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Hellenes to Greeks: The Use of Classical Themes in Greek-American Identity On January 26, 2009 viewers of Comedy Centrals The

Colbert Report witnessed (probably unwittingly) a snippet of the role classical themes play in contemporary GreekAmerican identity.1 During one sketch, Stephen Colbert released his Arab detainee Omar only to find out that he was really a dark-skinned Greek named Homer. Upon revealing his true ethnicity, the newly released detainee immediately straightened his back and transformed from meek to incredulous, pouting his lip and waving his hand like Socrates in the School of Athens for emphasis. As it happened, Colbert had apparently acquired his captive after he placed a delivery order from Parthenon Kebab House. The discovery of Homers Hellenic, i.e. classical, i.e. Western, i.e. white identity elevated him above being an assumed Arab terrorist and his work at a Parthenon dining establishment gave him a locus in the American landscape as old as bellhops and hoop skirts (if not older). There is always a fine line in Colberts humor between what is satire and what is a plain joke. Nevertheless the Release of Homer reflected myriad performances by Greek-Americans and expectations of them in American popular culture that are based on classical themes and allusions. This identity dance between Greek performance and American assumptions has gone on since Greeks began flocking to the United States en masse in the late 19th century and reflects the twin desires to integrate and preserve cultural pride. Hellenes brought with them a national consciousness predicated on roots to classical antiquity. The newcomers entered an American landscape that still bore some vestiges of philhellenism.

The video can be accessed here: The relevant portion of the skit takes place between 4:00 and 5:00. 1

These themes from the classics make up a subtle component of the Hellenic consciousness when compared to other elements such as Orthodox Christianity, customs (food, dances, etc.) and language (which in the case of Greek is arguably also classical). Why, when, and how then did Greeks prioritize classical themes for their benefit and in what instances were classical tropes imposed or expected from the descendants of Homer, Pericles, and even the gods by Americans? While an exhaustive survey is out of the reach of this paper, a representative sample, a reading on the barometer, can be taken and a trajectory traced that will show why the performance of classical themes was elemental to the formulation of Greek American identity. In order to examine the influence of classical antiquity on the present, this paper will begin by describing (briefly) the use of classical themes in the parallel formulations of American and Hellenic national identities and the cultural collision of Greeks and Americans in North America after these identities had taken root. An analysis of how Greeks performed, and were expected to perform, according to their ancestors will follow with a focus on Greek Americans conflict with the Ku Klux Klan and the marketing of Hellenism for the sake of ethnic assimilation and economic well-being. This assimilation has since evolved into a way for Greek-Americans to elevate themselves above other American ethnicities and a medium for Greek-Americans to engage in cultural contact and conflict with others, which is reflected by legislation introduced (and often approved) in legislatures around the country concerning the Macedonian imbroglio. Finally, the classical elements in the recent popular romantic comedy My Big Fat Greek Wedding will be parsed in order to discuss the performance of

Greek-American identity today. Ultimately, studying these classical themes will reveal how classical antiquity has helped Hellenes form the Greek-American synthesis. Romei to Hellenes in Greece and Philhellenism in America Not only were our Founding Fathers inspired by the values of Ancient Greece, but Greek Independence was also inspired by the United States. -President Barack Obama, April 4, 20092 The ghosts of Ancient Hellas visited Greece and America long before there were Greek-Americans to speak of. The imagined communities3 of both the United States of America and the original Kingdom of the Hellenes coalesced (others would say were constructed) at approximately the same time (the late 18th century) and drew on elements of Greek antiquity to, somewhat paradoxically, create something new while rooting invented traditions4 in the ancient. Greek and American intellectuals used the Classics as a kind of scripture, a secular bible5 at the conception of their modern states. The curious coincidence resulted in the faint signal of a common wavelength of communication when the two cultures came into broader contact at the end of the 19th century.6 The Greek Diaspora existed long before the creation of its American Chapter. In the 18th century, Greek intellectuals scattered in Britain, France, Russia, Austria and

