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Our logo or symbol contains 2 ciphers representing the new world or Age of Aquarius eclipsing the old world or Age of Pisces. The Square - which contains both worlds when viewed with the eye of God or the 7. The Square - represents the foundation of Religion and Politics that supports the old world. The 7 is also symbolic of Universal Law (Allah). What goes around, comes around. The approximate 26,000 years process of one age giving way to the next (approx. 25,800 years) is symbolized by the motion of the new world (Aquarius) growing and eclipsing the old world (Pisces). The Star - is symbolic of Power. The Power of Love, Peace, Truth and Freedom whose reality is based upon the guiding principle of Justice, or the destruction of the Devil’s civilization or reality from Allah’s Universe. The Star - also symbolizes the rise of the Children - who hold the future in their possession and will render Justice in their own good time, because Allah (GOD) is the Law-Giver, and the Children of the New World will be the Deliverers of Justice in due (exact) proportion in due time. The grey background is symbolic - of the fading of darkness or devilishment giving way to the light of righteousness as the old world fades into obscurity. Many avenues of thought will be attached to our logo as we grow and impact the planet Earth and its nations, governments and their people. Yet, our mission is to inform the people, regardless, whether they be Devil or Righteous of the above inevitability of the coming of a new day and the passing of the old world of religion, politics and deviltry. GOD DIVINE PRINCE ALLAH FOUNDER / DIRECTOR PRINCIPAL EXECUTIVE THE DIVINE PRINCIPLE NEWSLETTER / THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE JOURNAL THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE COMMUNICATIONS NETWORK







and that resistance could be effective if we resisted in groups. Williams endured the ironies of marching for freedom in a segregated army.” Like thousands of other African American veterans.” A group of former soldiers met at Booker T. Williams cradled a carbine that night. another African American veteran. military training gave him and a generation of African American veterans “some feeling of security and self -assurance. primarily for his advocacy of what he called “armed self -reliance” during the late 1950s and the 1960s. Supreme Court had struck down school segregation. Robert Williams was born in 1925 to Emma C. Robbed of their lynching. Ellen Williams. tried and convicted him of murder. “Someday. “At last I felt that I was a part of America and tha t I belonged. both in the Army and at previous places of employment. and ten months later executed him in the gas chamber at Central Prison in Raleigh. but instead state authorities whisked Montgomery out of town. and Mao Tse -tung. Before she di ed. also born a slave. spent much of his sixteen months in the Marine Corps in the brig. Williams completed a draft of his autobiography.S. and in the Robert F. Ho Chi Minh.” he wrote. Johnson C. “Radio Free Dixie. a friend of Williams' named Bennie Montgomery. Williams Papers. Perry’s barbershop and made a battle plan. and North Carolina Central College for Negroes.4 INTRODUCTION Robert F. “I would return seasoned from the fight in the north and more efficient in the fight for the liberation of my people. Not a shot was fired. working briefly at Cadillac Motor Company in Detroit before using his G. taking aim at the line of cars. “I was sure that this was the beginning of a new era of American democracy. When the Klan motorcade pulled up in front of Harris Funeral Home. a decisive influence on the Black Panthers and a generation of young African American radicals. His life in the freedom struggles revealed the deep influence of black nationalism and armed self-defense.” In 1953.Williams ran out of money for college and reenlisted in the armed forces. Smith College. and received an undesirable discharge in 1955. “While God Lay Sleeping. joined a militant labor union. His one bright moment as a marine came on May 17. Bill benefits to write poetry and study psychology at three different historically black colleges: West Virginia State College.” he recalled.I. Robert’s grandmother.” Williams recalled.” Williams soon left the South for almost a decade. born in Monroe. The Ku Klux Klan (KKK) wanted to lynch the black sharecropper. was a daily presence in his childhood: Williams remembered her as “my greatest friend. “I rather die and go to hell before I see that happen. 1996. the local klavern of “the invisible empire” let it be known that Bennie Montgomery’s body belonged to the Klan. North Carolina.” his regular program on Radio Havana from 1962 to 1965. North Carolina.” She would poi nt to the old printing press in the shed and tell the young boy stories of the crusading editor’s political exploits. became one of the most influential African American radicals of his time.” In 1952. His grandfather. 1954. “They was gonna come and take Bennie’s body out and drag it up and down the streets. W. Objecting bitterly to racial discrimination. Williams moved to Detroit. Williams came home unwilling to accept th e South’s racial caste system. Though the racial discrimination in the army angered Williams.” J. Williams shared podiums with Fidel Castro. when he heard that the U. “Wherever he has gone. born a slave in Union County. Just before his death on October 15. a machine gun slung over one shoulder. He engaged in a widely published written debate with Martin Luther King Jr. had attended Biddle Institute in nearby Charlotte after Emancipation and became a Republican Party activist during the late nineteenth century. “Williams has constantly complained. Williams and the African American Freedom Struggles Robert Williams. forty black men leveled their rifles.” he vowed in a 1949 article for the Detroit edition of the Daily Worker. killed his white landlord in a dispute over wages in 1946. and if we resisted with guns. in hi s life. this time in the United States Marine Corps. foiling a Federal Bureau of Investigtion (FBI) dragnet. His 1962 book. in 1960 and. a town of six thousand in the North Carolina piedmont. Ellen Williams gave young Robert a gift that symbolized much that slavery and the struggle for liberty had taught her: the ancient rifle that his grandfather had wielded against white terrorists.S. “that really started us to understanding that we had to resi st. which took the vote from black citizens at the turn of the twentieth century. Williams clashed with his officers. blasted “rump -licking Uncle Toms” and “Ku Klux Klan savages” from Seattle to New York City. Army Private First Class Robert F. Williams wrote an essay for Paul Robeson’s newspaper. Drafted in 1944. became a classic document of the Black Power movement. So did three of the men who would become key lieutenants in the “black militia” that Williams organized ten years later.” an FBI observer noted during this period. that he has been discriminated against. recalled. Williams. “That was one of the first incidents. he wielded an enduring influence. His father was a railroad boiler washer in Monroe. Former U. and John L. McDow. Another returning African American veteran. and battled white mobs in the Detroit race riot of 1943. His influence might have been even greater had he not been forced to flee the United States in 1961 with his wife and two small children.” .” In its pages.” The Marine Corps was no different. They have nothing to lose and all to gain. where he worked at the Ford Motor Company. though his leadership abilities were no match for King’s. we find a distillation of the bitter history that shaped not only one of the Sout h’s most dynamic race rebels but thousands of other black insurgents whose militant resistance helped end the racial caste system in the United States. In Cuba and the People’s Republic of China. But most of all they taught us to use arms. Sikes Williams also published a small newspaper called “The People’s Voice” and denounced the white supremacy campaign. in which he predicted that African American college students would soon become “the most militant agitators for democracy in America today. the Klansmen simply weighed their chances and drove away. Sikes Williams. Freedom. “The Army indoctrination instilled in us what a virtue it was to fight for democracy and that we were fighting for democracy and upholding the Constitution. During World War II.” He recalled that“ she read everything” and that she “specialized in history. Negroes with Guns.

When we got to the jail. “the Monroe ‘kissing’ incident is only a start of what we will have. constitute a well -armed and disciplined fighting unit. Lexington and Valley Forge. Constitution and to those elements in the American political tradition that he believed undergirded black liberation. pestered reporters. KKK rallies near Monroe began to draw crowds as large as fifteen thousand. In the wake of the Brown decision and the triumph at Montgomery.” The Monroe NAACP dwindled to six members who then contemplated disbanding. Like Martin Luther King Jr. a Trotskyite group attempting to break with the American left’s tendency to subordinate race to class. Dynamite attacks on black activists in the area were common and lesser acts of terror routine. they drug us out of the car and started beating us. who are mostlyworkers and displaced farmers.” Williams recalled. Williams joined both the local branch of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and a mostly white Unitarian fellowship. Hampton Price convened what he termed “separate but equal” hearings for the white parents and the black boys and sentenced the pair to Morrison Training School For Negroes.” Sissy’s father took a shotgun and went looking for the two boys. The Monroe Board of Aldermen immediately passed an ordinance banning KKK motorcades.5 Upon his return to Monroe in 1955. it might be that they could be released before they were twenty-one. hounded the wire services. A kissing game ensued in which the ten-year-old Thompson and an eightyear-old white girl named Sissy Sutton kissed one another. This publicity campaign quickly attracted the support of the Socialist Workers Party (SWP). The Monroe branch of the NAACP became “the only one of its kind in existence. Determined to make the “kissing case” a global metaphor for the American racial dilemma. Hanover’s sister found his dog shot dead in the yard. the case seemed to resonate with the sexual fears that accompanied their vision of where schooldesegregation would lead. “the liberty bell peals once more and the Stars and Stripes shall wave forever. due to local feeling in the case. the KKK blamed the affluent Dr.” Thompson recalled. Hodges that the police had detained the boys “for their own good. that could project a program in the interest of the mass of Negroes. police officers spotted Hanover. “Fuzzy” Simpson and Hanover Thompson.” the editors of The Southern Patriot wrote in 1957. heavily armed Klan motorcade attacked Perry’s house one night that summer. R.” On November 4. or attorneys.” one local woman wrote.D. ages eight and ten. friends. L. Passing gunmen fired dozens of shots into the Thompson home. Perry. the bizarre clarity of the case and the strange politics of the cold war suggested a larger strategy. M.” Authorities held the two boys for six days without permitting them to see parents. preferably with ties to the NAACP.” His bitter collision with the Marine Corps had not dampened his commitment to equal rights for all under the U. the Monroe NAACP launched a campaign to desegregate the local tax-supported swimming pool in 1957. government to intervene. Judge J.. “Most important. 1958.” The local juvenile court judge reporte d to Governor Luther H. Thompson and Fuzzy Simpson pulling a red wagon loaded with soft drink bottles.” Williams wrote.” Julian Mayfield wrote in Commentary in 1961. as he put it. Robert Williams saw the “kissing case” as more than a local expression of the irrational sexual lynchpin of white supremacy. Perry for the resurgent black activism. and a large. Two African American boys. a measure they had refused to consider prior to the gun battle. After the kissing incident. The worldwide controversy that stemmed from the “kissing case” underlined the power of sexual questions in racial politics and demonstrated both the promise and the problems of cold war politics for the African American freedom struggle. we had a strong representation of black veterans who didn’t scare easily. met some white children in a vacant lot. “They elected me president. Finding it “necessary to visit homes and appeal directly to individuals. became vice president. Neighbors reported that a white mob had roared up to the Thompson home and threatened not only to kill the boys but also to lynch their mothers. and street corners.” The atmosphere at the Monroe NAACP was less exuberant. saw the need for an independent black political leadership. Williams turned first to the African American veterans with whom he had stood against the Klan that night back in 1946. Judge Price told the black boys.S. “Both cops jumped out with their guns drawn. If they behaved well.” as Williams informed the national office. Klan terrorists torched crosses on the lawn. “They snatched us up and handcuffed us and threw us in the car. and put in motion what Time magazine called “a rolling snowball” of worldwide publicity. When the newest member objected to dissolution. Albert E.” . “Its members and supporters. “If [black children] get into our rural schools and ride the buses with our white children. “The echo of shots and dynamite blasts. Williams and his friends in Monroe set out to use international politics of the cold war as a fulcrum to push the U. For many white citizens. pool halls. An even more remarkable local drama dragged Robert Williams onto the stage of international politics on October 28. James and Claude DeBruce had persuaded their SWP comrades.” Williams declared from the pulpit that. the departing membership chose him to lead the chapter.” In response to the drownings of several local African American children whom segregation had forced to swim in isolated farm ponds. “and then they all left. Efforts for socialism and blac k liberation must meet as equal partners. building a cadre of roughly two hundred members by 1959.S . Sissy Sutton’s mother reported that “I was furious. he painstakingly recruited from the beauty parlors. In a Sunday sermon delivered to his fellow Unitarians in 1956. Later that afternoon. Another veteran. Not surprisingly. “has been almost continuous throughout the South. they fired off press releases. and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) would do in Birmingham four years later.” The branch became “unique in the whole NAACP because of a working class composition and a leadership that was not middle class. C. DeBruce. Invoking “the spirit of Concord.” Finding himself virtually a one-man NAACP chapter. African American veterans greeted the night riders with sandbag fortifications and a hail of disciplined gunfire. I would have killed Hanover myself if I had the chance. Williams hailed the Montgomery bus boycott and celebrated what he called “the patriots of passive revolution. an African American member.

