1261978

Raphael's Portrait "Leo X with Cardinals Giulio de' Medici and Luigi de' Rossi": A Religious Interpretation Author(s):
Nelson H. Minnich and Raphael Source: Renaissance Quarterly, Vol. 56, No. 4 (Winter, 2003), pp. 1005-1052 Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of the Renaissance Society of America Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1261978 . Accessed: 24/12/2013 02:50
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Portrait Leo X with Cardinals Raphael's Giuliode' N4edici andLuigide' Rossi: A Religloous Interpretation*
by NELSON H. MINNICH A recent examinations letters related cleaning ofthepainting, scientific thepublication ofit, ofnew toit,andstudies culture in which itwasproduced all callfor a reevaluation oftheprophetic ofthe traditional Leo X with Cardinals Giuliode' Mediciand interpretations ofRaphael's portrait a close de'Rossi. detaih inthepainting, the Luigi After analysis ofthe major iconographic strengths and weaknesses and religious various secular arereviewed. ofthe interpretations painting ofthe That intheme anddevotional overtones isargued thepainting isprimarily religious withprophetic as the most reasonable the detaih and context. interpretation, given iconographic
or twelve in 1984, thegroupportrait Leo X withCaryears, beginning dinals Giuliode'Medici and Luigi de'Rossi(fig.1) paintedby Raphael Sanzio (1483-1520) underwent a thorough cleaningalongwithultravioletand radiographic studies thatrevealed not onlyunderlyray, reflectographic, but additions and to alterations the sketches, ing original design and The of new details.' archivalmaterials important discovery iconographic itsproduction, has helpedto date moreprecisely and has shed new lighton 2 therelationships the there mandate among figures depicted. These findings in some interpretations modifications of the painting,suggestnew argumentsin support of old theories, and offer fresh on thisfamous perspectives portrait.
HISTORIOGRAPHY
Various interpretations of thispaintinghave been offered. JosephArcher Croweand GiovanniBattista in 1885, notedthatLeo X's head Cavalcaselle,
isdeeply .Theauthor toKenneth Heinrich Gouwens, Reiss, Pfeiffer, S.J., Sheryl grateful Frank A.C. Mantello, thelateJohn MarciaB. Hall, Barbara and the Shearman, Lockhart, reviewers ofRQ for their careful ofthis and anonymous extraordinary patience, reading paper, andfor mewith materials I found difficult tolocate. comments, helpful generously supplying A grant from theFaculty Research FundoftheCatholic ofAmerica underwrote University thecostoftheillustrations. The following abbreviations areusedin this article: ASF = Archivio di Stato, BAV= Biblioteca MaP = FondoMediceo avanti Firenze; Vaticana; Apostolica il Principato.
'Allegri,195; Del Serra,67-69. 'Notable among the recentpublications are the lettersreporting the presenceof the paintingat a wedding banquet in Florencein earlySeptember1518 (see below n. 10) and Leo X's specialaffection forhis cousin Luigi de' Rossi (see below n. 34).
Renaissance 56 (2003): 1005-52 Quarterly
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FIGURE 1. Raphael Sanzio, Leo Xwith Cardinals Giulio de'Medici andLuigi de'Rossi, 1517-18. Uffizi, Florence. Photo credit: Nicolo Orsi Battaglini /Art Resource, NY. is turned as if he were "granting an audience." They pointed out that the portrait was painted in the aftermath of the condemnation of the Sienese Giulio de' Medici Cardinal cardinal Alfonso Petrucci (1478-1517). there when the humanist and was (1478-1534) papal domestic secretary Pietro Bembo (1470-1547)
read the sentence against Petrucci, and the car-
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andcalm" the"grave bears in Raphael's dinal's expresspainting appearance have other scholars on these occasion.'Building ion ofthat observations, de' X his Giulio cousin Leo and the scene that represents recently suggested to Petrucci condemned of4 July to thesentence Medici 1517that listening while tokillthepope.Theyremain death for calm, Luigide' Rossi plotting as a three earlier the cardinalate to was raised who 1471/74-1519), (ca. days hisnew as ifdisplaying outattheobserver, looks to theconspiracy, reaction
robes.4 Konrad Oberhuber(1971) of Raphael's"stateportraits," In his survey to combine"themonumentalofLeo X attempted claimedthattheportrait ityand grandeurof a papal state portraitwith the human intimacythe is a groupofthree itssubjectmatter context devotional Although required.115 secular and the as H. Beck 0 974) saw ecclesiastics, James painting primarily of stateportraits in intent, one in a series by Raphaelthatmemoridynastic The objects oftheMedici family. ofmembers and status alizetheappearance manuilluminated and an a on the pope's table (a magnifying bell, glass, collected the which are followinghis pope personal possessions script) and beautiofantiquethings refinement adviceto acquire"a certain father's described and NicholasPenny(I 983) havesimilarly fulbooks."' Roger Jones "7 as "a dynastic thepainting portrait. have deniedthischaracterization. Otherscholars JohnK. G. Shearman at was a a state stated that (I 992) explicitly "meaningless category" portrait to the as a testimonial the timeit was painted.He saw the groupportrait rankin theChurchand as a representation riseto thehighest Medici family's to ofthelifeofthemind,"as wellas "a memorial ofthepope "as protagonist men of culmen of and the Medici as role of theperceived peace enduring of "official the categorization ArnoldNesselrath ture."8 (1999) also rejects a private insteadthattheworkis "obviously stateportrait," family insisting commissioned the was that Sherr (1983) by painting suggested picture."9 thewedat thebanquetcelebrating would be present Leo X so thathiseffigy ding of Lorenzo de' Medici (1492-1519) and Madeleine de la Tour scheduledfor8 September 1518 0 502-19), whichwas an event d'Auvergne
'Crowe and Cavalcaselle,2:41 0-1 1.
4Natali, 66; Guazzoni, 114; Di Teodoro, 71. 5Oberhuber, 1971, 130.
libri."
di cose antichee belli 4:162, n. 1: "Qualche gentilezza 6Beck, 129, 132, 138; Creighton, 'Jonesand Penny,166. 8Shearman, 1992, 128-30.
als prisondernoffensichtlich 9Nesselrath, 441-42 ("nichtals offizielles Staatsportrdt, vatesFamilienbild").
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in Florence and whichhe personally could notattend. to a report According ofAlfonsina Orsinide' Medici (d. 1520), Lorenzo's herson placed mother, theportrait above the middleof the banquet table nextto wherehis bride sat, thusallowinghis papal uncle and cardinalcousinsto be symbolically E. Reiss(2001) agreed, at thefestivities." Sheryl present addingthesuggestion that Alfonsina may have been involved in commissioning the painting." Perhapsbased on the earliersuggestionsof Klaus Schwager (1970), ValerioGuazzoni (1996) claimedthatthescenedepictsa papal au12 dience,a contention rejected byShearman. approach,BerniceE Davidson in her studyof the Takinga different ruler and a deVaticanLogge (I 98 5) saw theportrait as one of "a powerful who is presented to us as "an icon thatwe are urgedto regard vout priest" forthe sake of our own salvation." Unfortunately, with reverence what Davidson called "thebasic ecclesiastical content"of the painting,"which ofcomment, musthaveseemedtoo obviousto contemporaries to be worthy 13 A fewscholars in passingthat has sincebeen forgotten." have mentioned thetext of theBibleon Leo's tableincludestheverse:"Therewas a man sent an alfrom God, whosenamewasJohn"Uohn 1:6) and thatthisis probably 14 lusionto Giovannide' Medici,Leo X. to Davidson'scall to recover theec(1992) responded Josephine Jungi6 a persuasive but not fully contentof thepaintingby providing clesiastical of theportrait of Leo X. In twopagesapinterpretation developedreligious pended to her studyof the painting of Cardinal Bandinello Sauli, His del Piand TwoGeographers (fig.2), paintedin 1516 bySebastiano Secretary, ombo (ca. 1485-1547), she proposeda dependenceof Raphael'sworkon not onlyregarding Sebastiano's, (a prelateseatedat a tableon iconography behindhim whichlies an opened book and a bell,withattendants standing
Orsina to GiovanniLapucci da Poppi,dated 8 September "NVhiletheletter ofAlfonsina 1518, was publishedby E. Saltiniin 1882, and republished by 0. Tommasiniin 1911 and in Rome in 1962, and theletters of BenedettoBuondelmonti Parronchi again byAlessandro in 1924 to werecitedby Gaetano Pieraccini to Goro Gheriin Florenceof I and 2 September were of Buondelmonti fixthedatingof thisportrait (see Di Teodoro,72-73), the two letters 32-33, wherehe arguesthat,becauseoftheneed to onlypublishedin 1983 by RichardSherr, oftheweddingofLorenzode' Medici to Florencein timeforthecelebration rushthepainting and perhapscommissioned theportrait was just finished to Madeleine de la Tour d'Auvergne, fortheweddingcelebrations. " Reiss, 137. 12 is based on authesisthattheportrait Oberhuber,1971, 128, notesKlaus Schwager's dience scenes depicted by Filareteand JeanFouquet; Guazzoni, 120-2 1; Shearman, 1992, 128.
13 14
Davidson, I 0- I 1. 442. Ibid., 12-13; Guazzoni, 119; Di Teodoro,64; Nesselrath,
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and Two FIGURE 2. Sebastianodel Piombo, CardinalBandinello Sauli, His Secretary, 2003 Board of 1516. Samuel H. KressCollection.Image copyrighted Geographers, to canNationalGallery D.C. Oil on panel transferred Trustees, ofArt, Washington, 1.537 x 1.816 m. Accessionnr.1961.9-37.(1399)/PA. vas, 1.218 x 1.504 m; framed to his leftand right),but also theme (the prelate is presented as the "Angelic Pastor" who was predicted by the Franciscan Beato Amadeo Menez de Sylva [d. 1482] and who, as pope, will reformthe Church, usher in peace among Christians, and defeat Islam). Indeed, Raphael's painting was a rebuttal to Sebastiano's in that it represented,on a similarlylarge canvas, the "Angelic Pastor" Leo X, who had been the targetof a recentpoisoning conspiracy,instead of Bandinello Sauli (d. 1518), who publicly confessedhis complicityin the plot and whose own election as pope had been prophesied by astrologers. of Thus, Leo X wanted to presenthimselfin place of a rivalas the fulfillment widespread prophetic expectations.'5 Another scholar who carefullyconsidered a possible religious theme is Francesco Paolo Di Teodoro. In his 1998 study he noted that the pope's finger turns the folio (fig. 3) of the Bible to the text at the end of St. Luke's Gospel (24:47-53). He has surmised, from the referencethere to preaching penance and praying continually in the Temple, that the portraitwas com15
jungi6, 1992b, 353, 363, 365, 368-70.
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FIGURE 3. Raphael Sanzio, Leo Xwith Cardinals Giulio de'Medici andLuigi de'Rossi, 1517-18. Uffizi, Florence. Photo credit: Nicolo Orsi Battaglini /Art Resource, NY. Detail of the pope's fingerturning the page. missioned as an answer to Luther's protest against the indulgence for conof St. Peter's Basilica which had been ap-
tributing to the reconstruction proved by Leo X."
Despite these brief, initial efforts to respond to Davidson's call for a more religious interpretation of the painting, this approach has not been given its due in the scholarly literature. In keeping with Shearman's calls to work of art by using the code of the sixteenth century, this paper will consider the secular and dynastic resonances undoubtedly present in the painting, but will focus on the various scriptural, liturgical, and devotional read a Renaissance
17
themes also present that would have been evident to contemporaries. It will thus provide a religious interpretation of the painting that also takes into account the findings that have emerged as a result of the recent scientific examinations
16 17
and the cleaniniz of the Painting.
Di Teodoro,64-67. Shearman,1992, 4.
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ICONOGRAPHIC
CLUES
In order at a proper itis important to arrive ofa painting, to interpretation in examine to and and detail the various identify correctly carefully objects init.Theseshould then be fitted intoa coherent depicted together explanationofthepainting's theme. ofthis isa large The setting room toDavidson, that, painting according to describe a specific, in shadows "doesnotappear reallocation." Depicted are"monumentally a that is scaled and cornice lowinrepiers" "inexplicably lationto thefigures."" Similararchitectural features can be foundin in therooms frescoes ofthepapalapartment in theVat(stanze) Raphael's icanPalace, in the the andthe especially Expulsion ofHeliodorusftomTemple " A careful Coronation examination has that revealed optical ofCharlemagne. theoriginal of Leo's a the seated before composition portrait depicted pope or clothof honor,as was thecase in Raphael's II Julius greencurtain in which oftherooms 4)." Cluesas to theidentity Raphaelpainted (fig. canbe found inthe these window reflections on thetwoburpapalportraits acorns onJulius' chair nished andon thegilded ball(palla)on Leo's bronze chair. TomHenry theinterior ofSanta Maria delPopolo, (2001) rejects sugXavier and one of the in theVatican rooms (1999), by Bray gested proposes as thesetting ofthe on the Based ofthe Julian papalapartment portrait. style windows on the reflected a in he also room the Vatican 5), palla (fig. rejects as a more andoffers, candidate for thesetting oftheLeonine Library likely the wardrobe or in room the Torre portrait, treasury (guardaroba) Borgia, next to theSala dell'Incendio.2' The background ofthis waslater painting toa dark with room architectural features inthe visible changed large dimly shadows. The architectural elements oftherevised seem to painting suggest 22 a church or large room. The massive Giuliode' Mediciand pierbehind thearch framing Luigide' Rossiseemto havebeenaddedat thesametime that thecardinals were inserted intothepainting, andthefunction ofthese architectural features these additional mayhavebeento openthespacefor
"Davidson, 12. 19 Allegri,195; Di Teodoro, IO. 2ODelSerra,75; Natali,64; Di Teodoro, 50, 67, 69; on thegreenclothof honorbehind a detailapparently borrowedfrom of Julius11in Raphael'spainting, JeanFouquet'sportraits CharlesVII and of EugeniusIV, see Partridge and Starn,10-11, 13. 2'Henry,19, 21-22, 25, nn. 5 and 7. Del Serra, thatthelocationdepictedin thepainting 73. Allegri, ofLeo X 189, suggests was a room in theVaticanLibrary. studiolo. Nesselrath, 442, proposesan intimate Shearman, in a communication to me, notesthatthereis no space "anything like this"in the papal palace. The space was not theinterior of thechurchofS. Maria in Domnica, held as cardinals by both Giovanni and Giulio de' Medici - see the illustration of the interior (fig.4) in Matthiae,35.
22
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FIGURE 4. Raphael Sanzio, Portrait of Pope Julius A Photo credit: Scala / Art Resource, NY.
