Media Lengua is an informal community language, while Kallawaya a ritual healing language only used by male adults. Waynos are a very popular musical genre in large parts of the southern Andes in Peru. The root/suffix asymmetries in the mixed languages are confronted with the mirror phenomenon of Spanish suffixes that occur in Quechua, to help us further understand the processing issues involved.

Key words: Quechua, Spanish, Puquina, language mixing, Media Lengua, Kallawaya *I am grateful for the detailed comments from a reviewer for the journal and from the editors.

1. Introduction In the large area in the South American Andes where members of the Quechua language family are spoken, several interesting contact varieties have emerged. In the north, these comprise varieties of Media Lengua in Ecuador, where Spanish roots are inserted into Quechua morphosyntactic and lexical frames. In the center, particularly in southern Peru, intense mixing is apparent in a specific register, the bilingual songs named waynos. In an area in the south, we find Kallawaya, a ritual healing language only used by male adults, in which lexical roots mostly from an ancestral language (Puquina) are introduced. Throughout the area, Spanish lexical elements, but also suffixes, have been transferred into Quechua. Primarily drawing upon, expanding, and synthesizing my own work in this area, I will compare and contrast these varieties and discuss their relevance for the transfer debate. In Table I a number of features of these varieties are presented and contrasted, including their status with respect to the two distinctions introduced in the work of Grosjean (this volume): dynamic interference versus static transfer, and monolingual versus bilingual language mode. It also briefly characterizes them in terms of the MAT (morphemic matter) versus PAT (structural patterns) distinction introduced in the work of Sakel (2007), a distinction which goes back at least to Heath (1978)‟s distinction between direct (MAT) and indirect (PAT) diffusion, but probably even to earlier sources.

Media Lengua Location Ecuador (Saraguro, Cañar, Salcedo, Imbabura)

Mixed songs Central and southern highlands in Peru, highland Bolivia

Kallawaya Bolivia (Charazani province)

Morpho-syntactic frame Inserted elements

Ecuadorian Quechua

Various Quechua varieties

Bolivian (Charazani) Quechua

Spanish root shapes

Spanish root shapes, mostly verbs

A non Quechua root lexicon, partly Puquina

Sociolinguistic profile

In-group register in communities undergoing shift

Songs played and broadcast in bilingual settings (partly urban) Dynamic Bilingual

A ritual register used by practicioners of traditional medicine Static or dynamic Monolingual with extra lexical register

Dynamicity Language mode

Static Monolingual or bilingual

Matter and/or pattern Key references

Mostly matter, some pattern Muysken 1979, 1981, 1988, 1997a; Gomez Rendón 2006, 2008

Matter

Mostly matter, some pattern

Muysken 1990, 2000

Stark 1972; Muysken 1997, 2009

Table 1: Features of the three mixed varieties discussed

It is apparent that there are both similarities and important differences between these varieties. The root/affix asymmetries referred to in the title of this paper are typologically and areally specific: roots are single initial elements that either require another suffix (verbs) or do not, in Quechua and surrounding Andean languages. They do not involve the kinds of units that one

The most explicit and extreme defendant of this position has been Lefebvre (1998). who proposed the term hybridologie linguistique. it has been used to justify the assumption of West African Portuguese Pidgin as the common substrate of the Caribbean Creole languages. In the African feature debate. In these different areas. the Dutch lexifier creole . Many creolists will allow more more modest amounts of relexification as one of the constitutive processes in creole genesis. it often has a somewhat different meaning. but in a less extreme version. it has been used to explain the intricate interactions between African and European language features in the Caribbean Creole languages. there have been numerous more informal attempts to suggest that many patterns in Caribbean creoles resulted essentially from European word shapes coupled with African meanings and patterns.finds in (for instance) lots of French loanwords in Native Canadian languages. Since then. Thus. some researchers that take the substratist position in Creole studies have embraced some version of the notion of relexification. explaining many of their common features. who argued that Fongbe was relexified with French word shapes to produce Haitian Creole. where nouns often get borrowed with an article attached. and has its roots in Creole studies. The debate surrounding West African Portuguese Pidgin went under the label monogenesis versus polygenesis. Second. one of the early exponents was Adam (1883). was Hesseling‟s (1933) paper on Papiamentu influence on Negerhollands. This is referred to as the monogenetic position. In line with the monogenetic position. A cursory survey of the literature will reveal that Lefebvre‟s very strong claims have aroused much debate. 2. First of all. The concept has been applied in two areas in this sub-discipline. Relexification Relexification is a general term used for massive lexicon replacement in a language. however.

