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at whose suggestion this thesis was undertaken.PREFACE. Mary Jackson Kennedy. 257700 . To Professor Hendrickson. I wish to make all due acknowledgment. and with whose encouragement it was carried out.


the last figure in Roman historical literature. Sallust. its To this department of for the Roman literature. and none who had come under their tion. his literary form. Livy. is still the best apology for the liberties which he has taken with the Latin language. although as interesting a matter as stylistic problems. cannot doubt that Ammianus little discussed.THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. had chosen this theory. Tacitus. long existed. methods on those traditional the power that was Augusta We find authors the Historia therefore openly transgressing the long-honored traditions of . falling by its own legitimate tendency within the influence of encomiastic theory. a of heterogeneous education and omnivorous proof reading. influence could escape the necessity of limits imposed by tradistrict conception of the ideal in historiography had A laws the majority of Latin authors. as he does. whose writings touched or lay within the sphere of history. especially when we remember that to the eyes and ears of the corrupt age in which he lived simplicity was common and the unaffected vulgar. Standing. His theory of com- has been position. ut miles quondam et Graecus. Ammianus has a wide field from which to choose style and is work Apart from all external evidence. which. We had weighed this latter question carefully: the schools of rhetoric dominated the age. most part to abide within the limits set by Between these writers and Ammianus had arisen biography. Much has extravagances of his been written on the barbarities and diction but the plea contained in his own modeatly proud expression. had become at the hands of Nepos and Suetonius a recognized medium of for the lasting in history memory men and its events. had given The great masters in recognition. a medium of of such influence from inevitable. either in word or practice.

and carrying them down to a period contemporaneous with the notice of critics his own activity. Similarities may be unconscious reminiscence or repetition. Still another factor that worked change of theory in the realm of historical literature was the florid style and tasteless subject-matter of the panegyrists. coincidences in theory. tation in technique. to no such fixed principles does he appear to bind himself. must be deliberate and for a settled purpose. technique shaped them to his own ends by in means of devices learned the school of rhetoric. It was amidst such a complex inheritance of influences that the for Greek soldier of Asiatic origin set himself the bold task of taking up the threads of Roman history where they had fallen from the hands of Tacitus. biography. historiography and reducing history to a mere chain of court trivialities and incidents. will Data for the identification of method be taken from parallel studies of the authors . and even from its light exactions the author often escapes. panegyric. He seems rather to have chosen from history. much can be found in the "Rerum Gestarum Libri" that is the outcome of a legitimate technique. It has not escaped that Tacitus was his model in many Points of contact or imirespects. We would not have the word theory in this connection misinterpreted. whatever suited his own taste. not wilfully but in apparent unconsciousness of its In spite of the incongruities and laws. which consciously or unconTo offer sciously was part of the debt of Ammianus to Tacitus.2 THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. have not been carefully traced or strongly emphasized. adapted to his purpose. and yet it is in this respect perhaps that Tacitus has best served of language Ammianus as a guide. however flexible. however. tentative matter for the substantiation of the view just stated is the object of this paper. It would be going too far to insist upon or even claim a strict historical method of composition for Ammianus. The result is and was to his eyes best a system so elastic that it can hardly be called a consistent theory. notably so in language. inconsistencies inevitably attendant on so lax an art. by their very nature. points of once he chosen.