1511-12. Uffizi, Florence.
figures.2' Frederick Hartt claimed to discern in the burnished surface of the golden ball orpalla on the back of the pope )s chair the reflection of a wooden ceiling, a detail Raphael failed to alter when he changed the original de"These architectural features are visible in the reproduction in Pope-Hennessy,125, in Fischel,vol. 2, pl. 128. pl. I I 1, and moreclearly
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FIGURE
LeoXwith Cardinals Giulio de'Medici andLui de'Rossi 5. Raphael Sanzio, Florence. NY. Photo credit: NicoloOrsiBattaglini /Art 1517-18. Uffizi, Resource, Detailofthe palla on thebackpostofthepapalthrone.
illumination a candlebutfrom comesnotfrom sign.'4It is daytime; sunlight from the The is source identified byVasarias thewinentering right. light dows (i lumidellefinestre) mirrored on theupperright ofthegolden portion 15 Brilliant streams on the window the while thelight left, palla. light through from in thewindowon theright to be filtered tinted by appears glass a mullionedand transomed or bya rectangular translucent curtain windowframe, or shade on whichis depicteda large, darkcross.'6
Di Teodoro, 50; Leo replacedthe golden acornson the papal throneofJulius11with the Medici palle; on Julius'acorn ornamentin Raphael's portrait of him, see Partridge and Starn,50, 56-59. Vasarl,1878-82, 4:352. The detailof the twowindowsis clearly in the reproductions in Natali, 55 discernible and 61; on contemporary windows thatwere screenedeitherby "waxed or oiled paper on
16 25 14
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of its shades isnotable for various The color scheme usedinthe painting are and cardinals ofthe red. Inile therobes red, appropriately Raphael pope to thepracThisseems to conform as red. thetable evendepicted covering the for the furniture used of red or tice using by popeinhis golden coverings a public consisofthepapaldaiscouldbe redfor The floor chapel. covering be and could The cloth of honor on other occasions. or canopy tory, green to the in colors the or and red, according papalchapel changed green, gold, thetradiRedwasconsidered andspecific ceremonies.2' seasons liturgical 21 tional papalcolor. with a hasarmrests andis covered Leo X is seated on which The chair back and the the back of the chair from thick redfabric. Gold tassels hang His inheavy with a goldball.The popeisvested garments. postis crowned brocade rochet fur-inner-lined robe)is cream-colored, (a priestly liturgical mozzetta velvet ingoldthread, andhisdark-red with decorated (an patterns or as is his with is with a camauro, ermine, hood) edged cape elbow-length Matins of for the winter. These felt Indeed, ceremony suggest cap. garments thepopeworea darkredmozzetta ofChristmas, (cappapurpurea).2'The onsomeHisgazeisfixed hiscorpulence. table mask anddraped robes heavy While hisleft ofthe the border tothe left oneorsomething painting. beyond is hand turnhis a magnifying andholds on thetable handrests right glass, infrared on the table. of the book the rays, using Reflectography ing page for a preparatory haverevealed andX-ray design photography radiography, over metal a with lines made Leo X'sleft preparatory by object eyeandneck for the hasbeenfound nature ofthis butnothing brush strokes, preliminary was Rossi's left hand de' is that Alsorevealed twocardinals. painted Luigi ofLeo X by Thefigure backofthe ontothe papalthrone. painted previously in its that concluded havetherefore thespace.Scholars to fill itself seems X a of Leo contained the andexecution portrait solitary conception original II.'o of earlier to similar Julius Raphael's portrait figure,
with seeShearman, frames" orby"woven wooden 1971,53, n. 125.On windows curtains,)) were usedin thepapal that as guelph mullion andtransom a cross-shaped windows) (known on the reflected 19 and25, n. 7. Because thecross stanze II, seeHenry, palla byJulius palace's hasno mullion andtranto itsleft while the window thebottom near crossbar hasa second here. is depicted that a guelph window som,itis unlikely 27 122v. fol. Patrizi Piccolomini, 278-79; Dykmans, 28 ad papam color fol.135v("Namruber Patrizi Piccolomini, pertinet.),)) proprie fol. I Patrizi 135r. Piccolomini, 29Davidson, 1; 3'Del Serra, 442; and 67-68;Nesselrath, 64; Di Teodoro, 195-96; Natali, 67-88;Allegri, that 1992a,339, n. 76, theorizes 1982,177,184.Jungi6, Oberhuber, Raphael's Transfiguraits that modified in itsiconography in 1517,hada similar tion, change significant painted meaning.
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15 18 as Luigide' Rossi.3'He was Leo'sfirst cousin,bornto Maria de' Medici il of Piero Gottoso (an illegitimate [1416-691) and Leonettode' daughter olderthanhis Rossi,Lorenzoil Magnifico's agentin France.3' Luigi,slightly favorite of Leo X sincetheyhad been educatedtocousin,was a particular thesamemisfortunes.33 Soon after Leo'selection, and had shared gether Luigi or member is described as hischamber servant and of (cubicularius) familiar, thepapal household(familiarius), as having a roomin theTorreBorgiain the and as beingconsidered one ofthepope'smost complexofpapal apartments, 34 familiars. A cleric ofthearchdiocese ofLyons, he was also a paconfidential then pal notary, apostolic protonotary (protonotarius apostolicus), protodatary and papal assistant, and was finally raisedto thecardinalate (protodatarius), in themasspromotion of 1 July Giulio as cardinal of 1517, succeeding priest 35 in France, San Clementefivedayslater. He collectedmonasticbenefices withtheconsent ofLouisXII, butwas never an see. He seems given episcopal 36 an allianceof the pope with France. was on good to have favored Luigi
3'Beck, 132, n. 6; Guazzoni, 113; Di Teodoro, 72. Based in parton a claim found in Vasari, 1878-82, 5:42, and 1979, 1032, scholarsspeculateon what role Raphael'sassistant, Giulio Romano (ca. 1492-1546), mayhavehad in thepainting of Rossi.Allegri, 195, suggests thatthe clothingand hands of Rossi werepaintedby Giulio underthe direction of Raphael; in Natali, 57, 60, also suggests collaboration;Nesselrath, 442, limitsGiulio's role to filling withinsignificant what Raphael had alreadypainted. brushstrokes 12 Picotti,73, 214, n. 12; Falconi,6. Roscoe, 2:9 1; Guazzoni, I IO; Di Teodoro, 12, n. 5. 1884-91, 586 (nr.9282, 1 June1514): "cler.Lugdunen.notar.et fam. 3'Hergenroether, of Baldassuo"; 587 (nr. 9302, 2 June1514): "suo consanguineoet cubiculario";the letters sareCastiglionerevealing thespecialaffection Leo X has forhis cousincardinaldei Rossiwere to Isabella Gonzaga, Rome, 17 August publishedin La Rocca's edition,462 (nr. 370, letter to FedericoGonzaga, Rome, 19 August1519), 473 (nr.376, letter 1519), 466 (nr.372, letter to FedericoGonzaga, Rome, 27 August 1519). 35 Van Gulik and Eubel, 16, no. 23 (Eubel describes him as "protonot. aplic.,"apparently a typographical 62 (cardinalpriestof San Clemente);Frenz,278, no. II 9a; BAV,Vat. error), Lat. 12275, fol. 191v: Paridede Grassirecords in his diarythaton 26 December 1516 Leo X made "R.P.D. Aloysius Prothonotariusde Rubeis florentinus affinis Papae" a new papal assistant. 36 1884-91, 586 (nr.9282, 1 June1514 - Rossi is givenin commendam Hergenroether, theAugustinian in thedioceseof Le Mans), 587 (nr.9302, 2 June1514 ofArgentre priory the Benedictine of S. Salvatorde Rothonioin thediocese of monastery givenin commendam Vannesand will become itsabbot ifhe takesthe monasticvows), 587 (nr.9303, 2 June1514 - Leo X recommendsRossi to Louis X11); 597 (nr. 9458, 2 June 1514 - Leo X exhorts Louis XII to help Rossi get possessionof S. Salvator);ASF, MaP, filza107, nr. 10, fol. I Or-v of Baltassare Tuderinito Lorenzo dei Medici, Rome, 18 April 1514: Rossi has spenta (letter halfyearon these thingsand he told me that Leo X will ally with the Frenchand Swiss);
33
The manin redcardinal's whorests hishandon thebackofthe robes in of8 September has been a letter ofAlfonsina Orsini chair identified pope's
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withhis pleasure-loving cousin Lorenzo de' Medici (1492-1519) in terms of theVeto Marino Sanuto (1466-1536), a member Florence."According who recorded much of what and diarist netiangovernment contemporary he heardor readin his copiousdiariescovering 1496-1533, Luigiaccompathree of themorefamous with nied threefellowcousin cardinals, together in hosted by the March to a carnival of 1519 Rome, banquet cortigiane forenterwho offered dancersdressedas specters bankerLorenzo Strozzi, 38 -August 1519 struck Leo X in from mid Rossi's death tainment. gout deeplyand he was said to have mournedforhim morethanhe had forhis thisspebrother Giuliano and nephewLorenzo. 39Raphaelseemsto capture betweenLeo and Luigi byhavingLuigi place his handson cial relationship 40 Luigi is wearing an almostprotective as ifindicating Leo's chair, intimacy. The mantelcovered or cape withlateral a mantellatta, slits, bythemozzetta. latta was worn by cardinalsin the presenceof the pope to indicatetheir could to him. Unless he werean apostoliclegateand therefore inferiority wornin the papal chapel or in public by a cardinal wear red,the mozzetta 4' The mozzetta bronzein color. or dusty obscure was to be off-violet, purple, thatthescenedepictedis not is red,implying wornbyLuigi in thepainting a publicoccasion.
MaP, filza 107, nr. 31 (letterof BaltassareTuderinito Lorenzo dei Medici, Rome, 4 June in Brittany valued at over3,000 was givena richmonastery 1514: Luigi dei Rossi yesterday S. Salvatorde Rothonio]and Tuderinihopes Luigiwill getpossessionof it ducats [apparently Rossi con questi franzesi"). forhe has workedhardwith the French- "et lui se aiuta forte was considered an ardent proponent in 1514 of the marriageof Giuliano de' Medici de Savoie (1498-1524), the aunt of FrancisI - see Caviglia,295. (d. 1516) withFiliberta on his roleas an interand pensionsin Franceand elsewhere, On Rossi'snumerousbenefices as between Franceand theRoman curia,and on his inclusionin theRaphaelportrait mediary and All above translations of the see the Medici-French 97-102. alliance, Tewes, representing the originaldocumentsare the author's. from paraphrases
37
ASF, MaP, filza 71, nr. 71 (letterof Luigi dei Rossi to Lorenzo dei Medici, Rome, withLorenzo in Viterbo,he will 21 October 1513: Luigi had hoped to spend timerelaxing and asksthata room be put in orderforhim). Lorenzo looked to Luigi come to him secretly - see Butters, in Roman circles 236-37. Falconi,286, describes to watchout forhis interests Lorenzo as "desideroso... di tuttipiaceripossibili"(desirous... of all possiblepleasures). wroteto thewounded Lorenzo Beatrice[De Bonis] Ferrarese, The famousRoman courtesan, that she on 23 April 1517 in verypersonalterms hoped "Youwill come back to me in stating ... when I see Your Excellencyonce Rome" and thatshe "wantedto make myself worthy to health,"to a stateof "manly vigor"- see Masson, 64-66. again,restored Cesareo, 234. da Montelupo, is 39Guazzoni,I IO; Di Teodoro, 27. Luigi'stomb,carvedby Raffaello foundunderthe portico(Corridoiovasariano)of thechurchof Santa Felicitain Florence. 40 Guazzoni, I IO; Di Teodoro,27. 4' Hunter,214; PatriziPiccolomini,fol. 135r-v.
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in Raphael'spainting is Giulio de' Medici,thefuture The other cardinal to thepope'sright and his right arm ClementVII (1 523-34). He is standing into thepope's right seemsto terminate and to be transmuted hand. Giulio CC at thepapal courtas hiscousin's did function hand,an alter right ego, a man and ofthegreatest as notedin Juneof 1520 ofgreat authority," management 42 ambassador Marco Minio in his finalreport. If thispaint bytheVenetian it is can be dated to around Christmastime to notethat 1517, interesting ing thatGiulio definitively committed himself itwas onlya fewdaysearlier to a to the on clerical career ordained the nineteenth of Debybeing priesthood a bishopon thetwenty-first. cemberand consecrated Six months on earlier, 26 June1517, he had been transferred from the cardinaldeacon churchof SantaMaria in Domnica to thecardinal church ofSan Clemente, and priest on 6 July, in to thecardinal of San about a weeklater, church Lorenzo priest held the dean of the Sacred Rafaello Riario Damaso, formerly by College, of vice-chancellor due to (ca. 1460/61-1521),priorto his loss of theoffice in theconspiracy his complicity to poison Leo X.43 Giulio took his responof Minio: II card.di Medici a granpodercol Papa, "e Pastor, 8:87, n. citingthereport homo do granmaneggio,ha grandissima tamensa vivercol Papa e non fa nuila se autorit'a; primanon domanda a Papa di cosse da conto- 11card.Bibiena'eappressoassa' dil Papa, ma questo Medici fail tutto"(The cardinalde' Medici has greatpowerwiththePope, is a man of has the greatest nonetheless he knowshow to behavewiththe authority; greatmanagement, withoutfirst Pope and does nothing askingthe Pope about important things thecardinal Bibbienais also close to thePope, but thisMedici does everything); 242; Guazzoni, Prosperi, I IO. A roleforGiulio Romano in thepainting of Giulio de' Medici has been hypothesized by scholars.Allegri,196, sees the depictionof Giulio dei Medici as closestto thestyle of Giulio - see Di Teodoro, 84. Romano; C. Gamba also suspectsGiulio Romano'sintervention 4'Giulio'sclericalstatuswas not clear.He seems,as faras one can estimate, to have been charactere dumtaxat (clericale signedwiththeclericalcharacter insignitum) Hergenroether, wore thehabitof a Knightof St. 1884-91, 1:148 (nr.2516, 9 May 1513). While he publicly in thatordermay have been only tacite- ibid., (nr. 2522, Johnof Rhodes, his profession 9 May 1513). AlthoughGiulio had been ordaineda deacon on 17 December 1513 by Leo X in the capellasecreta would not have prevented his subsequent (ibid., 1:367), thisordination laicization.Cesare Borgiawas eventually from his deaconate and laicized dispensed byhis fa- de Roo, 1:273 (Cesare'sordination ther Alexander to thedeaconate VI, and latermarried on 26 March 1496), 283-84 (Cesare'sspeechin theSacredConsistory of 17 August1498 reto questinglaicization,but the actual date is unknown).On 12 May 1499 Cesare'smarriage - Yriarte, was solemnizedand consummated Charlotte d'Albret 84. RobertoLatino Orsini, of Reggio-Calabria, his archbishopric in 1520 - van Guto marry archbishop-elect resigned lik and Eubel, 284. JacquesSpifame0 500-65), a deacon and recipient of manybenefices, received a papal dispensation the to deliberations oftheFacallowinghim to marry, according ultyof Theology of Parisin 1528, whichconcluded thatthe dispensationwas "not decent, licit,or expedient"("illud non essedecens,licitumaut expediens")- see Farge,197. In 1505 and 1524 the Faculty condemned as veryharmfulto the Church the proposition that a - ibid.,34, n. 67. Giulio's from pope could dispensea priest, bishop,or archbishop celibacy