Port quer. Or course. Pap ker with both meanings). but that their language was progressively relexified towards English under the influence of the English plantation owners. In Voorhoeve (1973) it is argued that the original Creole slave population of Surinam was Portuguese pidgin rather than English pidgin speaking (due to the prominent role of Portuguese pidgin in the Atlantic slave trade). who later shifted to a variety of the Dutch creole. In this account. Thus. according to Voorhoeve. They also were responsible for some PAT meaning configurations. In Dutch itself. Sp caballo. these meanings are not unconnected. which accounts for the high number of Portuguese elements in their language. querer. Port cabalho). as the use of the Dutch word form wil to denote both the wish to do something and the desire for an object or person (cf. The Saramaccan maroons escaped into the jungle before their language was fully relexified. wil can only mean the wish for some action or state. cf. but you can want someone on your team or for a particular position without loving that person. Hesseling assumed that there had been a group of Papiamentu speakers present in the early stages of the genesis of Negerhollands. both MAT and PAT are involved in relexification. Not only did they leave lexical MAT+PAT influences (as kabay for horse CHK. Sp. Schematically: Source Hesseling (1933) Voorhoeve Domain Papiamentu influence on Negerhollands Nature of the transfer MAT(+PAT) (kabay „horse‟) PAT (ker > wil „want‟) Portuguese pidgin presence in Surinam MAT+PAT (Portuguese elements in . ik wil jou means „I want (to have) you‟ but not „I love you‟.language formerly spoken on the Virgin islands. while the Negerhollands equivalent has both meanings. as does Spanish yo te quiero.

Cañar province and Saraguro. Chaupi shimi [both: „half language‟]. These elements retain their basic lexical properties. Cotopaxi province (studied by Muysken) in the center. 1988. I will cite examples here from Gómez Rendón‟s valuable (2008) monograph. Imbabura province (studied by Gómez Rendón) in the north. Quichuañol [„Quechu-anish‟]. These varieties span a large part of the Ecuadorian Interandean corridor. Gómez Rendón 2005. although they are partially adapted phonologically. and Chapu shimi [„mix language‟]). Utilla ingiru [„little Quechua‟]. The best studied cases are the Media Lengua of Salcedo. Media Lengua is a form of Quechua in which the large majority of the roots have been replaced with Spanish elements. Basically. Media Lengua In the Andes of Ecuador several cases of mixed Spanish-Quechua languages have been documented (Muysken 1979. Loja province in the south. and the Media Lengua of San Pablo. 1997a. occasional MAT+PAT Table 2: Use of the notion of relexification in creole genesis by different authors 3. Chaupi quichua [„half Quechua‟]. 2008). and as far as we know are unrelated. which often are labeled as Media Lengua (other terms are Chaupi lengua. since the data in my own publications are more easily accessible and have already been frequently cited. while Muysken has also documented varieties near Cañar. glosses adapted): . 1981. from a narrative (Gómez Rendón 2008: 85.(1973) Lefebvre (1998) creoles Fongbe structural (and occasionally lexical) presence in Haitian Creole Saramaccan) PAT (semantic and structural presence). Thus we have examples such as the following.

. thinking those things he was walking along. how much will he charge me?”. what will it be. and yuya.much-AC-IGN loosen-1. while he saw it far away.FU yuya-shpa anda-xu-shka reflect-SUB. The exceptions are wagra „cow‟. Notice that in (1) the large majority of root elements is from Spanish. ima „what‟.up-REF-PRG-EU-TOP wagra dueño-ka cow alla-man-mi contento happy i-shka go-NPAS owner-TOP there-AL-AF pero el-ka but 3-TOP akorda-ri-shpa-wan reflect-REF-SUB.OB-3.(1) ai-manda lexo-ta bi-kpi-ka there-ABL far-AC see-SUB.OB-3.„think‟. but thinking by himself he walked along: “will the boss let me go.‟ Italicized elements are from Quechua throughout this paper. a white hacienda house became visible.SS-COM anda-xu-shka walk-PRG-NPAS patron-ka solta-wa-nga-chu boss-TOP ima-shi kuanto-ta-shi how.DS-TOP uno blanko asienda one white hacienda kaza-mi house-AF asoma-ri-xu-shka-n-ga show.FU-Q what-IGN kobra-wa-nga charge-1. and the owner of the cow walked towards it happily.SS walk-PRG-NPAS „Then.

