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Dr. Pankaj Jha Associate Fellow, IDSA email@example.com
Abstract The democracy in Indonesia after the 1999 has few strategic imperatives .First of all it got the privileged attention of the democracies of the world from US to Japan. Also the democracy has helped Indonesia to resolve few of its impending problems like Aceh and East Timor. The democratic form of government has been very successful in wiping out the terrorism from Indonesia to a large extent. The international relations of Indonesia has improved be it the case of China or even Japan or for that matter India, which has endowed Indonesia with the bargaining power against the major powers in both regional and global context. Indonesia can decide about its foreign and strategic policy without aligning itself to any axis of China–Russia or US-JapanAustralia. In such a milieu it has become imperative for India to develop its relations with Indonesia so as to have a better partner in case of hardening of any of the axis as well as to chart a course of non-alignment in case of choice. Indonesia has seen a past of extreme nationalism to that of non alignment and thereafter becoming more aligned to US strategic interests in the region. The two phases of Sukarno and Suharto rule has shown the extremities of Indonesia policy in the pre9/11 period. The reign of Suharto also saw the freeze in the relations between India and Indonesia due to the two countries becoming more aligned to the better choices for their security objectives. In the post Suharto period the strengthening of democratic institutions and the role of the coalition in governance has projected a different image of Indonesia. Though the economic crisis of 1997/98 did pose problems for Indonesia both in terms, of economic management and also controlling the ethnic riots as has happened during 1998.The demise of authoritarian regime has also led to the fugitive radical Islam proponents to come back to Indonesia and strengthen the role of hard-line in Indonesia politics. But this could not be projected due to the problem of the buffer organisations like Mohammediyah and Nahda ut ulema. The paper would decipher the Indian policy towards Indonesia in such a situation where democracy is at a nascent stage and Indonesia has been wooed by major powers like China, US and Japan. In the 2006-07, Indonesia has seen the visits of most of the leaders of countries like UK, US, Japan, China. This shows Indonesia is slowly gaining prominence not only in terms of its geo strategic location but also in terms of free trade agreement as well as investments. The resultant effect has been the slow recovery of Indonesia from the tentacles of economic depression. In such a context the paper would address issues of concern for India in order to engage Indonesia as a strategic ally which should be important for India in the long run. Secondly, Indonesia role in the future balance of influence scenario. Thirdly, the role stable Indonesia in sustaining India’s interests in Southeast Asia. As it is already known that Indonesia is one of the few democracies in Southeast Asian region which can be projected as a real democracy. Fourthly, the strengthening of democracy might or might not augur well for
the rise of radical Islam in Indonesia. Fifthly, in case India joins the US axis, how far its interest would be served with regard to its relationship with Indonesia. The paper has been divided into five parts which includes the brief background of India –Indonesian relations prior to democracy and thereafter. Secondly Indonesian stability and security is how much related to India and thirdly, in the strategic periphery of India would a strong Indonesia act to India’s advantage. Fourthly, a more secure and stable Indonesia would add to the security of sea lanes of communication. Lastly, Indonesian Islamic extremism has few implications for Indian security. Historical Backdrop During the Indonesian struggle for independence in the post Second World War scenario, the weakness and vulnerability of the Indonesian state was exposed which was arising from its fragmented social and physical conditions. In addition, an awareness of the attraction of Indonesia’s bountiful natural resources and the importance of its strategic location between the Indian and Pacific Oceans reinforced an apprehension of external powers. By contrast, that common international outlook encompassed also a propriety attitude towards the regional environment. Pride in revolutionary achievement, a consciousness of vast territorial scale ,an immense population, extensive natural resources, as well as a strategic location, produced the conviction that Indonesia was entitled to play a leading role in the management of regional order within southeast