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Environmental security, abrupt

climate change and strategic intelligence

Chad Michael Briggs


February 2009
GlobalEESE

Abstract

This paper assesses the current policy efforts to define and confront environmental security chal-
lenges. National and international organizations (eg ENVSEC, NATO, US DOE, OSCE) have made
renewed attempts in recent years to address environmental links to security, and since 2002 have
been forced to redefine and reassess efforts in light of new data, emerging

political pressures, and accelerating environmental conditions. While ‘classically’ defined environ-
mental security problems remain yet unresolved, institutions are attempting to adapt to new expec-
tations and responsibilities, including a broadening of geographical responsibility into

regions such as the Arctic, where previously no involvement was thought necessary. This research
focuses on the opportunities of such efforts, the likely challenges they faces in the future, and rec-
ommendations for how to link environmental security research to intelligence needs and strategic
policies. The case of abrupt climate change risks as a security issue in the Arctic will highlight
these concerns.

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Introduction
The past two decades have witnessed increasing require action far in advance of emerging threats.
concern over new security threats and risks, from Security policies must be based upon strategic fore-
environmental issues to terrorism and economic in- sight, of knowing where vulnerable systems and re-
stability. The traditional definitions of national or gions exist before catastrophic changes occur in the
international security, based upon narrowly defined environment, and how to mitigate or avoid the worst
and easily measured metrics of violent interstate consequences. This study reviews the need for new
conflict, have proven inadequate for describing the security definitions in regard to environmental secu-
spectrum of risks that the international communi- rity, specifically the role of vulnerability and risk in
ty now face. The shifts in security discourse and anticipating critical environmental changes. In as-
policy since the end of the Cold War have affected sessing the potential role of new, global intelligence
academic, policy and intelligence communities, systems, the potential risks and impacts of abrupt
while increasingly engaging certain scientific com- climate change in the Arctic are examined as illus-
munities that had previously little contact with or trative. In contrast to many past approaches to cli-
interest in issues of international security. Policy mate change as an external force acting upon state
interest in environmental security since 1989 has security, we emphasize that greater integration of
rested upon both a need to define new operational energy, environmental, economic, social and politi-
missions for existing security forces, and growing cal systems are necessary. Rather than attempting
realization that environmental changes may bring to falsify or substantiate causal relationships be-
overwhelming pressures to bear upon critical sys- tween climate change and one measure of insecuri-
tems and vulnerable regions. ty (eg violent conflict), risk assessment techniques
can be employed to help estimate potential areas of
The need to define environmental security and insecurity in terms of plausible risk and severity of
methods for identifying insecurity contain similari- consequences. It is this vulnerability foresight that
ties with previous security concerns, while other may prove of use to policymakers concerned about
attributes of environmental issues necessitate new abrupt climate change and security issues.
tools and approaches. Environmental concerns are
transnational and often non-deliberate, rife with The need for greater foresight and warning involves
uncertainty and requiring new communities of ex- not only development of analytic systems to provide
pertise. In practical terms, however, abrupt and se- relevant data, but we also need more robust un-
vere environmental change is little different from derstanding of critical system-level vulnerabilities,
Cold War conceptions of security as elucidated by and how these vulnerabilities can be understood as
Bernard Brodie. To Brodie, whose experiences with security concerns. Where are the weak spots or key
German V-2 attacks on London during the Sec- factors that connect together two apparently discon-
ond World War led him to conclude that security nected systems? Are there ‘latent’ systems whose
defenses were imperfect, the consequences of al- existence only becomes manifest if current systems
lowing conflict to erupt were unacceptable in the break or are perturbed beyond safe and assumed
nuclear age. The most effective strategy, argued operating limits? How do these systems span across
Brodie, was to deter conflict and ensure that the boundaries of geography, of governance, of jurisdic-
worst consequences did not come to pass. Even if tion, of discipline? What forms of governance and
the probability of a nuclear exchange between the adaptation may need to evolve in order to deal with
US and USSR was low, the potential impacts were these? Not all of these questions can be answered
so severe that strategies needed to be adopted to in such a report, but a good starting point is con-
prepare and prevent that eventuality. sideration of the nature of environmental security,
and its relationship to intelligence and forecasting.
The concern for precaution may have shifted from
Brodie’s age, that in facing the risks and dangers of
abrupt climate change, security policies must deal
with systems rather than individuals, unintended
rather than deliberate actions, and time scales that