remember be hungry (imp. Muysken (2010a) argues that the most prominent apparent counterexample in the Salcedo Media Lengua data. outward morphological shapes. on the basis of the discussion and examples presented in Gómez Rendón (2008). make sound x grow up take. In Table 3 I have tried to establish. Media Lengua akorda-riambrithink. this is hard to establish.) Spanish acordar(se) remember hambre hunger (noun) dizikriyalleba- say.) Quechua yuya-riyarikathink.„be‟. or is underlying semantic PAT material brought in as well? For many words.„sleep‟ and Spanish dormir „sleep‟ is not sufficiently different in their semantic range to decide whether Media Lengua durmi. and yuya. However.is just a MAT or also a PAT transfer. and hence is expected not to be relexified. Gómez Rendón (2008) notes that Imbabura Media Lengua contains more Quechua elements than the Salcedo variant. the Quechua copula ka. remember be hungry (imp. is actually a clitic in the relevant Quechua variety. this is easier. A number of verbs fall into this category. bring (over there) decir criar llevar say raise take . imported.is a genuine counterexample to the claim that all roots are from Spanish. ima is part of a fixed expression ima-shi „what will it be?‟. Thus the meaning of Quechua puñu. make sound x grow up take. for other words. bring (over there) niwiñaapa- say. which Media Lengua verbs show evidence of Quechua meaning (PAT) transfer. Are just Spanish MAT items.Wagra may be a term locally used in Spanish as well.

mio Bos ustí il/el illa/ella Spanish yo mi. mio/miyu. live. be ill there is not llorar morir no hay cry die there is not sit. tu usted él ella Quechua ñuka kan (kikin) pay . The distinction between 1SG and 1SG.POS is not made (just like in Ecuadorian Quechua varieties). be located tiya- sit. make noise die. ñuka mi.llena-chi fill (caus. Saraguro is the most Quechua-like version. there is no 3SG gender distinction. be located sentar(se) sit Table 3: Relexification (PAT transfer) operant in Imbabura Media Lengua verbs Different varieties of Media Lengua show different degrees of transfer of Quechua semantic distinctions. mío (strong) vos. In Imbabura Quechua a politemess distinction has been introduced for 2SG.) llenar fill lloramorinuwa-y. make noise die. be ill there is not waqawañuilla- cry.) hunt‟achi- fill (caus. and no 2SG politeness distinction. live. but this is not characteristic for Quechua as a whole. Feature ML Saraguro ML Salcedo ML Imbabura 1SG 1SG PO 2SG 2SG (H) 3SG M 3SG F el el úste miu yo/ami miu bos yo. nuwabisinta- cry.

Bilingual songs. Sicuan-PRV-DIM. In these wayno‟s very frequently a combination of both Quechua and Spanish occurs.FU come. These songs are sung at festive occasions but also at dances and in bars. nuitro/nutro nosotros boskuna ustikuna ustedes ñukanchik kankuna (kikinkuna) elkuna elkuna ilkuna/elkuna/illoskuna illakuna/ellakuna/illaskuna ellos ellas paykuna Table 4: Media Lengua personal pronouns in the different varieties 4. A typical example of a wayno is given in Escobar and Escobar (1981: 256) (Quechua elements italicized): (2) Pobre poor sicuan-eñ-ita.1 PL 2 PL 2PL (R) 3PL M 3PL F miukuna ustekuna nurzhu boskuna nosotros/notros. bilingual popular songs performed by small bands and transmitted through radio and cassette or CD. Large collections of these wayno‟s have been printed. [Poor girl from Sicuani] ¿a qué habrás [wherefore have you come?] to what have.PP Kay runa-h this man-GEN wasi-n-pi house-3-LOC [just to cry?] [In this house of strangers] waqa-na-lla-yki-pah? cry-NOM-DEL-2-for .F venido. the wayno In Peru and Bolivia there is the popular genre of the wayno.2.

OB-PAS-3 ama ri-pu-y-rah-cu.] go-BEN-IMP-yet-NEG ni-wa-ra-n [my mother told me] mama-y-mi mother-1-AF say-1. Phrases are repeated.OB-PAS-3 ama pasa-y-rah-cu. PRH [don‟t leave from here yet. The poetic effect in this genre of songs is reached for a large part with this technique of parallelism or doubling. The bilingual element comes in by various means. In the song above two means are illustrated: code switching (the switch from initial Spanish to subsequent Quechua). and the one of concern here in this paper. at least in the universe of the song (given in bold in (2) above): (3) wasi „house‟ waqa- „cry‟ ri-pu-„go away‟ .] pass-IMP-yet-NEG …. PRH [don‟t go away yet.Kay runa-h this man-GEN llahta-n-pi town-3-LOC [In this town of strangers] ¿llaki-na-lla-yki-pah? grieve-NML-DEL-2-for [just to grieve?] Mama-y-mi ni-wa-ra-n [My mother told me] mother-1-AF say-1. Thus we have a number of semantically roughly equivalent lexical pairs in subsequent lines. bilingual doubling. but often with a slight lexical modification.