by the historian without bias (Polyb. the latter scientific. a man's acts I. 22. Ammianus in the treatment of individual character has been one of the strongest hindrances to the recognition of this imitation. the former is artistic. therefore. . . the method used by Tacitus is the indirect. eXey^etr^at 6aai. a principatu Caes- Nervae exorsus ad usque Valentis interitum pro virium many points does not seem to be and the wide difference between Tacitus and fully recognized. . Karrjyopelv ovre rots e')(j9pov<i 14. 16. avacrriWovrai.aXr)-\jr€is iv toI<. . . His imitation of Tacitus in We shall expect. That Ammianus took up his work as a direct continuation of Tacitus This i6. circum- stances. must be 7 . irpayfxdrcov ah rov KaOrjicovra Xoyov dpiJb6^ovT€<. . aTTOtTTavre? ovv ratv Trparrov To.. compared. influences. to find the method of Ammianus governed by the rules laid down by Polybius. . Kal 6\co<t rov irpo rov j(^p6vov tow he ttoXlv iv Tat? aTV')(idL<i) Then only will the be a true one. the interpretation put upon his own words. he must give not merely the finished product of his brush. "Evioi fikv yap fiev ra^ <f)V(r€t. 8. IX. explicavi mensura. X.<: viro t(ov irepLaTaaecov Kai tow rat? i^ovaiai'i KUTacfyavelf yiyvecrdai. picture investigation must be free and open. who denied to historians the dramatic privilege of presenting to the reader historical characters measured by the author's personal standard. the direct.THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. 9: aris is is a commonplace of any history of Latin literature. 9.. 26. . and these studies will 3 be confined to points of technique in the delineation of character.^ irpeTTOvaa^. . Haec ut miles quondam et Graecus. . aTro(f)pda€i9 rwv avrol<i rot? Trpairofievoit i^apfioa-reov Kal 8i. the author's More. . that of Ammianus. eV aviriwv rSiv work (Polyb. . . we must see each progressive touch in the KaC Trep 'qfiel<. aTrocfiaLvo/xeOa irepi . hereditary traits must be weighed in the balance. reconciled and related to circumstance and action volun- tary or involuntary (Polyb. To formulate the difference mentioned in the broadest terms. related ovT€ T(ov According to these rules. XXXI.. VTro/xvqfiacnv) . 9. • (f)tXQ)v iiraivelv OKtrqreov .

^ Cf. where dramatic insinuation might go too far. it is the author's privilege to step forth from the background. " Cf. or of friends enemies. vofii^ovr€<. he may check it in like manner. the manifest results of actions fail to paint the portrait in the tones desired.^ latter art of delineation Tacitus is Of the past master." p. on the other hand. must be considered the all For original source. The author who employs limited to the spirit of his method is purely subjective. wo die indirekte Charakteristik sich nicht entfalten kann. in the main distinctly antithetical to that of his great prototype. Personlichkeit und Geschichtsschreibung d. and barred by indirect technique. 1-45. the chapter on Thucydides " in Bruns's Literarische Portrat der Gruchen. together with the natural preferences of a character like that of Ammianus. brought about a method of characterization in resorting to direct methods. rainrjv 6l Keiorepav this direct or scientific elvai Koi T0t9 'ypd^ovai koL rot? ava'^L'yvdxTKOvcn rrjv iinaijfiaatav). Gruchen. the very indirect work from the The method. Jene iiber das Wesen eines Mannes kurz orientirenden Worte sind eben da am Platze. although referring strictly to the presentation of historical facts. the recorded plastic for both. . also p. need set no such definite limits to its scope. 46 if. 44. the annalistic. Art is freer than science. and give expression to his own estimate. while adopting as a convenience objective media." pp. and his Where the narrative.^ the historiographical form of Tacitus. includes the needs of the reader as well as the hearts of his characters in his world-knowledge. established principles for the indirect method. ^aaCkemv koL tmv ein^avSiv avBpcov. The author. but the influence of a long period of biography dominated by rhetoric. ^ It is here assumed that the reference in Polybius. we are always conscious that it is the author's own deep convictions and strong judgments to which Ammianus adopted for his work his spell causes us to incline. with his finger on the pulse of the world. rarely we must term his no author do we feel more subjective force. and in spite of the close reserve and repression of personality that characterizes his art. public judgment art is gossip. may be extended to include points of characterization for individuals. Objective as technique. Bruns.4 re r5iv THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. individuals or state.