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times statistically referred to as ‘fat tails’ or ‘long


tails’. These are the high-impact, low-probability
Strategic environmental events that create enormous disruptions when they
do occur. The impacts and dislocations that such
intelligence events create are disproportionate in large part pre-
cisely because we are not expecting them to occur,
and people underestimate their likelihood because
Intelligence services and operations have existed they have no past experience with such conditions.
for centuries, becoming more professionalized in Yet things that have never happened before happen
the 20th century in response to greater needs for all the time. Whether one refers to the attacks on
technical expertise, and in recognition of severe
consequences of inaction or surprise. The combina-
tion of events during the Second World War (nota-
bly, the 1941 attack on Pearl Harbor), combined Despite the preponder-
with the advent of nuclear weapons largely shaped
current institutions in the United States, while other ance of effort spent on
countries have either relied upon allied intelligence
or had their own institutions shaped in other ways operational and tactical
by the Cold War. Simply put, however, intelligence
analysis has been overwhelmingly concerned with intelligence in govern-
actions of foreign countries and risks of violent (of-
ten military or terrorist) action. Yet viewed from the ment, the knowledge
perspective of intelligence as a general activity of
analysis, the Central Intelligence Agency’s (CIA) that is often most needed
definition can be interpreted more broadly:
are long-term trends and
Reduced to its simplest terms, intelligence is knowl-
edge and foreknowledge of the world around us- the ideas concerning what
prelude to decision and action by US policy makers.
(As quoted in: Warner 2009: 4) the ‘world around us’ will
Despite the preponderance of effort spent on opera- look like in the future.
tional and tactical intelligence in government, the
knowledge that is often most needed are long-term
trends and ideas concerning what the ‘world around
us’ will look like in the future. Environmental condi- September 11, 2001, or the sudden collapse of the
tions are paramount among such concerns, yet have North Atlantic fisheries, events occur that people
been lacking in most analyses. Even when strategic insist should have been anticipated, yet are irrevers-
analyses have included environmental factors, they ible once they take place. Had certain scenarios but
have applied political or economic models that may considered plausible, the anticipatory actions may
be inappropriate for complex, ecological issues, and have reduced related risks, and the non-linear shift
have relied upon identification of what seems ‘most in conditions may not have taken place. Enormous
probable’ from the perspective of widely accepted difficulties lay in identifying potential risks, assess-
information. ing the system complexities and tipping points, and
being able to communicate these threats effectively
The true value of strategic intelligence, however, to policy makers.
is not to provide information on what is generally
considered most probable. Such information is of- To use the terminology from security studies of a
ten already available, and does not provide warning ‘surprise attack’, the three primary ingredients can
capabilities that allow for effective preparation of apply to abrupt climate change impacts if one re-
potentially disastrous events. Rather, what is most moves the deliberate action and existence of an
useful may be identification of black swans, some- aggressor. According to Kam (1988) and reviewed

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by Parker and Stern (2002), the three components fields can seem painfully slow at times. Epidemio-
are: the event is contrary to expectations of future logical rules of evidence and causality, which are
events, that there is a failure of advance warning, very strict in preventing false claims, are often in-
and that the event exposes a lack of preparedness sufficient for providing advance warning of public
for the given situation. Admittedly, removing the health risks. Likewise, climate science, dependent
aggressor and the action make early warning and upon modeling of complex and chaotic systems
advance preparation difficult from a cognitive per- where prediction is extremely uncertain, will as
spective, as past security issues have almost always a field be reluctant to claim causal relationships.
contained primary actors. Environmental condi- When combined with IPCC rules on consensus
tions, by contrast, tend to be unintentional out- among all scientists and brokering by political ac-
comes of collective action, and are therefore per- tors, the evidence presented in the IPCC reports is
haps less visible. Strategic surprises, like emergent often somewhat dated, and only mention the most
environmental problems, have generally occurred probable outcomes and most widely accepted mod-
when ample information is available to respond els. The IPCC is therefore criticized both for the
to the situation, yet the risk was not recognized or inaccuracy of its predictions (it has been consistent
acted upon by policy makers. The obstacles to ef- in under-predicting the rate of climate change),
fective foresight in environmental security consist while at the same time its admission of scientific
of several major factors: organizational ‘stovepipes’ uncertainty is amplified by climate change skeptic
preventing communication, scientific expectations as supposed evidence that the research isn’t ac-
for strong causality and methodological conserva- tually scientific, a gross misunderstanding or por-
tism, and cognitive risk perception biases of past trayal of the process.
experience and underestimation of rare events.
Such scientific rules for uncertainty are made more
The organizational obstacles for abrupt climate complicated by the organizational challenges of
change warning exist both at the scientific commu- coordinating research and communicating informa-
nity and within the larger policy communities, and tion. Understanding the risks and impacts of abrupt
are not limited to specific countries. The problems climate change requires interdisciplinary coopera-
relate to a mismatch between rules for uncertainty tion among researchers, which is often hampered
in scientific and policy communities, and organiza- by disciplinary boundaries and organizational frag-
tional flows that prevent data sharing between con- mentation at universities and research centers. Se-
cerned parties. As to the first issue of uncertainty, curity impacts of abrupt climate change are even
scientific enterprises rely upon methodologies that more difficult to coordinate, owing to a nascent field
are inherently conservative in making judgments of environmental security (which does not even pos-
according to available evidence. The internal logic sess its own research journals), and historic lack
of scientific research posits that when uncertainty of cooperation between environmental scientists
exists in describing causal relationships, it is bet- and those specializing in traditional security fields.
ter to commit the possible error of false negatives Among policy makers and the intelligence commu-
in drawing conclusions, and that overwhelming nity the issue becomes one of historical security
evidence in the field is generally necessary before ‘firewalls’, meant to prevent unauthorized access
conclusions can be reached. In other words, in any to sensitive or classified information. Lack of infor-
given study, scientists are professionally obliged to mation sharing among and within agencies is prob-
claim “more research is needed” rather than risk lematic even for traditional security concerns, but
claiming a causal relationship that might be untrue. it is especially ill-fitting for environmental science
By this process, which is strictly regulated by peer issues that rely upon free flow of data, and where
review, scientists try to ensure that the scientific expertise exists not in the government agencies, but
literature does not contain significant false claims among international communities of researchers.
that, for example, chemical A at levels of 5 parts
per billion in drinking water will cause adverse Even when information is available, however, there
health effects. can be cognitive barriers to effective recognition of
potential risks. If one treats foresight as an exer-
The practical implication of such methodological cise in risk assessment, the bias of past experience
rules is that research into environmental and health must be taken into account. This bias, which ap-