not just more marginal vocabulary. (c) (d) it involves basic vocabulary as well.„know‟ QUECHUA ORIGIN yacha. it frequently involves verbs that are never borrowed in ordinary discourse.„pass (by)‟ Since it is often difficult to find a semantic equivalent in the same language. as can be established from corpus studies of spoken Cuzco Quechua. as in the first two pairs in (3). as illustrated in (4). often equivalents from Spanish are taken. (e) the verb occurs with all the relevant Quechua suffixes.llahta„town‟ llaki. as in the third pair.„know‟ . it involves particularly verbs rather than nouns.„grieve‟ pasa. since Spanish words can easily borrowed into Quechua. This is by itself not remarkable. while ordinarily nouns are borrowed with much more frequency (although Spanish verb borrowing is not impossible in Quechua). However five features stand out in doubling in bilingual songs: (a) (b) it is an extremely frequent phenomenon. taken from the last line in (2): (4) Ama pasa-y-rah-chu PRH pass-IMP-yet-NEG „Don‟t leave from here yet‟ Typical verb doublings found in wayno‟s include: (5) SPANISH ORIGIN sabi.

SS . atasi-kuna.bulta.„drink‟ tupa. the women and the mayor went.„meet‟ kuti. 5.‟ (Stark 1972: 216) (7) a.„go away‟ uxya. and then receive the full range of Quechua affixes.„return‟ ri-pu. Laja-kuna. Ri-pu-nki mana willa-ku-spa.„meet‟ I assume these forms to be conventionalized doublets. go-3-PL (QUECHUA) man-PL. alkalde-tah ri-n-ku. something similar to both Media Lengua and the wayno verb doubling is found: the Kallawaya ritual language of the professional healers of the Charazani region north of La Paz in Bolivia. Kallawaya In a very different speech genre.„drink‟ tinku.„return‟ pasa. alkalde-tah isna-n-ku. which can be freely entered into the wayno for doubling purposes. woman-PL.„pass‟ tuma. warmi-s. Q’ari-s. man-PL woman-PL alcalde-EMP go-3-PL (KALLAWAYA) „The men. go-BEN-2 NEG (QUECHUA) tell-REF-SUB. alcalde-EMP b. Compare the paired examples in (6) and (7): (6) a.

and Uru. Moseten. Shift. As far as we can establish many of the lexical roots of Kallawaya are of Puquina origin. Isna-pu-nki u go-BEN-2 NEG uri-ku-spa. in both language samples of (6). and these elements are partially adapted phonologically to Quechua. in the case of the wayno songs this is the „doubling‟ register. Tacana. In terms of scenarios of genesis.‟ (Oblitas Poblete 1968: 34) The forms in (6a) and (7a) represent the ordinary speech of the speech community. there words are affixed with the standard Quechua affixes. 6. there is replacement of Quechua roots with elements from another language. for the most part. Just like in the case of Media Lengua. The non-italic forms in (6b) replace the Quechua equivalents in (6a). Finally. tell-REF-SUB. alkalde „mayor‟. and Kallawaya.SS (KALLAWAYA) „You went away without telling. . In addition. such as Leko. in contrast with all the languages of the area. Issues of genesis and processing In this section. For all intents and purposes. It resembles the wayno songs in that through lexical replacement different registers are created: in the case of Kallawaya this is the ritual register. I will briefly comment on issues of genesis and processing with respect to Media Lengua. a number of words may simply be neologisms.b. and Borrowing. mixed bilingual songs. while the Quechua morphology and grammar is maintained (in addition there is a Spanish loan. it need not concern us here). while the forms in (6b) and (7b) the special ritual language. and certainly with Quechua. contemporary Kallawaya is a form of Quechua with roots from another language. striking is the avoidance of loans from Spanish. but there may also be other languages involved. three primary scenarios come to the fore: Creation.

This language game may then have become conventionalized in the communities the migrant construction workers were from. when so far almost monolingual Quechua-speaking construction workers from rural villages suddenly found themselves working in the rapidly expanding capital of Quito. but it is clear that in the more contemporary forms of Kalllawaya usage. Media Lengua may have emerged out of a language game in the early decades of the twentieth century. the genesis of Media Lengua took place at a time when there was no shift yet to Spanish in the relevant communities. First. Kallawaya usage is highly performative in nature. as far as we know. . triggered by the requirements of the process of semantic doubling in Quechua poetry and facilitated by the wide-spread bilingualism in the area. It is quite possible that in all three cases. Both the expansion of the capital and the mobility of the work force were the result of the construction of a railroad connection to the coastal port of Guayaquil. There has been no study so far of the history of popular music in the southern Andes. The origins of Kallawaya remain obscure. processes of conscious creation have played a role. but there is no doubt that the bilingual songs were the result of a process of semi-conscious creation. Media Lengua may be interpreted as a linguistic phenomenon that accompanies the overall shift in many rural highland communities in Ecuador from Quechua to Spanish. Shift. particularly also when we take other mixed languages into account. creative processes linked to the ritual practices play an important role. Second. There is no intrinsic link between Media Lengua formation and shift. in many Andean communities there has been language shift without the creation of Media Lengua. several observations speak against a strong intrinsic link between Media Lengua formation as such and shift. indeed in all cases where forms of Media Lengua have emerged we find shift occurring as well. However.Creation.