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sibilities as archbishop ofFlorence a provincial council seriously byordering tobe heldthere in 1516-17 inorder toimplement thereform decrees ofthe Fifth Lateran Council(1512-17).As archbishop he ordered, on 8 March theprovincial council's decrees be observed, since Leo X hadap1518,that them after had beenexamined Tommaso de Vio proved they bycardinals and Domenico 12 Giacobazzi. On the decrees were 1518 (Cajetan) April in his archdiocese." It be should noted that at the formally promulgated timethisportrait wasbeingpainted Giulioalso helda number ofseesin France: hewasarchbishop ofNarbonne andadministrator ofthe (1515-24), archdiocese ofEmbrum ofLavaur .45 (1518) andthediocese (1514-24) On thetablein theforeground with itsredcovering there is an object identified the artist first and critical historian of Renaissance art, by Giorgio Vasari bellofwrought which is more beautiful silver, (15 11-74),as "a little 46 than words cantell"(fig. is bothsilver andgold,the 6). The bell,in fact, itsscalloped a border linetoward thebottom as dome, goldsections being thecupflares outtoform thebase, andthe baseitself On thesideofthebell isa raised ofacanthus andtwoMedici In the leaves, flowers, design symbols. in mixed with the is a andthree leaves, diamond upper right, scrolling ring 47 a Mediciinsignia. in theshadows visible to theleft is the feathers, Barely coat of arms of Leo which is surmounted the crossed X, six-palle by papal andtiara. The bellwasmadefor Leo after hiselection, accordkeys perhaps
ordination andepiscopal consecration arerecorded 58-59, 65,andProspriestly byde Grassi, On his cardinalatial see van Gulik and 239. 74. churches, Eubel, 62, 64, peri, Raphael's ofGiulioinecclesiastical robes wasdonesoonafter hispriestly ordination andepispainting copalconsecration. "See theprefatory letters ofGiulioandLeo inMansi, vol.35: cols.215-18;theConstitutiones seu ordinationes Florentinae annoab incarnatione DominiMDXVII are synodi on cols. On this see Trexler. 217-318. council, reprinted provincial "Van Gulik andEubel,190,253, 327; he hadearlier held ibid.,101. (1513-15), Alby 46 and d' chenon 4:352 Vasari, 1878-82, 1979,899, ("uncampanello argento lavorato, si pu'odirequanto'ebelo.")Contrary toVasari's identification oftheitem on thetable as a Emmanuel P Rodocanachi theopinion ofsomeunnamed whosuggest bell, reports persons - seeRodocanachi, that itisa dice-box 10 1 andn. 4; for thesmall bellofCardinal Albrecht ofBrandenburg that with is sitting on histable, decorated hiscoatofarms, saidto resemble in hisportrait a powder-flask for in theCorsini anddepicted that is preserved gunpowder, ofRome, seeibid., Gallery pl. 2 facing page10. 4'Thefamily device ofa diamond while thefeathers couldinsymbolized ring eternity, dicatejusticeor thetheological thering and feathers "eternal virtues; together implyied faithfulness as a new andstrength"; Vasari's fresco ofGiovanni 129.In Giorgio Ames-Lewis, inthe ilMagnifico cardinal hisfather Saladi Lorenzo ofthe Palazzo Lorenzo, painted meeting Vecchio ofFlorence, a soldier holds a banner onwhich isdepicted thedevice ofLorenzo conofa red, a white, anda black ostrich at their encircled basebya diamond feather, sisting ring - seeVaughan, 18,andthefacing plate.
PORTRAIT
OF LEO
1019
FIGURE 6. Raphael Sanzio, Leo Xwith Cardinals Giulio de'Medici andLuigi de'Rossi, 1517-18. Uffizi, Florence. Photo credit: Nicolo Orsi Battaglini /Art Resource, NY. Detail of the bell on the table. ing to a design by Raphael, and cast by the celebrated goldsmith Antonio da San Marino. It was lost, as were many other precious objects, in the Sack of Rome in 1527 .4' Atop the dome of the bell is a knob made of a sheaf of tufted red silk and gold threads, with two longer braided tassels trailing down the side of the bell to the tabletop. Because of its coat of arms or inscription, a bell can identify its owner. In contemporary portraits, Cardinals Albrecht von Brandenburg (1490-1545) of Trent are each seated at of Mainz and Bernhard 11 von Cles (1485-1539) a table on which rests a handbell displaying his coat of arms. The silver and gold handbell on the table of Cardinal Bandinello Sauli (d. 1518) bears the inscription "B. DE. SAVLIS. CAR." (fig. 7). Cardinal Ippolito I d'Este is shown standing next to a table on which is prominently (1479-1520) placed a bell .49 116.
of the bell, see Natall, 54, and Guazzoni, 4'DI Teodoro, 51-56; forclearreproductions
von Brandenburg); "Rodocanachi, 10, pl. 2 (Albrecht Lange, 62, and Haidacher,304 1 von Cles by Bartholomaeus ca. 53 derAlter, 1); Haidacher,232 (IppolitoI (Bernhard Bruyn d'Este by an unknownartist, ca. 1500), jungi, 1992b, 346; a bell also sitson thetableof St. in in thehighly ofVittore symbolic Carpaccio, The Vision ofSt.Augustine painting Augustine His Study(ca. 1502), in the Scuola di San Giorgio degli Schiavoniin Venice. Most contemto seemmoreoften did not havethemselves cardinals depictedwitha bell; insteadthey porary
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-A
. .. .
.......
FIGURE 7. Sebastiano del Piombo, CardinalBandinello Sauli, His Secretary, and Two Detail of the bell on the table. H. Kress Collection. Samuel 1516. Geographers, Image copyrighted2003 Board of Trustees, National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C., oil on panel transferred to canvas, 1.218 x 1.504 m.; framed: 1.527 x 1.816. Accession nr. 1961.9-37.(1399)/PA. Bells also had secular functions. They were rung to assemble city councilors or a citizen assembly and to announce such things as a legal sentence, a fire or an attack, news, the opening of a market or a beer hall, or the arrival have been represented alone or withsome otheritem- as in Rodocanachi, 10, pl. 2 (Albrechtvon Brandenburg witha bell,Ascanio Sforzaalone, BernardoDovoizi alone, unidentified cardinalholdingpaper); Haidacher,231 (Georgesd'Amboisealone), 232 (RaymundPeraudi holdinga scrolland Ippolio I d'Este witha bell on table but also holdinga piece of paper), 233 (AlessandroFarneseholding paper), 246 (BernardinoCarvajal kneeling),247 (Matthaeus Schinerholding a book and sword), 250 (Matthaeus Lang alone and Antonio del Monte holding paper), 252 (Francisco Ximenes de Cisneros and Sigismondo Gonzaga alone), 260 (BernardoDovizi holding paper), 265 (RaffaeleRiario and AlfonsdoPetrucci alone), 266 (Bandinello Sauli alone), 268 (Ferdinando Ponzettiand FrancescoArmellini von alone), 269 (Tommaso de Vio alone and Lorenzo Campeggiowithbook), 272 (Albrecht alone), 275 (GirolamoAleandroholdinga book), 288 (Willemvan Enkevoirt Brandenburg hand on a piece of furniture?), 297 (Pompeo Colonna holdinga piece of paper and resting withhis hand on a dog), 299 (Mercurino Arboriodi Gattinara alone), 303 (Thomas Wolsey von Cles witha bell on the table), 305 (Franois holdingpaper and a stafl),304 (Bernhard Tournon alone).
PORTRAIT
OF LEO
1021
ofitinerant merchants. were alsohung thenecks ofanimals around so They the that thebell's would indicate animal's location. Bells also clanging signifieda fool.'o as symbols ofauthority and were Theycouldalso function a servant. Forexample, a smallbell (tintinabulum seu used to summon in a secret deaconseated wasusedbythelastcardinal consiscampanella) a guard, to summon shouldthepope or one ofthecardinals want tory
something.51 Bells also have religioussignificance. Accordingto the popular comof pendium of liturgicalknowledge,the Rationaledivinorum officiorum ofa preacher who needs GuillaumeDurandus(1230-96), thebellis a symbol a clapper)before he callsothto correct hisown faults first (and thusprovide The ropethathangsfrom thebelland allowsit to be and reform. ersto faith thelifeof thepreacher thatshouldbe marked byhumility. rungsymbolizes ofchurchbells. When rung, Durandusdistinguishes sixtypes thelarger ones wardoffstorm-causing to thathang fromtowers demons.52 According Alberto Pio, imperialambassadorat the court of Leo X and his relativeby in theair.53 The smallbell desuch bellsdestroy forces malignant marriage, a nola (a handbellor table-bell), pictedin Raphael'spaintingis apparently whichwas rungin thechoirwherepriests to praythedivineoffice.54 gather ofa bellis usually The religious function as praising described God, honoring a peace,announcing a death,inviting forthe thesaints, prayers proclaiming thefaithful to prayer dead,and summoning Mass,Matins,and (theAngelus, for therecitation so on) orcalling and monksto assemble ofthedivine priests in the office.55 identifies bell Sebastiano's of Sauli as a "Sancpainting jungid Mass to announcetheAdvent ofChrist," tusbellrungduring and notesthat "herethe bell symbolizes the presenceof Christ."56 The only reference to
"Lange, 27, 36-37, 74-78. " Patrizi of4 March 1569 to his father, fol.46v; in a letter Cosimo 1,Grand Piccolomini, Duke of Tuscany,Cardinal Ferdinandode' Medici wroteof his need fora largeretinue"so thatat the touch of a bell my servants can be readyat once to do me honour."- cited by Guarini,62. Durandus, chap. 4: "De campanis" (On Bells), fols.19v-21r. fol. 133r-vZ. 53pio, of theword nola seemsto have changedovertime.It Durandus, 20v; the significance a identified and was believedto haveoriginated in thesouthern Italchurchbell, initially large ian cityof Nola or to have been invented by St. Paulinusof Nola - see Thurston,419.
pio, fol. 133rZ; Trotti, question 5, fol.7r-v;Rupertvon Deutz, bk. 1, chap. 16: "De Campanis" (On Bells), 5; Leclercq,col. 1968; Thurston,421-22. 1992b, 352, echoing the descriptionof Ferguson,162. It should be noted, 56jungid, thatbellswerenot used in Rome at Masses said by the pope or cardinals;reverence however, - see Thurston,422, and PatriziPiccolofortheelevatedHost was done through incensing mini,fol. 137v. 55 54 52
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bellsin theBible is in theOld Testament (Exodus 28:33-34 and 39:25-26), ofAaronthehighpriest wheregoldenbellswereto be partof theattire acto a to command Moses and were to sound God; by they cording given he wentin or out of theholyplace before theLord,lesthe die. whenever of thebell is thepope's lefthand, resting To the right on thetableand Its a lens'ls encircled a by goldhoop and its holding magnifying glass. crystal in handleis hiddenfrom view thepope'shand. Leo X was notedfor hisnearand owned various optical glassesthathave been studied by sightedness scholars. The magnifying glasswould haveallowedhim to admirethemin57 hand rests. iatures and to readthebook on whichhis right The book on the pope's table is a Bible, identified by scholarsas the in the Hamilton Bible currently of Berlin. preserved Kupferstichkabinett in their the to Hamilton Bible was research, copied the midAccording fourteenth centuryin Naples by Giovanni di Ravenna, decorated with miniatures Cristoforo Ormininada Napoli or Matteo di Planisio, by either of Pierre and belongedto thefamily who becameClemRogerde Beaufort, entVI (1342-52). At some laterdate it came into thepossessionof Leo X. In Raphael's painting, the parchmentmanuscript is opened to folios 4OOv-40I r.58 Di Teodoro, however,has noted differences between the the Beaufort Hamilton Bible and the one depictedin Raphael's portrait: withtheMedici one in thelowerright corner coat ofarmshas been replaced on the Bible has one verse written two lines of and 8), Raphael (fig. larger textacross the bottomof the foliowhich containsthe seventeen lettered on fivelines written whiletheHamilton Bible has sevenverses miniatures, of smaller text.He thussuggests thatLeo X owned a copyof theHamilton LorenzotheMagnificent Bible made forhim by his father, (1449-92), and 59 itwas a treasured therefore personal possession. to What seemsto be one of thebooVs claspsor a paperweight attached the coverby a red ribbonlies on the marginarea of the leftfolio,as ifto The otherclasp,also attached to a red weighthepage down to keep it flat. of this lies next to the bell.60 The smooth surface on the table ribbon, clasp itssetting to theotherclasp) thateither (elaborateifit was similar suggests has fallenout, leavingthe blank cavityexposed,or "a convextransparent 61 has been setin theclasp. a rock-crystal" stone,perhaps
"Among the principal studies are Boffito,559; Albertotti,539-40; Ilardi, 341-60; Hamburgh,697-99. 51 Wescher, 1931, 61, cited by Di Teodoro, 61, n. 17; Boese, 45-46, nr. 85 (K.-K.) 78 E 3; Zimelien,68-69, entry 48; Davids.on,12-13; Kemper,443; forthe disputebetween F. Bologna (1969) favoring Orimina,and M.G. Ciardi Dupre'Dal Poggetto(1997) claiming see Di Teodoro,6 1. Matteo as the miniaturist,
59Di Teodoro, 61-64. of thisobjectsee Natali, 54. 6OFor a clearreproduction 61 1 am grateful of the transparent to Professor Shearmanforthesuggestion stone.
PORTRAIT
OF LEO
1023
FIGURE 8. Raphael Sanzio, Leo Xwith Cardinals Giulio de'Medici andLuigi de'Rossi, 1517-18. Uffizi, Florence. Photo credit: Nicolo Orsi Battaglini /Art Resource, NY. Detail of the Medici coat of arms from the folio of the Bible. On the verso of the left folio of the Bible are seventeen illuminations, sixteen of which depict scenes from Christ's Passion, Resurrection, and Ascension, and at the bottom can be read the opening words of St. John's Gospel: "In principio erat verbum et verbum erat apud Deum." The rest of
the prologue continues on the recto of the right folio. Leo's left hand seems to be turning the illuminated folio. This gesture may suggest that the pope was paging through his Bible when his attention was suddenly shifted to
someone or something outside the frame of the painting. It may also be a reference to the end of the Gospel of St. Luke. The conclusion of this gospel had special significance among the followers of Beato Amadeo (d. 1482), the founder of the Franciscan Amadeite congregation and author of the ApocalypsisNova. In this work he predicted the advent of an "Angelic Pastor" who
would be elected pope, bring about a reform of the Church, and usher in the final age of history according to the tripartite schema of history devised by Amadeo's followers, who included such Joachim of Flora (ca. 1132-1202). noted cardinals as Bernardino Carvajal (the learned theologian and president of the schismatic Pisan Council) and Bandinello Sauli (co-conspirator in the
plot to poison Leo X), held that Amadeo had supplied in his Apocalypsis Nova the "last chapter" of St. Luke's "incomplete" Gospel. The evangelist failed to include this material because the time was not then ripe for the fullness of revelation. Amadeo's chapter narrated Christ's death in Jerusalem with the Apostles present and the Assumption into heaven of the Mother of God - events parallel to those of Christ depicted in miniatures on the obverse of the folio (fig. 9).12 Di Teodoro and Kemper see in the pope's fingering of the folio a reference to the traditional concluding words of St. Luke's Gospel, which record that the apostles were commissioned 63 penance and were frequently praying in the Temple.