” The case furnished Williams not only with a network of seasoned activists in the American left but also with a growing number of supporters among black nationalists in Harlem. Robert Williams “has some audacious plans which I think are feasible.” Williams recalled. who had vowed.S. however. The Militant. including Julian Mayfield. liberal churches. head of the North Carolina Conference of Branches.” Roy Wilkins. in the presence of her five children. and college auditorums across the country. head of the United States Information Agency at the Hague. a pregnant African American woman.” Right on the heels of the Parker lynching and the terrors in Tallahassee. was not true. Wilkins admitted that the NAACP found it “harder and harder to keep feelings from boiling over in some of our branches. Lewis Medlin. “the Ku Klux Klan and the White Councils will pick up the charge that we are ‘reds’ and use it as a club to beat us to death. Slated for trial the same day. “Indeed. an important figure in both communist and black nationalist circles in Harlem from the 1920s to the 1970s. Julian Mayfield later wrote an unpublished autobiography in which he disclosed that “a famous black writer made contact with gangsters in New Jersey and bought me two sub -machineguns which I took to Monroe. He became a regular visitor to Louis Michaux’s National Memorial African Bookstore on Seventh Avenue off 125th Street. F. two news stories from other parts of the South gripped black America. the SWP’s newspaper. John Shure. Since the Scottsboro trials of the 1930s. “I’d like to get a gun and start shooting. a white railroad engineer.S. as one of them testified in court later.” activist lawyer Conrad Lynn observed years later. “because I had made that plain. “I told them that this matter would be handled through the law and the NAACP would help. Their double date after a college dance was interrupted by four white men with guns and knives. “that we would be as bad as the white people if we resorted to violence. the SWP stood poised to assist him on his own terms. began to refer to Williams in private as “Lancelot of Monroe. Roy Wilkins conceded in a letter marked “NOT FOR PUBLICATION” that “I know the thought of violence has been much in the minds of Negroes. “It is asinine for colored people to even think o f sparing the U.” Three and a half months after Hanover an d Sissy had kissed each other. The drunken assailants. minister at the Nation of Islam’s Temple Number 7.’” Williams recounted. government is so concerned about its image abroad.” While the White House and the State Department expressed alarm at the damage to U. accused of raping a white woman in Mississippi. was charged with attacking an African American maid at the Hotel Monroe. Williams addressed audiences at labor halls. “They all saw something in Monroe that did not actually exist—an immediately revolutionary situation. One was the lynching of Mack Charles Parker. Beginning in 1958.” Williams was not the best known black leader in the United States. Shaw.” he recalled. a white mechanic. According to Williams.” he replied. was accused of having beaten and sexually assaulted Mary Ruth Reid. then let it create a society that will stand up under world scrutiny. he told his wife.” With logistical assistance from the SWP. Soon the “kissing case” emblazoned front pages around the globe. State Department embarrassment abroad. but it launched him on acollision course with the NAACP hierarchy. I wasn’t interested in them. Audley “Queen Mother” Moore. executive secretary of the national organization.” Differences over strategy beca me bitter: Alexander complained to the national office that Williams “has completely turned his back on the one organization tha t is responsible for him being in the spotlight today. Williams had a ready answer.6 Thus when Robert Williams emerged from the black South in 1958. “They knew I wasn’t going to join any party. The most important of Williams’s contacts among the Harlem nationalists was Malcolm X. reported that he himself had received over twelve thousand letters “even though the response does not appear to have been organized. When Mississippi NAACP field secretary Medgar Evers heard that Parker had been dragged from his cell and murdered by a mob. the more I see of him the more I think he has the possibility of becoming a real Negro leader.” while Williams griped that Alexander “sounds more like a Tom than ever. and we have got to help him so he can stay down there. carried dozens of articles about Williams and Monroe— twenty-five on the “kissing case” alone—coverage that overshadowed their reports on the Cuban revolution.” The reverse. Reid’s brothers and several of the African American women of the Monroe NAACP had urged that the new machine guns be tried out on Medlin before his trial. “If the U. Governor Hodges announced. John Henrik Clarke. Should the NAACP “ever get identified with communism. under enormous political pressure. the anti colonial uprising in the Belgian Congo.” forced the two eighteen-year-old black men to kneel at gunpoint while they undressed the two women and decided aloud which one they would kidnap and then gang-rape. “was the case that got [Williams] in national and international attention. but he may have been the best armed. that the boys would be released.” The other was the terrifying ordeal of four young black college students at Florida A&M. The “kissing case” recruited new allies for Williams.” Just as the “kissing case” headlines faded in the spring of 1959. “Every time I used to go to New York he would invite me to speak.” . Killens.” Kelly Alexander.” Williams recalled. the NAACP had steadfastly shunned so-called “sex cases” and political alliances that might leave the organization open to red-baiting. In the wake of these highly publicized outrages. and all the other developments in the African American freedom struggle combined. B. Malcolm would tell his congregation “that ‘our brother is here from North Carolina.S. where Michaux welcomed Williams to the podium the store provided for the legendary Harlem street speakers of the day. “to go out and get some nigger pussy. and other literary and political figures. told a reporter. and he is the only fighting man that we have got. “The kissing case. John O.” Harold Cruse observed.” By early May. organized support for Williams. foreign relations.” SWP organizer George Weissman wrote. two pressing local matters brought Robert Williams and a crowd of black women to the Union County courthouse. Williams found ready support among Harlem intellectuals.

Williams wrote to Bates soon afterward. black culture. Williams insisted on addressing persistent black poverty: “We must consider that in Montgomery. In the late 1950s. The judge dropped the charges against Shaw in spite of the fact that he failed to appear for court. and dozens of distinguished lawyers.” Banner headlines flagged these words as symbols of “a new militancy among young Negroes of the South. and since the so -called courts lynch our people legally.” he argued..” Wilkins twisted every available arm. “The Single Issue in the Robert Williams Case. she wired the attorney general of the United States to complain about dynamite attacks on her home in Little Rock. and urged agents to investigate Williams “in connection with [Marshall’s] efforts to combat communist attempts to infiltrate the NAACP.” his emerging philosophy reinvigorated many elements of the black nationalist tradition whose forceful reemergence in the mid-1960s would become known as “Black Power. Robert Williams moved tstrengthen the local movement in Monroe and to reach out to a national audience. “I do not mean that Negroes should go out and attempt to get revenge for mistreatments or injustice. Williams reminded them.” Forty speakers. Robert Williams recalled that “the [black] women in t he courtroom made such an outcry.” He connected the southern freedom struggle with the anticolonialism of the emerging third world.” Williams declared. Williams stressed black economic advancement.the pure flower of life.” Williams declared. trials had beset him. The national office printed up a pamphlet.” Enemies of the NAACP blamed this “bloodthirsty remark” squarely on the national office. independent black political action. There must be “flexibility in the freedom struggle. “We have been compelled to employ private guards. however. “I am a man and I will walk upright as a man should. Further. Two weeks after the 1959 NAACP convention. had banded together to guard the jail the night that Mack Parker was lynched. “there are also Negroes who are starving.” he beseeched the assembly. But if the black men of Poplarville. Williams turned to wire service reporters and declared that it was time to “meet violence with violence. “The national office. including Bates. backed by an unyielding resistance to white supremacy.” “Please. but never had he intended to advocate acts of war. King. “but it is clear that there is no Fourteenth or Fifteenth Amendment nor court protection of Negroes’ rights here. the pistol -packing heroine of Little Rock. Though Williams underlined the fact that “both sides in the freedom movement are bi-racial. eclectic. “There is no equal protection under the law. I WILL NOT CRAWL.” he declared. But when the burly ex-marine from Monroe finally strode down the aisle to speak. that would not have hurt the cause of justice. Surely no one believed that.” He had been angry. then we must resort to that method. and tactics must emerge from the confrontation itself. Brig gs. the judge had to send Medlin out the rear door. .” and distributed it to all delegates. Harlem organizer of the left-wing African Black Brotherhood in the early twentieth century.” she said. Daisy Bates. Edgar Hoover that black children were “selling a newsletter known as The Crusader on the streets of Monroe. The fiftieth anniversary convention of the NAACP that summer of 1959 became a highly public show trial whose central issue was whether or not the national organization would ratif y Wilkins’s suspension of Robert Williams. Medlin was married.” Against this backdrop of white lawlessness and political stalemate in 1959 and early 1960. to a lovely white woman. As part of the coordinated effort to crush Williams. agreed to denounce Williams for advocating self-defense—after the national office consented to buy $600 a month in “advertising” from her newspaper. Thurgood Marshall visited th e New York offices of the FBI on June 4. and what he referred to as “armed self -reliance.” And there the pleading stopped.” he said. In pursuit of this uncompromising vision of interracial democracy.” His approach was practical. he was neither intimidated nor penitent. when he read the words“ meet violence with violence” in a United Press International dispatch. “if it’s necessary to stop lynching with lynching. where Negroes are riding in the front of buses. when other integrationists focused on lunch counters and voter registration. and improvisational. an d Negroes have to defend themselves on the spot when they are attacked by whites. “I a sk you not to come crawling to these whites on your hands and knees and make me a sacrificial lamb. At the core of his appeal. they all knew.” The women then turned on Williams and bitterly shamed him for failing to see to their protection. That very morning. Medlin was acquitted in minutes. his lawyer told the jury. Roy Wilkins telephoned Robert Williams to inform him that h e had been removed from his post as president of the Monroe NAACP.” he said.. “Since the federal government will not stop lynching.” African American citizens unable to enlist the support of the courts must defend themselves. Mississippi. black pride.” The next day Williams disav owed the reference to lynching. he said. If the young black men who escorted the coed who was raped in Tallahassee had been able to defend her. “subjected the Williams forces to a heavy bombardment from the NAACP’s big guns. “There is no Fourteenth Amendment in this social jungle called Dixie. “I am sorry to hear that the white racists have decided to step up their campaign against you.” Its title honored the late Cyril V. Jackie Robinson. During the brief trial of Medlin. It is obvious that if you are to remain in Little Rock you will have to resort to the method I was suspended for advocating. “We as men should stand up as men and protect our women and children.7 The proceedings against the two white men compelled Williams to reconsider his assessment.” In a controversy that the Carolina Times called “the biggest civil rights story of the year.S.” the NAACP convention voted to uphold the suspension of Robert Williams. The day after Daisy Bates had urged the assembly to censure Williams for his vow to defend his home and family. Williams became an editor and publisher like his grandfather before him. rose one after the other to denounce Williams. who began to cry uncontrollably. such action would have been legal and justified “even if it meant that they themselves or the white rapists were killed. his attorney argued that he had been “drunk and having a little fun” at the time of the assault... Constitution. 1959. At this burning moment of anger and humiliation.” Louis Lomax wrote. especially African you think he would have left this pure flower for that?” He gestured towa rd Reid. stood his calls for absolute racial equality under a fully enforced U.” His militant message was neither racially separatist nor rigidly ideological. FBI agents reported to J.

“he does not forfeit support—he may even win it. Hoover’s files. nonviolence as instruments of change.” For several years. too.” King said.’s first white aide.” exercising “great influence in Union County and beyond because of his militant position and refusal to submit to intimidation. “It represents the ultimat e step in revolution against intolerable oppression. and then responded to that Robert Williams. One could practice “pure nonviolence.” Under court o rders to abide by the law or face imprisonment.” King insisted. “has been the question of violence vs. “When the Negro uses force in self -defense. W. “usually until management closed the counters.meets a steady response amon g the downtrodden. and asked to be served. On February 1.” in which he discouraged applause for King’s critique of Williams. a type of struggle wherein man may make war without debasing himself.” This widely accepted position was. also entitled “Crusader Without Violence.” he continued. 1960. David Dellinger. even involving weapons and bloodshed”— was precisely the place where Williams had taken his stand. . Williams made himself vulnerable to this caricature. according to Williams.” Here was where King the politician sensed his constituency.”More than the persuasive skills of their elders. Williams faced A. Williams faced Martin Luther King Jr.” The FBI. “we did not hear much about how immoral it is to meet violence with violence. soon to be Martin Luther King Jr. for it requires extraordinary discipline and courage. “He argues t hat we must be cringing and submissive or take up arms.. In Montgomery.” Sample mailings yielded several thousand subscribers across the country.” Williams “drew a large audience to his debate with the pacifists. “there is open defiance to law and order throughout the South today.” explaining that among well-armed white vigilantes.”African Americans were frustrated. was “the advocacy of violence as a tool of advancement. even involving weapons and bloodshed. King had “stood firm without surrender. and widespread terror. he wrote. King pointed out that “all societies. anger -motivated drive to strike back violently.” Essentially. Bayard Rustin. Again careful to endorse King’s methods wherever they proved feasible.” Williams “poses a real threat to more peaceful and non -violent methods of solving our problems. agents reported. were immune to moral appeals. a shotgun-toting guard on either side of him. sat down at a segregated lunch counter. deliberately and consciously.” King conceded that white violence and white intransigence had brought the movement to “a stage of profound crisis. Robert Williams “has succeeded in reaching these grass roots. Muste. King argued. Lacking theological training and combative in his manner. Robert Williams followed a dozen black youths into Gamble’s Drug Store in downtown Monroe and was the only person arrested. “The great debate in the integration movement in recent months. King had invented his own Robert Williams. Only three responses presented themselves. four students from North Carolina Agricultural and Technical College walked into Woolworth’s in Greensboro. elaborate evasions. “Nowhere in the annals of history does the record s how a people delivered from bondage by patience alone. of course. “and handled himself quite well. from the most primitive to the most cultured and civilized. he said. accept [self-defense] as moral and legal. Within two months. remained uneasy about Williams' expanding range of contacts.” Not merely the FBI but also the most influential advocates of nonviolence felt compelled to deal with Williams' growing reputation. “Nonviolence is a very potent weapon when the opponent is civilized. by the courage and self-respect it reflects.” Williams conceded. “The Negroes remained in each store only a short time. the bold actions of African American college students set these philosophical debates aside and gave the battalions of nonviolence their brief but compelling historical moment. rattlesnakes. “Mr. Boyte argued. but this path “could not readily attract large masses. Williams advocated “armed self -reliance. Williams defied the judge and marched with his young troops.” he argued. In a series of public debates in New York City. it was necessary and right to defend home and family. then. Marched down the street in handcuffs. has never been condemned.” the Charlotte Observer reported.” but Du Bois considered it “a very grave question as to whether or not the slavery and degradation of Negroes in America has not been unnecessarily prolonged by the submission to evil. he said. a kind of blackGeronimo plotting military strikes against the white man. infusing the freedom movement with fresh troops and new tactics. The principle of self-defense. and the “current calls for violence” reflected “a confused. observed that “the idea of striking back..”A position that encompassed legitimate self -defense was more practical.” Where law has broken down. Robert Williams would have us believe that there is no collective or practical alternative. After the debate appeared in Liberation and began to resonate throughout the movement.” Young insurgents in Monroe mounted an aggressive campaign of sit-ins that displayed its own unique style. Williams spoofed himself as “the dangerous stool-sitter bandit” and vowed that he had “never felt prouder in my life. grass roots of the southern Negro population. was that the success of nonviolence depended somewhat upon the adversary. but nonviolence is no repellent for a sadist. Du Bois weighed in with a commentary.” The Supreme Court’s 1954 mandate and even the triumph at Montgomery had yielded small tokens. J. but endorsing “the principle of self -defense.” Harry Boyt e. “Nonviolence is a powerful weapon in the struggle against social evil. as were white terrorists in the South. The third and most unacceptable position.” In a widely reprinted debate first published in Liberation magazine. “refle ct numerous instances where groups in various sections of the country have proclaimed and demonstrated their sympathies with Williams and have sent him money.” Here. the sit-ins had spread to fifty-four communities across nine states of the old Confederacy.” Anne Braden of the Southern Conference Educational Fund wrote in late 1959. was the pale beyond which King sought to cast his adversa ry. he noted.8 The Crusader’s self-proclaimed mission was “ADVANCING THE CAUSE OF RACE PRIDE AND FREEDOM. But the philosophical position from which King centered his own argument—preferring nonviolence. Williams' newsletter fed a lively and important debate within the freedom movement about the meaning of nonviolence. B. Soon after the sit-ins began. and others. “When Hitler’s tyranny threatened the world.” George Weissman of the SWP wrote to Carl Braden in Louisville. even by Gandhi. organized as in warfare. E.” The problem. precisely Williams’s view—which was King’s problem.” Williams noted.