Obamas full comments: -And Prime-Minister-Karamanlis-Of-Greece-After-Meeting/ 3 Anderson 1991: 1 4 Hobsbawm 1992: 1 5 Wiesen 1980:3 6 Individual Greeks had served aboard the ships of the colonial powers and there was an attempt to form a colony of Greeks at New Smyrna in Florida during the 18th century. Handfuls of Americans traveled to Greece before and after the War of Independence. But true, broad cross-cultural contact did not take place until the waves of emigration of Greeks (described below) late in the 19th century. 3

elsewhere conceived a new identity, predicated on the ideals of classical antiquity that could constitute the seeds of a new nation. These thinkers were, by and large, secularists who had learned the teachings of the European Enlightenment.7 Foremost of these thinkers was Adamantios Korais. Born in Smyrna, Korais left Asia Minor to oversee his fathers silk business in Amsterdam and became a classical philologist in Paris where he led the so-called Greek Enlightenment. His antique national philosophy was designed to liberate the Greek populace from the perceived corruptions of the Ottoman state and their accomplices, the Orthodox higher clergy, without descending into the violence and excess of the French Revolution. Through his work in Classical philology, Korais aimed at inculcating in Greeks a sense of their ancient heritageFor Korais, then, the model for a new Greece should be ancient Athens rather than medieval Byzantium.8 Korais even went so far as to create a new written language called katharevousa, which combined ancient Greek with the popular demotic Greek.9 To Korais and his fellow intellectuals it was essential that the Greeks bear the name of their ancestors in order to achieve moral rejuvenation and free themselves of tyranny.10 Once the Greek state achieved independence in 1830 the name of the ancients was literally imposed upon the Greek populace in accordance with the national ideology formulated by Korais and his peers. The Romei (and several other ethnic groups), Christian descendants of Byzantium, were suddenly re-labeled the Hellenes of

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Gallant 2001: 10 Gallant 2001: 10-11 9 Katharevousa was phased out (more or less) after the far-right military junta fell in 1974. Ironically, Greek Americans, who by and large emigrated before the 1960s have retained a number of the old phrases having been removed from the contemporary state. 10 Gallant 2001: 68, Anderson 1991: 72 Anderson adds that Korais felt Greeks needed a knowledge of Classical antiquity to make themselves worthy of Pericles and Socrates. 4

Thucydides. Their language Romeika became Ellinika. The Church remained the dominant institution at home, but to the rest of the Western World Greeces founding fathers broadcast the beam of a Hellas reborn to capitalize upon and stoke philhellenism. When scholars abroad challenged the Modern Greeks ethnic claims to classical antiquity, Greek historians responded. Konstantine Paparrigopoulos History of the Greek Nation codified the notion of Hellenic continuity as a singular track leading from the heroics of the Bronze Age up through Classical Athens, Alexander and the Hellenistic Age, Byzantium and the Ottoman Occupation.11 Though other index features played an arguably greater role in the daily performance of Greek identity after independence, the institutions of the state, including the Church, left the Greeks with little doubt they were descended from the great men (and a few women) of pagan, classical antiquity. Thus the Greeks who decades later left the new nation seeking greater prosperity had been inculcated in the new ancient identity for several generations. Half a world away another new nation, the United States of America, was also employing classical antiquity to ground its foray into democracy, the form of government pioneered in 5th century B.C.E. Athens (at least from a Western perspective). Like the Greeks, Americans were also looking to manage a momentous change with moderation instead of the chaos of the French Revolution. Americans sought in the remote past new guides for modern life.12 When the Greek revolution broke out in 1821, Americans saw both a reflection of their own struggle for independence and Ancient Greece reborn just as Ancient Greece was rising in esteem compared to Rome for its freedom, exoticism,

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Herzfeld 1982: 17 Winterer 2002: 1 5

and the beauty of its art.13 Intellectuals like Henry Wares The Vision of Liberty (1824) provided the rhetoric. Oh Greece, reviving Greece! Thy name kindles the scholars and the patriots flame Go forth, if such there be, go forth; Stand by that nation in her second birth.14 Wares verse simultaneously draws parallels between Ancient Greece and the American Revolution while also explicitly framing the Greek War of Independence as the continuation of Hellas (which, of course, was arguably a nation but never a unified state). American women provided materiale for Greek warriors, their female Greek counterparts and schools at a time when classical learning was education.15 The respect for Hellenism in the halls of academia and popular culture and commerce defined cultural refinement and visual aesthetics when America was establishing its baseline.16 And so long after philhellenism receded Ancient Greece maintained the cultural niche it curved out in the early 19th century. Coming to America Between 500,000 and 1,000,000 Greeks reached the United States before the Second World War with the bulk arriving between 1890 and 1929 (the start of the Great Depression).17 Like other Southern and Eastern Europeans (not to mention a new influx of Germans and Irish) that came to America during this time, the newcomers encountered xenophobia and a poverty that differed from the homeland only in the glimmer of
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Winterer 2002: 62-65 Winterer 2002: 63-64 15 Winterer 2002: 64 16 Miles 1974: 271 17 Saloutos 1964: 44-45 6