62 63
to preach
Morisi, 10, 12-25, 72-80; Morisi-Guerra, 42; jungk, 1992b, 351-68. Di Teodoro,65-66; Kemper,443.
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F I G URE 9. Raphael Sanzio, Leo X with Cardinals Giulio de'Medici and Luigi de'Rossi, 1517-18. Uffizi, Florence. Photo credit: Nicolo Orsi Battaglini /Art Resource, NY. Detail of the miniatures from the Bible. The symbolism of the Bible opened to the beginning of St. John's Gosis pel interpreted by some scholars as a reference to Leo X's first baptismal name of Giovanni, his other names being Damaso and Romolo. It is unclear if he was named after St. John the Evangelist or St. John the Baptist, patron was named (d. 1503), saint of Florence. Perhaps the son of Lorenzo de' Medici and Clarice Orsini after his mother's cousin, Cardinal Giovanni Battista Orsini or some member of the Medici
Baptist, John, or Baptist. If Leo X had been baptized with the name of St. John the Evangelist, it would be appropriate that the Bible on his table should be opened to the beginning of his gospel. But it seems more likely that he was named after the St. John the Baptist. Two of his contemporaries who knew him well suggest that such was the case. In 1489, on the occasion of Giovanni's appointment as cardinal, Marsilio Ficino (1433-99) dedicated
family such as his great-greatGiovanni the founder of the Medici dydi Bicci (1380-1429), grandfather, nasty." Persons named after St. John the Baptist were called variously John
a paraphrase of the verse from the gospel prologue regarding the mission of John the Baptist: "There is a man of Florence sent by God whose name is John, born of the heroic stock of the Medici. This man has come for testimony that he might bear witness about the greatest authority among us of his father, the magnanimous Lorenzo." Ficino, who was familiar with members of the Medici familv, would vrobablv not have alluded to this scrlvtural "For scholarswho see the scriptural textas a reference to Leo X's baptismalname of Giovanni,see above, n. 14. On his baptismalnames,see Picotti,647, and Falconi,9; on his mother's cousin,Battista Orisini,named a cardinalin 1483, see Eubel, 19, nr.33.
his Latin translation of Jamblichus, De Mysteriis (finally printed in 1497), to the youthful prelate. In his dedicatory letter, he applied to the new cardinal
PORTRAIT
OF LEO
1025
The Gospel of St. John, to whichLeo's Bible is opened,had specialsigin joachimite and Amadeitecircles.St. Johnthe Evangelist nificance was seen as theApostleof theSpirit, a symbol of thecontemplative lifethattypifies thethird thatoftheHoly Spirit. to of age or status, According Joachim will St. Peter be the contemFlora,theactiveliferepresented by replaced by but the institution and plativeone associatedwithSt. Johnthe Evangelist, 66 of the will in remain the new The of role the authority papacy age. papacy will be to providespiritualunderstanding and leadershipamidsttribulations,and to promoteChurch unityand the conversionof the world to 67 Christ. Bothordinary and learned Christians oftheRenaissance viewedtheproof St. as an instrument of and In his John's logue Gospel blessing protection.. letter of to Archduke Erasmus 1523 Ferdinand, dedicatory complainedthat "Some people even have partof St. John's Gospel copied out and wear it hanginground theirnecksto shieldthemfromsicknessor unhappyacci"68 dentsofother kinds. In hiscolloquy"The Exorcist" Erasmus has "a sacred stole (as it'scalled), with the openingversesof St. John's Gospel hanging from it"drapedovertheshoulder oftheexorcist to givehimprotection from thedemon. 6' A reading from theprologue was used forcenturies whenvisas itingthesick.70 The prologuewas also used in RogationDay processions a prayer to obtaindivineprotection the or to against plague against damage
"On Ficino'srelationship with Giovanni de' Medici, see Marcel, 210, 48 1, n. 5, 49 1, of Ficino'sstatement, see Ficino,vol. 2, bk. 2, 897: "Est homo Flo519, n. 1, 576; forthetext rentiaemissus a Deo, cui nomen est Ioannes, heroica Medicum stirpenatus, hic venit in ut de summaPatris sui magnanimi testimonium, testimoLaurentij, apud omnes,authoritate " nium perhiberet. In theprooemiunto his translation of Proculus and Porphyrius, Ficino referred to Giovannias "Ioanni FarroMedicae domus Flori"- ibid., 898. The word Farrus seemsto be a form of theLatinpharusor Italianfaro, meaninga beacon or light.In theGospel of St. John(5:35), Jesusis reported to have described Johnas "a burningand shininglamp." For the diaryentries of de Grassi,see BAV,Vat. Lat. 12275, fols.53r and 95v. '56Reeves, 1969, 131-32; ibid., 1976, 3, 7-8, 12, 72, 170. Ibid., 1969, 395-97. 68 Erasmus,1924, 5:169, Ep. 1333:253-55, and 1989, 9:239, Ep. 1333:270-72. 69 Ibid., 1972, 419: lines 86-87, and 1997, 537: lines2-7. 2:447. 70jungmann,
67
text hadhe notknown that Giovanni wasnamed after theBaptist. In addiParide de Grassi whowasthepapalmaster ofceremonies tion, (1470-1528), ofLeo X, commented in hisdiary 24 June for ofthe 1513,thefeast entry of St. the that the 3s name was he not did Nativity John Baptist, pope John; do thesamefor theentry of27 December the feast of St. the 1513, John 65 Alsoserving thefunction ofidentifying thepope,butnothis Evangelist. is thepresence ofthebellwith theLeonine name, baptismal papalcoatof arms.
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Rome, where Leo X's master of ceremonies, Paride de Grassi, considered it an option for the celebrant to use. The "last Gospel," as it was called, was not 72 viewed as a lesson, but as a blessing. The prologue was also used in the matins of the divine office for Christmas. In the 1519 Breviarium Romanum it was the ninth lesson of the third nocturn. When the divine office was solemnly sung at the papal court in the early morning of Christmas Day, the ninth reading that climaxed the ceref 71 mony was sung by the pope himsel . In the city of Rome, the new year began 71 with Christmas, and papal briefs were dated from the Nativity of the Lord. The prologue thus helped to mark a new beginning. VARIOUS INTERPRETATIONS
cattle or crops. In the thirteenth century the Dominicans used it as a blessing at the end of Mass. The custom spread to other religious orders and to
71
OF RAPHAEL'S
PAINTING
Having examined in some detail the major iconographic clues found in this painting, one is now in a better position to determine the validity of the various interpretations proposed by scholars. In favor of the thesis that it is a cc state portrait" are the facts that Raphael had painted a series of Medici por-
traits (of Giuliano and Lorenzo de' Medici)75 and that the portrait of Leo X with the cardinals was later kept in the Palazzo Medici in Florence, and that palace "was the central part of the patrimony of Cosimo Pater Patriae [father of the fatherland] and of Lorenzo il Magnifico [the Magnificent], now concentrated in the person of the Pope" who gave libera administrazione (free administration) of it to his sister-in-law, Alfonsina Orsini de' Medici. The painting became
76
part of the ducal
collection
of precious
objects,
or
guardaroba.
Against such an interpretation are a number of considerations. It is not clear that the painting of Leo X was intended for installation as an official
portrait in the Palazzo Medici in Florence. Other papal portraits were kept in 77 It was sent to Florence for a specific occasion, to make churches in Rome. 64-65. "Ibid., 2:448; Scribner, 2:448-5 1. 12jungmann, "BreviariumRomanum,fols. 16v-17ror sigs. [b8v]-cjr;Parsch,257; PatriziPiccolomini,fols.77v-78r. 74 Cappelli, 15. 75 Beck, 130-31. 76 Vasari, 1878-82, 5:41 ("sopra una porta in casa Medici"), and 1979, 1031 ("overa of Shearmanforthisexplanation to Professor door in thehouse of theMedici"). I am grateful in thePalazzo Medici. of the painting's thesignificance presence
of Santa Maria sopra "Jean Fouquet'spaintingof Eugenius IV was keptin the sacristy Minerva(Schwager, 207), and Raphael'sportrait ofjulius II was probably keptin thesacristy and Starn,96). of Santa Maria del Popolo (Partridge
PORTRAIT
OF LEO
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in effigy at thewedding ofhisnephew. thepope present Whyit banquet are State in has never Florence been explained. portraits usually large stayed inscaleanddesign," insize,"grandly conceived," "monumentality entailing of than thepersonality rank rather on thesocial andposition concentrating a signif'lcant theperson, and displaying (usually portion three-quarters 71 in ofLeo X is large oftheperson's body. WhileRaphael's portrait length) in ofthepope's a much seated size(a panel154 x 119 cm.)anddepicts body 79 tobemore a private andseems like monumentality family position,itlacks to as observed Nesselrath.'o Also, by Raphael clearly picture, gaveattention ofLeo X in this as Shearman the catethepersonality and, notes, portrait" of "state did not existat thetimeof Raphael.Raphael's portrait" gory ofLorenzo wasnotexecuted tobepart ofanofficial ofMedici series painting it was as a that state betrothal Rather, portraits. painted portrait represented inFrench tohisfuture the theFrench bride, prospective princess groom garb him inJanown dela Tour had sent her Madeleine (who portrait d'Auvergne inan arranged of1518),thus tovisualize thespouses uary allowing marriage 82 in thepainting ofthree of each other's features. The presence persons ofa state it seems that Leo X is alsoatypical and somewhat ironic portrait, Leo X wouldchoose twomen whose wastainted torepresent the legitimacy Rossi's was of Medicidynasty. de' mother the natural Piero Luigi daughter wasso questioned de' Medici, and Giuliode' Medici's status that thepope to issuea constitution hadto gettheSacred hislegitiConsistory declaring Iftheintention todocument were the relatives, maCY.8' popeandhiscardinal were the other Medici relatives not also cardinal as Insuch included, why nocenzo Leo's sister Niccol"O Ridolfi Maddalena), Cyb"O by (nephew (nephew Giovanni Salviati LucreContessina), byLeo'ssister byLeo'ssister (nephew Orsini whowasraised andeducated cousin, zia),andFranciotto (Leo'sfirst intheMedici In addition, housetogether with theintent tocreGiovanni)? atesomething other than a state is the of portraitsuggested by presence items with the ecclesiastical andimage ofa robes, Bible, bell, spiritual significance: cross formed on the the reflection of a cross-decorated curtain or of pallaby
thedefining characteristics as givenby M. Jenkins and K. Beck, 128-29, summarizing OberhuberO 97 1). 2:1403, nr. 9 (154 x 119 cm.); Beck, 138 (154 x 119 cm.); Allegri,189 79Langedijk, O 5 5.2 x I 18.9 cm.). 442. 8ONesselrath, Crowe and Cavalcaselle,2:411-12; Vaughan,242-43; Guazzoni, 114-15, 120. Beck, 132, n. 7; Jonesand Penny,163; Di Teodoro, 16. Lorenzo did not leave for Franceuntil22 March,arriving in Parison 15 Aprilto represent Leo at thebaptismofFrancis I's son, and finally his Frenchprincess in Amboiseon 2 May 1518 at a ceremony marrying Di Teodoro, 73.
82 83 81 78
7:81. 1884-91, 1:281, (nr.4598, 20 September1513); Pastor, Hergenroether,
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thecross-shaped barsofa trabeated mullioned withits window, framing butpredominately When Ludovico Buti set outin tinted, clear, panes. glass a painting ofLeo X based on Raphael's for an official series of 1585tomake Mediciportraits, he eliminated thecardinal cousins andreplaced theBible 84 with a musical score. The suggestion ofCrowe andCavalcaselle, seconded that the byothers, was to commissioned record both Leo X's of the condempainting hearing nationof theconspirator Alfonso Petrucci and Luigide' Rossi'searlier tothecardinalate outas ifshowing off hisnewrobe and (helooks promotion hispapalbenefactor)85 doesnotconform indesign tothealteration thanking from oneto three in twostages. andtheproduction ofthepainting figures The interpretation ofSherr, andReiss holds that the Guazzoni, painting wasproduced as an occasional The that piece. portrait argument Raphael's waspainted to makepossible in effigy thepresence ofLeo at thewedding inFlorence, as ifblessing theunion oftheMedici andValois houses banquet and testifying to thepope'saffection and protection for, of,thecouple, wouldbe consistent withtheallianceLeo X had negotiated earlier with 86 France atBologna. Thisinterpretation isalsosupported in the by presence thepainting oftheimages oftworelatives with French connections: strong in France tohavebeenborn ofLyon), de' Rossiseems andboth he (a cleric andGiuliode' MediciheldFrench benefices seenas supporters of andwere alliance.8'In addition, a Franco-papal de' Rossiseems to havebeena close friend andwasa cousin ofLorenzo theYounger de' Medici, hence deserving ofa placeat hiswedding The Biblein thepainting hada French banquet. inthat itwaseither theoriginal ora copy ofthe onethat hadbeconnection, to the French Clement VI As of (1342-52). Pope longed archbishop Florence andcousin ofthegroom, Giuliode' Medicishould alsohavebeen at thewedding evenifonlyin effigy.88 Sherr claims that festivities, present
84 81 86
Beck, 129; Langedijk,2:1401-02, nr.6; Natali, 64, fig.43. Crowe and Cavalcaselle,2:41 0-1 1; Natali, 66; Guazzoni, 1 14; Di Teodoro,7 1.
as a "diplomatic icon"; 442, sees thepainting Allegri,193; Guazzoni, II 2. Nesselrath, the agreements at Sanuto, 24:86-87 (reportof Marin Zorzi of March 1517 on maintaining Bologna duringpeacetime). 81 See above, n. 36, forRossi'sFrenchconnections;Prosperi, 241-42. Giulio wantedto be seen as supporting FrancisI without, however, beingable to help him; and he saw an allias a counterbalance ruler of ance withtheFrench to theelectionofCharlesHapsburg(already Naples) as King of the Romans.
It should be noted thatthe formal took place fourmonthsearlier. weddingceremony in thehome ofthegroom- Nesselrath, 442. The Florentine festivities weremerely symbolic claim thatLorenzo "fecedi nuovo There could be no "Secondmarriage." FrancescoVettori's nozze e feste"(made again the nuptialsand festivities; cited in Di Teodoro, 73) should peror as Lorenzo havingled his wifeinto his own home, thedomum-ductio, haps be interpreted 88
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scene ofLeo X "shown at a table where he thesemi-formal depicted, sitting intheprivate hasbeenengaged actofreading, surrounded two members by totheusetowhich itwasputon ofhisfamily," was"particularly appropriate i i at the table.'9 The this occasion," namely, placed banquet being a private intoa to Guazzoni,brought and familiar dimension cording oftheMedicifamily's with celebration alliance thehouse dynastic marriage