“I saw it first as a challenge. Reverend Paul Brooks of SCLC and James Forman. From Cuba. [Kathleen] Cleaver by telephone when I was in Africa” in 1968 and the leadership “asked me to become Foreign Minister of the Panthers. The Williams family fled first to New York City.” It was no mystery toWilliams. a white married couple entered the black community for reasons that are unclear and drove straight into an angry black mob milling near Williams' house. Later that year. published from Cuba. As black activists began to reject even the tactical pretense of nonviolence.. .” a program that could be heard from 1961 to 1964 as far away as New York and Los Angeles.” Williams told reporters.” Two weeks of picketing at the Union County Courthouse grew progressively more perilous for the Freedom Riders. most elements of that ambiguous slogan already were in place. the non -violent crusade swiftly deteriorated into mob violence.” Lawrence Henry told Williams in the spring of 1966.” Another proclaimed: “If the fight for civil rights is to remain nonviolent. Williams. In 1961. the main difference between the sit -ins in Monroe and elsewhere was that “not a single demonstrator was even spat upon during our sit -ins.” Clayborne Carson names Williams as one of two central influences—the other being Malcolm X—on the 1966 formation of the Black Panther Party For Self-Defense in Oakland. a white moderate who had befriended Williams. In his classic memoir. At the height of this violent chaos. white vigilantes attacked black citizens and even fired fifteen shots into the home of former mayor J. “the most widely known black militant political organization of the late 1960s. In 1962. soon to become president of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). Williams hosted “Radio Free Dixie. he “talked to Bobby Seale and Mrs. the influence of Robert Williams continued to spread. What happens here will determine the course taken in many other communities throughout the South. the Black man is swinging away from King a nd adopting your tit-for-tat philosophy. The woman later conceded that “at the time.” Williams welcomed the Freedom Riders warmly but had a similar understanding of the stakes.’” a North Carolina activist wrote to Williams. “As quiet as it is being kept. under the impression that the demonstrators downtown were being beaten and perhaps slaughtered. Williams to be the most dangerous person in America.” the Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission complained in the spring of 1964.” Life magazine reported in 1966 that Williams' “picture is prominently displayed in extremist haunts in the big city ghettos.9 . though busy preparing to defend his home.” the white woman stated. where they remained for about two hours. a mob of several thousand furious white people attacked the approximately thirty demonstrators. The young insurgents arrived in Monroe to launch a nonviolent campaign in Robert Williams' backyard. Edgar Hoover: “Subject has become something of a ‘John Brown’ to Negroes around Monroe and they will do anything for him.S. though Forman later denied any intention to undermine Williams. Williams slung a machine gun over his shoulder and walked several miles with his wife and two small sons to where Julian Mayfield waited with a car. when SNCC began to veer away from nonviolence. “Armed self-defense is a fact of life in black communities —north and south—despite the pronouncements of the‘leadership. That way we hope to wear them down. his book Negroes With Guns. White authorities later charged Williams and several other people with kidnapping.” he said. “Malcolm’s removal from the scene makes you the senior spokesman for Afro -American militants. Crowds of hostile white onlookers grew larger and larger. Ray Shute. then on to Cuba to escape the hordes of FBI agents who combed the countryside in search of them.” It is closerto say that the Panthers were “a logical development” fr om the philosophy of Williams.” . Robert F. One of the Freedom Riders announced that he had come to Monroe because he considered “Mr. members cited Williams approvingly in the fierce internal debates. we must be successful in Monroe. “They were always doing something. “Your doctrine of self -defense set the stage for the acceptance of the Deacons For Defense and Justice. I wasn’t even thi nking about being kidnapped. “As I am certain you realize. soon to found the Black Panther Party in Oakland. According to Williams. August 28. they were ready for war. Every Friday night from 11:00 to midnight on Radio Havana. Forman later called this riot his “moment of death” and “a nightmare I shall never forget. threatened to kill the white couple.” Black residents. in large measure by followers of King. then to Canada. editor of Now! magazine in New York.” the manager of Jones Drug Store recalled. [T] he papers. Local police arrested the bleeding protestors.” The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) exaggerated considerably in 1969 when it reported that Williams “has long been the ideological leader of the Black Panther Party. “There was hundreds of niggers there. became the single most important intellectual influence on Huey P. One of the agents assigned to search locally for Williams reported his frustrations to FBI Director J. “We’re using hit-and-run tactics. the publicity and all that stuff was what brought in that kidnapping mess.. managing to sound like a platoon leader even while participating in a passive resistance campaign. although the white couple met two police officers on their way home and did not report their alleged abduction. Long before Stokely Carmichael and Willie Ricks led the chants of “Black Power” that riveted national media attention in the summer of 1966. “and they were armed. Mississippi. came to Monroe in the company of seventeen Freedom Riders fresh out of jail in Jackson.” Richard Gibson.. badly injuring many of them. as Reginald Major asserted in his 1971 book. but it did not take Hoover long to hear from him.” The FBI dragnet never snared Williams. on Sunday afternoon.” During a long night of racial terror. Copies of The Crusader traveled down the Mississippi back roads with SNCC organizers: “this leaflet is being distributed by SNCC and COFO [Council of Federated Organizations] workers among U. Newton. “It’s a wonder somebody didn’t kill him.” Williams claimed. “but I also saw it as an opportunity to show that what King and them were preaching was bullshit. rescued the two whites from the mob and led them into his house. The Making of Black Revolutionaries . Negroes. wrote to Williams in 1965. The uneasy peace in Monroe would soon be broken. Finally. Williams continued to edit The Crusader for a circulation that eventually grew to forty thousand. A Panther Is a Black Cat.” To the consternation of SCLC.” Williams' influence was not limited to the South. Throughout the community.” he recalled. “They never know when we’re coming or when we’re going to leave.

the impact of the cold war on the black freedom struggle. Williams grew uneasy in Cuba: he yearned to return home. trout-fishing village of Baldwin in western Michigan and died on October 15.” Our vision of the postwar African American freedom movement prior to 1965 as one characterized solely and inevitably by nonviolent “civil rights” protest obscures the full complexity of racial politics. where he met Ho Chi Minh and wrote antiwar propaganda aimed at African American soldiers. however.10 At that moment. wrote to a friend that “a lot of people are going to be surprised after my arrival not to find me fighting for leade rship the way many others are doing. The Williams family dined with Mao Tse -tung and moved in the highest circles of the Chinese government for three years.” Returning to family ties and local activism. Williams spent the last twenty -seven years of his life in the small. Parks told the congregation that she and those who marched with Martin Luther King Jr.” Even though he became friends with Che Guevara and Fidel Castro himself. as Williams got farther away from his roots in the South he sometimes drifted into apocalyptic nonsense. Rosa Parks climbed slowly into a church pulpit in Monroe. Timothy B. Not that the entire federal apparatus was happy to welcome him home: the Internal Security Division of the Department of Justice observed that “Williams could be the person to fill the role of national leader of the black extremists. in the black extremist movement in the United States. there still hangs an ancient rifle—a gift. and green Pan-African flag. No doubt those who began to chant “Black Power” in the mid-1960s felt that slogan with an urgency specific to their immediate circumstances. Beneath her lay the body of Robert F. It idealizes black history. Williams resisted pressure to make his own politics conform to the Soviet line. nearly inexplicable when viewed through thetraditional narrative of “the civ il rights movement.” Williams wrote to a friend in the mid-1960s. But then. Worse still. in Alabama had always admired Williams “for his courage and his commitment to freedom. clad in a gray suit given to him by Mao Tse-tung and draped with a black.” demonstrates in almost poetic fashion that historians should reexamine the relationship between “civil rights” and “Black Power.“ Despite his overseas activities. Williams bartered his almost exclusive knowledge of the Chinese government for safe passage home and a Ford Foundation sponsored post at the Center for Chinese Studies at the University of Michigan. throughout World War II and the postwar years. as now. Though Williams had been one of the best organizers in the black freedom movement.” according to CIA intelligence reports. As the Soviet strings on the Cuban revolution shortened. government. there existed among African Americans a current of militancy —a current that included the willingness to defend home and community by force.S. which the CIA believed to be “the most dangerous of all the Black Power organizations. red. Williams had already been named president-in-exile of two of the most influential revolutionary nationalist groups: the Revolutionary Action Movement. We should offset attempts by him to assume such a position. The work that he did should go down in history and never beforgotten. His 1967 essay. and even understates the achievements of African American resistance. the Williams family relocated to Beijing. North Carolina. possibly the outstanding figure. “The Potential of a Minority Revolution. from his grandmother. The life of Robert Williams underlines many aspects of the ongoing black freedom struggle —the decisive racial significance of World War II. “I am under constant attack by the [Communist Party of the United States]. A week after his death.” Wil liams. 1996. and the historical presence of a revolutionary Caribbean. Above the desk where Williams completed his memoirs just before his death. In 1965.” Williams persuaded Castro to let him travel to North Vietnam in 1964. “Williams has managed to becoming an outstanding figure. when the Nixon administration moved toward opening diplomatic relations with China. Williams. “They are trying to cut off my facilities here in Cuba. downplays t he oppression of jim crow society.” Her presence in that pulpit.” the CIA reported in 1969.” An FBI informant as early as 1962 stated that Williams “has stubbed his toes” with Cuban Communists through his “criticism of [the] Communist Party for barring Negroes from leadership” and that he “may not be able to regain his footing.” for example. Like the Black Power movement itself. he said. This facet of African American life lived in tension and in tandem with the compelling moral example of nonviolent direct action. Tyson Associate Professor of Afro-American Studies University of Wisconsin–Madison . In the late 1960s. But foremost it testifies to the ext ent to which.” and the Detroit-based Republic of New Africa.” The Stalinists were “getting worse than the crackers in Monroe. “Things are about to the stage when I had to leave Monroe in a hurry. One would think I am Hitler and Wall Street combined.” Williams complained in 1964. our cinematic “civil rights movement” blurs the racial dilemmas that follow us into the twenty-first century. many aspects of its meaning endure as legacies from earlier African American struggles. depicted a scenario in whic h black saboteurs and guerrilla enclaves could bring down the U. where Williams was “lionized and feted by top Peking leaders. the centrality of questions of sexuality and gender in racial politics. his isolation from any local constituency made him vulnerable to the same frustrations and delusions that plagued the rest of the movement in the last half of the 1960s.

4.000 to 40. senator from Alabama in the 1920s. apparently unable to keep from talking. One other time the possession of a light skin and blue eyes (though I consider myself a colored man) almost cost me my life when (it was during the Chicago race riots in 1919) a Negro shot at me. Most lynchings take place in small towns and rural regions where the natives know practically nothing of what is going on outside their own immediate neighborhoods. the superior moral rectitude of country people over city dwellers (with a wistful eye on urban sins) ⎯ all these controversial subjects are disposed of quickly and finally by the bucolic wise men. Professor Earle Fiske Young of the University of Southern California recently analyzed the lynching returns from fourteen Southern states for thirty years. Images added by NHC. religion. World peace. Of the forty-one lynchings and eight race riots I have investigated for the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People during the past ten years. The lynchings were not difficult to inquire into because of the fact already noted that those who perpetrated them were in nearly every instance simple-minded and easily fooled individuals. thinking me to be a white man. NAACP / Library of Congress Walter F.7. The towns ranged in population from around one hundred to ten thousand or so.htm. all of the lynchings and seven of the riots occurred in rural or semi-rural born of African-American ancestry and raised in Atlanta.000 people there was a lynching rate of 3. He found that in counties of less than 10. a segregationist and Klan-supported U. short skirts. the lynchers and the anti-evolutionists.000. East or West. But those who live in so sterile an atmosphere usually esteem their own perspicacity in about the same degree as they are isolated from the world of ideas. it was 2. the tariff. Like most boastful people who practice direct action when it involve[s] no personal risk.2 per 100. investigated lynchings and race riots for the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). sex. Copyright status and holder of American Mercury unidentified to date. ca. and that thereafter it kept on going down until in counties with from 300.000 to 30.S. These three times I found it rather desirable to disappear slightly in advance of reception committees imbued with the desire to make an addition to the lynching record. On but three occasions were suspicions aroused by my too definite questions or by informers who had seen me in other places. that in those of from 30.* the Ku Kluxers.000. that in those of from 20. the settlement of the war debts. [NHC note] . permission pending.05. Prohibition.11 WALTER F. North or South. such as the rural South has on the Negro. * Heflins: referring to James Thomas Heflin. theatres.1 per cent. 1925 * National Humanities Center: 2007: nationalhumanitiescenter. the carryings-on of the younger generation.000 population it was only 0. WHITE I Investigate Lynchings American Mercury January 1929* Walter White. Newspapers. And one can see why no great amount of cleverness or courage is needed to acquire information in such a forlorn place about the latest lynching. it was 1. they just can’t help talk about their deeds to any person who manifests even the slightest interest in them.000 to 800. or the lack of it. magazines. White.000 of population. the two-gun Bible-beaters. Complete image credits at nationalhumanitiescenter. From 1931 until his death in 1955 he served as the organization’s executive secretary (director). They gabble on ad infinitum.000 to 20. When to their isolation is added an emotional fixation. books. there is no problem which cannot be solved in half an hour by the morons who lounge about the village store. that in those of from 10. one can sense the atmosphere from which spring the Heflins. Nothing contributes so much to the continued life of an investigator of lynchings and his tranquil possession of all his limbs as the obtuseness of the lynchers themselves. In any American village. visitors and other vehicles for the transmission of information and ideas are usually as strange among them as dry-point etchings.000 the rate dropped to

