Brazzil Rights February 2003

Coming Out in Brazil
A candid talk with Beyond Carnival's author James N. Green. Says he, "I understood that the Brazilian Left, the PT and other groups, were ultimately likely to be allies of the gay and lesbian movements. Yet they were uneducated, rather stupid and backward about this question."
Bernadete Beserra
Last June, thousands of Cariocas poured onto the streets of Copacabana to celebrate the World Cup victory. They were joined by over a hundred thousand gays, lesbians, and travestis (transvestites), who were commemorating Brazil's fifth World Cup success and the annual Gay Pride Celebration. As local Carnaval street bands beat out samba rhythms amidst flag-waving soccer fans, a tidal wave of sweating bodies, rainbow flags, drag queens, and buffed up male beach beauties slowly pulsated along Avenida Atlântica. Following and mingling among a fleet of floats and sound trucks, they radiated sexuality, joy, and ecstasy about the nation's victory and their own visibility as women and men openly and unashamedly proclaiming their sexual desires. The merger and mixture of bodies—costumed and bare—spoke to an unleashed freedom, familiar during Carnaval, but generally repressed during the rest of the year. Beyond Carnival: Male Homosexuality in Twentieth-Century Brazil is a colorfully written and unorthodox history that tells the story of the tensions between openness and repression, desire and distain that mark Brazilian attitudes toward those who enjoy samesex love and passion. This award-winning work, published by the University of Chicago Press in 1999, debuted to rave reviews in Rio and São Paulo in August 2002 in a superbly translated version entitled Além do Carnaval: a homossexualidade masculina no Brasil no século XX (Editora da Unesp). Academics and activists have given the thick tome exuberant praise for the depth of analysis, the extensive and meticulous research, and the sophisticated way in which Green has woven the history of gay men's lives into the overall narrative of twentieth-century Brazil. Now available in paperback in English, it is simply a great read for praticantes, simpatizantes, and the curious alike. I met James N. Green, the author of Beyond Carnival, at a rather serious editorial board meeting of the scholarly journal Latin American Perspectives in 1996, and it was love at first sight. The openness with which he embraces the topic of homosexuality equals his sympathy and respect for Brazilian society, its people and their cultures. An associate professor of Latin American History at California State University, Long Beach, "Jimmy", as he is affectionately called in Brazil, has also led a revolution as the president of the Brazilian Studies Association (BRASA), an international academic association, by transforming the organization into a dynamic intellectual forum for discussion and debate. Soon after the book had come out, I conducted a kicked-back interview with the author to understand some of the ways in which he analyzes Brazil's past and present economy of sexuality.

It is a story of how they found a way to survive in a society laced with petty prejudices. Thus. they did not have to perform a certain kind of masculinity to proclaim their "normalcy. At the same time. two major events were swirling around in my head. and a bit of drama. at the same time. two things happened. and violence. love. there is a growing masculinization of the homosexual: the gay man who goes to the gym. but to the extent that gender roles are rigidly constructed in a given society and notions of sexuality are based on the ideas of "active" or "passive" sexual performance." On the other hand. The idea that two men might have sex or live together without reproducing these gendered roles seems almost impossible to many people. the pattern of the bicha and the "real" man still plays out in everyday interactions and reinforces a unilateral stereotype about male homosexuality. who wears stylishly butch clothes. they are. Brazzil—What kind of stereotypes are you referring to? Green—Generally. and he assumed an effeminate persona. virile. I came out." Nevertheless. Brazzil—Why do you think that these stereotypes are produced by Brazilian culture? Aren't they universal? Green—Yes. The "real" men could maintain their sense of masculinity if they played the "active" role in sexual intercourse. In the midst of it all. inferior. thus he maintained his virile self-image. That was largely how same-sex sexual interactions were structured in Brazil until the 1940s and 1950s when some men realized that they did not have to assume a feminine gendered role. that is hard to answer. and dominated women." as they are pejoratively known in popular parlance) were not homosexuals. who have sex with bichas because women were not available to them. but rather "real" men. pain. I got involved with a group of NorthAmericans who were organizing opposition to the Brazilian dictatorship. happiness. At the same time. and. Beyond Carnival is a window into that world. stereotypes. Brazzil—Why did you decide to write this book? Green—That is a long. people thought. even those who transgress the norms. macho men and fragile. if a young man felt sexual desires for another man he faced what seemed to be two options. and largely still think. and. During that year. active. I accepted my own homosexuality. I was accepting my own homosexuality . Brazzil—Isn't this "active-passive" duality the case in Anglo-Saxon cultures as well? Green—Absolutely. the men who had sex with these supposedly effeminate men ("bichas. and projects a prosperous middle-class image." that is. passive. that men who like to have sex with other men were all effeminate or even "women in men's bodies. then many if not most people expect everyone to behave along those lines. or he projected a masculine representation and penetrated the bicha. It is a vehicle that can help the reader understand the multilayered and complex lives that these men fashioned for themselves.Brazzil—How would you describe your book to a potential reader? Green—Wow. complicated story. In 1973. they managed to create lives for themselves that were full of passion. but they are also linked to Mediterranean cultural traditions where performative gender roles are still rather rigidly divided into the sexually "active" and "passive. The truth is that Beyond Carnival is the first systematic historical study of how Brazilian men who enjoyed sex with other men coped in a rather hostile environment over the course of the twentieth century. Either he was a bicha. strong.