ofValois.9' Thereare,however, several reasons fornotaccepting thisinterpretation. in of The winter the the that was clothing pope suggests theportrait painting when it would be doubtful thatLeo X already begunmanymonthsearlier, in knewthathe would be unableto attendtheFlorentine weddingfestivities it from is unclear how a of the the Moreover, picture pope reading person. Bible was an appropriate scenefora banquettable,unlessthetextread,the married couple. The next prologue,was seen as a blessingon the recently in the Gospel of St. John(2: 1-11) tellsthestory of Christblessing chapter themarriage feast at Cana. IftheBiblehad beenopenedto thatpassage, then would have been appropriate. And whywas Luigi de' Rossi inthepicture in person, thefestivities cludedin theportrait whenhe apparently attended, in Florence? Was he Did hisplanssuddenly changeso thathe could attend?9' a strong of a Franco-papal with alliance,or werehis efforts really supporter the Frenchaimed at nothing morethangetting of his rich benepossession 92 fices in France? the"highly ofthispainting Finally, wrought" quality argues the view that the was commissioned to makeLeo X merely against painting in effigy and hiscardinal cousinspresent at thewedding festivities. Such "ocwere not so casionalpieceswithshort-term carefully significance" thought 93 out and executed. To salvage thisinterpretation somemodifications areproposed. Raphael's was originally as a formal of Leo X designedand executed portrait painting seatedalone before a green clothofhonor.It was probably intended initially to be hungin a sacristy in the as a votiveimageor ex voto or church, perhaps new St. Peter's, for whoseconstruction he was having an indulgence preachofthebride solemn to thehomeofthegroom, an ancient rite seenas finalizing the taking In Renaissance Florence the bride to the home of the and marriage. escorting groom bedding herthere was considered more thana verbal commitment. See Black,178; and important Schillebeeckx, 258, 287-88. 89 3 1. Sherr, 114. 9'Guazzoni, 9'Di Teodoro, 73-74. 92 inTuderini's The statement 1514 (MaP,filza letter of4 June 107, nr. 3 1) canbe inter- seeabove, either n. 36. way preted 93 1 amgrateful to Professor Shearman for this observation.
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MariainDomnica, histitular which later church as cardinal, ed,orinSanta to his cousin Giulio de' Medici and then to his Innocenzo passed nephew 94 ofhispredecessors were (1491-1550). The portraits Cyb"O putto similar ofEugenius IV (painted use:theportrait sometime between 1443and 1446 in ca. 1420-8 the of Mariasopra Santa 1) byJean sacristy Fouquet, hung 95 11 and Raphael's between of 1511 and Minerva, portrait Julius (painted in but the of Santa Maria del 1512)probably sacristy hung Popolo, on speat of cialoccasions thealtar Our Lady, as herspecial thus Julius presenting 96 client and thepatron ofherchurch. Before the couldcomplete Raphael of Leo a new was to it. It was to function X, however, reppainting assigned himat thewedding in Florence. resent festivities Because cardinals Giulio andLuigi were tobe unable toattend, thepainting wasalsimilarly thought withdark tered to include them. The green clothofhonorwas replaced architectural features to openup thespaceandhelpframe thenewfigures. oftheseatedpope already dominated thecanvas, Becausetheportrait in to had to tricks of order insert Giulio andLuigi: play perspective Raphael next to But are the chair seem to be the chair. andthe they pope's standing orevensitting on another chair table on a raised dais,oris Giuliokneeling How short wasLuigi? Andishelooking outingreeting notinview?9' tohis Lorenzo theYounger? closefriend the revised was intended to be a wedding to Perhaps painting gift in andhisbride, a representation oftheir closest relatives the Medici Lorenzo ofFlorence), andcousins), their (uncle family patrons (popeandarchbishop in Romeand friend Lorenzo's advocate andtheir personal (Luigide' Rossi, each other with foras the future recreational friend) just spouses presented know their that would each malportraits to (so they prior arranged marriage oftheir celebranowon theoccasion other's perhaps wedding appearance), thecouple a formal closest relatives someofthegroom's tions, painting gave seen.The religious newin-laws, whom shehadnever ofsomeofthebride's Leo oftheoriginal character however, painting, depicting X as a prophetic hadalready beenset. So that new the or a Pastor, John Baptist Angelic figure, with sucha theme, theaddition ofthecardinal cousins wouldbe consistent as responding to his a scenein which areportrayed they Raphaelcreated
"Van Gulik and Eubel, 74.
15 16
195-96; Guazzoni, I 10; Natali,64; Di Teodoro,67; Nessel1:342; Allegri, 9'Freedberg, - Pastor,II: 247. Guazzoni, I I O-I 1, notes 442. Giulio was knownto be tallin stature rath, a possible borrowing fromSebastiano del Piombo's paintingof Cardinal Bandinello Sauli who is seatedat a behind the cardinal, (I 5 16) in thatthiscompositionalso includesadvisers tableon whichis a bell and book.
207-08. Schwager, and Partridge Starn,95-98.
PORTRAIT
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orjoining himinprayer. ofthe imThe transformation votive role, spiritual of a a of the into some closest pope age wedding gift groom's portraying relatives wouldhelpto account for theprivate and familiar ofthe quality ingetting intime theurgency thepainting toFlorence for the wedpainting, itsdisplay at thebanquet in thepalace anditsremaining where table, ding, Lorenzo resided. Thatthepainting had a primarily as sugoriginally spiritual message, Bernice seems but what is that She Davidson, by very likely, gested message? claims that itisnot"the ofa contemplative whose averted man, portrait gaze thatareturned inward. The pope is listening and imply might thoughts his interest is drawn toward the confines of the looking, beyond something But what this look seems to in be the picture space."98 provoked searching the words of St.John's Thisextraoritself, namely, opening picture Gospel. tells ofthedivine "There wasa mansent dinary planofsalvation: passage from name wasJohn. He camefor tobear witness to God,whose testimony, the that all him .... believe The true that light, might through light enlightensevery 1:6-7,9) (fig. 10). Later manwascoming into the world" on (John in thatgospel, theBaptist is described as "a witness to the John byJesus .... a burning truth andshining 5:33-35).One ofthestriking lamp"(John inRaphael's elements ofLeo X isthebrightness ofthe that falls portrait light on thepope's face andhand.The samelight is much lessradiant on thefeatures ofhis accompanying cardinal cousins.The pope'sgaze to theleft that he is looking for lookedfor the someone, suggests justas theBaptist Messiah(Matthew the 3:11-12; Mark1:7-9;Luke3:15-17). Zechariah, tohissonthemission "toguide intheways ourfeet father, Baptist's assigned ofpeace"(Luke1:79),a task Leo sawas central tohispapacy. Thebellsitting on histable, likethebellrung at most Masses to th'e anconsecration, prior nounces Christ's Leo X,intheoriginal version ofRaphael's coming. portrait, is thenewJohn theBaptist, whogives to theLight, testimony promotes and looks for the second ofChrist. Christians, peaceamong coming One wayofcombining these elements intoa coherent wouldbe theory to appropriate thedynastic ofthis andincorporate interpretations painting them intoa larger vision that usesreligious as Raphael had Just categories. the of Giuliano and the founders of a Lorenzo, painted portraits hoped-for secular Medici he was now X commissioned Leo to the dynasty, by paint key ofan ecclesiastical members Medicidynasty. The pope,whosebaptismal namewas Giovanni, readsfrom theprologue ofSt.John's Gospelwhere theBaptist, thecousin ofJesus, is described as theprecursor, thewitJohn nessto theLight.99 BehindLeo arehis hoped-for successors as pope,his
"Davidson, 12. "Falconi, 9.
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de' FIGUREIO.RaphaelSanzio,LeoXwithCardinaIsGiuliode'MediciandLui Rossi, 1517-18. Uffizi,Florence. Photo credit: Nicolo Orsi Battaglini /Art Resource, NY. Detail of the text of the Gospel of St. John. cousins Giulio and Luigi."' The questionable status of Giulio's birth and that of Luigi's mother are of no concern in the eyes of God, for, as St. John's prologue states, by their belief in the Light they have "become children of God, who were born not of blood, nor of the will of the flesh, nor of the will of man, but of God" (John 1: 13). Several months earlier, on 1 July 1517, the pope had packed the Sacred College with Medici partisans who could help secure such a succession. Another person named after St. John the Baptist, (1484-92, Giovanni Battista Cybo"), had served as the precursor of the Medici ecclesiastical dynasty, initiating it on the highest level by raising to the cardinalate the brother (Giovanni de' Medici) of his daughterLeo X's great-uncle, de' Medici Cyb"O (1473-1519). in-law, Maddalena Innocent VIII Carlo (1428?-92), the natural son of Cosimo il Vecchio, had achieved only the ranks of protonotary, canon of the cathedral of Florence, and provost of Prato, but not that of bishop or cardinal."' The three clerics in Raphael's
painting are lost in wonderment at the divine favor and their own roles in God's plan, and at what the future may hold in store for the Medici family,
tohave ofpopesscheming is full ofinstances "'The history oftheRenaissance papacy IV (1431-47)sucdid:Eugenius infact, succeed their relatives them, which, eventually many Paul11(I 464-71) followed XII (I 406-15)andEugenius' ceeded hisuncleGregory nephew to turn III (1455-58)andtried hisuncle Callistus VI (1492-1503)followed him.Alexander ofPius11 PiusIII O 503) was thenephew state. intoa Borgia thePapalStates hereditary IV (1471-84)- seeKelly, ofSixtus 11O 503-13)thenephew 234-56. andJulius (1458-64), successor to Leo X (Pastor, seenas a potential WhileGiuliowaswidely 9:17,231-44),Luigi diedtoosoontodevelop anyfollowing. 2. "'Picotti,
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ismarked ofthe whose the cross, bythe symbol, papalchair, sign pallaonthe the with that is filtered its cross created the curtain by heavenly through light window orthrough themullioned andreflected on thegoldball,imdesign on a cross as a it of symbol printing blessing. Di Teodoro's that the wascommissioned as a reinterpretation, painting in to over the Luther's for sponse protest preached Germany indulgence thereconstruction ofSt.Peter's in Rome, to finance Basilica does donations notseemlikely for reasons ofexcessive and improbable chronolsubtlety 102 The pope'sgesture ofturning thefolio(as ifreferring to thefinal ogy. section ofSt.Luke's where the who to are commissioned Gospel, Apostles, in theTemple[Luke24:47-531)is so continually preach penance, prayed tobe drawn from understated itareso subtle) as tomake (andtheinferences itdifficult to seein this movement the to thewhole key interpreting finger Other suchas Leo'sgazeto theleft, the elements, painting. iconographical oftwocardinal thebell,and thecross on the reflection cousins, presence intothis ofthe at thetime Besides, palla,arenotintegrated interpretation. in the of winter the of case Luther's did 1517-18, picture's painting protest notcommand ofthe much attention. Leo X initially tried todealwith pope's iton 3 February the of the vicar Hermits 1518byasking general Augustinian hissubject. A canonical to Silence Luther was not initiated process against lateMay, anditwasnotuntil until that Luther wassummoned toappear July within is inconsistent withDi Tedaysin Rome.This chronology sixty odoro's since the basic scheme of the wasset theory, iconographic painting before Romebecame aware ofthepotentiA seriousness ofLuther's case.103 Morepersuasive is thetheory ofJosephine Shebegins Jungi6. byinter1 Sebastiano del Piombo's 16 Cardinal Bandinello 5 Sauli, preting painting HisSecretary, and Two to Amadeite 2) Geographers (fig. according categories. The central ina posereminiscent seated ofJulius 11as depicted Sauli, figure, is similarly in a white robed rochet. Butinstead ofthemappa byRaphael, indicative ofimperial that washeldbyJulius, Sauli (handkerchieo authority hasin hisri hthanda pairofgloves, of his and symbolic "purity righteousbecause wore when theEucharist. The bell, ness," priests gloves consecrating most Masses at the indicates thecomingof consecration, rungduring Christ. The Turkish on which Saulihasplacedhisleft hand tablecovering the that Turks will be and converted to unsuggests subjugated Christianity derhisreign as Angelic Pastor. The openbookofmapsrefers to theentire world that willreceive themessage ofChrist andbe united inonefold under
102 103
Di Teodoro, 64-67. Pastor, 7:361-66; Wicks, 523-29.
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oneshepherd, thefulfillment ofjoachimite The twofigures to prophecies.'O' theleft as thehumanist ofSauliareidentified Giovanni MariaCattaneo of Novara theelection ofSauli (d. ca. 153 1),whose (1514) urged poemGenua onhimtodefeat the as popeandcalled Turks andtobring theGolden about thehumanist and historian Age;and PaoloGiovioofComo (1483-1552), later of Nocera dei whose indiraised index O 528-5 1), bishop Pagani finger cateshe is debating withCattaneoaboutwhether Sauli'selection, also will be of divine occur and a The byastrologers, predicted part plan.105 attendant to Sauli'sright is identified as hisyounger theapostolic brother, ofleading and friend humanists and reform Stefano, protonotary figures, whowaspersonally reform commismuch devoted to church andprobably to testify to hisbelief hisolderbrother sionedthepainting that was the 106 Pastor. on that the prominently Jungic' speculates fly sitting Sauli's Angelic a symbol ofdeath tothe considered anddecay, wasadded later rochet, paintto indicate Sauli without fulfilled the that had died prophecies.107 ing having inform notes andcontent between Sebastiano's portrait parallels Jungi6 thepresofLeo.Shefinds ofSauliandRaphael's particularly telling painting theBibleisopento enceofa bellandbookinboth Shenotes that paintings. whoin thejoachimite scheme thethird theGospelofSt.John, represents of The the the of the life. bell and HolySpirit symcontemplative age, stage ofChrist, inthenewage.Leo gazes off to bolizes thecoming whowillusher ofthenewageandofhisownappointtheleft as iflooking for thearrival the final He ment as the Pastor whowill leadtheChurch into epoch. Angelic hisrival Saulias thefulfillment ofpopular andasthus expectations replaces 118 serts hisownleadership. a time ofinThe reign ofLeo X wasindeed ispersuasive. theory jungi6's X a time to Leo for seems tense andwidespread anticipation."' apocalyptic In Pastor. Florence thenotion that he might be theAngelic haveharbored a a disciple da Meleto, ofSavonarola, and Francesco Girolamo Benivieni, Leo the to who X, works, prophetic conquering layman published assigned a whowrote a rolein theendtimes. de' Nobili, lionofJudah, Guglielmo the whowilldefeat ofLeo X, sawhimas "the goodpastor" poemin praise
105
1992b, 350-53. 114jungid, Ibid., 347, 354-55.