Asia1.Even during the conciliation process with Dutch in the aftermath of the war British were apprehensive of the evolving scenario and were contemplating the sending of British Indian troops for controlling the situation in Indonesia. This was the first possible interaction in terms of defence between Indonesia and India. Though in terms of cultural and religious ties the links were historical and the form of Islam that is prevalent in Indonesia is being influenced by India’s tolerant ethos. With regard to political interactions, on the issue of anti-imperialism, anti – apartheid and non-aligned movement saw the convergence of opinion between the two nations. India also took initiative to convene pan-Asian conferences such as the 1947 Asian Relations Conference and the 1949 Conference on Indonesia to combat colonialism. The latter was specifically convened in the wake of the second Dutch ‘Police Action’ in Indonesia and sought effective UN intervention to get the Dutch out of that country. In Indian opinion not only was India’s freedom of material significance to these new states but equally their freedom was important to India if it wanted to develop independently. Sukarno’s Indonesia therefore appealed to the Indian elites primarily because it was perceived as fiercely nationalistic and non-aligned.2 Even during the outbreak of the Korean War, the Indonesian government refused to adopt a position of either approval or disapproval towards the belligerents and correspondingly resisted pressures from the United States to become a party to its global policy of containment. This non-aligned position had been encouraged by India’s Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, who had strongly espoused Indonesia’s national cause. Mohammed Hatta, Indonesian Prime minister was extremely sensitive to the domestic political atmosphere which gave rise to such a position. Within the United Nations, Indonesia’s delegation identified itself with measures for a peaceful settlement in Korea and with support for anti-colonial movements’3.Right since the Bandung conference in 1955; the ideas mooted by the leaders of the two countries had found a stable ground in developing countries.
India-Indonesia relations took off to an impressive start with India’s unflinching support for the new Indonesian republic. In the early 1950s both countries showed a remarkable level of cooperation in foreign affairs as they spoke with one voice of nonalignment, Panchsheel (Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence),colonialism etc and more specifically on Indochina, SEATO and the Suez Crisis. But by the late 1950s, due to their differing images of China and due to a personality clash between Nehru and Sukarno there developed an unbridgeable chasm between the two countries. The 1961 Belgrade conference proved a forerunner to the tensions that marked their relations. During the conference Sukarno and Nehru differed over the primary objective of the non-aligned gathering. The former insisted on the anti-colonial line while the latter felt that world peace was the more pressing issue facing the countries. Even during the Fourth Asian games due to non participation of Israel and Taiwan, an Indian vice president of the Asian games Federation, sought to have the status of the games nullified. This initiative was construed as a personal insult to Sukarno and a national insult to Indonesia. As a consequence Indian embassy was attacked by a rented mob and its participants as well as national flag were booed. These differences became more acute, concurrently with the Sino-Indian conflict and the progressive intensification of the Sino- Soviet dispute, as Indonesia and India themselves parties to competing structures of alignment. The same vehemence marked the 1964 Cairo conference where India and Indonesia clashed over the principle of peaceful coexistence. President Sukarno championed the Chinese view of that principle which annoyed India and led the latter to conduct a spirited campaigned in defence of its own version of peaceful coexistence. At the more intermediate level India –Indonesia relations took a slump owing to India’s instance on Malaysia while Indonesia was nurturing a konfrontasi. Even subsequently during the 1965 Afro-Asian conference India fought hard to get the approval from adequate members for Malaysia’s admission at the conference. This infuriated President Sukarno and possibility with his approval the Jakarta mob violently attacked the Indian embassy in retaliation. Relations deteriorated further when Indonesia took Pakistan’s side during the 1965 Indo-Pakistan war and labelled India as the aggressor. This period saw the strengthening of the Beijing – Jakarta-Rawalpindi axis operating against India. The turn around in relationship happened