slow of movement and of speech. my accent is sufficiently Southern to enable me to talk with Southerners and not arouse their suspicion that I am an outsider. “You’re a government man.” Covering the nausea the story caused me as best I could. It seems there’s some sort of law during wartime making it treason to lower the man power of the country. “for seeming suspicious but we have to be careful. did you lynch the niggers for killing such a man?” “It’s a matter of safety ⎯ we gotta show niggers that they mustn’t touch a white man. no other customer in the store. tar and pitch.) . all right. He offered me a box on which to sit. After making a small purchase I engaged the merchant in conversation. “You’ll pardon me. but with the war there’s been some talk of the Federal government looking into lynchings. your police officers?” “Humph! Them? We elected them to office. had been one of the leaders of the mob.” I assured him. and skin tanned by the hot sun to a reddish-yellow hue. As his manner became more and more friendly I ventured to mention guardedly the recent lynchings. was lynched with almost unmentionable brutality along with ten men in Georgia.) On the morning of my arrival in the town I casually dropped into the store of one of the general merchants who. My words or tone seemed to disarm his suspicions. the political situation.” “But what about your State government ⎯ your Governor. Instantly he became cautious ⎯ until I hinted that I had great admiration for the manly spirit the men of the town had exhibited. My several days of discreet inquiry began to arouse suspicions in the town. the possibility of good crops in the fall. he was a hard one. no matter how low -down and ornery he is. ain’t we? Sheriffs and police and Governors and prosecuting attorneys have got too much sense to mix in lynching-bees. Mister. He asked me to wait until he had finished serving the sole customer. You ought to have heard the wench howl when w e strung her up. If they do they know they might as well give up all idea of running for office any more ⎯ if something worse don’t happen to them ⎯” This last with a tightening of the lips and a hard look in the eyes.” he began. in spite of all the agitation by a lot of fools who don’t know the niggers as we do. “But couldn’t the Federal government do something if it wa nted to when a lynching takes place. The small towns where the farmers and turpentine hands traded were fat and rich. the latest news from the war in Europe. Mister.” he said. He was a mean ’un all right. When she had gone he came from behind the counter and with secretive manner and lowered voice he asked. at the time. ain’t you?” (An agent of the Federal Department of Justice was what he meant. Never paid his debts to white men or niggers and wasn’t liked much around here. Forests of pine trees gave rich returns in turpentine. “There’s no such law. proud of the opportunity of displaying his store of information to one who he assumed knew nothin g whatever about the subject. long-necked.” “Why. business men.” Little by little he revealed the whole story. “Oh. newspaper reporters and editors. I mentioned the newspaper accounts I had read and confessed that I had never been so fortunate as to see a lynching. and several law-enforcement officers. bankers. I had been informed. As I was born in Georgia and spent twenty years of my life there. On the third day of my stay I went once more into the store of the man with whom I had first talked. I slowly gained the whole story. We spoke of the weather. In ordinary times we wouldn’t have a nything to worry about. There was. It was a prosperous community. confidently. States’ rights won’t permit Congress to meddle in lynching in peace time. The white inhabitants belonged to the class of Georgia crackers ⎯ lanky. with the names of the other participants. all right. about to give birth to a child.12 I In 1918 a Negro woman. The stores were well stocked. then. even if no war is going on at the moment?” “ Naw. and gave me a bottle of Coca-Cola. “Who was the white man who was killed ⎯ whose killing caused the lynchings?” I asked. I ever did see. your sheriff. drew up another one for himself.” “In that case I don’t blame you for being careful. The main streets of the largest of these towns were well paved and lighted. When he told of the manner in which the pregnant woman had been killed he chuck led and slapped his thigh and declared it to be “the best show. didn’t we? And the niggers. I reached the scene shortly after the butchery and while excitement yet ran high. with small eyes set close together. Among them were prosperous farmers. we’ve got them disfranchised. (In the rural South hatred of Yankees is not much less than hatred of Negroes. I sought to lead the conversation into less dangerous channels.

had warned the judge and the prosecutor.” he answered.” I told him cryptically. following so terrible a series of lynchings. Though I had no weapon with me. He talked frankly about the affair and gave me the names of certain men who knew more about it than he did. Several of them lived in a small town nearby where the only industry was a large cotton mill. I remained in the town two more days. “Those mill hands out there would harm anybody. if I am one. the fury of the inhabitants of the region was unlimited ⎯ particularly when it was found that evidence I gathered had been placed in the hands of the Governor of Georgia.” An hour or so later I went at nightfall to the little but not uncomfortable hotel where I was staying. somebody is going to get hurt. That night. I thought. you’re the only one in town who knows it.13 “Who said so?” I countered. The thought raced through my mind before I replied that it was hardly likely that. told generally that I was an agent of the Department of Justice. “I will go with you if you will promise to get back to town before sund own. there was much passing and repassing of the hotel. But when. “Don’t you tell anyone I am a government man. I looked straight into my informant’s eyes and said: “You go back to the ones who sent you and tell them this: that I have a damned good automatic and I know how to use it. with a shrewd harshness in his face and voice. Had they dared there would have been no warning in advance ⎯ simply an attack. Shortly after reaching the town I learned that a certain lawyer knew something about the lynchers. III In 1926 1 went to a Southern State for a New York newspaper to inquire into the lynching of two colored boys and a colored woman. somewhat anxiously. I learned afterward that the merchant had. told me that he had just heard a group of white men discussing me and declaring that if I remained in the town overnight “something would happen” to me. Ordinarily in such small Southern towns everyone is snoring by nine o’clock. “Never mind who told me. as I expected. but I was not molested. and no doubt the persons who sent him were white and for some reason did not dare tackle me themselves. If anybody attempts to molest me tonight or any other time. with an air of great mystery. And the Federal government declared itself unable to proceed against the lynchers. Ignorant of what might have taken place since last I had talked with him. It happened that he was a man genuinely eager to stop lynching ⎯ but restrictive laws against which he had appealed in vain effectively prevented him from acting upon the evidence. later. My every movement was watched. it occurred to me that there was no reason why two should not play at the game of bluffing. I thought it wise to learn all I could and say nothing which might commit me.” That night I did not take off my clothes nor did I sleep. fruitlessly. He proved to be the only specimen I have ever encountered in much traveling in the South of the Southern gentleman so beloved by fiction writers of the older school. He had been sent. “No one would harm a respectable and well known person like yourself. would they?” I asked him.” he replied. When I asked him if he would go with me to call on these people he peered out of the window at the descending sun and said. I know one when I see him. As I was about to enter a Negro approached me and. and my empty threat had served to reinforce his assertion. a Negro would voluntarily approach a supposedly white man whom he did not know and deliver such a message. however. The Negro had been sent to me in the hope that I might be frightened enough to leave before I had secured evidence against the members of the mob. . I knew that within a hour everybody in town would share his “information.” I asked why there was need of such haste. it became known that not only was I not an agent of the Department of Justice but a Negro. He had heard of the lynching before it occurred and.

had been the organizer and kleagle of the local Klan. When the sheriff found things getting a bit too unpleasant. and then artistically carved him up. He took me into an adjoining room after removing his Klan robe and there showed me a considerable collection of revolvers. and the same result seemed likely in the State Senate. political and social life of the vicinity were members of the mob. three relatives of the then Governor of the State. At the new trial the evidence against one of the defendants so clearly showed his innocence that the judge granted a motion to dismiss. for if they would harm this man I could imagine what they would do to a stranger! When we reached the little mill town we passed through it and ascending a steep hill. told them to run. Shortly afterwards a married woman with whom the sheriff’s supporter had been intimate quarreled one night with her husband. When the cuckold charged his wife with infidelity. he announced that he was going to ask the grand jury to indict me for “bribery and passing for white. The hood was then removed and. a man destined eventually to go to the United States Senate on a campaign of vilification of the Negro. but was not immediately killed. As it was a cold afternoon in late autumn the gray-haired man called a boy to build a fire.” It developed that the person I was supposed to have paid money to for execution of an affidavit was a man I had never seen in the flesh. We then sat down and I listened to as hair raising a tale of Nordic moral endeavor as it has ever been my lot to hear. Perhaps two minutes later. rose at a strategic point to speak on the bill. various jailers and policemen. An amusing tale is connected with the charge of passing. hearing a sound at the door through which he had gone. “I show you this. his deputies. which promptly reversed the conviction. The very people whose misdeeds the organization was designed to correct gained control of it. The facts were notorious. Public sentiment in the State itself. a member of the State Legislature and sundry individuals prominent in business. I told him frankly I was seeking information about the lynching. I looked up and there stood a figure clad in the full regalia of the Ku Klux Klan. But as soon as the motion to dismiss was granted the defendant was rearrested on a trivial charge and once again lodged in jail. “so you will know that what I tell you is true. began to make it uncomfortable for the lynchers. our car stopped in front of a house perched perilously on the side of the hill. Many years ago a bill was introduced in the Legislature of that State defining legally as a Negro any person who had one drop or more of Negro blood. it was the owner of the house. A certain man of considerable wealth had contributed largely to his campaign fund.” Evidence in affidavit form indicated rather clearly that various law-enforcement officials. the man dragged himself to the home of a neighbor several hundred yards distant and there died on the doorstep. and the other two defendants were obviously as little guilty as he. for corrupt officials and widespread criminal activities had caused him and other local men to believe that the only cure rested in a secret extra-legal organization. This man then resigned and ever since had been living in fear of his life. The old lawyer introduced me and we were invited into the house. The revelation of these findings after I had returned to New York did not add to my popularity in the lynching region.” he told me. their case had been appealed to the State Supreme Court. The woman was shot in several places. shotguns. One of the Senators. I looked at the figure and the figure looked at me. got a large butcher knife. stirred up by several courageous newspapers. as I suspected. Bleeding more profusely than a pig in the stockyards. He had been quite honest in his activities as a Kluxer. and severely criticized the judge before whom they had been tried. Convicted in a court thronged with armed Klansmen and sentenced to death. and as they set out pumped bullets into their backs. That night the mob took the prisoners to the outskirts of the town. One of the lynchers afterwards laughingly told me that “we had to waste fifty bullets on the wench before one of them stopped her howling. rifles and ammunition. remanded the appellants for new trials. The two boys died instantly. He said nothing but left the room. I learned. but the sheriff effectively blocked even interrogation of the widow! I spent some days in the region and found that the three Negroes who had been lynched were about as guilty of the murder of which they were charged as I was. the gentle creature waited until he was asleep.” This man. including the sheriff. Among the choice bits were stories such as this: The sheriff of an adjoining county the year before had been a candidate for reelection. . the affidavit having been secured by the reporter of a New York newspaper. providing the margin by which was reelected. In a yard stood a man with iron-gray hair and eyes which seemed strong enough to bore through concrete.14 I promised him we would be back before sundown ⎯ a promise that was not hard to make. Acrimonious debate in the lower house did not prevent passage of the measure. But he had not long been engaged n promoting the plan before he had the experience of other believers in Klan methods.

In the early days Tulsa had been a lifeless and unimportant village of not more than five thousand people. Surrounding the Negro section. all of these springing up in the section to which they had been relegated. . This man wrote of the frantic efforts of the whites of his State to keep themselves thought of as white. to sue for libel those who had charged me with passing. “that you were white except as to your name. when the Negroes started to leave the sheriff’s office.” IV On another occasion a serious race riot occurred in Tulsa. a white man in the State with whom I had talked wrote me a long letter asking me if it were true that I had Negro blood. Then oil was discovered nearby and almost overnight the village grew into a prosperous town. Rapidly the news spread of the clash and the numbers of mobbers grew hourly. were forced back to their own neighborhood. he rang the bell for the elevator in order that he might descend.000 inhabitants. Having built up the neighborhood and knowing its value. down near the railroad tracks. A group of Negroes offered their services to the jailer and sheriff in protecting the prisoner. as I have said. opened the door of the car ungraciously. among them an aged man and his wife.15 As the story goes. Oklahoma.” When the sheriff threatened me with an indictment for passing as white. according to the laws of ––––––. led by men who had been officers in the American army in France. revolvers and shotguns. I might have been a thug. the local press. seemed highly dubious that an attempted criminal assault would be made by any person in an open elevator of a crowded office building on the main street of a town of 100.” My informant urged me to sit down and figure out mathematically t he exact percentage of Negro blood that I possessed and. a murderer. The boy declared that she started the car on its downward plunge when he was only halfway in. Driven further and further back. two cinemas and other enterprises. a young white girl. One afternoon in 1921 a Negro messenger boy went to deliver a package in an office building on the main street of Tulsa. at best. And. an escaped convict. Within a few hours I met a commercial photographer who had worked for five years on a New York newspaper and he welcomed me with open arms when he found that I represented a New York paper. on finding that she had been summoned by a Negro. It was even easier to do this than I had expected. Instantly th e mob swung into action. the owners refused to be victimized . and that was enough.” he wrote. a bustling town of 100. By daybreak of the following day the mob numbered around five thousand. it attacked. I had on amber-colored glasses and did not take the trouble to scrutinize your color. The Negroes prospered along with the whites and began to erect comfortable homes. I arrived in Tulsa while the excitement was at its peak. He quoted an old law to the effect that “it was not slander to call one a Negro because everybody could see that he was not. if it proved to be less than one eighth. asserted that the boy attempted to rape h er in the elevator. Forty-four blocks of property were burned after homes and stores had been pillaged. rifles. His errand done. on the other hand. a member of the mob itself which had laid waste a large area of the city none of these mattered. From him I learned that special deputy sheriffs were being sworn in to guard the town from a rumored counterattack by the Negroes. many of them were killed or wounded. stepping on the girl’s foot in doing so. outnumbered. who were slain as they knelt at prayer for deliverance. That night a mob started to the jail to lynch the Negro boy. w hat’s more. Efforts to purchase the land from the Negro owners at prices far below its value were unavailing. but it was slanderous to cal l him a mulatto. age and address. a clash occurred between them and the mob. a hotel. but I really did take you for a white man and. Outnumbered and out equipped. That evening in the City Hall I had to answer only three questions ⎯ name. the plight of the Negroes was a hopeless one from the beginning. you may be. The girl.000 inhabitants ⎯ and in open daylight! Whatever the truth. with scant investigation. and ⎯ such are the blessings of invention! ⎯ airplanes. down near the railroad. and was armed with machine-guns. The offer was declined and. published lurid accounts of the alleged assault. there won’t be enough white people left in the State to pass it. This was. dynamite. The Negroes. The operator. and its Negro residents had been forced to live in what was considered the least desirable section of the village. cans of gasoline and kerosene. my skin was apparently white. business establishments. The swift growth of the town made this hitherto disregarded land of great value for business purposes. and that to save himself from being killed he had to thro w himself into the car. his climax was: “If you go on with this bill you will bathe every county in blood before nightfall. Two versions there are of what happened then. It occurred to me that I could get myself sworn in as one of these deputies. The latter story. “You did not tell me nor anyone else in my presence.