as in that of Tacitus. gives us only the finished pictures. there are few insinuations. the elogia. or whether these characters are being used also as dramatic illustrations how of times and situations. dealing giving us his own A with historical situations not dissimilar. it is the influence of Livy and Tacitus that causes us to feel that a chronicle should be outwardly at least without individuis not in ality. That the sources used 5 by Ammianus were a potent factor for the subjective tone of his portraiture of character is certain. however. far his design in character delineation went. We get a plain view of his intended work in each case. essential differences above sketched. departs on occasion from the precepts of Polybius. the causes that led to the conception of that picture remain unknown or are matter of conjecture. no veiled judgments. den Laser in seine psychologischen Voruntersuchungen keinen Einblick thun zu lassen. it cence. and that the tone of encomiastic biography keeping with the form of historiography. Tacitus. Die Personlichkeit in d." p. comparison of parts of the work of each author. need to ask in the case of Ammianus.^ Ammianus. ' will best illustrate the See Bruns's remarks on " this. he expresses his thoughts and estimates with the artlessness of a child. At any rate the student of Ammianus cannot but feel inconsistencies between the annalistic form of the narrative whose pages he is turning. Bruns. Alten." p. which he employs to set the mark of impressiveness on a prominent character at the close of a career." .THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. We recognize the fact that he is conception of each personage. Cf. and where may be traced as a rule to a Tacitean reminisHis delineation in the main. and proceed with him step by step as he investigates and weighs this occurs. wie es das des Thukydides war. " Es is ebenso das Princip des Tacitus. 78 fF. " * Die Personlichkeit in der Geschichtsschreibung der Alten. on the other hand. however.'^ There is no actions. is free and open. Geschichtsschreibung d. and his only object in so doing is to describe that personage. and the author's frank revelation of of himself and his estimates the characters that he depicts. 63 S. are proof Perhaps positive of what he owed to biography and panegyric.

Books XV-XXI. in spite of the sharp contrast which the methods of delineation adopted by Ammianus often offer to those of Tacitus. not be out of place to consider a general matter. I The Annals The essentially historical. of the later historian's Before entering upon a closer examination of these passages. and yet the skill of Tacitus leaves two narrative is brilliant portraits. are devoted partly to the campaigns of Germanicus in Germany. and form for companion pictures them. names personages being enumerated. No one can read this portion work without being fully convinced. the jealous It is Emperor in the court at abroad home. up to Julian's acclamation as Emperor) and is included in about fifty pages of the same reckoning. considering the closer relation of the author to the era with which he deals. of Tacitus. The figure of Germanicus stands out vividly as we read. battling the Empire. {i. The narrative covering the campaigns of it will Germanicus belongs to the years 14. e. The portraits drawn by are as conspicuous as those of Tacitus. the tribes of the enemy.O THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. but no less clearly do we see the personality of Tiberius in the background. that here at least the earlier author was the later author's model. the successful Caesar. where the historical setting is very similar. mindful of the dramatic effect attained by Tacitus. almost . The difference in The narrative of Tacitus is particularly of and even of inferiors. In Ammianus. and the relations of the two main personages Ammianus present a sufficiently close parallel. 15 and 16 A. that of fullness of detail. save where. for not pressing an analogy too far to set side by side with these passages of Tacitus that part of the work of Ammianus which contains the narrative of the early history of Julian and Constantius. their leaders. and many less prominent detail is remarkable. and the early part of II. D. full. rarely does it cross the limits of historiography. D. officers.. we have much less detail of that kind. the account of Julian in Ammianus covers the period from 355-361 A. and is comprised in about thirty pages of Teubner text. he is adopting. and we feel assured that this is what the author intended.. incidents of battle.

2-3. general tone of apology reminds the reader of the commonplaces with which the author of an encomiastic oration The excuses his panegyric. one rpoiroL among 506. the officers come in for little attention. XV. instrumenta omnia mediocris ingenii. quod non arguta concinnat. do not lose sight of Germanicus in the pages of Tacitus more than we do of Julian in Ammianus. / mechanically. sed fides Integra rerum absoluit documentis evidentibus fulta. 13) . In Tacitus they seem part of the narrative. the treatment of his model. in Ammianus there this omission as the entirely different is much open We any case to characterize the leading figures. Quicquid autem narrabitur. and which the rhetoricians enjoined for works of laudatory character. pertinebit. i. for of the leading figure of in the Ammianus. ad laudativampaene materiam. maiorque mihi rerum nascitur ordo. But he strikes the keynote of his treatment of Julian still more clearly for us in XVI. treatment had That Ammianus intends relates to Julian is to glorify that part of his work which frankly stated in the introductory sentence excelsus of his excursus on the Gauls. feelings that praise might engender. . 9. falsitas multis veterum factis fortibus commoturus. but it is not so much necessary technique more extended characterization purpose for which the details given are apparently utilized that engages our attention.. Proinde quoniam ut Mantuanus vates — praedixit — maius opus moveo. Ammianus freely interprets for us. Yet. but in the former use of them we must do our own characterization from narrated events facts. to anticipate any prejudicial In Aristides (Sp. the studied reserve of the Tacitean method has marked Germanicus as his darling and and Tiberius as the object of his detestation. singula serie progrediente monstrabo.THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. and assists our judgment. as vividly as the later author's frankly encomiastic or critical shown his opinions of Julian and Constantius. of course. II. except those that serve as foils to Julian. igitur res magnae quas per praestant. when we reach the end. Gallias virtute felicitateque Quia correxit. si suffecerint. tov the we have firj <f)opTiKm iiratvetv. The the omission of such particulars leaves room.. i.