106 107
Ibid., 360-61. thatSauli was not as holyas Ibid., 368. The flyon thewhiterobesmayalso suggest exterior was that beneath the corruption. spotless portrayed, Ibid., 368-70. '09See,forexample,Niccoli, 1990, 54-88; ibid.,1992, 207-13, 219-22; Minnich, 1992, 63-87.
108
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in FloTurksand unitetheworldunderone God. A Carmelitepreaching identified Leo X as theAngelicPastor. rencein 1514 explicitly As Donald has observed havefailed Weinstein aboutLeo X, "He could hardly to see the in for to be his both Rome and Florence, position by apadvantages gained the of the millenarians his enthusiasm to cause."110 propriating Leo tooka number ofstepsthatcould be seenas attempting to fulfill the to theAngelicPastor. His reform roleassigned decrees issuedat theLateran as his renewal of Jerusalem,the Roman Council could be interpreted in officeof the patriarchs of the Ethiopian Church."' His confirmation was evidenceof hiswishto unitethe (1 5 14) and Maronite(1 5 15) churches Easternand Westernchurches."' In 1513 he sentapostoliclegatesto the of Christendom, and CardinalTamas Bak6czto theHuskingsand princes sitesto urgepeace. In 1517 he imposed a crusadetithe,and in 1518 sent to solicittheir in a to therulers ofChristendom cardinal cooperation legates 13 I of theTurks.' He entertained theidea oflionizing Francis crusadeagainst who would collaborate Franceas thegreat with king,or new Charlemagne, thepope in carrying out God's will."' or onlypartially Leftunaccomplished achievedby Leo X at thetimeof to be made bytheAngelicPasthepainting werethree setsof appointments tor:of two Easternchurchmen as cardinals, of two greatpatriarchs of the The and of seven most as assistants. Greek West, worthy prelates papal prelatesAlexiosCeladenus and Marcos Musurusand the Bosnian prelate Juraj in failing wereall disappointed to be created cardinals Dragisvix byLeo X.115 The Renaissance more than resisted honorific popes creating patriarchs, preinstead to appointlegates a latere theside"ofthepope; thatis, ("from ferring withfullpapal power),whosecommission would expire.Only in 1524 was
... ... Weinstein, 350-53; Polizzotto, 248; jungid, 1992b, 370.
Tanner,1:608-09, 614-25. The EthiopianAbuna Marquos was confirmed probablyin May of 1514 - see the briefof Leo X to King Manuel of Portugalin Silva,248-50. The MaronitePatriarch Siman ibn Dawud ibn Hassan al-Hadati was confirmedon 18 July1515 - see Hergenroether, orators at the LateranCouncil in 1516 1887, 832-39 - and paid his obeisancethrough Mansi, vol. 32: cols. 942-44.
112 113 For thelistof tasksto be accomplishedby theAngelicPastor, see Morisi Guerra,36. and sendingin 1518 of legates(CarTanner,1:606-08, 650-55. On Leo X's crusadeefforts dinalsEgidio Antoninito Spain,BernardoDovizi to France,LorenzoCampeggioto England, Tommaso de Vio to theEmpire,and Friar Nicholas von Schbnberg to Poland and Hungary), see Pastor, 7:213-54. "'In Raphael's frescoThe Coronation in the Stanza dell' Incendio, the of Charlemagne features of Charlemagneare thoseof FrancisI - see Redig de Campos, 76. 115
Minnich, 1988a, 56.
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116 Ofthe oftheIndies created. thenewpatriarchate West is,the (that Indies) were Leo as assistants distin1517, many by twenty prelates appointed papal twelve whom were Medici and Giulio de' and (among Luigide' guished 1 " to the were cardinalate. Rossi) promoted her that thegesture couldhave bynoting strengthened argument jungic' in thepainting ofLeo X's finger wasa reference to thelastandmissing section ofSt.Luke's which in would be revealed the fullness of time and Gospel, in wasrecently Amadeo's Nova. She to however, infails, supplied Apocalysis her into interpretation thepresence ofthetwocardinal cousins and tegrate elements ofthepainting, thedark both addedintherevision andthe room, reflection ofthecross-marked on the detail. Leo X's light palla,an unrevised with Pastor flirtation theideaofhimself as theAngelic seems to havebeen ofestablished for suchideas were seenas potentially authorbrief, disruptive 1 " Did the theinfluence ofprophecy andhave tobe under ity. painting begin thedangers ofitsprophetic altered onceLeo X recognized message? The addition to thepainting's ofLeo X's twocardinal composition menwhowere with hismost intimate advisers andwhohadlived cousins, himsince what his raises the is the nature childhood, sharing fate, question: ofthe Somescholars a papalaudience. Thepascene depicted? being suggest an ceremonial laid down no how such audience pal prescriptions concerning show a variety offormats. wasto be conducted."' Contemporary paintings his De to Nicholas WhenGiovanni Tortelli V, the presented orthographia a a in tiara is seated on throne is shown and pope, theminiature, wearing "OIn the No other aredepicted. with ofhonor andcanopy. redcloth figures hisIn ofGeorge ofTrebizond (1396-ca.1473) presenting representation V the s. commentarius to Nicholas Matthei (1447-55), pope is evangelium a with a the on throne red cloth but without a seated covered wearing tiara, arestanding behind ofhonor or canopy, andcardinals and courtiers cloth
of the "'Van Gulik and Eubel, 213 (Antoniode Rojas appointedin 1524 as patriarch Indies), 5, nr. 19, nn. 4-5 (RaymundPeraudiappointedin 1500, and lastinguntil 1505, as legateto Germany),6, nr.25, n. 6 (Georgesd'Amboiseappointedin 1502 and reconfirmed a latere in France),7, nr.34, n. I (Tamas Bak'oczappointedin 1513 in 1503 forlifeas legatus a latere to Bohemia, Hunin 1518 on an annual basis thereafter as legatus and reconfirmed and Poland), 14, nr.5, n. 5 (Thomas Wolseyappointedin 1518 as legatein England), gary, natusin Poland). In 15 10 Em204, Gneznen., n. 3 Uan Laski appointedin 1513 as legatus of a legatusperpetuus, or patriarch the establishment considered perorMaximilianI seriously involved- see Herforthe Empire,but JakobWimphelingwarnedhim of the difficulties 1887, 448-50. genroether,
117
118
Minnich, 1988b, 217, n. I 1.
353. Weinstein, `Guazzoni, 120. 12OGrafton, 22, pl. 18.
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of Cristoforo Personapresenting and to thepope's left."' In the miniature In Athanasii from the Greekof Theophylact's his translation super epistolas to SixtusIV (1471-84), the pope, wearinga white Pauli interpretationem is seatedat a smalltablewitha green and redcamauro, redmozzetta, rochet, and holds a book in his hands. Behindand above him are a clothcovering and canopy,and variouspersonswatchingfromthe of honor cloth green of SixtusIV namingBartoside."' In Melozzo da Forl'i's (1438-94) fresco lomeo Sacchi - also known as Platina (1421-8 1) - as custodianof the VaticanLibrary seatedon a throne (ca. 1477), thepope is similarly garbed, withno tableand no clothof honoror canopy, whilecourtfigures standto In the miniature ofAlexiosCeladenus (1450-1517) presenting a his right. 11- probably Greeklectionary toJulius between 10 and 1512 15 painted withlargecarthebeardedpope wearsa tiaraand is flanked bytwocardinals 123 IX (ca. 1148-1241) receiving, ofGregory in dinalhats. In Raphael'sfresco of Raymondda Pe-naforte 1234, theDecretals (ca. 1175-1275) in theStanza ofJulius della Segnatura (1 508-11), thepope (withthefeatures 11)is seated on a raisedthrone but withoutclothof honoror canopy, wearsa tiaraand (withthe pluviale (ornatecope), and is flankedby two cardinalassistants facesof Giovannide' Medici and Alessandro attenFarnese)and numerous 124 Wlile SixtusIV was depictedin the Personaminiature dants. holdinga book (perhapsa reference to his beingtheauthorof theological worksand of the patron of the Vatican Library),the presencein Raphael's portrait clothof opened Bible on Leo X's tableand theabsenceof thetiara, pluviale, thatthescene is not a public audience." The honor,and canopysuggests evenfora private audience,and suggests opened Bible seemsinappropriate insteada religious scene. At publicliturgical thepope worean alb,stole, and ceremonies, pluviale, either a mitre or redbiretta. He was assisted by thetwo seniorcardinaldea121 cardinalpriests or cardinalbishopscould substitute. Such cons,although in are not worn The scene seems to papal garments Raphael'spainting. representsome privateoccasion. The presence of the Bible and assisting cardinals is suggestive ofa private recitation of thedivineoffice. The bell on thepope'sdeskcan be seenas symbolizing a call to prayer. The Biblefrom the
121 122 121
Ibid., 68, pl. 60.
Guazzoni, 120-21; Grafton, iv,67, pl. 59. Minnich, 1988a, fig.2, betweenpages 54 and 55. 124 Di Teodoro, 3 1, fig.I I 125
At public ceremoniesreceiving rulersor ambassadors,the pope wore a pluvialeand - see PatriziPiccolomini,fol. 58v. mitre
126
Ibid., fol. 53r, 128r-v,135r.
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ofRaphael's hedidnottransform it remained; composition original painting a breviary. into He may itas necessary inorder a nothave tosuggest deemed of the office. The not contain the recitation divine did Gosprivate breviary their orfirst butonly words."'One hadtouseanother pelreadings incipits, orliber bookorlectionary lectionum (liber [bookofreadings] evangeliorum an evangelica for that ofGospels]) lectio [book (Gospel reading) hadthefull at thetime text."'A large Roman was breviary commonly quarto printed 129 In for the viewer. a Bible casual anditora lectionary couldbemistaken by tobegin a private recitation ofthe Leo X couldthus seem about thepainting in theprayer. The moment hiscardinal cousins divine with office, joining thebeginning toannounce wouldbejustafter thebellhasrung represented in thecustomGiuliowouldbe engaged Leo X andCardinal oftheprayer. looks ofthedivine while before thestart office, Luigi prayer ary, preliminary theobserver tojoinin. outto invite himself for Leo X towant to represent Itwouldnotbe outofcharacter act of nor it have an a dutiful would been as a manofpiety, pretense. priest; to mantotally dedicated ofLeo X as a worldly tothe common view Contrary took his man who Leo X wasa genuinely andpolitics, priestly pious pleasure even himself as a religious, topresent andwished office reforming, seriously in the he participated ofhispontificate Atthebeginning diligently figure. his in and Week services feet the the Holy telling personally washing liturgy, vesthe didnotwant towearthesilkandvelvet that master ofceremonies aboveall to reform thathe wished ofhispredecessors, ments "asserting 130 others." reform hecouldalsothe better so that within andwithout himself the in 1515 that thepope had spent ambassador The Florentine reported
see Breviarium fols. 16v-17r: "'For contemporary Romanum, examplesof the incipits, "(Secundum Johannem.)In principioeratverbumet verbumeratapud Deum et Deus erat fol.28r: "InitiumSancti Evangeliisecunverbum.Et reliqua.";and Breviarium Aberdonense, dum johannem, caput 1. In principioeratverbumet verbumeratapud Deum et Deus erat verbum.Hoc eratin principioapud Deum. Omnia per ipsum factasuntet sine ipso factum est nichil.Et caetera." PatriziPiccolomini,fol.76v, 78r, 106v. 121of the fifty-nine surveyed by Hanns Bohatta thatbear an printedRoman breviaries thirteen he indicated, date or a date between1501 and 1518 and whose format indeterminate in 8', elevenin 12', fourin 16', and one in 240- see Bohatta,1-8. The exwerein 4', thirty but amplesin van Buren,(herefigs.1, 2, 5, 1 1, and 17) appear to be in thesmallerformats, The Hamilton than the Roman breviary. theseseem to be devotionalbooks of hoursrather Bible measures 37.5 by 26.5 cm. - see Boese, 45. That thenatureof Leo's book is unclearis too evidentin Crowe and Cavalcaselle,2:409, wheretheydescribethe book as "a breviary more livelythan the life,"and in Allegri,189, who claims thatit is "un withilluminations preziosomessale"(a preciousmissal). reforvellese imprimis 13ODe Grassi,Diarium, BAV,Vat. Lat. 12275, fol.36r: "asserens mareintuset extraut sic etiammeliuspossitreliquosreformare."
128
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The Venetian and Massesand offices."131 wholeofHolyWeek"in confession their Pastorsummarized on his piety. also commented ambassadors reports 132 in his exact was that the pope reciting dailyoffice." "rigidly byconcluding all the Paolo Giovio claimedthatLeo X "celebrated alwaysand performed in sucha waythatone could withsingular oftheceremonies offices majesty, never one of the that there was previous popeswho morehonorably truly say the Mass] than did Pope the sacrifice offered or with greater [of respect thathe had The GreatReform Leo."133 arbitrio, Bull, Supernae dispositionis on Fifth Lateran Council ninth session of the at the issued 5 May 1514, and theceland constant at thedivineoffice to be "vigilant urgedcardinals ebrationof Masses" and mandatedthatanyonewho held a beneficewas from or else suffer theloss of therevenues obligedto praythedivineoffice in neglecting the divineoffice he was to be the benefice. Should he persist thattheben"sinceit was forthesake of theoffice of thebenefice deprived for to God an explanation efice was given... and he willbe obligedto offer
the said ornission."134 Lest humanistically educated clerics offer its poor Latin style as an excuse for not reading the divine office, Leo X asked Zaca noted poet, theologian, canonist, and one of his caria Ferreri (1479-1524),
domestic prelates, to revise the breviary (so as to remove any false meters and barbaric Latinity) and to rewrite it in good classical fashion. Zaccaria began work on the hymns and had almost completed his revisions by the time of Leo's death. He claimed in his dedicatory letter that "Pontiff Leo carefully read and approved each of the hymns as they were daily being produced by to theDominis OctovirisPracticae, "'Francesco Vettori Rome, 6 April1515, ASF, Otto di Practica, nr. 12, fol.21r: "in confessione et messeet officii." Responsive, Carteggi,
132 Pastor,8:59, 79, n., cites an entryfor 15 August 1517 in the diary of de Grassi: CC in qua papa quotidieparvammissamaudit quaeque dicata estS. Laucapella parvasuperior, rentioet Stephano" (the small upper chapel in which the pope daily hearsa low Mass and whichis dedicatedto SaintsLawrenceand Steven). 133 delle ceremonie con singolar Giovio, fol. 148v: "celebr'o sempre et fecetuttigli uffici di modo, che col verosi diceva,che non fumai alcuno de' passatiPontefici, maesta': ilquale ne di quello, che facevaPapa Leone." Credenceshould be con maggiorriputatione sacrificasse, sources, givento Giovio'saccount,not onlybecause itagreeswithevidencefrom independent the truth and he made unflattering but because Giovio is knownfortelling comments about - see Zimmermann, Leo elsewhere 23, 29.
Tanner,1:617*, 623*. Leo X's personalrole in havingthismeasureincluded in the conciliarbull may be suspectedsince the memorialof StefanoTaleazzi (ca. 1445-1515), the Venetianelderlypapal court prelateand titulararchbishopof Patras,which seems to have been the basis formuch of the bull did not includeany explicit recommendations regarding - see Minnich, 1995-96, 563-70; SaintAntoninoPierozziheld therecitation of thebreviary - see Pierozzi, thatitwas a mortal sin to neglect thedivineoffice out ofnegligence vol. 3: col. et divinisofficiis, IV: De horiiscanonicis[Pt. 3, 58 1B (ParsIII, TitulusXIII: De clericis caput title13: On clericsand the divineoffice, chap. 4: On the canonical hours]).
134
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me.))135 Perhapsbecause Leo X did not alwaysfollowthrough withhis reformproposals and acted, on occasion, as a typicalRenaissance pope, thereligious withpoliticaland financial dimensions preoccupied questions, of his character are often overlooked byscholars. in Raphael'srevised To a significant thesceneportrayed degree, painting conforms to contemporary how thedivineoffice was to be rulesregulating 13' to Romanpractice, a secular cleric was obligedto sayor prayed. According in a church, in at leastheartheoffice the one whichhe was benpreferably unlesslegitimately eficed, impeded,in whichcase he could sayit anywhere in in his devoas a room such wherehe would not be disturbed appropriate, tions.13' He was to face the East; in Rome, wherethe entrancedoor of a ofthe was on theeastern thismeantfacing therear church sideofthechurch, a churchor a largeroom church.The scene in Raphael'spaintingis either in their wherethethree clerics willnotbe disturbed devotions. Becausethere thedirection ofthewindowor timeofday,itis imis no wayofdetermining thepope is facing. thedirection possibleto ascertain him and his cousinsare That onlyLeo X has thescriptural textbefore their texts without could indicatethathe is theone to readaloud theoffice whilethey listen. Canonistshad differing viewson theneed to saytheoffice fromhis post as aloud. Guido Baysio (d. 1313, knownas "Archdiaconus" of Bologna) held thatthelips mustmovewhilereading theofarchdeacon in a sincethe Trotti sufficed, fice;Alberto argued 1480 that mentalreading SaintAntoninoPierozzi,O.P. heartwas raisedonlyto God whilepraying. it (1389-1459), held thatwhen a groupof clerics join in sayingtheoffice, 138 shouldlisten thatonlyone personspeakand theothers suffices attentively. theCouncil ofBaseloroftheoffice, To prevent excessive speedin recitation