or sexuality were not considered serious. In 1975. petty bourgeois. I understood that the kind of oppression that I was fighting against in Latin America was similar to the oppression I experienced as a gay man. I led a parallel life between working in the gay movement and doing work in the American left in solidarity with Latin America. In the United States in the early 1970s. sexism. I organized "An Evening of Gay Solidarity with the Chilean Resistance" that brought together 350 people in the San Francisco lesbian and gay community for a cultural and political event. or anywhere else in that in Latin America . By the end of the decade. and I participated in the Brazilian left. the American ambassador to Brazil] came back from exile in 1979. both in the anti-dictatorship struggles and in raising the issue of gay rights within the Left. We had to initiate those same discussions in Brazil in the late 1970s as the country was coming out of a dictatorship and people on the left were largely resistant to any ideas that did not boil everything down to the question of economic exploitation. he faced the same marginalization when he raised similar questions. gender roles. Brazzil—Was it as complicated there as it had been for you in the United States? Green—It was even worse because Brazil was still under a dictatorship. and a critique of capitalism. We were trying to draw the connection between the political movement for equality in the United States and the fight against the Pinochet dictatorship in Chile. People who raised questions about feminism. virtually all progressive groups had come to understand that the democratic struggles of gay men and lesbians for full equality was an integral part of a broader fight for social justice. The Left considered cultural and social questions to be secondary issues that would be miraculously resolved at some nebulous future date. When I returned to the United States in 1982. I returned to Brazil for a year of intensive research in 1994-1995 and then wrote Beyond Carnival. Others saw a tension in the link between these two issues. I realized that no trained historian had written a social history of homosexuality in modern Brazil. some of the people who had an interest in expressing their solidarity with Latin America and opposing dictatorial regimes throughout the continent still had very traditional notions about homosexuality as being something not normal or problematic. They really did not understand the connection between homophobia. To a certain extent. a debate took place between the gay and lesbian movement and the left. import or as a middle-class. While living in São Paulo. and I was becoming very active in the solidarity movement with the struggles taking place in Latin America. I got involved in the emerging gay movement. In 1976. When Fernando Gabeira [gay journalist who in 1969 took part in the kidnapping of Charles Elbrick.S. I traveled to Brazil to visit friends there for six months and ended up staying six years. The majority of the Left felt that the only way to challenge dictatorship was to build "serious" revolutionary organizations that would organize against the regime. Exhausted from almost twenty years of political activism. I went back to graduate school to get a doctorate in Latin American history. racism. The Brazilian Left was particularly conservative and moralistic about social questions. focusing on Brazil. I did this even before the founding of the Workers' Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores) in 1980. Unfortunately.and getting involved in the gay movement in the United States. I worked with Central American and Mexican immigrant workers and in the labor movement for seven years. This was not entirely true though. Many leftists had resisted the counter cultural movement as either a U. alienated phenomenon.