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plies both to risk perception and to construction of categories of thought, and when applied to security
methodological tools, results in underestimation of such categories involved Cold War models of state-
future risk probabilities. Probability estimations are level analysis and explanations for violent conflict.
based upon past experience and familiarity, and The challenge for understanding abrupt climate
in general people do not expect nor plan for those change and security is not only to understand tip-
events with which they have had little experience. ping points for climatic and ecological systems,
The bias can be made structural by the manner in but deeper understanding of how such changes are
which assessments are constructed, where only both caused by and impact groups and regions are
certain measurements and observations are con- varying levels. (Halden 2007; Paskal 2007)
sidered, while others are largely ignored. The exis-
tence of the ozone hole over the Antarctic, the basis
for the landmark Montreal Protocol on CFCs, was
contained within NASA data but not actually ‘seen’ Security and climate change
until much later. Simply put, few people thought
to look for it. Likewise with climate change issues,
abrupt change was not even considered a possibil- Connections between environment and security be-
ity until paleo-climatological studies in the 1990s gan with medical concerns over nuclear weapons
demonstrated the historical record of rapidly shift- tests in the early 1960s, but the debate over envi-
ing temperatures. Until that had been established, ronmental determinants for security concerns dates
the common perception of climate change was that to 1989. Dominant among the earlier 1990s stud-
it shifted over much longer, often geological, time ies were those postulating that increased resource
periods. scarcities would lead directly to violent conflict
between states, often as a result of population in-
Even within statistical analyses, people largely un- creases in less developed countries. Such scarcity-
derestimate infrequent events or the interactions conflict models relied upon traditional models of
between increased probability in complex systems. security as interstate conflict, and largely assumed
For example, Freudenberg (1988) demonstrated linear relationships in terms of both causality and
that in a system with dependent components, we decision-making. Academic criticisms highlighted
underestimate those areas more vulnerable when that scarcity does not necessarily result in conflict,
the risk is reduced to numerical probabilities. If that such causal relationships were nearly impos-
part of the time (10%) a system has a one-in-a- sible to substantiate even post-facto, and that a
billion chance of failure (10-9), most often (80%) focus on the state level misleadingly ignored inter-
has a one in a million chance (10-6), and for only state economic relationships that exploited natu-
a short period has a one in a thousand chance of ral resources from afar. (Gleditsch 1998; Hauge
failing (10-3), people would often assume that the & Ellingsen 1998) From a policy perspective, the
more fragile and more resilient time periods would scarcity-conflict theses could result in a form of
balance each other out. In terms of actual prob- paralysis, as conflicts were blamed on natural con-
abilities, however, the chance of system failure over ditions and population levels in foreign countries,
the entire period would be approximately one in ten with little if any direct connection to wealthier,
thousand (10-4). People underestimate the effects western states. (Kaplan 1994) Although general
of changing conditions on total risk, and also will development may help in the long-term, the logi-
often focus on probabilities and ignore the enor- cal response to scarcity-conflict explanations was to
mous magnitudes of some events. Even if unlikely, bolster border defenses and justify the issue as an
the total risk is a function of hazard and probability, external problem. Even those concerned with cross-
so that those hazards with extremely high impacts border environmental issues in environmental secu-
are taken seriously even when rare. rity tended to downplay the potential role of climate
change. (Homer-Dixon 1991)
The final obstacle to assessing environmental risks
to security has been the difficulty in translating Recent events have shifted perception of potential
environmental risks to security concerns. People impacts from climate change. Yet despite popular
typically understand risks in terms of preconceived intuition that climate change issues affect national