opportunity for social mobility. America was in its Gilded Age; enormous wealth for the few fueled by Henry Fords mass production of the many, railroads crisscrossed the country, telephone poles sprouted everywhere, workers were treated with little or no care and families, immigrant and native, were resigned to slums. Labor was cheap, yet high in demand. In light of the lightbulb, the gramophone, the telephone, the steam engine, the internal combustion engine and the airplane, Americans as a whole no longer saw the need to look to the remote past for innovation, their own inventions more than sufficed.18 Nonetheless, the Classics marked refinement and allusions to Greece and Roman had far from vanished from public literature and metaphor.19 The Greeks then migrated into an identity quandary. Were they Hellenes, the descendants of Pericles and Socrates or (dirty) Greeks, Southern European, borderline Oriental, spawn of Yorgos and Eleni? Were they peasants fresh from the village or cosmopolitan urban dwellers, even shopkeepers?20 Identity, at its most fundamental, is a matter of self-ascription and ascription by others; i.e. people project how they wish to be recognized and others form their own viewpoint on that same group of people that may or may not conform to their chosen identity.21 A simple example would be the name Hellenes versus the word Greek. Both words hearken back to classical antiquity but one, Hellenes, is the Greek word and the other, Greek, comes from Latin and implies a certain Western bias and perspective. Greeks, both those born in America and those who visit here, call themselves Greeks, not Hellenes, (by and large) and often with a great deal of

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Miles 1974: 269 Bushman 1993: 23 20 Saloutos 1964: 61 Only 29,000 of the suspected 500,000 (conservative estimate) Greek Americans in 1940 lived in rural areas. 6,511 were engaged in agriculture. 21 Barth 1969:13 7

pride. Thus there is a give-and-take, a synthesis in the introduction of a new groups identity between newcomers and the indigenous population. The Greeks formed cultural institutions to facilitate the synthesis we now call Greek-American. The most obvious of these institutions is the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese of America. Each church is the result of a Greek community pulling together resources to build both a church and a community center that serves both spiritual and ethnic purposes. The church prays for the nation, the President and all those in public service during the liturgy and American flags are displayed prominently next to, and often above, the Greek flag. Churches also establish what are known as Greek schools, both parochial day and after-school programs, which focus on language but also provide lessons in culture and history with the explicit intent of preserving Hellenism. The modern (post War of Independence) elements of Hellenism are emphasized but all lessons are taught under the assumption of being connected with ancient Hellas and Americas borrowings from Greece are heavily emphasized.22 Through efforts likes these, American patriotism and Hellenic sentiment became fused. One organization, in particular, the American Hellenic Educational Progressive Association (AHEPA), formed in order to inculcate both American and classical Greek identity. Originally chartered in Atlanta, Georgia in 1922, AHEPA became a national organization charged with facilitating naturalization and participation in American democracy while also preserving Hellenism, particularly its ancient aspects. AHEPA brought in speakers to lecture on the wonders of Ancient Greece in addition to assisting


See Saloutos 1964: 119-138 for further background on the role of the Greek Orthodox Church in America. One other interesting point to make is that the Churchs youth group was originally called HOYA (Hellenic Orthodox Youth Association). 8

Americanization. In a passage rife with connections between Greek and Western concepts George Demeter wrote in the 1926 Boston AHEPA manual: The founding of this AHEPA fraternity marks a new era for the Hellenes of the United States the Hellenic RenaissanceIn a sense, the founding of this Order is a sequel to the Glorious Age of Pericles the same Hellenic civic and artistic supremacy.23 Demeter explicitly connects the foundation of AHEPA to the grandeur of 5th century Athens. Likewise, the term Hellenic Renaissance refers both to classical Athens and the seminal period of the modern West. Furthermore, Demeter makes it clear that Greek Americans should not only embrace their Hellenic and American identities but that their Hellenic elements should make them feel an air of supremacy among other, fellow Americans. In other words, Greek-Americans not only belonged in America as Americans, they should consider themselves even better than their non-Greek counterparts. AHEPA later added three auxiliary groups; the Sons of Pericles, The Daughters of Penelope, and the Maids of Athena. All three groups derive their names from classical sources.24 The Greek Orthodox Church initially balked at AHEPAs choice of an Olympian (i.e. classical, pagan) emphasis instead of assisting the Churchs activities providing Greek lessons.25 Both groups, however, dedicated themselves to creating the Greek-American synthesis. The creation of the classically-oriented AHEPA was no coincidence. After World War I, Greek-Americans came under attack by nativist groups, most dramatically, the Ku