I was with a group of friends in an apartment in Santos and some other people. I really wish you would stop talking that way." The woman who was speaking almost died! I think I shocked her in part because I had directly confronted her. one is expected to make a joke about it. and the like. They started talking about veados [faggots]. bichas. I remember when I would tell people I was gay in a very open way it shocked them! I mean. they didn't understand that. it was a scandal. Instead of confronting a person. Brazzil—What was it like for you being gay in Brazil at the time? Green—When I was at the University of São Paulo. I later came to understand that this was an impolite way of acting in Brazil. My goal was to create a history that an American and a Brazilian audience could read and understand. Many Brazilian intellectuals and others whom one would assume would have been somewhat sympathetic were not that open to the ideas of the gay and lesbian movement. living a very sheltered life. I was at the meeting in December 1978 when the group chose the name Somos. especially because I don't think that I was a bicha louca [outrageous queen]. anti-gay. the city. I began a Master's degree at USP [University of São Paulo]. the cruising places. We were trying to articulate our sexuality in a political way by challenging the stereotypes and the prejudice of Brazilian society. . So. Most things written in the press were horribly stereotypical. since I was extremely familiar with Brazilian society and culture. [We Are: Group of Homosexual Affirmation] Brazzil—Were you one of the founders? Green—The first meeting of the group was in May 1978. My friends were more with middle-class students or people who came from the interior of the state of São Paulo to live in São Paulo. and. which at the time had a different name. I knew the places where people were hanging out. I lived in São Paulo and I had a boyfriend at the time. office-workers. it was very. I came back in September and joined the group. which has always been quite privileged and had their own personal parties. and in 1978. very strange for me to be open about being gay. I went out. or ignore such a comment. I wanted to write a comparable book about Brazil. We had to struggle a lot to win a social space. but I was not intensely involved in the nightlife. relatives I think. I was in the United States renewing my visa. your relationship with the Brazilian gay movement and with Brazilians in general. bank workers. I did not have contacts with the rich upper-class gay society. and I said in Portuguese: "Excuse-me. There was not comprehensive history that attempted to transmit to a wider audience the stories of the lives of ordinary gay men over the course of the twentieth century as they coped with a homophobic and hostile society. public employees. it really offends me because I'm also a veado. arrived unexpectedly. I had read several excellent works on the history of homosexuality in the United States. something that I was used to doing in the United States. People felt amazingly shocked. Green—In São Paulo I taught English to Brazilians to pay the rent.for that matter. going to the discotheques and such. and as I mentioned. and homophobic. I also participated in the first political gay group in Brazil: Somos: Grupo de Afirmação Homossexual. I'll give you an example. etc. be indirect. Brazzil—Tell me more about your life in Brazil. I worked with a political group that was involved with the anti-dictatorship movement.

I understood that the Brazilian Left. frivolous. It was a process of educating them. Brazzil—Do you consider the gay and lesbian movement a mass movement here in the U. . For example. you are being political in a certain way. 5 [AI-5]. My definition of a mass movement may be different from yours. They thought that what we were doing was futile. Many times people thought that we were engraçados (funny). It is what some academics call "everyday forms of resistance. and stupid. Unlike most gay and lesbian activists.That is what the movement did in the first period. didn't they? Green—And feminism and the black movement. [Note: In 2002. It was a very simplistic discourse of the Left: the only thing was mobilization against dictatorship and the only way to mobilize against dictatorship was to demonstrate with slogans "Abaixo a ditatura.S. Iowa. rather stupid and backward about this question. and you will find it anywhere. who lives in a society and in some way confronts the oppression of that society. I would call it a mass movement here. such as Institutional Act No. in Des Moines. or and the elimination of rights under presidential decrees. I think that the same process is going on in Brazil. the number of gay men and lesbians who are actually involved in organized groups is much smaller than in the United States. Whereas in Brazil that is not the case. it was confrontational. You are challenging the hegemonic ideologies. There are perhaps only one or two thousand over the country. For me a mass movement is a movement that has penetrated all levels of society. Even today. I think. That has generally turned out to be the case. that an extremely open gay American is writing about Brazilian homosexuality. They did not understand that one could make a much more sophisticated critique of the dictatorship. This is a complicated question because every single gay man or lesbian. Who defended parceria civil [domestic partner benefits] in the Congress? Marta Suplicy of the Workers' Party. It could be a consciousness-raising group. I thought that the Left would be our long-term allies of the movement. so they can turn around and do political work. you are being counter hegemonic. so what?" (Somos bichas e daí?) That was very new in 1978 in São Paulo. torture. Brazzil—Would you say that in Brazil these movements are more concentrated within the middle classes? Green—I think that many of the people who are activists tend to come from the middle classes. a much smaller movement is raising these questions. People stood up and said: "We are faggots. in a given month. is engaging in a political act. Oppression operates in a many more complex ways. All over the country. Brazzil—They thought similar things about environmental issues.? Green—Yes. were ultimately likely to be allies of the gay and lesbian movements. there are probably a million people doing some political action around gays and lesbians rights. That political objective could be simple. some people think that my work is strange. who participate in a systematic way in a group that has a political purpose. if you want to use that term. Oppression is not just political oppression." (Down with the dictatorship). yet they were uneducated. Or it could be a group that is organizing a gay pride parade in São Paulo. They have been able to develop an understanding of what it takes to change a society. there is a group of gays and lesbians in the Episcopal Church who are organizing to have their congregation take a pro-gay position. which last year got twenty thousands people. The Left and the student movement really did not understand what we were about it. which." When you confront a neighbor who calls you viado. is a first step for gay men and lesbians to take in order to feel good about themselves. the PT and other groups. Some leftists still do not take the gay and lesbian movement seriously because they do not consider it a politicized mass movement. especially the lower middle class.