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and international security, it remains difficult to released by the Center for Naval Analysis (CNA
conceptualize what these connections may be, par- 2007), Directorate for National Intelligence (NIC
ticularly for a global process so rife with uncertainty. 2008), Global Business Network (GBN 2008), US
Without a useable framework for analysis, policy ac- Climate Change Science Program (CCSP 2008),
tion and discussion will remain difficult and a form German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation
of policy paralysis may result. (Barnett 2001) The & Development (2002), German Advisory Council
following sections explain briefly the contradictions on Global Change (WGBU 2008), Swedish Devel-
that climate change possesses with regard to tradi- opment Agency (SIDA 2008), European Commis-
tional security, before reviewing alternative defini- sion (2008), and others. These reports have been
tions of vulnerability and risk assessment. valuable in raising awareness of climate risks, and
some (particularly the CNA report) have lent con-
siderable credence to climate change scenarios in
audiences that formerly had not readily accepted
Environmental security such possibilities. Most of the reports however, with
contradictions the notable exception of the 2008 Swedish contri-
bution, were hampered by several shortcomings in
analysis which are detailed below and which led to
potentially conflicting policy prescriptions. An over-
Conceptions of national security often used by both reliance on IPCC data and projections, continued
political science and popular understanding con- use of violent conflict as the measure of insecurity,
tain a number of artefactual assumptions, ways of and use of the state as the unit and level of analy-
thinking that must be addressed before we can un- sis, narrow our understanding of the risks of abrupt
derstand the difficulties inherent in climate change climate change in several crucial ways.
and security connections. Daniel Deudney first ex-
plained many such contradictions at the end of the To take one example, the 2007 GBN report is a
Cold War (1991), at least in reference to traditional good start on vulnerability, but in some ways the
security definitions. It is arguable that potential authors employ terminology like systems theory and
obstacles have expanded since that time. In brief, nonlinear effects without really changing views of
these potential problem areas are: things. Climate and the environment are still seen
as external factors, not integrated within systems
1. Complexity of variables and non-linear nature of themselves. They also mention ‘threshold’ effects
relationships. without really mentioning feedback mechanisms,
which thus remains a (bifurcated) linear relation-
2. Irreversible nature of environmental systems. ship. They do not define what is meant by vulner-
ability, and imply fragility without using the term
3. Vision of environmental issues as external to po- or explaining it. The notion given is one of either
litical, economic, and social systems. a working or collapsed system, not the ecological
understanding of multiple stability points that more
4. Focus on state level analyses imposes false divi- accurately describes nonlinear shifts. And underly-
sions between relevant factors. ing many of their explanations of resource changes
are assumptions of scarcity-conflict, little different
5. Visions of environmental systems as ‘natural’ from the 1990s linear-causal models (Homer-Dixon
and root causes of issues. 1991, 1994).

These issues have been present in many of the Popular perceptions of environmental issues are
attempts to address climate change and security based upon notions that environmental conditions
in recent years, with abrupt climate change first are largely static, that they remain more or less the
appearing as a security issue in the 2003 Global same over time save for outside interference by
Business Network (GBN) report commission by the human actions or some other overwhelming inter-
US Department of Defense (Schwartz and Randall ference. Ideas of a stable environment even influ-
2003). Since that time, similar reports have been ence ecological sciences by the earlier adoption of

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Figure 1: Simplistic visu-


alization of small margin-
al forcing at point A, lead-
ing to catastrophic shift
of a system at point B to
a new stability level. The
system does not return to
the origina relationship
until point C. The sys-
tem in this example flips
between two chaotic at-
tractors.Graphic © Mike
Holderness

‘climax ecosystem’ models, positing that disrupted taining the integrity of the system, but the system
environments return to one ‘optimum’ level once may shift to multiple points of stability. Such shifts,
human interference is removed. Such ideas are as with eutrophification of lakes, may occur quite
further reinforced by the widespread use of ‘stock suddenly and with little indication that conditions
measures’ as a metric for environmental health, may suddenly ‘worsen’. Likewise, paleo-climatolog-
where measurable amounts of forested land, open ical studies have indicated that atmospheric tem-
grassland and similar items are considered compa- peratures can shift very suddenly, perhaps as much
rable and meaningful (Lomborg). Such approach- as 10-20 degrees Celsius within a few years. Simi-
es, however, limit understanding of non-linear and lar, sudden temperature shifts occurred 12,000
complex environmental systems. years ago at the end of the Younger Dryas Period,
when temperatures in Greenland dropped 19 de-
grees Celsius in less than twenty years. (NRC 2002)
Systems Theory What are less well understood are the ‘tipping
points’ in such systems, technically known as ca-
tastrophe sets. How far can a system be pushed
In contrast, ecological systems (including the glob- before it shifts to a new level of stability? What are
al climate) are better understood as complex emer- the most relevant relationships? In climate terms,
gent systems. The units of environmental systems, the most pressing questions concern what amount
however defined, are not nearly as important as the of greenhouse gases (GHGs) can the ecosystem ab-
relationships and networks between a system’s com- sorb before a large-scale shift in climate stability
ponents. Properties of the system cannot be deter- occurs? Atmospheric temperatures may rise gradu-
mined simply by reference to its components, nor ally over the years, as per the standard IPCC projec-
can the future state of a system be understood in tions, but then suddenly rise (or fall) precipitously.
reductionist terms. Change can occur while main- The National Research Council’s 2002 report on