of incapacity in comparison with the subject (Doxopater. the last phrase of 2 that Ammianus most clearly method —-ad paene laudativam materiam pertinehit Here we have complete acknowledgment of his intention.. the Emperor presents their future 8. tribunali ad altiorem suggestum erecto. 449. both of which Ammianus uses. of his favorite given above. . II. we have a description of his adoption as Caesar by Constantius. Obvious instruments for characterization are the speech of Constantius. In XV. found in the 33. commoturus. resorts to the indirect technique and uses it most skilfully.8 THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. 8. and the description of the reception of the new Caesar by the soldiers. although preparing us for the narrative of Julian's exploits. often even in technicalities. The passage from preparatory perusals of his great model. 8) : commander to the army in the following words (XV. aflPording an the places where Ammianus. fresh excellent opportunity for objective characterization. advocate omni quod aderat commilitio. throughout his treatment of Julian. Rh. is not his first introduction into the pages of Ammianus. 4: Cum venisset accitus praedicto die. quod aquilae circumdederunt et signa." Doxopater lays down as one of the laws of encomium such a profession . The scene is highly dramatic. rpoiro'i that covers this point: rpiTO<i €0' ocf av fxeXXrjXeyetvalT'^Tat. Augustus inscendens eumque (Julian) manu retinens dextra. . After an introductory reference to the disturbance in Gaul. 8. XV. . . haec sermone placido peroravit. words "instrumenta omnia mediocris ingenii. v6fio<i eVrt rol<i iyKw/xid^ovai jxei^ova rov oliceCov Xoyov Trjv Trpoa-KejXLevrjv vvjoOecnv). and But it is in defines his we purpose is maintained. Walz. on which. partly through his own observance of rhetorical theory. and the first characThis is one of terization of him is found in the same passage. Gr. than on personal recollection. is ojav irplv elirelv ir arvyvoifirjv Another feature of the encomium si suffecerint. partly by shall see that this reflection of the biographical no less and encomiastic sources. 5-18. he based his representation Emperor.

The praise bestowed on Julian follows the rhetorical formulae for enco- summary. Constantius concludes his speech with a conventional exhortation to the future commander. After the formal assumption of the insignia of Caesar. We have his mores (verecundia. 10) : Emperor with Quia igitur vestrum quoque favorem adesse fremitus indicat laetus. lulianum hunc fratrem 9 meum patruelem. velut praescia venturi praedicans. etiam vestra consensione fir- mandis. 8. necessitudine nobis ita ut carus est. given in the following paragraph (XV. although serving the usual purposes of a speech in historiography. The last clause is the cue for interruption 8. si videntur utilia. that of adding to the dramatic effect and placing the situation in It is here utilized also for laudatory ends. is mium. XV. temperati mores. This is acknowledged and interpreted by the further characterizing phrases (XV. ut nostis. his bodily powers (vigoris . cuius temperati mores imitandi sunt potius quam praedicandi ad honorem prosperatum exsurgat: cuius praeclaram indolem bonis artibus institutam hoc ipso plene videor exposuisse quod elegi. Dicere super his plura conantem interpellans contio lenius prohibebat. recte spectatum iamque qua elucentis industriae iuvenem in Caesaris adhibere potestatem exopto. 10). . 8. arbitrium summi numinis id esse. during which the soldiers show further approval {cum exercitus gaudio). 8. coeptis. . 8. 15): post haec finita reticuit sed mihtares omnes horrendo scuta genibus inlidentes quod est prosperitatis indicium fragore immane quo quantoque gaudio praeter paucos plenum. 9) : by the soldiers. Nemo — — Augusti probavere iudicium Caesaremque admiratione digna suscipiebant imperatoris muricis fulgore flagrantem. readily seen that the speech of Constantius. non mentis humanae.THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. . adulescens vigoris tranquilli. praeclaram indolem. verecundia. applause from flattering burst of the contio completes this bit of historical drama A (XV.