This points to another difference between the United States and Brazil. women have to be a certain way. The movement here has penetrated the society in many more ways. to chip away at racial and gender equality by attaching the modest gains of the gay and lesbian movement. but I think that there are probably two thousand people who meet once a month with some kind of social and political purpose. Green—. I cannot prove the numbers that I suggested for the United States. which until then had not been mobilized politically. I think that this is the qualitative difference between the United States and Brazil. Perhaps I am underestimating. whereas in the United States I'd say that it is probably a million all over the country. I do not think that homophobia is so intrinsic to the way a society works that if you were to reduce it. I wouldn't call it revolutionary. you destroy the normal order. They realized that they couldn't confront the civil rights' or women's movement head on. They ended up killing her because her behavior was too seditious for what they considered the natural order of society. in spite of the small number of activists. For example. If you don't conform to that. Brazzil—When you say that the gay and lesbian movement is revolutionary because it is anti-hegemony . conservative forces in this country understood sometime in the late 1970s that politically the best way to attack all the gains of the civil rights' and women's movements of the 1960s or 70s was to choose that sector which was politically most vulnerable and less organized — the gay and lesbian movement. but I do not necessarily think that this means that there is going to be a revolutionary change in the society through eliminating such prejudice. but isn't it part of this chain of oppression? Green—It is to the extent that it is an important part of the hierarchies of patriarchy. It faced an assault by the rightwing that required a counteroffensive and a more complex political strategy to defeat the Right. I think that you can change people's stereotypes and their prejudiced attitudes and not change a society's underlying social structures. This movie is based on a true story. in order to prevent gay or lesbian couples from having equal legal rights that come with marriage. . you would necessarily change the entire social structure. It is about a woman who dresses as a man. It is changing prejudice. Nevertheless. . The rightwing. the rightwing has presented legislation that is approved by the . There is a wonderful movie that you might have seen called Boys Don't Cry. Brazzil—Yes. . Brazzil—Don't you think that two thousand people is a modest estimate? Green—It's hard to say. The rightwing conservative forces recruited Christian fundamentalists.500. but not by very much. the Brazilian movement is one of the most dynamic movements in the world. . The gender norms that dominate our societies oppress gays and lesbians and push them to conform to certain social roles. but there is a massive movement in the United States. so they chose to attack gays and lesbians as a first step toward pushing back many of the gains of the civil rights and cultural movements of the 1960s and 70s. On the other hand. Men have to be a certain way.000 people participated in the parade on Paulista Avenue]. This is one of the reasons why the gay and lesbian movement has developed such a wide range of activities in the United States. She refuses to conform to the gender roles of her sex (since she is biologically a woman) and this act totally destabilized and upsets the people around her who simply could not take it.