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abrupt climate change described several qualities cause, but rather, the failure of political and eco-
of the system that creates ‘abruptness’. First, the nomic systems to provide adequate resources or ad-
system is non-linear, and shifts from one condition aptation measures. At times such failure can be de-
(often measured as temperature) to another rapid- liberate, as with resilience and livelihood targeting
ly, perhaps within a number of years. Second, this during violent conflicts. (Briggs et al 2009; Brown
change is irreversible as measured by human time 2004) At other times these failures can be sec-
scales, a condition made even more likely by the ond or third-order effects, such as the breakdown
long-term forcing of GHG emissions and atmospher- in food and health security currently being experi-
enced in Zimbabwe. The effects of climate change
in such situations have been conceptualized as
‘threat multipliers’, conditions that exacerbate risks
Environmental issues and make adaptation more difficult, but not condi-
tions which could be understood as the root causes
are not necessarily more of conflict. The concept of abrupt climate change
is both quantitatively and qualitatively distinct, in
complex than the socio- that such sudden shifts in environmental conditions
will not merely emphasize existing inequalities and
political conditions that conflicts. Vulnerable systems, be they ecological,
political or economic, may ‘fail’ completely should
give rise to violent con- environmental conditions shift much more quickly
than adaptation allows. (Gallopin 2007) Failures of
flict, but it is far more diffi- systems need not be understood in simple, binary
terms often used to describe failed state in political
cult to attribute intentions science. Rather, unstable systems will find a new,
often lower, level of stability and operation, often
or divination of rational resulting in severely negative consequences for cer-
tain components or populations.
thought to how condi-
Environmental issues are not necessarily more com-
tions change. plex than the socio-political conditions that give rise
to violent conflict, but it is far more difficult to at-
tribute intentions or divination of rational thought
ic CO2 lifetimes. Third, the changes may occur to how conditions change. Global environmental
due to second-order effects of the global system, conditions are also inextricably linked to social, po-
as positive feedback loops originally unrelated to litical, and economic systems, which can further
the more obvious forcing (eg Arctic methane gas re- compound uncertainty when analysts would prefer
lease caused by melting permafrost). Finally, abrupt to study systems as discrete collections of isolated
changes are often categorized as such due to the variables. Thus climate change is not merely the in-
inability of related systems to adapt, leading to the teraction of a few variables, where a simple, linear
possible description ‘dangerous’ climate change. relationship exists between levels of atmospheric
The danger does not necessarily stem from threats greenhouse gases and average atmospheric temper-
of violent conflict between people. Climate change atures. Rather, the global climate is a complex sys-
is very unlikely to lead directly to conflict, but may tem, exhibiting emergent properties and influenced
adversely affect social, political and economic sys- by numerous feedback effects, none of which can
tems at varying levels, and these overlapping sys- easily be predicted in advance. Just as with eco-
tems may contain feedback loops that accelerate logical systems, the climate may rest upon multiple
the stability shifts. points of stability, but these stable levels may be
unsuitable for both existing human and environ-
Most issues concerning resources and conflict stem mental adaptation.
not from changes in the environment as a root