but the pattern of bilingual verb doublings involved verbs that are never borrowed. Regarding Kallawaya. In the varieties where waynos are sung there is also wide-spread borrowing (although more limited than in Ecuador). Qualitatively.The use of bilingual songs in the southern Andes is indicative of wide-spread bilingualism. Language mode and dynamicity. borrowing is mostly restricted to non-basic vocabulary and the distinction basic/non-basic is irrelevant in the case of Media Lengua. there have been reports of some unusual specialized vocabulary. there has been shift originally. In the case of Kallawaya. but not necessarily of shift. The resulting ritual language. but the Quechua of the area is overwhelmingly non-Puquina influenced. . the relation with borrowing is quite complex. the continued presence of Spanish and Quechua in these songs suggests a form of possibly stable diglossia. however. as far as can be gathered from the materials published so far. the picture is different for the three varieties at hand. As to language mode. while in the case of Media Lengua we have almost 100% of the root tokens. Borrowing. However. borrowing is quantitatively restricted to about maximally 40% of the root tokens in the local varieties of Quechua (Stark and Muysken. 1977). and the way Spanish borrowed forms are adapted to Quechua is exactly like the way relexified items are adapted. is more like a case of counter-shift or U-turn. but in this case away from the lexifier language (Puquina) to the structure language (Quechua). Rather. Again. it is clear that the systematic use of Puquina and non-Quechua other words in the ritual language is very different from what we may find elsewhere in the region. In the areas where Media Lengua is spoken there is also extensive borrowing.

although some properties of the original lexemes are retained (see below). in order for her or him to be able to relexify. For MAT transfer as in relexification to occur. The producers of and many of the listeners to bilingual songs are bilinguals. The present day speakers of Kallawaya left do not know Puquina. there are speakers of Media Lengua without good knowledge of Quechua (vocabulary). nativized. however. The final issue that concerns us here is that of the transfer of matter versus pattern. How do we account for (a) the lexicon/grammar split in these three varieties. while they are also able to use the Quechua lexicon in speaking Quechua. and (b) the affix/root split? What the mixed language data clearly show is that manipulating access to a lexicon separate from the one that is conventionally attached to the grammar is clearly a possibility in this case. relexifications became conventionalized. although the initial creators of Media Lengua surely were highly proficient speakers of Quechua. However. The Puquina words are simply part of a lexicon of non-Quechua words that they can use in speaking Kallawaya. the transferred lexicon is possibly only incompletely known. in special but not exceptional circumstances. Vowel distinctions ([mid]/[high] in the case of Media Lengua.It is clear that in the original invention stage of Media Lengua the two languages must have been present in the mind of the speaker. Matter and pattern. While speakers need to know the matrix grammar and phonology well. as the Media Lengua stabilized. incipient bilinguals in Spanish. [long]/[short] in the case of Kallawaya) for instance . The phonology of the mixed languages involved shows mixed features (Van Gijn 2009). there is no need for very deep knowledge of the second language. In fact. many of the actual verb doublets are highly conventionalized. Words are adapted phonologically. and indeed the confrontation of the two languages is part and parcel of the esthetic pleasure that these songs provide. and there was no need for the activation of either language.

person marking.are closer to those of the donor language. etc. while phonotactic patterns are more like those those of the recipient language. Most grammatical work is done by suffixes. however. vowel raising. Roots always initial in Quechua: there are only suffixes. roots and affixes are clearly distinct from the perspective of lexical processing. Verbs can never occur as bare forms. which mostly interacts directly with the affixes. Elements such as pronouns. no prefixes or infixes. nouns (with a subclass of adjectives) and verbs. quantifiers. not by the lexical roots themselves: (a) Roots belong to two word classes. Furthermore. Thus taking roots from another language does not have a major impact on grammatical processing. evidentials. Part of the answer may lie in its history as an imperial language which was adopted in many parts of the Andes as a second language during and even after Inca rule. why Quechua as a language has allowed these processes of relexification or massive lexical transfer. For this reason. (c) All nouns can occur as bare forms in the language. contraction in central Ecuadorian Quechua clearly distinguish between . What facilitates the separation of the Quechua lexicon from its grammar is that most of the burden of interacting with the actual grammatical system in Quechua lies in the affixes rather than in the roots. if at all. and in the bilingual sociolinguistic context within which it is spoken. The question remains. This cannot be the whole story. and phonological rules such as voicing. the phonology does not provide us with much of a clue here. since other languages in the world also have this character of imperial languages and do not show relexification to the same extent. Furthermore. most often they carry some case marking. topic marking. there are different phonotactic constraints for roots and affixes. (b) Some elements are both nouns and verbs. however. adverbs. and conjunctions are subclasses of the noun class.