after Suharto came to power in 1966.China became suspect in the eyes of the Indonesian elite owing to its alleged complicity in the September 30 coup4, as it has earlier become in the eyes of India. This provided the foundation for rebuilding the relationship. This led to the visit of Indonesian Foreign Minister Adam Malik in 1966 with a view to restore friendly ties. India reciprocated with offer of rupees 100 million worth of credit facilities to Jakarta. Indian foreign minister also visited Indonesia in January 1967 which further strengthened the bond between the two countries. In the 1969 after the Sino-Soviet clash on the Ussuri River, Soviet Union proposed the Asian Collective Security framework, Mrs Gandhi when visited Indonesia and Japan in 1969 found very little support for the Brezhnev plan and was asked to clarify India’s stance .Mrs. Gandhi clarified that if the plan projected a military alliance or pact then India would disagree but if it is for economic cooperation then India would consider it differently. Indonesia was also annoyed by the absence of India from the Thai sponsored Vietnam peace conference in 1966 and also stayed away from the 1970 Jakarta Conference on Cambodia. In a way these attempts to restore order in the region but
India saw them in a different light. Indonesia was annoyed with India’s decision and Indonesian Foreign minister Adam Malik implied that India followed the Soviet lead in this matter. Such a stance was further strengthened with the signing of the Indo-Soviet Treaty and also Soviet support to India during the Bangladesh war. In the 1980s the situation mellowed down between the two countries but there were issues of contention like India’s recognition of the Vietnamese installed Heng Semrin Regime though President Suharto agreed that Vietnam would be one of the instruments of controlling China. Although there were some difference of views over Kampuchea, India probably felt more at ease with Indonesia’s restrained stance over Kampuchea5. A Far Eastern Economic Review report in May 1986 which mentioned India’s plan to build a major naval base on great Nicobar Island perturbed the Indonesians. However the apprehensions were more about the possibility of Soviet using the facilities in the Nicobar base6. In the post cold war phase after the withdrawal of the US forces from the Southeast Asia, the Southeast Asian states were wary of a different kind of strategic rivalry between the three major Asian powers namely Japan, China and India. Indonesia, in particular was apprehensive about Indian intentions following the latter’s efforts to bolster its naval strength in and around sub-continental waters. Indonesia’s proximity to the Andaman and Nicobar group of islands was a prime factor in a major factor for such unease on the part of Indonesia. An additional cause for concern was India’s pursuit of a naval modernisation programme .The Indian Navy’s blue water status was projected through the acquisition of a second aircraft carrier in August 1987 and a leased nuclear powered submarine from the Soviet Union in February 19887. ASEAN states in general and Indonesia in particular felt at ease with the flurry of Indian naval activities. With its naval base at Vishakhapatnam and at Port Blair, Andaman, India was seen by Jakarta as extending its sub-continental policeman role further east. To dispel the notion of threatening blue water Navy was also one of the motives of India was to initiate look east policy. In few of the major factors which led to close relations with Indonesia in the past was similar cultural history, multiethnic society, overlapping international maritime border and the China’s role in 1962 and 1965 in the two countries. Indonesia: In the post democracy phase Indonesia which weathered the instability after the Suharto and prior to it the anti –Chinese riots were a testimony to the problems that might emerge in a multi ethnic society like Indonesia. The economic crises had lingered on and due to the phase of weak infrastructure and governance the investment were few in Indonesia .In fact among all the countries, Indonesian growth was shunted due to slow economic recovery. In the post 9/11 phase the Bali bomb blasts and the increasing presence of radicals in Indonesian society has created problems for the nascent democracy. The formation of the coalition government and the stability that was sustained in the post Suharto phase also saw the marginalisation of Indonesian military and subsequently the independence of East Timor and the resolution of about three decades old Aceh conflict have put Indonesia on the priority map of the global powers. In this context it is important to earmark the relations between India and Indonesia and how apprehensions were raised about India’s role in Southeast Asia.