demanded challengingly: “You say that your name is White?” I answered affirmatively. We watch every movement of the officers of this nigger society and we’re out to get them for putting notions of equality into the heads of our niggers down South here. detached themselves from the crowd and followed us. There’s an organization in the South that doesn’t love niggers. he replied as he turned away. I maintained a considerable vigilance. assigned to the same car with this man and his four companions. but I want to tell you.” It is hardly necessary to add that all that night. newly made acquaintance. Would you care to see my credentials?” “No. I took a cigarette from my case and lighted it. I was also threatened with a suit for criminal libel by a local paper. if anything. When the news stories I wrote about the riot (the boy accused of attempted assault was acquitted in the magistrate’s court after nearly one million dollars of property and a number of lives had been destroyed) revealed my identity ⎯ that I was a Negro and an officer of the Advancement Society ⎯ more than a hundred anonymous letters threatening my life came to me. even with a note of happiness in his voice: “Now you can go out and shoot any nigger you see and the law’ll be behind you. a villainous-looking man next to me turned and remarked casually. trying to keep my hand from betraying my nervousness. with whom he had been talking. At last the man seemed certain he knew me and started toward me. nothing. something. and I noticed that four other men.” There could be no question that he referred to the Ku Klux Klan on the one hand and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People on the other. has it to do with the story of the race riot here which I’ve come to get?” For a full minute we looked straight into each other’s eyes. I kept my eye on him without appearing to do so. putting his face close to mine and looking into my eyes with a steely. But it has come back into existence to fight this damned nigger Advancement A ssociation. It has branches every where. “You say you’re a newspaper man?” “Yes. With a shrug of his shoulders and a half-apologetic smile. I represent the New York ––––––––. You needn’t ask me the name ⎯ I can’t tell you.” As we stood in the wide marble corridor of the not unimposing City Hall waiting to be assigned to automobiles which were to patrol the city during the night. Tulsa would not have been a very healthy place for me: that night had my race or my previous investigations of other race riots been known there. unfriendly glance. At length his eyes fell. watching me closely. clad in the uniform of a captain of the United States Army. I imagined I saw in his very swarthy face (he was much darker than I. but what. but was classed as a white man while I am deemed a Negro) mingled inquiry and hostility. his four companions meanwhile crowding close about us. but nothing came of it after my willingness to defend it was indicated. . I noticed a man. He drew me aside into a deserted corner on the excuse that he had something he wished to ask me. As coolly as I could. Without further introduction or apology my dark-skinned. the circumstances being what they were. except I wante d you to know what’s back of the trouble here. solemnly declaring we would do our utmost to uphold the laws and constitutions of the United States and the State of Oklahoma. “Oh.16 After we ⎯ some fifty or sixty of us ⎯ had been sworn in. When he finished speaking I asked him: “All this is very in teresting.

merchants. since my interview with the prisoners (the sheriff and jailer being present) was unlikely to add anything to my story.17 V A narrow escape came during an investigation of an alleged plot by Negroes in Arkansas to “massacre” all the white people of the State. Some inner sense bade me obey. one day on my way to the jail. seed. and bankers. they to receive usually half of the crop for their labor. which works somewhat as follows: Negro farmers enter into agreements to till specified plots of land.” . I interviewed the Governor and other officials and then proceeded to the scene of the trouble. I was shown “evidence” that the story o f the massacre plot was well-founded. they are supplied these commodities by their land-lords at designated stores. Suspicion was given new birth when I pressed my inquiries too insistently concerning the share-crop-ping and tenant-farming system. though I knew nothing about the message at the time. By declaring that he has sold it at a figure far below the market price and by refusing to give itemized accounts of the supplies purchased during the year by the tenant. which relief those who profited from the system meant to prevent. and that I should turn to the right at the next corner and follow him. clothing and other supplies. he exclaimed. when they get through with him. the county seat. “Why. sotto voce [in a low voice]. It later developed that the Negroes had simply organized a cooperative society to combat their economic exploitation by landlords. a landlord can (and in that region almost always does) so arrange it that the bill for supplies always exceeds the tenant’s share of the crop. many of whom openly practiced peonage [slavery]. heavy-set Negro passed me and. where I had an appointment with the sheriff. I walked down West Cherry Street. that there was great hostility in the town against me and they planned harming me. Individual Negroes who had protested against such thievery had been lynched. Going first to the capital of the State. When we had got out of sight of other persons the Negro told me not to go to the jail. the people being eager to have a metropolitan newspaper give their side of the story. in the heart of the cotton-raising area. you’re leaving just when the fun is going to start! There’s a damned yaller nigger down here passing for white and the boys are going to hav e some fun with him. a restaurant waiter. Making my way to the railroad station. Suspicion of me took definite form when word was sent to Phillips county from Little Rock that it had been discovered that I was a Negro. When the crop is gathered the landowner takes it and sells it. “he won’t pass for white no more. In the man’s manner there was something which made me certain he was telling the truth. and not very clever attempts were made to guide me away from the truth. Little Rock. “Wal. Phillips county. The new organization was simply a union to secure relief through the courts . close to the Mississippi. told me as he passed that he had something important to tell me. who was going to permit me to interview some of the Negro prisoners who were charged with being implicated in the alleged plot. the main thoroughfare of Elaine. As I stepped from the train at Elaine. I went as a representative of a Chicago newspaper to get the facts. Within half an hour of my arrival I had been asked by two shopkeepers. The tension relaxed somewhat when I implied I was in sympathy with the mob. Should they be too poor to buy food. and a ticket agent why I had come to Elaine. A tall. Mister. When I explained to the conductor ⎯ he looked at me so inquiringly ⎯ that I had no ticket because delays in Elaine had given me no time to purchase one. I was closely watched by a crowd of men. Little by little suspicion was lessened and then.” he explained grimly. I was able to board one of the two trains a day out of Elaine. what my business was and what I thought of the recent riot. Thus the story of a “massacre” plot.” I asked him the nature of the fun.

The history of every institution of this society indicates that a major concern in the ordering and structuring of the society has been the maintaining of the Negro community in its condition of dependence and oppression. If one goes into any Negro community. Later he became a leader of the Black Panther Party. politically and economically. that is an act of individual racism. which has been excluded from participation in the power decisions that shaped the society. has been through the organization of their own institutions with which to represent their communal needs within the larger society. Maryland or Harlem. Cambridge. New York. one will find that the same combination of political. widely deplored by most segments of the society. But when in that same city. The people in the Negro community do not control the resources of that community. the white community. and even the physical ownership of the and subservient to. and the society’s response t o both. Let me give an example of the difference between individual racism and institutionalized racism. * Excerpted and images added by the National Humanities Center.18 Stokely Carmichael Toward Black Liberation The Massachusetts Review . Permission pending. and is so much a part of the national subconscious that it is taken for granted and is frequently not even recognized. This has not been on the level of individual acts of discrimination between individual whites against individual Negroes. that is a function of institutionalized racism..Autumn 1966____Excerpt* Stokely Carmichael came to the U. . This is simply stating what the advocates of Black Power are saying. Traditionally. And this resistance to doing anything meaningful about conditions in that ghetto comes from the fact that the ghetto is itself a product of a combination of forces and special interests in the white community. true. or is incapable of doing anything meaningful about it. excerpted text pp. live in well-defined areas of the country ⎯ in the shantytowns and rural black-belt areas of the South. and later in LeRoi Jones & Larry Neal. Black Fire: An Anthology of Afro-American Writing (New York: William Morrow & in practical economic and political terms. 1968). 122-132. Complete image credits at nationalhumanitiescenter. from Trinidad as a child in 1952. economic and social forces is at work. from the existence of that ghetto. eds. and increasingly in the slums of Northern and Western industrial cities. and the groups that have access to the resources and power to change that situation benefit. their blackness and their powerlessness. There have been traditionally two communities in America: the white community. They. When unidentified white terrorists bomb a Negro church and kill five children.. In 1966 he became chairman of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). The strident outcry. emotionally and intellectually because of conditions of poverty and deprivation in the ghetto. and has traditionally been dependent upon. but as total acts by the white community against the Negro community. which controlled and defined the forms that all institutions within the society would take. Birmingham. Negroes are defined by two forces. This has not been accidental. Autumn 1966. But the society either pretends it doesn’t know of this situation. This fact cannot be too strongly emphasized — that racist assumptions of white superiority have been so deeply ingrained in the structure of the society that it infuses its entire functioning. the route to social and political integration into America’s pluralistic society. There are over twenty million black people comprising ten per cent of this nation. whether it be in Jackson. and thousands more are destroyed and maimed physically. for each new ethnic group. It is more than a figure of speech to say that the Negro community in America is the victim of white imperialism and colonial exploitation. First published in The Massachusetts Review. Mississippi. houses and stores lie outside that community. particularly from the liberal community. Alabama. shelter and medical facilities. that has been evoked by this proposal can only be understood by examining the historic relationship between Negro and white power in this country.htm.S. its law enforcement. its housing standards. for the most part. its political decisions. not five but five hundred Negro babies die each year because of a lack of proper food. and the Negro community. 2007: nationalhumanitiescenter. This is.

black people must look beyond these goals. or welfare recipient whether a certain fifteen-dollar-a-day motel offers accommodations to Negroes. articulated by a tiny group of Negroes who had middle-class aspirations. The question is. of course. social justice will be accomplished by “integrating the Negro into the mainstream institutions of the society from which he has been traditionall y excluded. it would be somehow less frightening. are quite simply middle-class goals. by the apartheid government of South Africa. I do not suppose that at any point the men who control the power and resources of this country ever sat down and designed these black enclaves. what kinds of changes are necessary.” the individual Negro. open housing. Without bothering to list the historic factors which contribute to this pattern ⎯ economic exploitation. instead of growing spontaneously and inevitably from the racist functioning of the various institutions that combine to make the society. dish washer. discrimination in employment and education ⎯ one can see that to correct this pattern will require far-reaching changes in the basic power-relationships and the ingrained social patterns within the society. and it is violent white power in the form of armed white cops that enforces those laws with guns and nightsticks. out of which SNCC [Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee] came. had a similar orientation. political impotence. Now.19 It is white power that makes the laws. for example.” According to the advocates of integratio n. job opportunity on the executive level (which is easier to deal with than the problem of semi-skilled and blue-collar jobs which involve more far-reaching economic adjustments). Yet. so the thing to do was to siphon off the “acceptable” Negroes into the surrou nding middle-class white community. as was done. it has been in terms of “the Negro. the answer to these questions which has been given by most articulate groups of Negroes and their white allies ⎯ the “liberals” of all stripes ⎯ has been in terms of something called “integration. Goals around which the struggle took place. . if the ghetto had been formally and deliberately planned. the overt symbols of white superiority and the imposed limitations on the Negro community had to be destroyed. rather than in terms of the community. they are black and powerless. one cannot distinguish between one ghetto and another. It is true that the student demonstrations in the South during the early Sixties. Thus the goal of the movement for integration was simply to loosen up the restrictions barring the entry of Negroes into the white community. The vast majority of Negroes in this country live in these captive communities and must endure these co nditions of oppression because. if these ghettoes were the result of design and conspiracy. and how is it possible to bring them about? In recent years. As one moves from city to city. one could understand their similarity as being artificial and consciously imposed. such as public accommodation. and only because.” It is very significant that each time I have heard this formulation. to the issue of collective power. it is as though some malignant racist planning-unit had done precisely this — designed each one from the same master blueprint. This concept of integration had to be based on the assumption that there was nothing of value in the Negro community and that little of value could be created among Negroes. rather than the result of identical patterns of white racism which repeat themselves in cities as far apart as Boston and Birmingham. and formally articulated the terms of their colonial and dependent status. The situation would be less frightening because. And indeed. But while it is hardly a concern of a black sharecropper.