including –ndu „adverbial subordination‟. Roots have more types of sounds and are phonologically more complex. These differences are coupled with the agglutinative morphology characterizing Quechua. and not the affixes. affixes one. loosely ranked in terms of their grammatical status and productivity. only the form –ndu appears to be productively used. and –du „resultative nominalization‟. 1997ª Levinsohn 1976 Muysken 1981 Levinsohn 1976 Quesasa (1976: 42) Gomez Rendón (2008) Levinsohn 1976 . Spanish suffixes in Quechua In Table 5 (summarized from Muysken 2010b) the different Spanish suffixes are listed. 7. The token frequency of affixes is much higher than that of roots.affixes and roots. that occur in varieties of Media Lengua and Quechua. Spanish suffixes in Quechua will be the subject of the next section. The affixes function as separate units and theoretically could be relexified by themselves. However. Most roots have two syllables. Borrowed Spanish suffix -ndu -do Spanish form Gloss Variety References -ndo -do Gerund Resultative -dor/-dora -dur –dero -dor/-dora Agentive / Habitual / Professional Agentive / -dero Salcedo Media Lengua (Ec) Inga (Col) Salcedo Media Lengua (Ec) Inga (Col) Cajamarca (Pe) Imbabura ML (Ec) Inga (Col) Muysken 1981. the grammatical and morpho-phonological properties of Quechua on the whole are propitious to a process of relexification involving the roots of the language. Indeed we find some cases of Spanish suffixes in Media Lengua. Affixes have a much more abstract meaning than roots. Altogether. and is also the suffix which does not occur frequently as a borrowing in other Quechua varieties.

-shka > -do „adverbial subordinator‟ (only in Media Lengua) „resultative nominalizer‟ . diminutive Characterizer Bravo (1985: 143. 150) -ilu/-ila -lun -likido -nyintu -iru -s ?-illo/-illa ¿abu-elo/a ¿ -lon (cf. often in the verbal paradigm: (8) . 68) Quesada (1976: 140) Muysken (1981) Urioste (1964) Table 5: Suffixes borrowed or relexified from Spanish in different varieties of Quechua and Media Lengua We can conclude that there is a wide variety of Spanish suffixes that have been adopted into different Quechua varieties. 178/9) Muysken (1977) Characterizer Characterizer Characterizer Plural Lamas (Pe) Cajamarca (Pe) Cajamarca (Pe) Cajamarca (Pe) Salcedo ML (Ec) Cochabamba (Bol) Taylor (1975: 54) Quesada (1976: 91) Quesada (1976: 64. 67.kpi and –shpa > -ndo -sqa. Broadly speaking. they fall into four categories: I. Suffixes that replace a Quechua suffix. dormilón „sleepy person‟) líquido „liquid‟ -niento -ero -s Characterizer.-ito/-ita/-ecito situ/-ditu Cochabamba (Bol) Cajamarca (Pe) Inga (Col) Santiago del Estero (Arg) Santiago del Estero (Arg) Cotopaxi (Ec) Urioste (1964) Quesada (1976: 42. 105) Levinsohn 1976 Bravo (1985: 113.-hora hora „hour‟ habitual / professional Temporal subordination Diminutive Inga (Col) Levinsohn 1976 -itu / -ita / . -ska.

The element –hora may replace the suffix –pacha „time. world.‟ Media Lengua. but this requires more study. Cases of –dor. -k ?-pacha > -dor.-q. since‟. Ecuador (Muysken 1997: 386) This –ndu replaces the different subject subordination marker –kpi here. but in most Quechua varieties this suffix is not used grammatically as -hora is in Inga in Colombia. An example of the use of –ndo or -ndu in Salcedo Media Lengua is: (9) ahi-da-ga abi-n. which replaces the Quechua agentive marker –q (Peru) or –k (Ecuador). but when it gets late he will be winning. -dero „agentive‟ > -hora „temporal subordinator‟ In some varieties these suffixes are only partially productive and limited to the lexical domain.FU-EMP there-AC-TOP exist-3 but „It is there. are: (10) Chay runa-ka macha-dor-mi ` that man-TO drink-AG-AF „That man is a drunkard. Colombia (Levinson 1976: 106) „They used to take [us] to the cemetery.‟ Ecuador (Ross 1960: 51-52) (11) sementerio-ma cemetery-to apa-dor ka-rka-kuna take-AG be-PA-PL Inga. piru tarde-ya-ndu-ga gana-u-nga-y late-TRF-SUB-TOP earn-PRG-3.‟ .