Those dreams collapsed here in the late 70s. I was amazed at the warmth and openness of people. When I teach the history of Brazil. and the discourse about racial democracy is so embedded in the psyche of Brazilians that they believe it. and this promotes stronger organizing. How did living in Brazil give you a new understanding of life here. We almost believed that there was going to be a revolution or at least very profound changes. in brief. which is very expansive and warm. which was a time of political and cultural effervescence. whereas the North-Americans who have no other cultural experience are at first very confused by that. you probably can really teach people well." Or. I have a personality. People can be friendly. it doesn't matter what your sexual orientation is. was that I had lived during the late 1960s and the early 70s in the United States at a time of tremendous social changes. you are saying that the reaction against homosexuality is stronger here than in Brazil. my students whose parents came from Latin America understand the difference between the American and the Brazilian system of thinking about race. open Americans and unfriendly Brazilians. "It's not important. I got to live through two "sixties. Essentially. but I have always noted a cultural difference in this regard. In Brazil. and I want to be a professor. there. In Brazil it was so different! People felt differently about race." Brazzil—Jimmy. It's a cultural difference that I think is very marked. Brazzil—So. I think that a third experience. let me meet your boyfriend!" In school you can't say: "I'm gay. This referendum was a tactic by traditional Christian rightwing to use homosexuality as an organizing tool to build support for the rightwing's overall agenda against women. Green—Part of the reason might be that because the movement is much more visible and stronger here that it has provoked a reaction by the rightwing. I'm gay. in a sense. and experienced the late 70s there. in general American society is colder. and they want to put the Brazilian experience within their American experience. I came to Brazil thinking about race in the American way where everything is black and white. of course. laborers and progressive ideas. less physical." And mother says: "Oh. people adapt to homosexuality on one level. By chance. I had traveled to Brazil. and making money. people treat other differently.voters through a referendum that prohibits marriage between two people of the same gender. but there is a difference in physicality. and racism manifests itself in much more subtle ways than in the United States. However. "Hey. you'd be a wonderful professor. When I went to Brazil. They mobilized against homosexuality in order to attack broader social issues. Children do not come and say. which was marvelous for me. mom. that's wonderful. I felt in love with that…I really did. and I lived in San Francisco within a counter culture — the hippie movement and the anti-war movement—that was warm and supportive. I want to go back to the time when you came out and then went to live in Brazil. blacks. People say: "Here there is really no discrimination. There are. There are also some cultural differences." But it does really matter! It really makes a difference for people. working. The other thing that was a shock to me was the different ways Brazilians and Americans think about race. a new understanding about the world? Green—Brazil was an amazing experience for me on many levels. People started going back to traditional jobs. Even though Brazil is not a racial democracy. I have gay friends. that's great." And the teacher responds: "Oh." . It does not make sense to them.

I also knew that I had to do a very professional job in order for it to be published in the United States. That was what inspired me. Green—Interestingly enough. but not about gay people. 1983. people have studied Brazilian Indians as rare and exotic entities for five hundred years. I didn't have an idea of how I was going to do this research because I was the first historian of modern Latin America to write a book about homosexuality in Latin America. When I had to come up with a topic for my doctoral dissertation. Indeed. Immediately after Cabral arrived in 1500. It really bothers . It's fine to write about the Indians or blacks. The problem with researching this topic is that you can't go to the archives of the State of São Paulo and ask to look at all the material that they have on homosexuality because it is not there.Then. many people in the academic world have the attitude that it is fine to have a colleague who is a gay man or a lesbian as long as they work on another research topic. church and medical profession thought about them. but no historian had tackled the early twentieth century. I had been working as a public employee. because gay men and lesbian don't seem to conform to the proscribed gendered roles. In fact. Mexico. but I was encouraged by my advisor at UCLA to write about the history of how gay life was before the movement. but women as well. Although I was very involved in the union and even became a leader. Initially. so I went to graduate school with the idea of finding a way back to Brazil. Several anthropologists had done some very important work on Nicaragua. and I ended up having more than I had ever expected to find. it's many more people than the number of Brazilian Indians. 30s. When I got to Brazil in 1994. but Brazil gave me so much energy that I went through the Reagan years with a lot of optimism about doing political work in this country. Even if it were only one percent of the Brazilian population. which is actually an arbitrary number. mostly men. and they are part of the exotic imagination of those who think of Brazil as a tropical paradise. if I had had another year. I went back to graduate school to a certain extent because I wanted to figure out a way to go back to Brazil. However. I'd have had five times more documents because now I know where to find them. I came back to the United States and lived the Reagan years. and 40s… Brazzil—Their daily lives… Green—Their daily lives. I was going to write about the history of the Brazilian gay and lesbian movement. and Brazil. You have to find it by digging for gold. a social worker for the County of Los Angeles. the subject that I knew the best was the gay and lesbian movement. I spent lots of time worrying that I would not find enough material. How gay people lived in the 20s. They live in remote places. Europeans explorers took Indians back to Portugal to the Court to show them off as curiosities. I missed Latin America. there are probably less than a million people living in Brazil who would self-identify as being indigenous. How many gay people are there? People throw around the statistic of ten percent of a given population. Homosexuality threatens many people. Ironically. I left Brazil just before the big recession of 1982. like monkeys and pineapples. how the state. by casting a large net in the sea and seeing what you get. and how they responded to these institutions and organized their lives in a hostile environment. Brazzil—Tell me more about having to justify your work to other academics. It's not considered an important or serious topic. Indians are exotic and safe.