The outcome of Indonesia's democratic experiment will have a major impact in shaping the security environment in Asia. If Indonesia's transition to democracy is successful, Indonesia will be the world's third largest democracy as well as the largest democracy in the Muslim world. A stable, strong, and democratic Indonesia could resume its leadership role in ASEAN, further regional integration on democratic principles, contribute to maintaining stability in Southeast Asia, and deter potential Chinese adventurism. On the other hand, democracy in Indonesia may not necessarily foster stability. An unstable democracy could decay into increased political chaos and ethnic and religious strife or lead to overt or disguised military rule. Under these circumstances, a return to a more authoritarian form of government but with better governance, legitimization through elections, and the prospect of future democratic evolution may be the most practical formula for restoring stability and regional security8. An unstable or disintegrating Indonesia would make the regional security environment unpredictable, create opportunities for forces seeking to subvert the regional status quo, and generate greater demands on the United States and the U. S. military. Indonesia's geopolitical weight makes it the bedrock of Southeast Asia. If Indonesia were to disintegrate or become “Burmanized,” that is, regress into a repressive pariah state, the loss, not only to the Indonesian people but also to the cause of democracy and stability in Asia, would be enormous9. A successful democratic experiment in Indonesia would go a long way in discrediting the claim that democracy may not be compatible with the political culture of Muslim countries10. In terms of security Indonesia and India share the maritime borders and also both the countries have the same set of multi cultural and multi ethnic society .Owing to the cultural lineage drawn from the Indian sub continent, Indonesia professes more moderate form of Islam. The character of judiciary is secular, though Aceh has been one of the first provinces in Indonesia which has gained autonomy and has implemented Shariah laws in administration. Indonesia which in a way cradles the Malacca strait which is an important Sea Lane of Communication (SLOC) is also important for India due its trade volume passing through the critical Malacca Straits.
India-Indonesia: Convergence with regard to Security and Stability Indonesia which has been a home for the largest communist party outside of Chain and USSR in 1950s also saw the 1965 coup which saw the decimation of the PKI cadres and the resultant disconnect between China and Indonesia. Indonesia which has been at the fulcrum of the non aligned movement and this resulted in the closer ties between the two countries due to personal rapport of the leaders like Sukarno and Nehru .This also saw divergence between the two countries because of the differences of opinion on issues of non –alignment. The coup of 1965 which saw the uprooting of communism from Indonesia also saw the tilt towards US due to the personal preferences of General Suharto and also because of the increasing apprehensions about communism in Indo-
China countries. This led to Indonesia taking note of the base initiatives by India in the Andaman and thus projection of Indonesian apprehensions in this regard. Though the Bangladesh creation saw the two countries on the opposite sides of the issue. In the aftermath of Suharto, the relations were built again and this was predicated mainly on the issue of the economic liberalisation of India as well as the disintegration of Soviet Union. Also in the post democracy phase Indonesia has struggled hard to come to terms with the economic crisis and the ramification of economic crisis saw the anti-Chinese riots in Indoesnai.This was projected due to apprehensions by Indonesians that ethnic Chinese had resulted in the impoverishment and also flight of capital from the country which led to slow recovery.Indoesnia initiated new forms of engagement with India and the major reason behind it was the growing economic and military stature of India in the region. Though China also trying to create thaw in the relations but there were apprehensions about the real Chinese intentions .this was so because of the past experiences of the two countries. The visits of Megawati Sukarnoputri and thereafter Sushilo Bambang Yudhoyono with both the Indonesian leaders asking for strategic partnership with India show the relevance of India in the regional security architecture. In fact the visit of external affairs minister in 2007 to Indonesia and the initiation of strategic dialogue show the importance accorded to Indonesia in the Southeast Asian region. Also Indonesia which has the largest archipelago and has been trying hard to get more than 3000 islands under its sovereignty which when granted by UN would change the geo political and maritime dimension of the region. India and Indonesia have nurtured good