but also partially sensitive to (particularly natural) Spanish masculine gender punqu *-ita punq-itu „little door‟ after Quechua words that end in /a/. but also derive some gender properties from the donor language Spanish (Cochabamba Quechua. affective characterizer characterizer characterizer characterizer . Urioste 1964): (12) *-itu after Quechua words that end in /u/. A range of characterizing and affective suffixes often loosely modeled on Spanish suffixes but without clear Quechua models: (13) -ilu/-ila -lun -likido -nyintu -iru diminutive. but also partially sensitive to (particularly natural) Spanish feminine gender uma *-situ rumi um-ita „little head‟ after Quechua words that end in /i/ rumi-situ „little stone‟ We also find the form –ditu occasionally as a diminutive or a characterizer. III.II. A range of diminutive suffixes that only partly come in the place of Quechua suffixes.

IV.birth-CAU-AG „midwife‟ Ecuador (Muysken 1977) (16) rumi-likido stone-liquid „like stone‟ Lamas Peru (Taylor 1975: 54) Interesting is the fact that these suffixes appear to be characteristic of two closely related.Some selected examples: (14) siki-lu ass-CHAR „with a big ass‟ Santiago del Estero (Bravo 1985: 296) (15) wacha-chi-lun give. Seifart (2009) stresses the tendency towards specialization within a single domain as a feature of morphological borrowing. (16) warmi-s „women‟ algu-s „dogs‟ Bolivia (Urioste 1964) . affective semantic domains in nominal morphology: affective and characterizing. A final category is the Spanish plural suffix –s which is used almost obligatorily with Quechua nouns ending in a vowel (the vast majority) in Bolivian Quechua.

Field 2002) will be needed to be sure of this. In any case. The two issues that require most attention are (a) the mental status of roots versus affixes in the transfer process. these findings tend to support the observations made in section 7 about the special separate status of affixes in Quechua. and in Kallawaya from an „old‟ language (Puquina). waynos. The origin and spread of this use of –s merits further historical study. although further comparative work on similar situations involving other languages. Conclusions This paper has ranged over different Andean territories. from Colombia and Ecuador to Argentina. In Media Lengua the lexicon comes from a „new‟ language (Spanish). and has explored the psycholinguistic transfer types.It is rare if not nonexistent in other varieties of Quechua. In Waynos there is evidence of relatively balanced bilingualism. and bilingual mixed songs in Peru. Media Lengua is an informal community language. to help us further understand the processing issues involved. but were found to be sociolinguistically totally different. (b) the possibility of manipulating lexical access in transfer. while Kallawaya a ritual healing language only used by male adults. Altogether the range of Spanish suffixes and their spread across a number of varieties of Quechua is striking. . such as Nahuatl (Karttunen and Lockart 1976. both relexified varieties within the Quechua language family. 8. The languages and the register share a number of structural features. needed to be postulated to be hypothetically involved in the emergence of two mixed languages and a mixed register with a Quechua structure: Media Lengua (Ecuador) and Kallawaya (Bolivia). The mixed language are confronted with the mirror phenomenon of Spanish suffixes that occur in Quechua.

and separate from roots. either from an ancestral community language. as in the case of Kallawaya. Presumably. (1883) Les idiomes négro-aryen et maléo-aryen. Escobar (1981) Huaynos del Cusco.With respect to the mental status of roots versus affixes in the transfer process. Escobar. (1985) Diccionario quichua santiagueño – castellano. Gl. Bravo.W. Bilingüismo y contacto de lenguas en el mundo andino.) Encuentros y conflictos. Cusco: Editorial Garcilaso. and Ga. freeing roots for being transferred. Domingo A. In P. Muysken and H. Olbertz (eds. though not affixes. we see the freedom of manipulation with respect to roots. pp. Paris: Maisonneuve et Cie. affixes carry the grammatical processing load by themselves. In mixed songs. or from a dominant post-colonial language. Amsterdam: Benjamins. can easily be manipulated. J. Essai d hybridologie linguistique. but not affixes. Gomez Rendón. as well. References Adam. we can conclude that affixes in Quechua are fairly autonomous. Field. With respect to the possibility of manipulating lexical access in transfer. L. (2006) La media lengua de Imbabura. as in the case of Media Lengua. . 39-57. F. La Banda: Santiago del Estero: Ediciones Kelka. we can conclude that roots. Madrid: Vervuert Iberoamericana. (2002) Linguistic borrowing in bilingual contexts.