which is more conservative than anthropology or literature. Richard Parker. "Homosexuality in São Paulo: A Study of a Minority Group. and he worked with and trained a generation of students who produced interesting works: Edward MacRae. they accepted the topic? Green—Because of Florestan Fernandes. He gave his unconditional support to Fábio to do his work. It was the same phenomenon with women's history. Peter Fry is an anthropologist who has worked in several universities. a serious scholar and a powerful person among intellectual circles in the early 1960s. After this pioneering work written in the early 1960s. This is especially true in the discipline of history. After he got a job at the Federal University of Bahia. yes. and other scholars had to accept it because Florestan Fernandes was an academic giant. In 1958. Some people think that it is marvelous. He's an Anglo-Brazilian who has lived in Brazil so many years that he is essentially Brazilian. wrote a thesis on homosexuality entitled. an American anthropologist. who wrote about male hustlers. Florestan Fernandes and Octávio Ianni were on his committee.some people. because of the restrictive intellectual climate produced under the military regime. they had to write more complex and sophisticated history than their peers who were working on another topic in order to be considered good historians. who was a very well respected sociologist. those doing gay and lesbian history face the same discrimination in this country. but I believe that he did not write his dissertation about homosexuality. I would argue. He wrote one of the first modern analyses about homosexuality in Brazil. their own sexuality. some academics prefer that this is not a subject of academic research. Brazilian academic friends face the same kinds of problem. Peter Fry began writing in the 1970s. a sociologist working on two Masters' degrees. including UNICAMP in Campinas and the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro. He was. who had been a leader of the movement in Buenos Aires." Fernando Henrique Cardoso. When women started writing women's history 30 years ago. however. Néstor Perlongher. an Argentine exile. he founded Grupo Gay da Bahia. Those who are now working on research topics regarding homosexuality find an array of reactions. It is true that we have won more social space in the United States than in Brazil. Brazzil—What about Luiz Mott. Brazzil—So. which is the longest-lasting gay rights . Unfortunately. not really the first person to do so. Brazzil—Talk about your relationship with other Brazilians studying the same topic… Green—An important person who did research on this topic was Peter Fry. and it seems to make them anxious about their own sense of masculinity or femininity. So. one at the Escola de Sociologia e Política and the other at the Faculdade de Filosofia of the University of São Paulo. who was influenced by Fry's earlier writings. many people think it is strange and not serious. there was a fifteen year gap. José Fábio Barbosa da Silva. the founder of the Grupo Gay da Bahia? Green—Luiz Mott also got his doctorate in anthropology from Campinas. but it does not mean that we have won the battle against homophobia and discrimination. and many others. Brazzil—You said before that your research on homosexuality had to be more serious than another topic that you might have chosen… Green—…In order to be considered as good as someone else's work. largely. who wrote a study of the group Somos.

No final do livro eu não queria que terminasse. Leitura indispensável para qualquer homossexual brasileiro. I also loved your captivating sense of humor. Tanto crítico como analítico e in the country. the result of the work of a true expert in the habits and nuances of the Brazilian culture and history. an organization of Brazilian gay men and lesbians living in New York. lesbians. and he felt it was right. com seriedade e bastante pesquisa. it reflects something that I know about." He doesn't necessarily know the history of the 1920s and 30s. That is the most important thing that I care about it." (I read your book during my vacation and I confess that I loved it dearly. Gostei bastante da maneira como o assunto foi tratado. I enjoyed very much the way the subject was approached. At the final pages I didn't want the book to end. I just received an e-mail from a member of the Brazilian Rainbow Group. He wrote: "Eu li seu livro durante as férias e confesso que adorei. . with seriousness and a lot of research. but he read the book. but I care more about what the Brazilians think about my work. espero que você escreva a segunda parte sobre os anos 80 e 90. Brazzil—What has been the reaction of your book among Brazilian scholars? Green—It has gotten very good reviews. understood it. I want my colleagues to like the book and write good reviews. It is a must read for any Brazilian homosexual. It captures my reality. It is at a time critical and analytical and also intelligent. It is not foreign. "It's good. I hope you'll write the second part on the '80s and '90s. Também adorei o seu senso de humor cativante.) What better comment than from a Brazilian gay man reading the English version and saying. and he has been a leading voice denouncing violence against gays. fruto do trabalho de um verdadeiro conhecedor dos hábitos e nuances da cultura e história brasileira. Luiz has written several very important books about homosexuality in the colonial period. and transvestites.

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