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Pg. 18 of the manual cited in Saloutos 1964: 251 It is worth noting that the womens groups are named for mythological figures that exemplify particular virtues (Penelope, wifedom and chastityAthena, wisdom, strength, chastity). 25 Saloutos 1964: 252 9

Klux Klan,26 for retaining their language, religion and customs. Greek schools, remittances and Greek-language newspapers drew the particular ire of the Klan and, in one case, Klansmen coerced an entire Greek-American community to flee from Great Rapids, Michigan to Grand Rapids.27 These efforts against the Klan make up the darker history of AHEPA and the reason why the organization was founded in the South first, even though a much smaller number of Greeks had immigrated there. The combination of classical rhetoric (the Klan themselves claimed a inspiration from a pure Ancient Greece as their name was derived from the Greek word kyklos, meaning circle) and American patriotism counteracted the Klans tactics and fortified Greek efforts to mobilize newspapers and politicians to their aid.28 As a result of Greek groups classical posturing, in part, they were able to mitigate ethnic conflict and integrate into (white) America. Other American enterprises chose not to antagonize Greek-Americans but rather to capitalize on them.29 During the 1930s major-league baseball teams marketed their ethnic ballplayers to cultivate a fan-base among immigrants. In the case of the first Greek-American ballplayer, Alex Kampouris, the teams task was aided by sportswriters who often took the opportunity to display their Classical knowledge. The lead of one New York Times recap started It was all Greek to the Giants today because Alex Kampouris


The KKK requires little introduction for its atrocities against African-Americans during reconstruction and later, its stance against immigrants in the 1920s and its continued adherence to White Supremacy. 27 Papanikolas 2002:160 28 For a full description of Greeks v. KKK see Papanikolas 2002: 158-163. James Scofield, a former Supreme Leader of AHEPA recounted his familys experiences dealing with the Klan and AHEPAs role in the July 23, 1977 issue of the Hellenic Chronicle which can be accessed here: 29 see also Zervos 1998: 16-25 10

Greeces only contribution to the majors put his Cincinnati Reds ahead with an Hellenic clout.30Ironically, Kampouris ended his career with the Sacramento Solons, who had been renamed from the Senators because at the time Solon (as in the famous Ancient Greek lawmaker) was used interchangeably with state lawmaker.31 The use of these classical names are evidence that the association of Greek-Americans with Ancient Greece held currency (literally) among the American public. Greeks also capitalized on their patrimonys name recognition. The exact number of Greek diners is unknown (the New York/Northern New Jersey area has 400 Greek diners registered).32 What is certain, however, is that the diner has become part of the post World War II landscape for its association with the working class, common folk. Every weekend CNNs John King goes to a diner to take the pulse of the nation. The New York Times visited a Greek diner in North Jersey to see how many people knew the candidates in the 2008 Senate election.33 Many of these diners feature classical names (Parthenon Diner, Olympia Caf). Their symbols have become ubiquitous. Cops in the early seasons of the TV Drama Law & Order based in New York City often carried the trademark blue and white cup featuring columns and other Greek patterns. In the movie The Departed, Jack Nicholsons character frames a Greek gangster who uses his own Parthenon Diner as a front. Thus it appears that by using classical motifs Greeks


Drebinger, New York Times September 6, 1935 Kampouris drive downs Giants. The article can be accessed at &sq=Kampouris&st=cse 31 The Solon namechange in 1936 is well-documented but the only explanation I could find came from wapedia