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The concept of ‘abrupt’ therefore applies not only Fur 2007; Gallopin 2006)
to the sudden shifts in average air temperature, but
also adaptive capacity and our ability to anticipate The first component of vulnerability is risk, or the
such changes. The ability of people to respond to probabilistic measure of adverse outcomes to which
environmental change depends, at least in part, a particular group is exposed. Often the most tradi-
on the congruence between the rate of expected tion measure of vulnerability, the extent of risk is a
change and the actual physical changes that af- function of probability of hazard and the exposure
fect a particular group. Ecosystem resilience does level (R=[H, E]). In some iterations, this function
not depend upon perception of the problem, but is is modified by the level of ‘vulnerability’, meaning
very much tied to both rate and extent of change. the extent to which the effects of hazards can be
Overall, there are four primary components to the mitigated and withstood. In such a construction,
concept of vulnerability, and to understanding what
makes a particular system more or less able to
adapt to changing circumstances. Responses to en- The first component of
vironmental changes can be both positive or nega-
tive, and the ability of a system to react positively or vulnerability is risk, or
adequately does not merely depend upon the most
visible characteristic of the system in question. Re- the probabilistic measure
silient ecosystems may have high or low numbers
of species, economic systems may be more vulner- of adverse outcomes to
able as wealth increases, and adaptation to climate
change may depend upon factors not yet well un- which a particular group
derstood.
is exposed.
Vulnerability: risk, sensitivity, however, the hazard becomes something external
to the group in question, a force to be withstood
resilience and fragility rather part of the complex, adaptive capacity of the
population. Rather than make such vulnerability an
external modifier of risk, for purposes of clarity we
Policymakers and analysts perhaps assume that define this variable instead as sensitivity, the sec-
regions like Africa are more vulnerable to climate ond component of vulnerability.
changes, and recent reports have focused on lesser-
developed regions to create risk scenarios for cli- Sensitivity is the degree to which a group is affect-
mate change and security. (Brown et al 2007) That ed by the occurrence of a hazard, or how far from
estimation of vulnerability is true to an extent, but a baseline livelihood one is pushed. Sensitivity can
only by one aspect of the components of vulnerabil- be a result of particular geography, such as a com-
ity. As security implications are based upon notions munity placed on sandy hillsides where landslides
of vulnerability to climate change, it is notable that are common, or it may be affected by factors such
often a full definition of vulnerability is omitted as physical characteristics, cultural practices, age
from analyses, and what is meant by these terms or past negative pressures. Climate changes can
makes little reference to previous work in risk and interact with sensitivity measures along multiple
ecology. Vulnerability in disaster studies (Wisner et pathways, and can create situations of negative
al 2005) and livelihood models (Lantze & Raven- feedback loops that create ever greater vulnerabil-
Roberts 2006) can provide a guide to framing risks ity. Certain groups, for reasons of geography, age,
from abrupt climate change. Vulnerability is a gen- livelihood or cultural practices, can be much more
eral term for risk from environmental change, but is sensitive to environmental changes. The degree
constituted from risk/hazard, sensitivity, resilience, of exposure to a climate changes alone cannot be
and fragility measures. (See also Brooks 2003; De- used to predict impacts (ie, temperature changes

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alone do not indicate harm), but past exposure to terms of material wealth of aggregate individuals,
disease can increase the sensitivity of populations but is rather a qualitative and emergent measure of
to future exposures of similar or related pathogens. networks and social capital, such as the ability and
Sensitivity depends not merely on location and ex- willingness to reallocate resources to assist those in
posure, but often is affected by numerous small need. Resilience is therefore often not measured at
changes in the underlying support structure of the the individual or state level, but rather at intermedi-
group. Dynamic systems such as social groups can ate levels of analysis that include families, neigh-
be highly sensitive to small pressures, amplifying borhoods, cities or larger collectives within society.
dynamic pressures into generating large effects. Health studies have demonstrated that those groups
Low sensitivity can be the result of robust systems with the largest stocks of social capital are most
that dampen such pressures, providing negative likely to recover from outbreaks of illness, while
feedback loops that actually strengthen collective recurring illnesses leave neighborhoods and cities
response to risks. vulnerable to any number of additional stresses, of-
ten creating a downward spiral of vulnerability.
The mitigative factor in vulnerability is known as re-
silience, or the ability to return to a baseline condi- The last factor in vulnerability is fragility, a mea-
tion in a reasonable time period following exposure sure that represents the variable nature of the
to a hazard risk. Resilience cannot be measured in factors above. Rather than conceive of resilience

Figure 2: Acceleration of the Greenland ice sheet melt. Source: Envi-


ronment Canada

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as a ‘stock’ that merely exists and is drawn down fect on either sea level or freshwater intrusion into
over time, fragility represents the extent to which deep ocean currents. The more problematic issue
a group can be stressed before its underlying resil- for Arctic-climate systems is the stability of the
ience and support networks are permanently weak- Greenland ice sheet (GIS), a frozen reservoir of fresh
ened. Resilience is an emergent property of social water locked into 2.85 million km³ of ice that has
networks and interaction, a society’s ability to re- existed since the late Pliocene period over 100,000
spond from taxing events may be permanently dam- years ago. Should the entire ice sheet melt, the re-
aged if pushed beyond a particular limit state. Once sulting meltwater would raise global sea levels by
this limit state is exceeded, the ability of groups to approximately 7 meters (23 feet), while significant
respond and adapt is undermined in crucial ways, melting may affect the salinity and
possibly resulting in the society falling to a lower
level of stability. Fragility is not a matter, as some stability of the thermohaline circulation (THC) that
political analyses would suggest, of a binary stable/ drives the warm waters of the Gulf Stream. (Alley et
unstable categorization, but rather describes how al 2003)
vulnerable a group is to a stability shift (catastrophe
set) to an entirely different set of relationships and Original estimates of global climate change as-
adaptive capacity. When combined, these factors of sumed the long-term stability of the Greenland ice
vulnerability help to describe those system compo- sheet, indicating that any significant melting of the
nents or conditions that need to be assessed if we ice sheet would take hundreds of years, if not mil-
are to understand potential security risks of abrupt lennia. (IPCC 2001) More recent observations of
climate change. One can begin by considering the ice melt indicated that the rate of net runoff was
geographic region where the climate system is most far higher than expected, and that loss of GIS was
sensitive and potentially fragile, the Arctic. accelerating rapidly. The melt rate exceeded possi-
ble scenarios from ice sheet models, and scientists
soon discovered that water intrusion to the glacial
bases through moulins resulted in lower friction be-
Abrupt climate change risks in tween the glacial and underlying rock. Other non-
linear dynamics were also at work, such as force
the Arctic imbalances between calving sections of the glacier
and inland sheets. The resulting changes in condi-
tions, combined with higher summer temperatures
The Arctic may provide a useful illustration of how in Greenland of some 2 degrees Celsius, have re-
foresight of environmental conditions and knowl- sulted in significant reductions in glacial cover and
edge of non-linear effects can contribute to a great- thickness in some regions (especially coastal areas,
er understanding of potential impacts. Rather than where summer average temperatures average close
examine global models of average climate change, to freezing). More recent estimates of GIS stability
a number of potential tipping points exist in Arctic indicate that it may largely disappear by the end of
ecosystems that can trigger abrupt climate changes the century, an abrupt shift that is matched by past
worldwide. climatological records.