The civil rights movement saw its role as a kind of liaison between the powerful white community and the dependent Negro one. CORE [Congress of Racial Equality] once did. and at times one or other of the major political parties ⎯ influence national legislation and national social patterns. labor unions.I. but changed that clause when it changed its orientation toward Black Power. by forming coalitions with various “liberal” pressure organizations in the white community ⎯ liberal reform clubs. I think we all have seen the limitations of this approach. the civil rights movement could. Less than fifteen per cent of black children in the South attend integrated schools. We made no pretense of organizing and developing institutions of community power in the Negro community. and one day the Harlems and the Wattses would stand empty. a tribute to the success of integration. There has been an organized national resistance to the Supreme Court’s order t o integrate the schools. with its own cultural identity. understaffed. The political and social rights of Negroes have been and always will be negotiable and expendable the moment they conflict with the interests of our “allies. The dependent status of the black community apparently was unimportant since — if the movement were successful — it was going to blend into the white community anyway. But this was the result of white decision. and the federal government has not acted to enforce that order. but appealed to the conscience of white institutions of power. it appears that the American Negro is the first race that ever wished to abolish itself. inadequately equipped and funded. but in its tactics and organization. This is simply neither realistic nor particularly desirable. but housing conditions in the ghetto are steadily declining. and Negro schools. but the gap between white income and Negro income has almost doubled in the last twenty years. the suppliant. overcrowded. progressive civic groups.20 Such a limited class orientation was reflected not only in the program and goals of the civil rights movement. even the painfully limited gains thrown to the civil rights movement by the Congress will not be revoked as soon as a shift in political sentiments should occur. The racial and cultural personality of the black community must be preserved and the community must win its freedom while preserving its cultural integrity. while that in the white community decreases. What has the movement for integration accomplished to date? The Negro graduating from M. While the infant mortality rate of New York City is at its lowest rate ever in the city’s history. but you assimilate individuals.) The major limitation of this approach was that it tended to maintain the traditional dependence of Negroes. This is the essential difference between integration as it is currently practised and the concept of Black Power. Even if such a program were possible. The fact is that what must be abolished is not the black community. but to abolish it ⎯ the final solution to the Negro problem. You can integrate communities. Marx said that “the working class is the first class in history that ever wanted to abolish itself. we were vulnerable to their influence and domination. the program that evolved out of this coalition was really limited and inadequate in the long term. its result would be not to develop the black community as a functional and honorable segment of the total society. The theory was that. . More suburban housing is available to Negroes. without attempting to create any organized base of political strength itself. [Massachusetts Institute of Technology] with a doctorate will have better job opportunities available to him than to Lynda Bird Johnson [daughter of President Lyndon Johnson]. and that is precise ly the lesson of the Reconstruction. (Thus at this point in the struggle Negroes have no assurance ⎯ save a kind of idiot optimism and faith in a society whose history is one of racism ⎯ that if it were to become necessary.” If we do not learn from history. To the extent that we depended on the financial support of other groups. and it was ended by other white men’s decision before any political base powerful enough to challenge that decision could be established in the southern Negro community. church groups. The posture of the civil rights movement was that of the dependent.” If one listens to some of our “moderate” Neg ro leaders. It is very significant that the two oldest and most “respectable” civil rights organizations have constitutions which specifically prohibit partisan political activity. More educated Negroes hold executive jobs in major corporations and federal agencies than ever before. the infant mortality rate of Harlem is steadily climbing. but the dependent colonial status that has been inflicted upon it. We have repeatedly seen that political alliances based on appeals to conscience and decency are chancy things. vote and participate in politics because it was to the advantage of powerful white allies to promote this. life patterns and institutions. But the rate of unemployment in the Negro community is steadily increasing. Also. which the vast majority of black children still attend. we are doomed to repeat it. and of the movement. We depended upon the goodwill and support of various groups within the white community whose interests were not always compatible with ours. simply because institutions and political organizations have no consciences outside their own special interests.T. Black people were allowed to register. Its goal was to make the white community accessible to “qualified” Negroes and presumably each year a few more Negroes armed with their passport ⎯ a couple of university degrees ⎯ would escape into middle-class America and adopt the attitudes and life styles of that group. and one that affected only a small select group of Negroes. are increasingly decrepit. But this is perfectly understandable in terms of the strategy and goals of the older organizations.

This is precisely what Johnson tried to do even before the Votings Rights Act of 1966 was passed. in the South. What is also true is that Negroes have never been able to utilize the full voting potential of our numbers. which was at its inception limited to dealing with effects rather than causes. and has become simply another source of machine patronage. These Negro political “leaders” are really vote -deliverers. but taking control over our own communities. in the Negro community. the effective political organization in Negro communities is absorbed by tokenism and patronage — the time-honored practice of “giving” certain offices to selected Negroes. the cops from beating your children. “Go home and organize your people int o the local Democratic Party ⎯ then we’ll see about poverty money and appointments.” (Incidentally. and to give the Negro community a chance to have its needs expressed.” which is sub ordinate and responsive to it. since no one is talking about taking over the country. If such a program is developed. The chief antagonist to this organization is. to deal with its problems. The only difference is that we will have the power to define the terms of these alliances. The standard argument presented against independent political organization is. And “Integration” is meaningful only to a smal l chosen class within the community. Nothing was said about changing the policies of the racist state parties. and will force them to talk to the community’s representatives in terms of real power. more responsible to the white machine and the white power structure than to the community they allegedly represent. not Negroes. ever think that Negroes represented sixty per cent of the population there? Just as often. “So ⎯ can it work. or a withdrawal into black nationalism and isolationism. That is a rule of politics and there is no reason why it should not operate here. who then express their bitterness. This organization must be attempted in Northern and Southern urban areas as well as in the rural black-belt counties of the South. it will not have the effect of isolating the Negro community. Thus the white community is able to substitute patronagecontrol for audacious Black Power in the Negro community. Would anyone looking at the distribution of political power in Manhattan. but to the community ⎯ must be developed. is very strategically placed because ⎯ ironically ⎯ of segregation. nothing was said about repudiating such leadership figures as Eastland and Ross Barnett in Mississippi or George Wallace in Alabama. The single aspect of the Black Power program that has encountered most criticism is this concept of independent organization. the landlord to exterminate the vermin in your home. the case has always been that the white political machine stacks and gerrymanders the political subdivisions in Negro neighborhoods so the true voting strength is never reflected in political strength. The fact is that the Negro population. and negotiate with other groups from a position of organized strength. the black power.” I cannot see the relevance of this observation. but the absence of any organization capable of giving the community the power. The machine thus creates a “little machine. because there are no viable alternatives — not the War on Poverty. can the ghettoes in fact be organized?” The answer is that this organization must be successful. the overtly racist Democratic Party. Such leadership will recognize that its power lies in the unified and collective strength of that community. ten per cent or not. This is presented as third-partyism. hopelessness and alienation by the only means they have ⎯ rebellion. Where we could vote. the equally corrupt big-city machines. What was said was simply. A leadership which is truly “responsible” ⎯ not to the white press and power structure. and in the North. the city to collect your garbage ⎯ we will continue to have riots. This will make it difficult for the white leadership group to conduct its dialogue with individuals in terms of patronage and prestige. “But you are only ten per cent.” and to return to the ghetto to organize these communities to control them selves. The President and top officials of the Democratic Party called in almost one hundred selected Negro “leaders” from the Deep South . the possibility of meaningful political alliances on specific issues will be increased. for the most part. but the reverse. These are not the products of Black Power. which has never worked. . The next question usually is. The National Democrats made it very clear that the measure was intended to register Democrats. People who were afraid to register for fear of being thrown off the farm are now afraid to register for fear of losing their Head Start jobs. As long as people in the ghettoes of our large cities feel that they are victims of the misuse of white power without any way to have their needs represented ⎯ and these are frequently simple needs: to get the welfare inspectors to stop kicking down your doors in the middle of the night.) We must organize black community power to end these abuses. SNCC proposes that it is now time for the black freedom movement to stop pandering to the fears and anxieties of the white middle class in the attempt to earn its “goodwill. the War on Poverty in the South is controlled by local Democratic ward heelers ⎯ and outspoken racists who have used the program to change the form of the Negroes’ dependence. When the Negro community is able to control its local office.21 This explains why the rate of school dropouts is increasing among Negro teenagers.

From Wilkepedia . D. Ms." This is defined as racism that occurs through institutions such as public bodies and corporations. These areas can become either concentration camps with a bitter and volatile population whose only power is the power to destroy. these communities will exist in a constant state of insurrection. is already predominantly Negro. The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee was formed to give younger blacks more of a voice in the civil rights movement and became one of the movements more vocal and radical/miltant branches In the wake of the early sit-ins at lunch counters closed to blacks which started in February of 1960 in Greensboro. or organized and powerful communities able to make constructive contributions to the total society. Martin Luther King Jr. who was then the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC). and with the white rush to suburbia. King’s principle of nonviolence more as a political tactic rather than as a way of life.C. Ms.22 The revolution in agricultural technology in the South is displacing the rural Negro community into Northern urban areas. and Newark. Negroes will. “Inner city. including universities. was out of touch with the desires of younger Blacks who wanted the movement to make faster progress. New Jersey have Negro majorities. She was concerned that SCLC lead by the Rev. helped set up the first meeting of what became SNCC. Without the power to control their lives and their communites. Dr. control the heart of our great cities. i n the next three decades. without effective political institutions through which to relate to the total society. Ella Baker. Stokely Carmichael. This is a choice that the country will have to credited with coining the phrase "institutional racism. culture or ethnic origin". North Carolina. Both Washington. In the late 1960s Carmichael defined "institutional racism" as "the collective failure of an organization to provide an appropriate and professional service to people because of their color. One-third of Phildelphia’s population of two million people is bl ack. along with Charles Hamilton.” in most major urban areas. Baker encouraged those who formed SNCC to look beyond integration to broader social change and to view Rev. Dr.

political. there was much we did not know. and responsibility to also add-on to the “struggle” he gave voice and clarity to the revolutionary desires of young black men and black women who were non-accepting of the tactics promoted by the elder proponents of Civil Rights. Many of whom were themselves secret society members (i.23 Our revolution is necessary and real God Divine Prince Allah . financial. We now have insight into these complexities which we did not have privilege to in the so-called civil rights era of the mid-50’s and throughout the 60’s of the twentieth century here in the United States of America. London. pharmacological. . Italy. and media foundations which contribute to it’s structure and manifestations. They who are white. of European descent and comprise the 3-tiered bloodline oligarchy (controlling government) of city empires located in Rome. economic and scientific means. and H. and who through this world wide network of organizations and corporations are thus. responsible for the system of oppression known as institutional racism world-wide. The progression of our revolutionary ideologies were an outgrowth of our dissatisfaction with the slow pace of the promise of integration or desegregation. For those of us who advocated revolutionary nationalism as the method which would attain for us the liberation we sought to be freed of the oppressive policies and practices of the white power structure of the United States government and the overt and covert actions of those racist and murderous white citizens who belonged to organizations and secret societies such as the Ku Klux Klan and others less publicized or known primarily in the Southern and Midwest regions of this country yet all across the land. Robert Williams.e. Prince Hall and Shriner Masons). and the deceptive and short-sighted contentions of the principle of nonviolence coupled with campaigns of civil disobedience and boycotts as actions to secure for us equality and. England and Washington in the District of Columbia USA and who are in control of the religious. As a young man. . He became critical of civil rights leaders who called for the integration of Black people in America into the existing instutions of the middle-class mainstream.Principal Executive The National Intelligence Communications Network It is now the 21st century. liberty and prosperity. economic and military lines as its basic power structure and within this cipher we can also add the scientific. psychological. political and economic standing in our relationship to the larger society which is governed by those whom we are just beginning to gain knowledge of and would identify as the power elites of the Earth. the year 2013 in fact and the Blackman in North America is still in a critical position of being powerless in terms of our social. To quote an article I found on Stokely Carmaichael and his legacy: Carmaichael viewed nonviolence as a tactic as opposed to a principle. Martin Luther King Jr. For we knew that the problems faced by black people here were similar in nature and effect internationally as well. and militarial institutions which are present in the Earth. No one in my remembrance aside from El Hajj Malik El Shabazz (Malcolm X). who in 1965 was Chairman of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee and in 1967 became the Honorary Prime Minister of the Black Panther Party. politically and economically here in America and all over the Earth. They are the root of the mechanism which I and I am sure you as well will come to view as the greatest evil spawned by the grafted man upon our planet (Earth). A country which we now realize is governed by a corporate institutional or organizational hierarchy which was then militarial and industrial and has now advanced in status to a technocratic society with broader methods of control through social. That mechanism is white supremacy.the Boule’. which separated him from moderate civil rights leaders such as Rev. For I. and non -supportive of the nationalist goals we embraced for revolutionary change. the false premise of a “separate but equal’ black and white society. Rap Brown could express and elicit the passions and desires of our people for revolutionary change like Stokely Carmaichael aka Kwame Ture’ a graduate of Howard University (Washington DC). God Divine Prince Allah there is the knowledge that the system of white oppression and suppression of Black people in North America who are identified by the oxymoronic term of African Americans as I and my alikes have grown in our understanding by research and assessment of our historical experience here in this land has been both complexed and confusing. Dr. Muhammad Ahmad. social integration and institutional segregation and who incidentally were composed of the moderate Black Clergy and its supportive Black middle class. The revolution we envisioned and gave our intellectual and physical energies to were purposely directed towards the destruction of white power and the establishment of black power socially.organizational and designed along ideological. having entered the threshold my adolescence at that time and being conscious of the significance and value of my blackness. political. the rights of life. history. Its structure is corporate .