gratum multumque contuentes. in the description of the The praise flattering reception given him by the populace. Nich. irapaX^ixf/ei. where the newly chosen Caesar is borne Homer: susceptus denique ad consessum vehiculi. 7. Cf. * Aristides. Julian's progress through Vienna (XV. (bonis artibus institutam. Sp. 21-22) gives further opportunity for indirect praise. and the phrase "imitandi sunt potius quam praedicandi'^ might have been culled from a panegyric. fi 8. an Si ol echo of Suetonius. is of the most exaggerated kind (salutarem quendam genium adfulsisse) common in and there are traces of the rhetorical ai/f/^cri?. 505. 8.^ so encomium. THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS.lO tranqullli. eixprifda. tivwp Tovoirov. Hermog. 31 ff. which disdained the honors of a throne in comparison with higher things. 21: We feel a Cumque Viennam venisset. 8. lo) . . 10. The omen for future greatness. Sp. Homerico is carmine susurrabat. These words contain a tribute to the "^/^y^?? of Julian. II. hunc versum ex This irop<p6p€os ddvaros Kal /xocpa Kparaii). 8. coUigebant. 3 Quint.^ A more open touch of personal praise is added in XV. quidem ^ 8. ' irapa^oKrj. which appeared generally in the 'yeveaisP of the encomium... Xanpdvovrai S4 iiraivoi koto. Soph. ipers if ripa (cat & wepl ttjv fiveaiv avviireaev A|ia daipxiTOi olov i^ dveipdruv ff/jLV^dXuv ff. 371. Sp. III.. 17. lo). An admirable instance of the indirect technique is found in the words contractiore vultu suhmaestum used to characterize Julian during the ceremony. III. In Tacitean fashion the reader is left to inter- but the conclusion is obvious.. Sp. rpdirovs recrcropas ai^riffei.. his iraChevaL'. XV. presaging preeminence for Julian at the entrance into his new et life. 12. 11. ?XXa/3e a note in the biographical manner. to the palace muttering a line from receptusque in regiam. Menand. by the Emperor's speech. 480. where the soldiers scrutinize more closely their new commander: cuius oculos diu cum venustate terribiles vultumque excitantius sit. ingredientem optatum impetrabilem honorifice susceptura omnis aetas concontinuance of this in XV. i6. velut scrutatis veteribus quorum lectio per corporum signa pandit animorum interna. is introduced in 22. qui futurus libris. and are directly in keeping with the glimpses of his character revealed pret this for himself. II.. III.

et dignitas proculque visum plebs universa finitima. 1}v T(i|«j us Av 6 Kaipbs ixpriyijr ai. In the following book (XVI).THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. 5.^ iv rots iyKUfilois i<l>opn^ ij Hermog. quod adulescens primaeuus ut Erechtheus in secessu Minervae nutritus ex academiae quietis umbraculis non e militari tabernaculo in pulverem Martium tractus. This a-vyKpta-i^. 3. This passage comprises XVI. Videtur enim lex quaedam vitae melioris hunc iuvenem a nobilibus cunis ad usque spiritum comitata supremum. pacatisque rigentis Rheni meatibus. alibi manus catenis adflixit. ad cuius aemulationem actus suos effingebat et mores. and its quotation will best serve to illustrate the point of open laudation (XVI. bellorum gloriosis cursibus Traiani simillimus. omnium magnarum artium sicut arborum altitudo nos delectat. rectae perfectaeque rationis indagine congruens Marco. Although the whole passage is most strongly rhetorical touch in in a high strain of praise. as formulated by rhetoricians. ut Tulliana docet auctoritas. sic praeclarae huius indolis rudimenta tunc multis obnubilantibus tegebantur. II. preparing the reader for such a step by the words "ad laudativam paene materiam pertinebit." already quoted. : 4. quendam genium adfulsiss'e conclamatis Tunc anus quaedam orba luminibus cum percontando quinam esset ingressus. i 4. salutarem negotiis arbitrata. * was a marked feature of the encomium. . cruenta spirantium regum hie sanguinem fudit. I 4. the is in the accumulation of 4 with Titus. 22. quae anteferri gestis eius postea multis et miris hac ratione deberent. 5) . communiumque remedium aerumnarum in eius imperatorem clementem appellans locabat adventu. clemens ut Antoninus. avidius pompam regiam in principe legitime cernens. Trajan. and employs the most openly encomiastic style. radices stirpesque non item. 5. which is here of a formal character. praevia consonis laudibus celebrabat. Sp. strata Germania. lulianum Caesarem comperisset. exclamavit. . Antoninus Pius and comparisons Marcus Aurelius. Namque incrementis velocibus ita domi forisque conluxit ut prudentia Titus alter aestimaretur. currebat.. II viclnitate cum et faustum. Ammianus lays aside all attempt at continuing the indirect technique. hunc deorum templa reparaturum. 13. /jxylffrt] Si dirb tQv ffvyKplffeuv. Et quoniam.