Bonaros 2005: 7

Applebome, Bad Year to Face a Democratic Incumbent. October 29, 2008


endeared themselves to their American customers and in turn baked their own slice of Americana. Classical Pugilism and Performance in the 21st Century Many of those same diners have been summoned into ethnic service during the early 1990s. Today classical themes are employed strategically against enemies and used to entertain their fellow Americans in a way that reflects the creation of GreekAmerican identity in the past and gives a barometer of classical usages in the present. This final section will focus on the measures Greek-Americans have used in the Macedonian imbroglio and the use of classical themes in the 2003 film My Big Fat Greek Wedding. Taken together these two instances depict how Greeks use classical themes to perform their identity in the political and cultural spheres. Macedonia is Greek Greeces tensions with the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia over the latters name have brought to the surface the importance and sensitivity of Ancient Greek motifs to Greek-Americans. In interviews and on countless websites, Greek-Americans immediately resort to Alexander the Great spreading Hellenism to buttress their argument that Macedonia is Greek and scoff at the notion that anyone could claim as direct a linkage.34 When mass demonstrations first broke out in the early 90s, Greeks (and Slav Macedonians) adopted the 16-pointed Star of Vergina, which was discovered in the late 1970s in the Royal Macedonian Tombs in Northern Greece. Protestors waved the banner and dressed as Alexander as they moved through cities like New York and Chicago. Greek-Americans argued that the location of the discovery (Greek soil) further

See Danforth 1995 12

legitimated their exclusive claims of lineage to Ancient Macedon. Even though many Greek-Americans at this point had not actually been born in Greece, the ability to claim linkages to Classical antiquity proved instrumental to self-ascription and (forcefully) discerning Greeks from the hostile others. The Macedonian imbroglio was not limited to demonstrations, private, debate or discussion. For over a decade, Greek-American politicians in legislatures across the country have mobilized their non-Greek peers to back resolutions not only declaring that Greece has right to the name Macedonia, but that Ancient Macedon is a crucial stepping stone for Greeks to their more remote past. In Rhode Island, Leonidas Raptakis pushed through a resolution on Greek Independence Day 2003 that read: WHEREAS, Philip of Macedonia, his son, Alexander the Great, and his tutor, the philosopher Aristotle, were born and raised in the northern province of Greece, Macedonia; and WHEREAS, The language and culture of the ancient Macedonians and the ancestors of the inhabitants of northern Greece today were Hellenic; and . RESOLVED, That this Senate of the State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations hereby recognizes that the ancient Macedonians were Hellenes, and that the inhabitants of the northern province of Greece, Macedonia, are their Hellenic descendants; and be it further RESOLVED, That the history of ancient Macedonia has been Hellenic for 3,000 years and continues to be so today;35 This resolution, and others like it passed around the country, essentially ratifies the Greek notion of historical continuity from Ancient Greece that came to the United States with the first immigrants and was preserved through institutions such as the Church and AHEPA (which now cooperate despite the pagan subtext unlike in the 1920s). Interestingly, United States Senate Resolution 300 (the rough equivalent of the resolution

bill number 2003 -- S 0967 13

passed in Rhode Island, though devoid of the robust classical references) was sponsored by the current President, Barack Obama, who likely benefitted from Greek-American political support during his political career in Chicago. Big Fat Greek-Ness Resolutions are designed to be particularistic, affect a narrow audience and tend to gather more dust than they unsettle. A popular movie, however, can reach millions of people. Such was the case with the summer 2002 blockbuster My Big Fat Greek Wedding. Unlike the contentious debates over Greek identity, the comedy that features the romance of a Greek woman and her non-Greek husband-to-be defused the sociopolitical tensions that surround the still contentious subject of ethnic inter-mingling.36 This sphere of domesticity then also created a space for Greek-American claims to classical antiquity in a series of scenes. In the films opening sequence, leading lady Nia Vardalos distills stereotypical Greek-American identity to a series of cultural snapshots such as Greek School. Among these snapshots is her family home, was modeled after the Parthenon complete with Corinthian columns and guarded by statues of the gods. This is the epitome of using domesticity in film-making to project an image. The overtly-classicized home represents both the inward expression of the family and the outward projection, in this case, of associations with classical antiquity. Unmentioned but clearly present in the shot are sideby-side Greek and American flags. Despite the emphasis on Hellenism there is a clear nod to the synthesis of Greek-Americanism; ethnic pride and patriotism.