No man can give anybody his freedom.corporations financial institutions . guided or encouraged to engage in reactionary courses of action which will rain death and destruction and further oppressive methods upon them. we did not go to sit next to Jim Clark. Newton. in order to understand white supremacy we must dismiss the fallacious notion that white people can give anybody their freedom." and that some Negroes have been walking down a dream street talking about sitting next to white people. it is our position that as responsible journalists who have influence upon the thinking. an insidious subterfuge.) be taught. Huey P. death. and that that does not begin to solve the problem. propaganda. Now. work and the present world system of oppression has worked and continues to work for the advancement of imperialism or white supremacy. we went to get them out of our way. There will be many I am certain who will be quick to caution me for my usage of the terms revolution and revolutionary nationalism in my descriptions and assessments of where our struggle for socio-political and economic justice stands at this point in the process of our peoples growth and development here in North America and throughout the Earth. Our revolution was and is real. You may enslave a man after he is born free. Biggs etc. It enslaves black people after they’re born. yet also exact. we were fighting against white supremacy. Neither are they. impoverishment and powerlessness to effect the changes in the governments and social orders responsible for our dissatisfactions and exclusions from meaningful prosperity. insight and thus. and that in fact it was a subterfuge. Now we maintain that in the past six years or so. whether written or electronic to the people is not only right. the behavior of our people because words do have a powerful effect on the masses we must as a motivative force do our best to guide them in the right direction. Yet. In one of his many speeches on this subject he said: “Now. Johnathan Jackson. Neither should the young and others who are dissatisfied with the policies and practices of that government and the institutions which are responsible for our discontent (banks . that we were never fighting for the right to integrate. From what I have learned abut the nature and capabilities of the real devils of the Earth I have little doubt that the attempts on his life and his infection by disease were in fact facilitated by such forces. Edgar Hoover . disappointment. etc. they must stop denying freedom.24 As one of the primary voices of our generation his speeches and stand as we identified with him clearly defined our dissatisfaction with the old guard which we viewed as being too passive and too willing to compromise with the white power structure for our legitimate demands for freedom. for the maintenance of white supremacy. that is. and that is in fact what this country does. Robert Williams. The cure for us is obvious. We went that route and received only incarceration. this country has been feeding us a "thalidomide drug of integration. J. several people have been upset because we’ve said that integration was irrelevant when initiated by blacks.Director of the FBI who died in 1972 was adamant in viewing Stokely Carmichael as our revolutionary black messiah. covert and overt operations of terrorism by police and paramilitary organizations. A man is born free. that when we went to Mississippi we did not go to sit next to Ross Barnett. We who are survivors of the US governments campaign of surveillance. so that the only acts that white people can do is to stop denying black people their freedom. have been relegated to the forgotten pages of history and are seldom celebrated nor spoken about in our conversations today. Today it is called the New World Order yet it is in fact not new. The revolution which I and my alikes advocate is one which facilitates dramatic and wide-reaching change in the way people think. To those critics of my view I will remind you that I and my nations principles will not allow for anarchy nor insurrectionist actions which are aimed at motivating our people to facilitate the violent takeover of the USA government. in spite of that fact our revolution like them is not dead. Cyril V. power and justice. There is an adage (a philosophical and memorable saying which is based upon personal experience and holds true) that : “hindsight is always 20/20”. Also. then. Guinea (Africa) at the age of 57.secret societies. and that people ought to understand that. and greater apathy and resignation by our people to an acceptance of their wretchedness. traitorous undermining of our efforts. Which you should make no mistake in realizing that they are still in operation today. It is a shame that he along with many others such as Allah the Father. . As the Founder and Principal Executive of The National Intelligence Communications Network and the Principal Editor of this Journal and our other publications I hold the responsibility of ensuring that the information or intelligence we make available in all media formats. intimidation. Succumbing to the disease of prostate cancer which he was diagnosed as having contracted in 1996 and which he blamed the FBI and other conspiratorial forces of imperialism (white supremacy) for having infected him. incarceration and murder in the 60’s and 70’s of the last century and up to the present should be conscious of the fact that we cannot approach and confront the power elite neither seek to dismantle its system of white supremacy and world-wide domination of the original people utilizing the tactics which failed us in the past. They never give it to anyone”. Stokely Carmaicheal passed from this Earths realm in 1998 in Conakry. It is just the same old devils. for their legacy is alive and our revolution continues. up to the same old tricks which have brought America and the rest of the nations of our planet under their control.military / police forces .

it has always been the young of any society who in their dissatisfaction have fought for and brought about change in the conditions of those societies. It is another trap in the matrix of deception that has worked to the benefit of our oppressors at the expense of those who possess the qualities necessary to bring forth a different reality for this present world of man. BOOK of EPHESIANS ch. psychological and spiritual destruction. Egypt. There must also be the enforcement by them (the young) for their abstaining from criminal activities which have contributed to their ostracization (exclusion from society and its privileges) and detachment from reality. Most sections of the railway are now in operation yet a major part continues to be missing between northern Sudan (North Africa) and Uganda (East Africa) Rhodes founded the Debeers Mining Company and had his name given to what became the state of Rhodesia a former Crown colony of the British Empire. We must come out of ideological jousting and idealistic romance of philosophies and theories. prosperity and peace for all its people. scientific and technological advances to be psychologically and spiritually devoid of the essentials for the institution of equality. And most of all we must destroy all religion. against powers. . science and commerce in order to bring forth a different reality for the governance of man. I and my alikes are determined that the young be encouraged to educate themselves in all the disciplines necessary to assume the seats of power socially and economically. the corporate United States government which still continues in spite of its great architectural. with emphasis on law.Initiated by Rhodes at the end of the 19th century in an uncompleted attempt to connect the adjacent African possessions of the British Empire through a continuous line from Cape Town. It is the backbone of white supremacy and the primary tool of the devils arsenal of social. “all of these stars … these vast worlds that remain out of reach. They and we must move beyond and above the present attitudes and behaviors which have limited our progress. Here in North America.Cecil Rhodes Cecil Rhodes 1853—1902 7th Prime Minister of the British Cape Colony of South Africa (1890-1896) considered by many to be the Father of modern-day Imperialism during the time of his Cape-Cairo railway Project.25 Historically. yet against principalities. I would annex other planets”. He liked to “paint the map British red” and declared. If I could. now called Zimbabwe. Intelligence and Self-Determination. The results of which have placed so many of superior intelligence and unlimited potential in prisons and mental institutions all across this land (America) and throughout the Earth. God Divine Prince Allah AKA Sambo 7 For we wrestle not against flesh and blood. South Africa to Cairo. against the rulers of the darkness of this world. So lets get to it. against spiritual wickedness in high places. We all have a role to play in this process. Courage. Justice. 6 vs. 12 Artist Caricature known as the Rhodes Collossus British Prime Minister . Peace.

The US has painstakingly woven racism and white supremacy into the very fabric of the educational experience – the purported “keys” to our children's future. These inequities are more race-based than they are class-based. “Integration only truly works when the integratee is allowed the same rights. calls it. has desegregation cleansed the black community of the infestation of American racism and white supremacy? Integration only truly works when the integratee is allowed the same rights. are strongly persuaded to worship white supremacists. vilify. as if they should be exalted. It is much like the silent killer that carbon monoxide is. regardless of the pain and damage they inflicted upon enslaved Africans and indigenous people. The legacies of American institutional racism and white supremacy are embedded within the public educational system. and also kills cognitively through the public educational system: “Cognitive Decapitation. Barack Obama once again “felt the need to lecture black people about what they can and cannot complain about. “Obama felt the need to lecture black people about what they can and cannot complain about. that it is impermissible to take into consideration real facts of the past and present. When discussing public education in America it is quite difficult to find a starting point from which to address the deepening gully of racially based inequities. respect. For example. Last week he. once again. In President Obama’s book of fairy tales. as we are. 07/21/2009 . and overall privileges as the integrator. no excuses.” as author and educational activist. respect. It is a direct affront to fo rce any student of color . But just because it is true does not mean it is something that we should accept. institutional racism is merely an “excuse. racism in present day America is conspicuously inconspicuous. there are still two sets of educational standards. As a matter of fact. when evaluating the performance of various white demographic groups? Of course not. slaveholders.” Can you imagine the white community allowing themselves to be lectured to. felt the need to lecture black people about what they can and cannot complain about. “On the one hand he knows not to upset white folks by pointing to America’s legacy as a bastion of racism and white supremacy.” Disparate educational standards are the rule in present day America.” “In President Obama’s book of fairy tales.26 Public Education in America: A Pillar of Institutional Racism Tue. The public “educational” system’s history books are riddled with unsavory and oppressive historical figures. and murderers like George Washington (owned over 300 African slaves). Even these “well to do” American born African youth are taught that in order to succeed in America they must embrace the very system that continues to oppress millions of fellow blacks from stolen coast to stolen coast. After all. And half a century later we see virtually the same racially segregated schools as we did in the 1960s. the president hectored – as if to delegitimize Black struggles for redress of real grievances. Andrew Jackson (murdered countless of Seminoles) and Christopher Columbus (murdered tens of thousands of indigenous people of the Western Hemisphere). The racial double standard requires black students to work two and three times as hard as their white counterparts simply to get the same opportunities. Racism in the public school system is. Jonathan Kozol. and overall privileges as the integrator. broken down by way of race and income. This is nothing short of white supremacy in the raw. Board of Education case. before you know it you're “dead” not knowing what the hell hit you. And on the other hand he knows there are virtually no restrictions on how often he can castigate. Institutional racism kills physically as in the case of police brutality. and reprimand the black community. even so-called “well to do American-born Africans” that reside within predominately white suburban communities.01:24 — by Solomon Comissiong Last week. Even with the “victory” of the 1954 Brown v. institutional racism is merely an 'excuse'.” No excuses.” . More than 50 years after Brown desegregation simply means that black and brown youth have to adopt the Eurocentric mores and values of white America. Yet it seems that America’s racially challenged but phenotypically black president does not understand the complexity of the nation's problem. These students must learn to accept and admire repugnant white historical endure studying these characters in a positive light. at times.or any decent human being! . conspicuously inconspicuous.

Arne Duncan. Yes we can. public speaker and the host of the Your World News radio program (www.”He would never try to feed that kind of crap to the white community. better able to compete. This means that instead of using state and federal money to invest in programs that bring grade school kids up to par in reading they use the money to build prisons for them knowing that illiteracy is a major indicator of someone’s future in “ if African Americans are a group of children that need to know and accept their proper place in society. It is a system so nefarious that several sta tes base the building of juvenile detention centers and prisons on deficiencies in first grade reading scores. President Obama’s secretar y of education. I presume that black parents should accept the very real “school to prison pipeline” that has been created for black youth. but that does not mean that we should stop fighting.” “It is a system so nefarious that several states base the building of juvenile detention centers and prisons on deficiencies in first grade reading scores” I guess “complaining” and refusing to accept institutional racism in America’s public school system is just an indicator of black people making excuses. That's what we have to teach all of our children.blogtalkradio.” I also guess that black parents should not complain. And we must never capitulate until every institutionally racist fiber of this system is shredded. When he proclaims that our hardships make us stronger he is demanding that we acclimate ourselves to occupying an unnatural position at the bottom of society. Obama is placating white America each time he scolds black America for being the victims of the American nightmare. and reprimand the black community . We must organize. He is also requesting and spending more money. “You get that education. No excuses. We must protest. No excuses. he ignores the fact that masses of black and brown skinned youth are presently having their destinies shaped for them from one institutionally racist classroom to the next. American-born Africans have always overcome tremendous odds in Amerikkka. and accept the institutionally racist and white supremacist country we live in. I wonder what President Obama meant when he said. . He speaks in masterful code much like the Joint Chiefs of Staffs to whom he is beholden. “No one has written your destiny for you… No excuses. But that's not a reason to get bad grades -. Obama. We must never be silent. “He would never try to feed that kind of crap to the white community”. Your destiny is in your hands -. We cannot go the way Obama and his white handlers want us to go. the Israel lobby that you genuflect to and the institutionally racist segments of America you accommodate! You will hear from Black America until we have equality! Solomon Comissiong is an educator. He is quite comfortable with blaming the victims and not the institution. or fight against the fact that school administrators throughout this country are allowing their schools to be privatized or controlled by the military. He may be reached at: sunderland77@hotmail. I presume that this works out well. save your damn patronizing speeches for the Wall Street bankers you bailed out. the odds of growing up amid crime and gangs are higher. has a history of turning predominately black and brown schools into military schools. Mr. militarily.27 At the 100th anniversary celebration of the NAACP Obama declared: “We've got to say to our children.” he was pretty much telling the black community that we need to sit down. all those hardships will just make you stronger. Such facts may be a shock to members of the “change you can believe in” cult.” there are scores of black youth who are devoured by an institutionally white supremacist system. you will face challenges that somebody in a wealthy suburb does not have to face. Obama knows his limits on both sides of the racial spectrum. For each black child that works three times as hard as some privileged white kid in the suburb in order to “succeed. than Curious George (Bush) ever did. Yes we ”No one has written your destiny for you” . I guess black people from inner cities should simply accept lack of educational funding for their schools get predicated on the inadequacy of property taxes. if you're African American. worry about. vilify. all those hardships will just make you stronger. You get that education. and protesting until we are given the same human rights that whites have in this country. author. community activist. organizing.that's not a reason to cut class cannot forget Yes. So when he said. No excuses. George Bush. for President Obama given that he just as much a war monger as his speech impaired predecessor. yes. but they are facts nonetheless. better able to compete. And on the other hand he knows there are virtually no restrictions on how often he can castigate. shut the hell up. On the one hand he knows not to upset white folks by pointing to America’s legacy as a bastion of racism and white supremacy. When he said.that's not a reason to give up on your education and drop out of school. if you live in a poor neighborhood. If there is one thing we know it is that institutional racism cannot be fought with passivity. No one has written your destiny for you. I guess black parents should accept the streamlining of their children into sewing classes instead of AP (advanced placement) courses. in the long run.