to ClementVII, Rome,26 November1523, in Ferreri, ofFerreri Letter sig. Biir:"SinPontifex ac probauit."-, a Leo me quotidie prodibant,perlegit gulos quidem hymnos,prout the letterof Marinus Becichemus Scodrensis (Patavinae Academie Rhetor) to the Reader the old hymnsas "utisunt omnes feremendosi,inepti, dated 29 November 1523 criticized mensucompositi,ut ad risumernullo syllabarum barbarie referti, nullaque pedum ratione, inducant?"(as ecclesiastici ritusvel litteratos sacerdotes et ad contemptum uditosconcitent, in a false, way,and composedwithno sysinept,and barbarous theyare almostall delivered so thattheycause the learnedto laugh or induce tem of meterand no measureof syllables, with to have skills Bdumer, rites)- sigs.Aivv-Bir; literary contemptof ecclesiastical priests see Ferrajoli, 386. On Ferreri, 538, 543-44, and Stbve,8 10-1 1. Pierozzi,vol. 3: cols. 578D, 57913;Durandus, fol.222r (LiberV, Caput II: Quid sit theoffice et partibus[bk. 5, chap. 2: What maybe considered et de eius institutione officium 2 1v; Salmon, 18. and parts]);Trotti, and on itsarrangement 137 in Shearman,1992, A Monsignore See Antonio da Carreggio's ReadingHis Breviary, and skyas background, outdoorswithtrees 132, fig.102, in whichpaintingthereader, gazes hand. at a smallbook held in his right
138 136 115
23r. Pierozzi,vol. 3: cols. 581D, 583C-84A; Trotti,
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139 the divineoffice, the clerics wereto prayedtheoffice. Beforebeginning theOur Father, Hail Mary,and Creed. The Council of pause to saysilently to beginthedivineoffice withthesound of a Basel also admonishedclerics bell and "to disposeand prepare the as themselves, [Ecclesiasticus scripture 18:231 says,'Beforeprayer yoursoul, and do not be like someone prepare who tempts in God.""'O This maybe thesceneRaphaelwishedto represent his revised portrait. theroomin darkness Why Raphaelchoseto represent maybe suggested the Bible on the the featured which is ofthe terminus table, by prominently of thelight-bathed sleevesand hands of Leo majorvisuallinesconstructed ofSt.John's and Luigi.As notedabove,theprologue Gospel,whoseopening visiblein thepainting, wordsareclearly contains theverse(John1:6) about the missionofJohnthe Baptist,forwhom thepope was probably named. The previous verses and nextthree describe role as tes(5, 7-9) John's giving to the Light(the incarnate Word) thatis cominginto theworld,a timony in that the shines darkness and is not overcomeby it. The themesof light witness and lightareechoedin thecanticle of theBaptist's father Zechariah, foundin St. Luke's Gospel (1:76-79) and knownas theBenedictus, thatis recited the of the In divine office. lauds, traditionally during morning prayer thiscanticle as "prophet of theMost High; foryou willgo Johnis described beforethe Lord to preparehis ways,to giveknowledgeof salvationto his oftheir thetender ofour God, sins,through mercy peoplein theforgiveness whenthedayshalldawn upon us from on highto givelightto thosewho sit in darkness and in the shadow of death,to guide our feetinto theway of peace." Raphaelchoseto place Leo and hiscousinsin a darkroomwithpiers, and arches in paganRome and Athens reminiscent ofthebuildings cornices, and in Jewish the same he used in his architectural features Jerusalem Stanzefrescoes. The lightsourcecomes from on high,from an upperwindow whose cross-markedcurtain or guelph mullion is visible in the reflection on theburnished palla, as ifthelightof Christis reflected by the Medici pope, who,likehis namesake, witness to the X Leo is the gives light. new Johnthe Baptist. as the old closed the of Just John joachimiteage the Fatherand announcedthe comingof the age of the Son, so the new John in theage oftheSpirit. ushers Leo looksoutsidetheframe ofthepainting for
"'Tanner 1:489; Salmon, 141, n. 82; Trotti, 22r. 14OTanner, 1:489, 491; Castellano, 354v, 376v (AlbertusCastellanusVenetus,Ordinis Praedicatorum auctor).
in 1435 thattheoffice "nothurriedly, dered be celebrated but reverently, of and with and Breslau reasonable the Council degravely slowly pauses"; him while he in 1446that eachpriest have atleast oneother cleric with creed
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the arrival inwonderment ofthe while hiscousin islost andhis Giulio Spirit, other if if cousin looks out to the viewer as this can be true. Luigi asking theoriginal ofthepainting Whenthedecision wasmadetoalter design so that Leo X wasno longer alonebutnowaccompanied bytwocardinal in to with needed them a consistent therelicousins, way Raphael portray He to the to scene chose cardinals theleft already represented. place gious and right ofthepope,creating a scenereminiscent oftheceremony at the whenthepope,flanked nocturn oftheChristmas ormatins, third by vigil in thedark, in Rome, twocardinals Basilica ofSt. Peter's candlelit chanted the ofSt.John's theendofAdvent andannouncGospel, prologue signaling the as didJohn arrival ofChrist."' Notonly theBaptist, do the cardinals ing, in the the to be the recitation of divine office, appear private joining pope also to be X seem to the of Leo as the new a they Baptist, prospect reacting roleadditionally biblical the text popeis reading. Butboth bythe suggested cardinals were alsothepope's cousins. theBaptist wastheprecursor of John The either hiscousin the Christ. revised that Giulio Jesus program suggests willsucceed ofChrist andAngelic a orLuigi orboth Leo as thevicar Pastor, Leo X gaveup theideaof remarkable ecclesiastical truly dynasty. Perhaps intothepainting Pastor inserted himself as theAngelic andhadhiscousins as possible candidates.
LATER USES OF THE PAINTING
The first ofthepainting wasat thecelebrations recorded appearance public themarriage ofLorenzo de' Mediciand Madeleine de la Tour honoring in in of held at the Medici Florence Palazzo early September d'Auvergne tablenearto where the wasplacedabovethebanquet 1518.The painting in effigy ofhernewin-laws bride sat.It madethemost present prestigious mother to have and was reported bythegroom's "brightened everything "112 ora wedding somedynastic theme suggests up. Thisuseofthepainting gift. Unin Florence thewedding ceremonies. after The painting remained IV which were and liketheprevious of 11, Julius papalportraits Eugenius Leo'swashungin thePalazzo ofRomanchurches, hungin thesacristies andfamilial ita tooprivate theMediciconsidered Medici. portrait Perhaps in thefamily thepainting in public. The decision to retain to be displayed Lorenzo a jointdecision madebythepope,hisnephew wasprobably palace inthe Medici. She lived Alfonsina Orsini de' de'Medici, andhissister-in-law relocated while Lorenzo and after thewedding, hersonbefore palacewith
14 142
fols.16v-17r;Patrizi 125. 'Breviarium Piccolomini,fols.77v-78r;Batiffol, Romanum, Reiss, 137: "veramente ogni cosa." rallegrava
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his ofairwould a change a Caianointhe toPoggio improve hopethat briefly diedsoonafter On 29 April health. 1519 Lorenzo's Madeleine, wife, giving ofLorenzo on 4 May, thedeath Caterina. birth to their Following daughter ofthePalazzo Medici andCarthefree administration hismother wasgiven in of Medici affairs dinal Giulio becamethedefacto political manager in Florence. Mfonsina diedon 7 February remained Florence. The painting returned Giulio didnothavethepainting Leo X andCardinal 1520.143 Why to be init as of Lorenzo's saw to Romeis unclear. estate, Perhaps they part to the Medici or as a addition his herited Caterina, by daughter significant in thefamily Giuliode' Medici was tobe retained patrimony, palace. family theadministration andsupervised ofhiscousin Caterina appointed guardian In thewedding for herin 1531, contract he negotiated ofherpossessions. 144 inTuscany. VII excluded from herpossessions thedowry Clement was greatly admired When bycontemporaries. Raphael'spainting 11 of marchese since Mantua 1519, (1500-40), passed Federigo Gonzaga on hisway toseethepopein 1524,hewasshown Florence this porthrough 145 which in He wasso was above a door the Medici trait, palace. hanging helater from thepopethrough hisagent that itas a gift impressed requested in Rome, writer thesatirical Italian Pietro Aretino (1492-1556). According to Giorgio Clement VII ordered thesurprised Ottaviano de' Medici, Vasari, in Florence, whowatched over thepope's affairs tohavea copy ofRaphael's to the to the in made and send marchese Mantua. Instead, painting original in had del Sarto a it sent Ottaviano Andrea make was secretly copy; August So skillful of 1525 to Mantua.146 wasAndrea's later wasthe copythat only revealed whoas Andrea's byVasari, deception pupilin 1524sawhimpaint it.141 Clement VII mayhavewished to keeptheoriginal in Florence but therequest couldnotdeny ofthemarchese, whowould be animportant ally ofthepopein thestruggle I for between Charles V and Francis control of as he had commissioned Just Italy. Raphaelin 1516 to paintthe Transin for his church cathedral butlater itinRome Narbonne, figuration kept
113 144
Ibid., 138.
of Leo X was originally Heritier,16-17, 30-3 1. Rohlmann holds that the portrait commissioned as partofa dynastic series to be installed in theMedici palace in Florenceabove a doorway, and unclehad been similarly just as theindividualbustsofhis father placed there. But Beck, 132, notesthattheportraits of the Medici wereplaced in quite different locations withinthe palace, and thisplacementdoes not suggest a dynastic series. Vasari,1878-82, 5:41, and 1979, 1031. Allegri,190. AllegrispeculatesthatOttaviano decided to send the copy because he was thusinterpreting Clement'struewishes- ibid., 193.
146 147 145
442. Vasari,1878-82, 5:42, and 1979, 1032; Nesselrath,
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it in 1523 above the major altarof the churchof San Pietroin installing - so now he probably Montorioand sendinga copy to France'48 ordered Ottavianoin secretto have a copy of the Leo X made and sentto Mantua in thefamily whiletheoriginal was to be retained palace. As a clientof the on ClementVII, so Medici,Vasaricould notputtheblameforthedeception it to his agentOttaviano. he shifted IfClement to thepainting, thequestionreVII had a specialattachment in hisquarters mainswhyhe did nothaveit brought to Rome to be installed in theVatican, if it and hisimwere a familial and private especially painting of the mediatefamily had all died. Perhapshe foundit a painfulreminder he disliked how he was repmembers. incredible lossofclosefamily Perhaps ofsympathy The also exists that he was out resented byRaphael. possibility theme.This would not be likelyif the themewerethe withthe painting's thathe also workedso hardto preserve, nor ifthepainting Medici dynasty Leo's hopesthathe or Luigiwould someday succeedhim. But if represented the themewere the coming of a new age predictedbyJoachimof Flora, he maynothavebeen BeatoAmadeo,and a hostofother writers, apocalyptic With theadventofMartinLuther and his discito itsmessage. sympathetic in Protestant so that the climate had men, many especially ples, changed Anas the lands,wereno longerinclinedto see thecurrent predicted pope who of as the Antichrist Lutheran but rather propaganda, gelic Pastor, 141 office and whom God would punish. shouldbe deposedfrom devotionto of thepainting was an impliedstrong If one of thethemes but a X as central to his Leo saw the breviary, identity priestly something Clement that theme made viewpointthatClementdid not share,perhaps reluctant to bring the painting to Rome. As archbishop of Florence ofLateran hisprothedecrees V, through O 513-23/24)whenimplementing omitted the provisions of vincial council's legislation he surprisingly 50 As pope he quietly the breviary.' arbitrio Supernae dispositionis regarding of21 November1524 - which cordis nostri hisbullMeditatio droppedfrom Bull of LateranV - thesame the GreatReform he claimedimplemented 51 As somewho to those failed that provisions punished praythebreviary.' one humanistically trained, perhapshe dislikedthe medievalLatin prose In a letter of 30 November1523 he deRoman of the old breviary. style
1992a, 338, 341-43; Vaughan,294; Oberhuber,1982, 177, 181. 14'jungi6, 149 Chastel,34, 67-90. 56, 244, lines 22-27, and "'Mansi, vol. 35: cols. 232D-34B, 236B, 238B-D; Trexler, in thedecreesof of the divine office the recitation 266, lines 17-18, citeslegislation regarding 1310 and 1327, but not in thoseof 1517. 151 ClementVII, Meditatiocordis nostri, sigs.Aiw-Bir (BAV,Racc. 1, IV, 1680, int. 14).
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from hisyouth scribed howhehadenjoyed and studying "gooddisciplines"
152 had remained deeplydevotedto themeven after becomingpope. He alto use the new hymnscomposed in lowed anyone prayingthe breviary theeffort ClementVII supported to reform the classicalstyle by Ferreri.153 it be and from all erso that would "brief, convenient, breviary purged In 1529 he commissionedCardinal Franciscode los Angelesde rors.))154 "so to arrange thecanonical O.F.M., to composea new breviary, Qui-nones, and difficult detailswereremoved, clerics hours"that"once theprolixities Workon this convenience to pray."155 would be enticedalso by thegreater was not finished until1535 and was thusapproved byhissuccessor, breviary 156 thatimplieda specialdevotionto thebreviary and an Paul 111. A painting even the loss of one's of penalty, obligationto reciteit daily underthreat
fuerit annis nobis sempercordivehementer bonarum "'Ferreri,sig. Aiir:"Etsi a teneris et in eis se cum optimo virtutum odore sacraepraecipuedoctrinaeexercitia, disciplinarum, et specialisamorisgratia id animo omnistudiofovere, tamen nostro versantes complecti, longe divina faventeclaementia [sic] vehementiusinhaesitpostquam ad summumpontificatum intercedente quo scilicetuna cum Christiecclesiaspiritualis desponsationis asumptifuimus, vincolo omnium Christianorumcuram suscepimus" (Althoughfromchildhood we have thefostering and theembracing, withthegraceof a speciallove,of theexcherished strongly ofgood disciplines[and especially ofsacreddoctrine]and of thosepeople who involve ercises in thoseexercises of thevirtues, withthe fragrance thatfostering and embracing themselves after we werechosen,through nevertheless remainedfixedin our mind all the morestrongly withthe the favorof divineclemency, forthehighest bywhich,thatis, together pontificate, we undertookthe care of all churchof Christ,the bond of spiritualmarriageintervening, Christians). 113 Ibid., sig. Aiiv: "ut quilibetetiamsacerdoseosdem hymnosetiamin divinislegereet eis utipossit"(so thatanyone,evena priest, thesame hymns evenin divineservices mayrecite and use them). 114 Ibid., sig. Air: "Brevariumecclesiasticumab eodem Zach[aria] Pont[ifice]longe brevius et facilius et ab omni errore redditum, purgatum propediemexibit"(The ecclesiastical rendered much shorter and moreconvenient and purgedof every error breviary, by thesame will 18 1. Zacharias, Batiffol, now). bishop appear anyday 1 55 Batiffol, 182; and Legg, xx: "Quibus rebus animaduersis, felicis recordationis Clemens VIII. Pontifex Maximus cum intelligeret officijsui esse, cum aliorum Christianorum commoditatibusprospicere, tum in primisclericorum, in vteretur quibus ministris commissosibi gregeadministrando: me hortatus est,negociumquededi, vt quantum cura et nitipossem,preceshorarias ea ratione vtsublatis, diligentia disponerem, quas dixi,difficultatibus et dispendijs,clericimajoribusetiam commodis ad precandumallicerentur" (Which thesupremepontiff ClementVII of happymemory, since he havingbeen considered, things understoodit to belong to his office both to look out forthe benefit of otherChristians and ofclerics, whose ministries he was usingin theadministration oftheflockentrusted especially to him,exhorted me and I saw to it thatin so faras I could rely on careand diligence, I would thehourly so that,as I said, alongwiththedifficulties and lossesof timehavprayers, arrange eventheclergy conveniences). ingbeen removed, bythegreater mightbe won overto praying 156 183. Batiffol,
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have been Clement didnotwant tobeconstantly rechurch, may something in theenvironment minded that led to theSackofRomein of,especially 1527. in 1585,when ofMedici ThatLudovico a series state Buti, porpainting his copyof theRaphaelpainting from thefigures of eliminated traits, GiulioandLuigi cardinals andtheBible(substituting a musical score for the that sawRaphael's notas a state Bible),suggests contemporaries painting ofprelates in an activity butas a representation portrait engaged centering on a biblical a light from onhigh, andanapproaching unseen Its text, figure. if content still in not was the time probably recognized prophetic, religious, ofButi, a content that hasbeenforgotten until recently.
THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA
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Biblio,Zraphy
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Raphael's Portrait "Leo X with Cardinals Giulio de' Medici and Luigi de' Rossi": A Religious Interpretation Author(s):