relations in the past and also have embarked on the better understanding with regard to piracy, maritime security, counter- terrorism and also engaging each other at economic level. Indonesia though has certain structural problems with regard to economic super structure and has been trying to emulate India’s success in the economic domain especially with regard to financial management and centralised administration. India, on the other hand which is seeing the increase in its strategic periphery has to count Indonesia as an important player. Any threat to security and stability of Indonesia both from non traditional and traditional threats would has an effect on India’s security. The section below would enumerate the factors which might have an effect on India Factors Affecting Security and Stability in Indonesia Aceh Aceh gained autonomy from the Indonesian government in matters pertaining to self governance and public matters. But the situation in Aceh has not been very encouraging because of the factional fights and also lack of rehabilitation of the surrendered GAM rebels .Though international agencies are doing their bit but there are apprehensions on the part of the local populace about the intentions of the missionaries in Aceh. As Aceh is a rather conservative society and when Shariah laws has been implemented in the province there might be calls for the radical Muslim to implement the Islamic laws in the whole of Indonesia. This might hamper the social fabric of the country. Also Aceh has been clamouring for funds and in case the funds are coming from Saudi Arabia and Pakistani organisation having radical leaning then it might lead to radicalisation of society also. Aceh needs developmental funds and India has to look into the human
resource development of the province. India in fact has supported a vocational training centre in the tsunami ravaged province but more such initiatives should be taken which would stabilise the society due to economic growth opportunities. As already there has been issues raised by scholars like Rizal Sukma that Jakarta does not streamline its development funds to Aceh. A stable Aceh would give a better secure entry point to Malacca straits and also would reduce the costs of securing the sea lane. Timor Though Timor got independence from Indonesia but it has been the country which has been marred by dissentions and the tug of diplomatic war between Indonesia and Australia. Though Papua also configures as the another province of difference between the two countries but Timor counts as the major bone of contention as was displayed when due to rebellion in Timor Australia had dispatched two of its ships to secure Timor. Indonesia has also closed its borders after apprehensions were raised about the fleeing of a major implicated in unsuccessful coup to Indonesia. East Timor might become a hot spot for the relations between Australia and Indonesia. On the one hand India is engaging Australia for issue like supply of nuclear energy while it would also want Indonesia support for its initiatives in Southeast Asia. As already it is to be noted that the creation of Bangladesh has created a difference of opinion between Malaysia and Indonesia on supporting India.So, the issue of Timor might create a predicament for India in near future if instability in Timor persists. Islamic Extremism Islamic extremism in Indonesia though has its roots in the Iranian revolution and also the Soviet incursion in Afghanistan but the problem has become more severe after the step down of Suharto who with his authoritative means had kept radical Islamists at bay. The subsequent home coming of radical Islamists like Abu Baker Bashir and Hambali has created a new liability to the fragile democracy which came in the post Suharto phase. India has been facing problems with regard to terror attacks and with the liaison being projected between the terrorist in south Asia and southeast asian especially with regard to Jemaah Islamiyah.The wider netwrok of the Economic Instability Indonesia has been facing the turbulent times owing to the lack of economic growth because that is what which is going to stabilise the government in Indonesia and also give prosperity to the people. Indonesia has been facing major problems with regard to the slow recovery of Indonesian rupee and also lack of interest in the country by the foreign investors due to the terrorism and the slow establishment of necessary infrastructure. Maritime Security