Greenland and Arctic ice The potential impacts of GIS melting are twofold.
The first and more obvious concern is rising sea
melting level, a risk that has been downplayed in standard
IPCC projections at least until the end of the 21st
century. In the potential abrupt climate change sce-
The geopolitical implications of loss of Arctic sum- narios of sudden warming, accelerated ice melt from
mer sea ice are potentially profound, but are beyond Greenland could raise sea levels by anywhere from
the scope of this assessment. From an ecological 1-4 meters in the short term or decadal measure,
perspective, loss of sea ice will affect global albedo and up to seven meters in a worst case scenario.
measures and wildlife, but would not have any ef- Historical climate records indicate that abrupt rises

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Figure 3: Methane lev-


els by latitude 1993 -
2003. Source: NOAA

in sea level are possible, and would cause obvious the Gulf Stream has been shortening, with regional
and severe dislocation in coastal areas globally. The impacts of more severe winters in the British isles
areas at most risk of coastal flooding or inundation and Scandinavia, although it is difficult to discern
are fairly easily mapped, although the cascading long-term trends from natural variation. The risk of
effects of large-scale dislocation must be assessed global warming turning to sudden global cooling is a
and measured according to regional social, econom- plausible risk, considering past and geologically re-
ic and political systems. cent climatological records, and the global impacts
could be quite severe in terms of food security and
The second impact of GIS melt is the possible inter- shocks to fragile ecosystems.
action between a sudden influx of freshwater into the
north Atlantic, and the stability of the thermohaline
circulation of ocean currents. Climate researchers
have hypothesized that the sudden cooling recorded Terrestrial and oceanic
at the end of the Younger Dryas Period 11,400 years
ago, a drop of 10 degrees centigrade over a decade,
methane releases
was caused by the sudden release of meltwater from
the Saint Lawrence in North America. The fresh wa-
ter released into the north Atlantic decreased the Much of the focus on global GHG emissions re-
density and salinity of the waters at the northern mains on carbon dioxide, but increasing attention is
edge of the warm Gulf Stream, preventing the water being paid to methane (CH4) concentrations in the
from sinking. This action effectively shut down the atmosphere. Methane is released in greater quanti-
global THC, and may have the cause of the sud- ties in the northern latitudes than elsewhere, and
den, global cooling of the period. Recent scientific the rate of release has been increasing over the past
reports have indicated that the northern extent of decade (see Figure 3). Explanations for the increase