Nich. likening the compared characters in one single point. XVI. Sp. "ancillari adulatione posthabita.. 32 Kal dearpiK^v elvai tov ceixvov.aiv 5k bpjoiwt k Cf. magnopere nitebatur). T&s Xi. syncritical passage. and the reader feels the "ut "non e militari alii. Soph. dXX' iKeivai. 5. 5. The another rhetorical device. we might as a light \v<tk of possible criticism of the Such explanations were allowed by Caesar's early inert life. (ffvyKpiffeis) fUv^ffov rai/j^piKdi^otov iraiSiias Taidelav 10 ff. serving to paint a background enhance Julian's later glory.. This is a detailed example of the avyKptcn^ /MepiK'q. 2 continues in the same circumstances is difficult tone. in 7. alVep iXiyovro elvai Kal (re/ivdi. our attention is young inexperienced leader. irofiiriKTjv Nich. II. and as an instrument of the ai/ai/oeo-t9. and the "velut dux diuturnus" is conspicuous praise for a and In 4. 377. 307)^" grand (a-efivof) style.^ Another example of this figure may be noted in 5." Here the comparison is implied. III.<r«x iird^o/xev icrxi'/wT^pas iva vavraxbOev ri T^j .. multis obnubilantibus tegebantur." to be supplied after non. 2. rhetoricians to encomiasts.12 THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. II dvirdiffeu^ /3Xd)3os Xi/ijTai.. qua eum proximi ad amoenitatem flectebant et luxum. 482. X/^eis bi Xa/JLirpdi." picturing the allurements to luxury to heighten the virtue of temperance that resists them. III. on ^^ avradda ff. alibi manus catenis adflixit). ffu<l>poffiv7]s -irpbs aw<l>po<iivi)v. ff&yKpiais: <}>p6. 487. in the words tabernaculo in pulverem Martium tractus. (Sp. ij III. may be interpreted in close relation to the last figure of obstacles which will named. called to his bravery and ardor (fidentius Caesar audaciam phrase viri fortis imitari proved spe . 6. . negative adverb marks frequently employed in a mentioned by Hermog. the background of deepened by the words. Soph. ^^ The highly rhetorical exaggeration also consider them of the closing words of this passage also forms part of the encomiastic treatment (strata Germania. . pacatisque rigentis Rheni meatihus cruenta spirantium re gum hie sanguniem fudit. The words in 5. Sp. His strategic skill is and the result is pointed out (proinde certiore venit Tricasas adeo insperatus ut eo portas paene diffusae pulsante ^ multitudinis barbarae metu aditus urbis Menand. Sp.