read the sentence against Petrucci, and the car-

als prisondernoffensichtlich 9Nesselrath, 441-42 ("nichtals offizielles Staatsportrdt, vatesFamilienbild").

Davidson, I 0- I 1. 442. Ibid., 12-13; Guazzoni, 119; Di Teodoro,64; Nesselrath,

jungi6, 1992b, 353, 363, 365, 368-70.

tributing to the reconstruction proved by Leo X."

and the cleaniniz of the Painting.

1511-12. Uffizi, Florence.

part of the ducal

7:81. 1884-91, 1:281, (nr.4598, 20 September1513); Pastor, Hergenroether,

207-08. Schwager, and Partridge Starn,95-98.

Di Teodoro, 64-67. Pastor, 7:361-66; Wicks, 523-29.

1992b, 350-53. 114jungid, Ibid., 347, 354-55.

Minnich, 1988a, 56.

Minnich, 1988b, 217, n. I 1.

353. Weinstein, `Guazzoni, 120. 12OGrafton, 22, pl. 18.

Ibid., 68, pl. 60.

Ibid., fol. 53r, 128r-v,135r.

23r. Pierozzi,vol. 3: cols. 581D, 583C-84A; Trotti,

442. Vasari,1878-82, 5:42, and 1979, 1032; Nesselrath,

from hisyouth scribed howhehadenjoyed and studying "gooddisciplines"

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