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in methane releases initially rested on terrestrial re- are now being released from areas such as the Bar-
lease from melting lakes and permafrost. As warm- ents Sea and Arctic Ocean north of Russia. (Rigby et
ing trends increase more rapidly in the Arctic than al 2008; Schiermeier 2008; Shakhova et al 2008a,
elsewhere, ground-cover and lakes begin to melt, 2008b)
thereby releasing methane as a by-product of biot-
ic decomposition. As methane cannot be released Should even a relatively small proportion of the Arc-
while these sources remain frozen, any warming can tic methane hydrate deposits be disturbed,
create a positive feedback effect of increasing meth-
ane release increasing warming effects, which then
cycle back into increasing warming. This so-called
Clathrate Gun Hypothesis is thought to have contrib- As methane cannot be
uted to or triggered the warming periods of the late
Quaternary period. (Kennett et al 2002) released while these
The Arctic areas of Siberia and North America con- sources remain frozen,
tain large carbon deposits in the form of peat bogs
and decomposed organic matter, and scientists es- any warming can create
timate that thawing of the region may significantly
increase Arctic methane contributions to the global a positive feedback ef-
carbon balance. As methane is over 20 times more
effective than carbon dioxide as a greenhouse gas1, fect of increasing meth-
releases have a potentially disproportionate impact
on climate change risks. Estimates of natural con- ane release increasing
tributions from only a few years ago have already
been revised upwards by approximately 50%, and warming effects, which
researchers warn that new ‘surprises’ in methane
sources and feedbacks are likely in the years to then cycle back into in-
come. (Walter et al 2006, 2007)
creasing warming.
One such surprise has come from the Arctic oceans,
particularly the shallow seas over the continental
shelves (eg the Barents Sea). The Arctic seas con-
tain large amounts of methane hydrate deposits, also
known as methane clathrate or methane ice, a form this process may create a powerful, positive feed-
of frozen water containing large amounts of meth- back effect that would have substantial effects on
ane within a crystal structure. This form of methane climate change globally. Moreover, release of ma-
deposit is created by the decomposition of organic rine hydrate deposits would accelerate release of
matter in low-oxygen marine environments, where a CH4 from northern permafrost, amplifying a process
combination of low temperatures and high pressure that, by itself, would be unlikely to trigger abrupt
create the hydrates. The Arctic deposits alone con- climate change. One outstanding problem is that the
tain up to 400 gigatons of carbon, compared with the research into carbon releases in the Arctic is fairly
700 gigatons of carbon present in the atmosphere. new, and it will likely take years for conclusive re-
These deposits were formerly believed to be highly search to establish the thresholds for methane hy-
stable, and the 2007 IPCC report only made pass- drates. Whether such thresholds may have already
ing mention of their existence. Recent research in been crossed by the time that the research becomes
2008, however, has indicated that continental ma- conclusive is another question, and one which must
rine deposits may be highly sensitive to changes in be posed to policymakers. As a cautionary tale, these
water temperature, and that high levels of methane influences in the Arctic are useful, for none of the
above-mentioned forces (Greenland melting, Arc-
1 Over a 100-year period, while over twenty years the effectiveness
tic sea ice, methane releases) were included in the
rises to over 70 times.

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2007 IPCC report as potentially significant influ- vent such centers from drawing upon the larger aca-
ences. (IPCC 2007: 372) As a result, they are also demic, business and government communities of
missing from more recent security reports on cli- analysts in a systemic way. It may be argued that
mate change, as they rely almost entirely on IPCC the bets way to approach a complex set of systems
data to substantiate potential risks and to estimate with emergent order is to create a strategic intel-
future conditions. ligence system with similar attributes. Interdisci-
plinary ‘black swan’ research is more likely to be
successful if it can bypass organizational barriers,
national parochialism, and instead perhaps create
Tipping points, cascading the sort of epistemic community that was success-
effects and forward ful in solving other transnational environmental is-
sues. (Litfin 1999)
assessments
Conclusion
Once the initial tipping points in certain systems is
better understood, and certain abrupt change sce- Definitions for security (both energy and environ-
narios can be played out in terms of possible events, mental) and climate change need to be constructed
we can assess the potential impacts on various re- in such a way that policymakers have incentives
lated systems globally. The cascading effects enter to pursue mitigation and adaptation, not merely to
where change in one system (eg the Greenland ice focus on GHG emissions as the only suitable goal
sheet) results in conditions (rapid rise in sea lev- and outcome of the current Copenhagen process.
els) that have varying impacts elsewhere depend- They must also allow integration of energy and en-
ing upon the vulnerability of geographic region (eg vironment as key concepts, both as contributing to
sensitivity to flooding from low-lying coastal land), forcing of environmental systems, and as the pos-
social systems (resilience to forced migration), eco- sible solutions for cooperation. Such concepts will
nomic systems (fragility of infrastructure), all ap- be inherently complex, involving large amounts of
plied at scalable levels and according to analytical uncertainty and illustrating scenarios that contain
needs. Disruptions in those systems then have their multiple feedback effects and cascading perturba-
own cascading effects on related, complex systems. tions (‘ripple effects’ ). Simple models and a con-
tinued view that environmental systems lay outside
Projects and initiatives are underway to provide stra- of human activity impose artificial barriers on both
tegic environmental assessments to policymakers, understanding and solutions.
and to link the research community more effective-
ly with interested parties in government, non-profit The point of this exercise is not to provide immedi-
work, and business. The Environment and Security ate and concrete answers. It is unlikely that this is
Initiative (ENCSEC) provides assessments for the even possible, owing to the large amount of uncer-
OSCE region of Europe and Central Asia, the United tainty inherent in the discussion. Rather, we need
Nations Environment Program (UNEP) conducts to provide workable definitions and frameworks for
post-conflict and post-disaster environmental as- approaching policy, ones that break from past cold
sessments, and individual governments provide sce- war era definitions that assume state security, de-
nario and impact assessments according to national liberate action, and violent conflict. Should these
needs. The larger need for environmental security definitions be used, we will be looking at the wrong
is of an open-source, international effort to provide places and at the wrong times.
research space for the growing environmental secu-
rity community. Certain research centers already ex-
ist (at the Woodrow Wilson Center and Institute for
Environmental Security) and provide international References
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