in spite of manifold inducements The ensuing to the contrary. XVI. 3." description of Julian in camp and civil life is a encomiastic biography. 3. quod in magnis ductoribus opem ferre solet exercitibus et salutem. manu sua conscripserat. verum hoc quoque diligentia curato pervigili. temperantiam ipse sibi indixit atque retinuit. praelicenter disponens. varia discursuro. 2. sublato animo ad exsequenda plurima consurgebat. ne alimenta in multiplices curas. .. et conspiratas gentes in noxam Romani nominis disiectaret ac provideret. Denique cum legeret libellum assidue. XVI. munificis 5. ^ox^poavvr}^ real bit of it will be remembered.THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. XVI. under which the encomiastic writer classed the rrpd^u<i of his subject. quem Constantius ut privignum ad studia mittens. 4 prepares the way for further eulogistic writing: ^' efficacissimus Caesar providebat constanti sollicitudine ut deessent exercitui per employed here are such militum diuturno labori quies succederet aliqua licet brevis. general. resting upon an account of the Caesar's moderation and his care for the soldiers. militis vili et fortuito cibo contentus. I. resumes the the young characterization." The generalities as encomiastic biography could supply. after some annalistic details in i. XVI. quid in convivio Caesaris impend! deberet: phasianum. 5. ii: "hinc deinde nee itinera nee flumina transire putans erat providus et cunctator. upon inundantium molem humeris suis quod dicitur vehens scindeof the batur sidiis ut milites qui a solitis descivere praereducerentur ad loca suspecta. was one of the four cardinal virtues." the side remark giving the interposse sine insidiis praecipium bonum pretation of the action. The deeds that are enumerated under this head (3) show an . 4. 3. as Ammianus makes us clearly understand. 5. illustrating efficiency with a world of wars his "ubi bellorum shoulders. non note sine is I3 anxia in The next personal panderetur ambage).. et vulvam et sumen exigi vetuit et inferri. adfusa laetiore spe prosperorum. Julian maintained this temperance.

Trpdrrovra /card irpoalpeaiv iirh . 32.^^ the heads of night and day (XVI. to which 9 forms a rhetorical transition. in ipsis congressibus proeliorum. 372. 7. as they imply choice. (5) lulianum vero evigilavit et nocte dimidiata stragulis sericis absque instrumento quotiens voluit.)^ again a rhetorical After this come his pursuits and studies. quid factitasse Alexandrum legimus Magnum. 4.) in learn in the devotion to poetry. semper exsurgens. ireipar^ov deiKvivai . €7riTr]SevfiaTa iarlv ajcavcov 7r/oa|et9 ^diKUL. {non combination with the figure of comparison.14 THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. S' the as eTrizrjBev/xaTa of the rhetorician. ambiguo fulgore nitentibus sed ex tapete e Conspicuous here too is the avaipeai<. Hoc contingebat ut noctes ad officia divideret tripertita. 9.. this head we hear of Julian's diligent application to study and statesmanship. etc. apparatu vel buntur. 8) of Julian's We plumis. 3. . following paragraphs (5. sed multo Ille namque aenea concha supposita brachio extra cubile protento pilam tenebat argenteam. hie fortius. In this 5. XVI. infusus. These Under especially indicate character. underlying moral purpose {'jrpoaipea-i'." Julian's justice and ability in civil life are characterized in 10-15. theology. oratory and history. gestaminis lapsi tinnitus abrumperet som- num. . Alexander the Great.. filled with epithets of encomiastic nature. . Sp. "et haec quidem pudicitiae virtutumque sunt signa nocturna. I. non e plumis vel et (navpa. 9. 4-8. in its given dvev by Menand. 5. d' iK tQv irpd^ewv 6 ^iraivos ttjs . we meet again a a-vyKpiai<i with strongly balanced in favor of Julian. divided under point. The former correspond to highest sense. ut cum nervorum vigorem sopor laxasset. of his acquaintance with Greek and Latin. quietis et publicae rei et musarum. ?|ews iarlv. 5. . XVI. Diebus vero quae ornate dixerit liberalitate. philosophy. 4. Arist. The closing sentence in 8 openly avows the intention to characterize in enumerating his pursuits. Rhet. S' tpya (TTjpjeia. 9). 6. 5. t6. aut in re civili nanimitate correxit et ^^ quaeve in magsuo quaeque loco demonstratt facete. III.