The resolution of conflict in Ache has resulted in the sharp decline in the piracy incidents around the Sumatra islands, though there are few incidents reported yearly in the Indonesian waters. Indonesia has been trying to counter this but due to the lack of naval capability and coordination deficit this has not come to the fruitful conclusion .Though initiatives like Eyes in the Sky and joint coastal monitoring are always there but due to the lack of communication and the necessary funding there has not been tangible results on ground. Piracy also gains importance because of the apprehensions raised by few academicians about the nexus between the terror groups prevalent in Indonesia and also pirates. the hijacking of sailors and the ransom amount might fund few of the terror activities in the region as well as provide technical support to terrorist for causing a maritime 9/11.Piracy needs to be countered and India has shown commitment on its part for all possible support but due to reservations from the littoral countries, it would be imperative for India to support the capacity building initiatives. Indonesia has embarked on procuring submarines from Russia and also military equipment so as to enhance their military capability. On the other hand US has partially lifted the arms embargo which was imposed due to human rights concerns in East Timor. China also is trying to facilitate its good constituency in Indonesian through economic initiatives and the proposal for military equipment support. Indonesia would have a greater maritime presence due to its initiative with regard to the modernisation of its navy11 and also claiming more than 3000 islands under its sovereignity.It would enhance geo political domain of Indonesia as it is known that the continental shelf and exclusive Economic Zone would increase Indonesia’s footprints in the region. Non traditional threats Non traditional threats like SARS and bird flu virus have shown its implications in Indian economy as well as ramifications on the health of the people. Indonesia has been facing the non traditional threats and has been countering them effectively but has been not at the forefront for supplying the necessary samples of the bird flu virus for anti dotes. The possible reason for the use for the samples by the western companies to cerate the drug and patent it ands thus earn huge revenue and royalty from the medicine without any benefits to the country supplying the samples .This might be manifested in the Indonesian stance. India’s Options In terms of security and stability Indonesia is important because of the fact that it has set up example to the international community with regard to harmonious relations between different communities and also has initiated methods to counter terrorism. Indonesian has for long been the fulcrum of any regional initiatives be it the formation of ASEAN or even ARF. Indonesia has contiguous maritime boundary with India and due to Andaman Nicobar Joint command emerging as a major strategic move of India in the region, Indonesia comes as a strategically important country for India. Also India’s move in the region in the past has been observed keenly by Indonesia during the cold war years be it the formation of Bangladesh or even the plan to form the Andaman command in 1980s. Though it can be stated that these issues were raised by US, so as to
thwart any attempts for USSR to find a footing in the strategically important Indian Ocean region. In the current context it has been in both India and Indonesia’s interest to have greater strategic partnership so as to secure Indian Ocean and even Malacca Straits of any external power domination. Indonesia has been taking steps in this regard with help from Malaysia and to a certain extent by Singapore while in order to secure Indian Ocean, Indian Navy is also enhancing its strategic reach. These steps are not mutually exclusive as India has time and again reiterated its stance with regard to the security of sea lanes and has also wanted the security of South China Sea without annoying any of the claimants of the Spratlys islands. Indonesia also gains importance with regard to the alternative routes it provides in case of any accident in Malacca Straits. Indonesia has also seen influx of radical Islamic organisations like Hizb ut tehrir which has endorsed establishment of Islamic caliphate across the Muslim majority countries in Asia and the conference though did draw a large crowd but the influx of radical Islam has been refuted by Indonesian population. This has been projected by the loss of radical Muslim candidates in the local and provincial elections in Indonesia, barring the case of Aceh which has resorted to autonomy under Indonesia. The question arises that time and again radical elements in Indonesian society has projected democracy to be main culprit in terms of the suffering of people, though the reason was refuted by the general public. Indonesia has shown keenness to cooperate with India for the security and stability in the region and also a number of scholars have pointed to India as an example of the more tolerant and developed society as the basic framework of prosperity. India and Indonesia being the two big nations geographically in southern Asia have a mutual interest in maintaining security in the region and also within the nations. The interaction between the two nations recently point to the fact that Indonesia’s enhanced capability both in terms of defence and economic acts to the benefit of India. As