S. By the late 1970s. The argument was made that law enforcement officers should be given much greater latitude in suppressing crime. and that prisons should be designed not for the purpose of rehabilitation. including murder. that sentences should be lengthened and made mandatory. Philip Randolph and Bayard Rustin. By 1999. The state's prison population at the time of the Attica prison revolt in September1971 was about 12.28 The Journal of the Southern Regional Council. especially in the South. rates of violent crime. 2000 pp. has climbed above 10. and in the northern states an abolitionist movement developed that contributed to the establishment of the Republican Party. James Farmer. The unemployment rate of African Americans has now fallen to about 7 percent which. The dynamic and seemingly unchecked growth of the U. there were over 71. and federal expenditures for law enforcement rose sharply.000 prisoners in New York State correctional facilities. In the northern states. Jr . In the northern states. African Americans and their white allies formed political and social pro test movements. Progress was frequently slow. this new prosperity for the black middle class obscures a very real crisis for millions of other African Americans. for example. There is an affluent and substantial black middle class. Marlin Luther King. nearly one half of all Americans were afraid to walk within a mile of their homes at night. African Americans employed a variety of strategies. direct action campaigns that directly led to the desegregation of the South. In the period following Reconstruction until the early 1960s. In the past three decades.000. not the white middle class. lived under the oppressive restrictions of Jim Crow segregation. there were uprisings and day-to-day resistance by enslaved African Americans. and Ronald Reagan began to campaign successfully on the theme of "Law and Order. 1978-2003 Facing the Demon Head On: Institutional Racism and the Prison Industrial Complex By Manning Marable Vol. was typical of what happened nationally. From 1817 to 1981. According to an August 2000 Justice Department report. We can measure the advances of African Americans in many ways. blacks were generally permitted to vote and had access to most public accommodations. but punishment. The number of black elected officials. and then ultimately finding the appropriate tactics to challenge then. the projection of crude stereo types about the link between criminality and black people. Local. and 90 percent responded in surveys that the U. No.S. 3.500. as well as the construction of new prisons. George Wallace. another thirty-eight state prisons were constructed. is "the lowest since the Bureau of Labor Statistics began compiling comparable data by race in 1972. 22. and a broad coalition of civil rights organizations mounted a series of nonviolent." The death penalty. according to sociologist William Julius Wilson. What occurred in New York State. to achieve greater black representation at all levels of society. prison population has many profound consequences-politically. state. were statistica lly much more likely to experience violent crimes of all kinds. especially in urban areas. which ultimately transformed the nature of their society. which was briefly outlawed by the Supreme Court. Under Jim Crow.. 4-7 As long as black people have lived in America. but the black freedom movement was generally successful in identifying the specific institutional barriers to American-American equality. the black consumer market has grown from $70 billion in 1980 to over $350 billion today. Behind much of the anti-crime rhetoric was a not. but were forced by racial covenants and restrictive laws to live in ghettoes. from the labor union organizing of A. to the mass political mobilization efforts that elected thousands of public officials. economically and socially-for all people of color. As a result there was a rapid expansion in the personnel of the criminal justice system. increased dramatically. Under each successive racial formation. Politicians like Richard Nixon. the structure and character of American institutional racism has changed dramatically. they have experienced some version of institutional or structural racism. The unprecedented expansion of what a number of scholars increasingly describe as a "prison industrial complex" has created an oppressively new context for the articulation of racial politics.too-subtle racial dimension. and the economic expansion of the l99Os greatly improved the quality of life even for millions of working-class and low-income households. From 1982 to 1999. Beginning in the 1960s and 1970s. rape and robbery. In the antebellum South. New York had opened thirty-three state prisons." However. African Americans were defined as private property or chattel. . criminal justice system was not dealing harshly enough with criminals. African Americans. Lou Hamer. leaders such as Dr. During slavery. Rarely did these politicians observe that minority and poor people. barely 100 in 1964. for a variety of reasons. purchased and sold on auction blocks. the total population of the nation's jails and prisons exceeded two million at the end of 1999. Ella Baker. was reinstated.

Many studies have found that prisoners who participate in higher education programs and especially those who complete college degrees have significantly lower rates of recidivism. claiming that such forms of imprisonment constitute the definition of torture under international law. Given the high success ratio of prisoners who complete advanced degree work and the relatively low cost of public investment. Children were increasingly viewed as adults in courts. The introduction of SHUs reflects a general mood in the country that the growing penal population is essentially beyond redemption. Louisiana (1. which sent offenders to prison. Although Amnesty International and human rights groups condemned SHUs. which found that while African Americans today constitute only 14 percent of all drug users nationally. increased approximately 1000 percent.6 percent of all Pell Grant funding nationally.942 SHU beds. All meals are served to prisoners through a thin slot cut into the steel door. between 1980 and 2000.S. were made even more severe. in which prisoners are locked down for twenty-three hours a day for months or even years at a time. the number of Americans incarcerated in all state prisons stood at "violent. and shower are all located in the cell. more than eight out of every ten African-American males will be arrested at some point in their lifetime. many states have also ended their tuition benefits programs for state prisoners . As of 1998. Incarceration rates by the end of the 1980s had soared to unprecedented rates. involving violence. As of 1994. why should they be treated with any humanity? This punitive spirit was behind the Republican. recidivism aver ages between 50 to 70 percent Federal parolees have a recidivism rate of 40 percent Prisoners with a college education have recidivism rates of only 5 to 10 percent. Twenty-three percent of all black males in their twenties were either in jail or prison. Virginia (1. many states are increasing the number of SHU facilities in their state prisons. Rather.S. upgrading existing facilities..725 new prison beds per week. the U. By 1991. especially for black Americans. The two inmates who are confined in each cell. The toilet unit. Nationwide. the racial proportions of those under some type of correctional supervision. followed by Mississippi (1. rates for all types of violent crime began to plummet.controlled Congress and President Clinton's decision in 1995 to eliminate inmate eligibility for federal Pell Grant awards for higher education.756).S. and one-in. is becoming increasingly the norm. One third of all prisoners were unemployed at the time of their nests.500. "Quite clearly. the rate was over 700 per 100. including federal institutions. For all prison inmates. had received Pell Grants. or awaiting trial.048) and Florida (1.229). stir-rounded by heavy security wire. and 75 percent of all prison admissions for drug offenses.700. 55 percent of all drug convictions. Generally. state." "aggressive. to supervise and maintain each prisoner.29 In 1974.728). The driving ideological and cultural forces that rationalize and justify mass incarceration are the white American public's stereotypical perception about race and crime. or about seven times more than for whites. As of December 1989 the total U. amounting to 120 square feet of space.'black crime' does not make people think about tax evasion or embezzling from brokerage firms. Arizona (1.greatly influence whites' judgments about crime. or thirty square feet per person. on parole. Commission on Civil Rights. . The vast majority of these new prisoners were nonviolent offenders. but which prisoners also generally refer to as "The Box. Texas (1. directly connected with their SHU cells. hiring more guards. California had constructed 2.500 per award. exceeded one million for the first time in history. one-in-ten for young Latino males. including parole and probation." SHUs are uniquely designed solitary confinement cells. Educational and rehabilitation programs for SHU prisoners are prohibited. most whites are inclined to give black and Latino defendants more severe judgments of guilt and lengthier prison sentences than whites who commit identical crimes. and about $25. and many were convicted of drug offenses that carried long prison terms. and local governments on police have increased about 400 percent. about fourteen feet long and eight feet wide. sink. But the laws.000. The total amount of educational support granted prisoners. prefabricated structures of concrete and steel. for example. Nearly two-thirds of all state prisoners in 1991 had less than a high school education. About one half of all prisoners were black. Corrections expenditures for building new prisons. $35 million. For African Americans. is currently building 1. actually have only about sixty square feet of usable space. Currently. The latest innovation in American corrections system is "special housing units" (SHU)." and "short-tempered" .6 percent of state and federal prisoners and 78. The pattern of racial bias in these statistics is confirmed by the research of the U.000 prisoners throughout the U." A number of researchers have found that racial stereotypes of African Americans . If convicted felons cease to be viewed as human beings. and subjected to harsher penalties. the number had reached 711." 'hostile. but represented 63. an incarceration rate of the general population of one out of every 250 citizens.S. such educational programs should make sense. the combined expenditures of federal.267). where killers of white victims are much more likely to receive the death penalty than those who murder African Americans. By the early 1990s. As Andrew Hacker noted in 1995. Racial bias has been well established especially in capital cases. however. they are 35 percent of all drug nests. averaging about $1.000). prison population. What are the economic costs for American society of the vast expansion of our prison-industrial complex? According to criminal justice researcher David Barlow at the University of Wisconsin at Milwaukee.8 percent of state prisoners convicted of drug offenses.000 to construct a typical prison cell. probation. Laws like California's "three strikes and you're out" eliminated the possibility of parole for repeat offenders. But following the federal governments lead. Although it currently costs about $70.three for young African-American males. 23. Prisoners are permitted one hour "exercise time" each day in a small concrete balcony. are one-in-fifteen for young white males.000 annually. SHU cellblocks are electronically monitored. and related costs. . the offenses generally associated with blacks are those . represented only 0. African Americans and Latinos comprised 24. Solitary confinement which historically had been defined even by corrections officials as an extreme disciplinary measure.3 percent of the population in 1999. Statistically to day. The rate of incarceration of black Americans in 1989 had even surpassed that experienced by blacks who still lived under the apartheid regime of South Africa.

because it presents itself to the world as a system that is truly color blind. over 3 percent were incarcerated. After entering the criminal justice system. It lacks the brutal simplicity of the old Jim Crow system. yet they currently represent 26 percent of all those who are arrested. Culture. are more than six times more likely to be assigned to prison than white youth offenders. and Society. The sign reads: "walking through these doors pass some of the finest corrections professionals in the world. In practical terms. The August 2000 report of the US Justice Department finds that 9. I have lectured in New York's famous Sing Sing prison. "let us face the demon head on. He is also editor of Souls: A Critical Journal of Black Politics. this means that young African Americans who are arrested and charged with a crime." There are now over two million Americans who are incarcerated. almost ten times the rate for white men in their late twenties. the director of the prisons educational program. of course. as part of a master's degree program sponsored by the New York Theological Seminary. with its omnipresent "white" and "colored" signs. we cannot stand silent while millions of our fellow citizens are being destroyed all around us. African Americans under age eighteen comprise 15 percent of their national age group. the justice Department and six leading foundations issued a comprehensive study that documented vast racial disparities at every level of the juvenile justice process. blacks are forty-eight times more likely than whites to be sentenced to juvenile prison. and Latino youths are incarcerated 305 days. while only 31 per cent of the African-American youth are taken there. Among Hispanic males hi this same age group. I noticed that correctional officials had erected a large yellow sign over the door at the public entrance to the prison. "demonic. African Americans are nine times more likely than whites to be sentenced to juvenile prisons. According to the Justice Department's study. . making it impossible for the old system of white prejudice and power to function in the same old ways it had for decades. The racialized prison industrial complex is the great moral and political challenge of our time. For those young people who have never been to prison before. Yet it is in many respects potentially far more devastating. 46 percent of all those tried in adult criminal courts. 66 percent are referred to juvenile courts. A American youths are held 254 days. but added. During my last visit several months ago. For youths charged with drug offenses. The black freedom struggle of the 1960s was successful largely because it convinced a majority of white middle class Americans that the Jim Crow system was economically inefficient. and several prisoners what they thought about the sign. The movement utilized the power of creative disruption. and the Founding Director of the Institute for Research in African-American Studies at Columbia University. White youths charged with violent offenses are incarcerated on average for 193 days after trial. Blacks comprise 44 percent of those detained in juvenile jails. among white youth offenders." I asked Reverend Bill Webber. Bill answered bluntly.4 percent of black men ages twenty-five to twenty were in state and federal prisons in 1999. In April 2000. and that politically it could not be sustained or justified. It is time to face the demon head on. For Americans who still believe in racial equality and social justice. by contrast. For several years. Manning Marable is professor of History and Political Science." One of the Master's students. are African-American and Latino young people. a thirty-five-year-old Latino named Tony.30 The greatest victims of these racialized processes of unequal justice. What seems clear is that a new leviathan of racial inequality has been constructed across our country. agreed with Bill's assessment. utilizing national and state data compiled by the FBI. as well as 58 percent of all juveniles who are warehoused in adult prison. white and black juveniles with the same records are treated in radically different ways.

. Within this voluminous and important work God Divine Prince has compiled essential writings by Himself and other nationals of his nation and others whom he considers “worthy of our respect”. as well as those who also stand for the “bringing forth of a different reality of existence for the human family of the planet Earth”. New York) on Sunday. THE LEGACY OF I GOD . goals and intentions of his nation. Please contact God Divine Prince Allah for book order information 347-940-8465 / sambo7the7@gmail. Lessons and other Writings of Conscious Thinkers and Activists covering a wide array of subjects from the New World Order to The Dangers of Vaccines.The Journal of the Southern Regional Council. Focusing primarily on the Gods and Earths of Region One of the Nation’s Government this books release will be held at January’s Universal Parliament in Mecca ( ALL THAT WE DO IS FOR.. articles and essays written by God Divine Prince Allah from past editions of The Divine Principle Newsletter.10 THE NATIONAL HUMANITIES RESOURCE CENTER of NORTH CAROLINA I INVESTIGATE LYNCHINGS …. God Divine Prince Allah delivers insight and clarity as to the history.00 the almost 500 page text is filled with colorful pictures. ONE . 28 . the book will prove to be a welcome addition to any progressive and open-minded persons’ storehouse of essential books. 11 . 4-7 Facing the Demon Head On: Institutional Racism and the Prison Industrial Complex …. 18 .31 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT OF CONTRIBUTORS We the Staff of the National Intelligence Communications Network are grateful to the following contributors of this edition of the National Intelligence Journal . Manning Marable pgs. A powerful speaker for our cause and a prolific writer whose style and manner of teaching has gained him the notice and respect of conscious persons and governments all over the Earth. THE MASSACHUSETTS REVIEW 1966 pgs.Vol. a highly respected and long-term national of Allah’s Nation of The Gods and Earths. 3 .17 STOKELY CARMAICHAEL . 1978-2003 . Well worth the asking price of $35. 3.. Excerpt ….BOOK ONE will prove to be a great literary experience to/for All .Autumn 2013 Timothy B. AND IN THE NAME OF OUR NATION..University of Wisconsin–Madison REMEMBERING OUR PREDECESSORS THE ROBERT WILLIAMS STORY HIS LIFE AND LEGACY pgs..30 THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE COMMUNICATIONS NETWORK PROUDLY ANNOUNCES THE JANUARY 2014 BOOK RELEASE OF THE LEGACY OF I GOD . 2000 pp. Tyson Associate Professor of Afro-American Studies . by Solomon Comissiong pgs. January 26.Book One authored by God Divine Prince Allah. Within the pages of this book the reader is given privileged access into the mind and passion of one of our living predecessors.27 SOUTHERN CHANGES . Intended by this humble and dedicated warrior for truth and righteousness to be an essential addition to the library of every God and Earth. 2013. The National Intelligence Journal.BOOK 1 The long-awaited release of : The Legacy of I God .22 BLACK AGENDA REPORT 07/29/09 Public Education in America: A Pillar of Institutional Racism …. AMERICAN MERCURY MAGAZINE 1929 pgs. WHITE …. WALTER F.. No. 22.TOWARD BLACK LIBERATION …. 26 .

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