Génesis y estructura de una lengua mixta. Mouton: The Hague. (1978) Linguistic Diffusion in Arnhem Land. D. (1933) „Papiaments en Negerhollands‟. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. (this volume) An attempt to isolate. pp. Roberge (eds. F. transfer and interference. L. Grosjean. 1976. The Inga Language. Stephen H. Tijd. 52. On the Origin and Formation of Creoles: A Miscellany of Articles. J.) Hesseling. Quito: Abya-Yala. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Publications in Linguistics 85. Markey and P. Karttunen. and J. Hesseling. pp. 265–88 ( reprinted in T. 1979. and transls. . C. R. MI: Karoma. Lefebvre. (2008) Mestizaje lingüístico en los Andes. Gijn. van (2009) The phonology of mixed languages. Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 24. 47–61). and then differentiate. F. The case of Haitian Creole.T. Levinsohn. C. Ann Arbor. J. (1998) Creole genesis and the acquisition of grammar. Heath. 91–117.Gomez Rendón. Canberra: Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies. Lockhart (1976) Nahuatl in the middle years: Language contact phenomena in texts of the colonial period.

Sprachtod" vom 9.) Contact languages.Muysken. pp.10. Lexis (Lima) 3. P. Muysken.1987 an der Universität Essen. p. Ann Arbor. 159-189. Highfield and A. Bochum: Studienverlag Dr. W. In A. Stolz (eds. London. 193-210. pp. A wider perspective. P.). N. Muysken.-10. Pieter (1977) Syntactic developments in the verb phrase of Ecuadorian Quechua. Amsterdam: Benjamins. 365-426. and Th. Thomason (ed. 41-56. P. In S. Essener Kolloquium über "Sprachkontakt. Sprachwechsel. Muysken. Beiträge zum 4. 52-78. Valdman (eds. Sprachwandel. In N. (1979) La mezcla entre quichua y castellano.G. P. Enninger. September 1990. Papers from the ESF Symposium on Code-Switching and Language Contact. (1981) Halfway between Quechua and Spanish: the case for relexification. Amsterdam: Benjamins.) Historicity and variation in creole studies. Thomason (ed. Muysken. Muysken. Muysken. MI: Karoma. P.10.G. In S. (1997b) Callahuaya. 427-448. Dordrecht: Foris. Boretzky. . pp. A wider perspective.) Contact languages. Brockmeyer. P. (1997a) Media Lengua. (1990) Language Contact and Grammatical Coherence. (1988) Lexical restructuring and creole genesis. Spanish and Quechua in the Wayno of Southern Peru.

Oblitas Poblete. Lima: Centro de Investigación de Lingüística Aplicada. P. In M. La Paz. Frank (2009) Morphological borrowing in Resígaro (North West Amazon). Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Leiden: Brill. Documento de trabajo No. P. In Pilar Valenzuela et al.S. Muysken. Nijmegen. Crevels and P.Muysken. Sakel (eds. (2010b) Préstamos morfológicos: sufijos españoles en quechua. pp. Quesada Castillo. Cambridge University Press. Vol. F. 1. (2007) Types of loans: matter and pattern. Muysken. xx-yy. (2009) Kallawaya. Sakel. (2010a) The copula in Ecuadorian Quechua.). Xx-yy. In E. Matras and J.) Las lenguas de Bolivia. (eds. Seifart.) Eagle over the Americas: A Festschrift for Willem Adelaar. (1976) Léxico del quechua de Cajamarca. . In Y. July 2009. Carlin and S. Bolivia: La Paz. Muysken. E. Muysken (eds. P. J. (2000) Bilingual speech: a typology of code-mixing. Presented at the FIFA workshop.) Grammatical borrowing. (1968) El idioma secreto de los incas (vocabulario castellano-callahuaya). pp. van de Kerke (eds. P. 32.

(1975) Le parler Quechua d’Olto. J. L. La Paz: Instituto de Cultura Indígena. 199-218. (1973) Historical and Linguistic Evidence in Favour of the Relexification Theory in the Formation of Creoles. Amazonas. (1972) Machaj-Juyay: secret language of the Callahuayas. Ecuador: Museo del Banco Central. G. Appendix A: Glosses used ABL AC AF AL BEN COM DEL DIM ablative accusative affirmative evidential allative benefactive comitative. Paris: SELAF. Language in Society 2. Papers in Andean Linguistics 1. Voorhoeve. QuitoGuayaquil. Stark.Stark. Urioste (1964) Transcripciones quechuas I-VII. Muysken (1977) Diccionario Español-Quichua y Quichua-Español. Taylor. and P.R. L. 133-145. Jorge L. instrumental delimitative diminutive M NEG NML NPAS OB PAS PL PO masculine negation nominalizer narrative past object past plural possessive .R.

DS SUB.SS TOP TRF past participle prohibitive progressive provenance question different subject subordinator same subject subordinator topic transformative .EMP EU F FU GEN H IGN IMP LOC emphatic euphonic feminine future genitive honorific ignorative imperative locative PP PRH PRG PRV Q SUB.

Sign up to vote on this title
UsefulNot useful