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The father character in My Big Fat Greek Wedding also displays the superiority complex via Ancient Greece evidenced earlier in the AHEPA manual. Vardalos says during the opener that her father believed, Greeks should educate non-Greeks about being Greek and follows with a scene where her father demonstrates (erroneously) how every word in the English language comes from the Greek. Education then is a performance not only of belonging, but of occupying a seminal place in American identity. At the same time, when Vardalos groom-to-be accidentally insults her father, the latters response is When the Greeks were writing philosophy your people were swinging from trees. Though less charged than the Macedonia debate, the elderly Greek man uses the reference to ancient philosophy to elevate himself above his non-Greek antagonist. Thus, the same Greek-American character uses his classical performance both to display commonalities and to take solace in his personal superiority. Conclusion The purpose of these pages was to chart the use of classical themes in the development of Greek-American identity. Greeks brought with them a sense of identity predicated on connections to antiquity that were recognized by Americans whose culture had been influenced by the imitation of classical antiquity nearer to the nations founding. Upon arrival in the New World, Hellenes were labeled Greeks, a fusion of recognizing the ancient past and seeing that past from a Western perspective. Likewise, Greeks formed institutions that emphasized both Hellenism (classical themed and otherwise) and American patriotism, with a superiority twist that places Ancient Greece as seminal not only to Greek lineage but also to American identity. These institutions were essential to deflecting attacks on Greek-Americans, particularly by the Ku Klux Klan and allowed


Greeks to enter the mainstream in a way they may not have done if they did not have a culture that had already been placed on such a metaphorical pedestal by Americans. Greeks and businesses employing Greeks built upon that pedestal to turn a profit; for Greeks that meant naming diners after the Parthenon or the gods and for athletic clubs and newspapers it meant classical allusions in print. In more recent times, GreekAmericans have wielded their Hellenism in politics against opponents of the homeland and in popular culture with at least one blockbuster movie (My Life in Ruins comes out this summer). These depictions confirm that the version of Hellenism that has been encouraged since the early 20th century is still alive and well that it is used as much to say who the Greeks are as it is to say what other groups are not. Thus classical themes have helped Greeks carve out a niche within the American landscape and, to some, even given bestowed on Greek-Americans a privileged place in American society. Sources Cited and Used for Reference Anderson, Benedict. 1991. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread of Nationalism, London: Verso Barth, Frederik. 1969. Ethnic Groups and Boundaries. Oslo: Universitetsforlaget Bonanos, Christopher. 2005. Gods, Heroes, and Philosophers: A Celebration of All Things Greek. New York: Citadel Press. Bushman, R.L. 1983. Introduction in W.A. Cooper Classical Taste in America 18001840. Baltimore: Baltimore Museum of Art/Abbeville Danforth, Loring. 1995. The Macedonian Conflict. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Gallant, Thomas. 2001. Brief Histories: Modern Greece. New York: Oxford University Press. Herzfeld, Michael. 1982. Ours Once More 1st ed. Houston: University of Texas Press.


Hobsbawm, Eric. 1992. The Invention of Tradition Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Joshel, S.R., M. Malamud, and M. Wyke, 2001. Introduction in Imperial Projections: Ancient Rome and Modern Popular Culture. Baltimore: JHU Press. Pp. 1-22 Miles, E. 1974. The Young American Nation and the Classical World Journal of the History of Ideas 35:254-274 Monos, Dimitris. 1996. The Immigrant Experience: The Greek Americans ed. Sandra Stotsky. New York: Chelsea House Publishers. Moskos, Charles C. 1989. Greek Americans: Struggle and Success 2nd ed. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Transaction Publishers. Papanikolas, Helen. 2002. An Amulet of Greek Earth: Generations of Immigrant Folk Culture. Athens,Greece: Swallow Press/Ohio University Press Richard, C. 1995. Symbolism in The Founders and the Classics Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. Saloutos, Theodore. 1964. The Greeks in the United States. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Wiesen, D.S. 1980. Herodotus and the Modern Debate over Race and Slavery. The Ancient World 3(1): 2-16 Winterer, C. 2002. The Culture of Classicism. Baltimore: JHU Press Zervos, Diamantis. 1998. Baseballs Golden Greeks: The First Forty Years. Athens, Greece: Aegean Press International New York Times Applebome, Peter. October 29, 2008. Bad Year to Face a Democratic Incumbent. Drebinger, John September 6, 1935 Kampouris drive downs Giants. 2D85F418385F9&scp=2&sq=Kampouris&st=cse Colbert Report. January 26, 2009. 17

Legislation RI S0967/2003 US Senate 300/2007 Obamas Speech on Ancient Greece -And PrimeMinister-Karamanlis-Of-Greece-After-Meeting/