already in Indonesia companies like TVS and Bajaj are opening their manufacturing units in Indonesia while companies like Tata is acquiring stakes in Indonesian Coal fields to secure supplies for their western coast power projects. Indonesia does act as a major energy supplier for India. Indonesia itself it keen to develop Nuclear energy but has been facing problems with regard to placement of nuclear power plants and also does not posses necessary skilled workforce and scientists for this venture. Also Radical Islamists and even moderate Muslims in Indonesia have been raising apprehensions about the nuclear power projects in Indonesia which is to an extent justified but more palm oil and even vital resources like oil and gas would be freed in case Indonesia develops alternative fuels. Also with regard to geo thermal energy Indonesian sir the world’s second largest potential for geo thermal energy but has not got necessary human resource for exploiting the same. The amount of geo thermal capability is around 37,500 kwh/yr. In terms of internal politics also the present president has marginalised both the military and the radicals in terms of political mileage. It would be imperative for India to strengthen Indonesia society, economy and defence so as to have a formidable and stable country in its strategic perimeter which nurtures good relations in the past and also present. Conclusion
Indonesia has been going through a phase of consolidation and capability building in the international area both in terms of political stability and national security. Though there are many impediments to the stability in Indonesia which also happens to be the world fourth largest populated country, having the largest number of Muslims in the world, but the scenario which has been evolving in the post 9/11 phase has been promising .It is also going through subduing the radical elements in the society while carefully balancing people’s opinion. The military build up and a resurging economy has again put Indonesian in the strategic review of the major powers. Indonesia does hold a say in the international sphere and the turn of events in the southern Asia be it the Lal Masjid incidents in Pakistan or even coup in Thailand. The civil society has endorsed democracy as a major contribution for prosperity in Indonesian society. But despite all these it is still to be seen whether any economic downswing does not create civil unrest and riots as has happened during 1998 and also the role of military does not get beyond the limits. In both cases it would cerate a zone of insecurity in strategic terms as well as it might align with one or the other power centres as has happened in the past. Indonesian and India should cooperate in terms of security and stability in the region. Though India has a record on non interference in the internal matters of the state but it can surely contribute to capacity building of the littoral states like Indonesian which has been slowly gaining momentum in security and stability of the region. References
Michael Liefer,Indonesia’s Foreign Policy,The Royal Institute of International Affairs,George Allen and Unwin,London,1983,p.xiv 2 Kripa Sridharan,The ASEAN Region in India’s Foreign Policy,Dartmouth Publishing Company,Aldershot,1996,p.24 3 See Lawrence S. Finkelstein,’Indonesia’s Record in United Nations,’International Reconciliation,November ,1951 4 The unsucceful coup by a group of army dissidents led ostensibly by leitenant Colonel Untung in September 1965 in which Communist Party fo Indonesia(PKI) was implicated.Along with the destruction of the PKI in the domestic arena,the army alo moved to eliminate the Party’s External ally,China,by charging it with supporting the abortive coup. For further details see,Rizal Sukma,Indonesia and China:The Politics of a Troubled Realtionship,Routledge,London,1999,p.33 5 Hindustan Times , December 3,1980 and Times of India, December 2,1980 6 The Straits Times,October 13,1986 7 P.Lewis Young,’India’s Nuclear Submarine Acquisition:A Major Step Towards Regional Dominance,’Asian Defence Journal, Kuala Lumpur ,November 1988,pp.4-18 8 Angel Rabasa and Peter Chalk ed. Indonesia's Transformation and the Stability of Southeast Asia Rand Corporation, Santa Monica, CA, 2001.p.99
ibid Ibid,p.3 11 Indonesia has signed a deal in September 2007 with Russai which includes a contract for two submarines and contains an d contains an option to purchase up to eight more over the next one and half decades.The two submarines ordered are russia’s famously Kilo class submarines. See http://voanews.com/emglish/2007-09-11-voa11.cfm (Accessed 12.9.2007) In this regard Japan has raised apprehensions about Indonesia’s acquisition of two kilo class submarines as previously Indonesia was operating two outdated German submarines which it had purchased in 1980s. See http;p//www.smh.com.au/news/national/japan-concerned-at-new-subs-for-indonesai/2007/09/06.htm (Accessed 6.9.2007)
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