confronted with the difficulties of initiation into clitellae A military 11. we learn also that the legions turned toward Germanicus. which corresponds to the manner of enco- mium. get our first glimpse of Germanicus in the historian's most objective fashion. "magna spe fore ut Germanicus Caesar imperium alterius pati nequiret. 1 5 We may distinguish in this the grouping of the irpd^ei^ under the divisions of war (in ipsis congressibus proeliorum) and peace (in re civili). Menand. 7) "ne Germanicus. 25 ." a touch that." Such is the characterization of Julian in some ten pages of 12. Slxa eis re rk Kar elp'^vqv Kal ra Karb. stimulates interest in Germanicus. in cuius manu tot legiones.. one We whose chief causes for apprehension at the death of Augustus was (Ann. are so rare that their presence is always a surprise. hopes of the German In chapter 31. habere imperium quam exspectare mallet." drill. Ammianus. We shall now is Germanicus shall find turn to the portion of the Annals where portrayed under not unlike conditions." There is no characterization of Germanicus here simply a background of "mirus apud populum favor" to make us desirous to know more of of — this people's darling. sed imperatorem mitissimi animi legibus praestare sevens decet.. bovi et imperator "rapere" inquit. We of the presence of the author's personality The author's comments very little that marks the writing of Ammianus. like the first reference. Sp. II. ir6\efju)v. through the medium of the thoughts of Tiberius. plane non est nostrum onus.THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. In chapter 33 we have at the actual introduction of Germanicus " TttS Toiairros Toiivv Siaip-fiffets vpd^eis fF." "'incusent' iura clementiam. I. ical feature 10. "non accipere sciunt agentes in rebus. is When purely biographhere introduced. after the first appearance of his hero Emperor upon the scene as Caesar. he utters "vetus illud proverbium sunt impositae. immensa sociorum auxilia. mirus apud populum favor. 372. daret se legionibus vi sua cuncta tracturis.^^ and was adopted Into biography. that of the airo^de^fiara.

when we recall the scene to our imagination." In the next sentence we come upon a really subjective touch: "nam iuveni civile ingenium. Augustae nepos. .l6 a short THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS." and we have no mention . the Caesar in his imperial robes. In the dramatic events that follow. Chapter 36. with for enlarging the exception of the central figure. tanto impensius pro Tiberio niti. adrogantibus et obscuris. and this is indisputably what the historian intended. sed anxius occultis in se patrui aviaeque odiis. This scene. "sed Germanicus quanto it The opening words summae the spei propior. especially when it could carry with a fling at Tiberius. All that is insisted upon here is. and what the technique of historiography demanded. . 7eW (ipse Druso fratre Tiberil genitus. does not claim the main share of attention. that where Tacitus had an opportunity openly to make Germanicus conspicuous. mira comitas. including the popular belief upon which rested the "favor et spes. opens with a purely impersonal "consultatum de remedio. which might have given scope ibi upon the line. quorum causae rerum potitus quia iniquae credebaturque foret libertatem redditurus. of chapter 34 convey an impression of in a Germanicus generous light. It will be dwelt upon in detail hereafter. unde in Germanicum favor et spes eadem). can be best compared with a portion of Ammianus upon which we have not yet touched. general's wise policy." but historian does not comment even with an adjective. he refrained from so doing and subserved the purposes of history. and even the most reserved of historians could not avoid it. in the other all are mere supernumeraries." personal com- A ment seems almost necessary here. et diversa ab Tiberii sermone. Germanicus. A general comparison might be instituted between this scene in the Annals and the coronation scene in Ammianus: in the one all present are actors in the scene. although present to our minds throughout. it is a mutinous camp that we see. si ceding sentence. vultu. however. There is nothing so far beyond the briefest relation of facts necessary for historiography. His marriage to Agrippina is mentioned in the pre. acriores.

THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. "permoto ad miserationem ob omni qui aderat exercitu propinquos. not a single epithet of any kind being applied to Germanicus. the narrative is absolutely colorless. The next passage from which we deduce any characterization the attitude of the whole army of Germanicus is I. <f)p6vT]<n<." Chapters 61 and 62 are doubtless intended to present forcefully the pious and patriotic attitude of Germanicus in rendering the last rites to Varus and his army. characterizing the action of But the general as he places the first sod. the phrase "bellicaque Germanici gloria" may be construed into a recognition by the author of the Caesar's exploits. saltusque. the slightest suggestion of interpretation of his actions to be discovered. the . Usipites. unless the adjective "gratlsslmo" in 62. 71. where. we come upon a touch which. 52. amicos denlque ob casus bellorum et sortem hominum. but the author places the narrative before us without a comment. and be taken as a result of the leader's remarkable in the encomium would be classed under the Later in the chapter comes another sentence also capable of such interpretation. even his speeches being devoid of all charac- nor is terizing qualities.. A very slight tone of comment may also be inferred in 58. Tubantes. reach chapter 51. is encomiastic: When we excivit ea caedes Bruderos. is a personal note. cum Caesar advectus ad vicensimanos voce magna hoc illud tempus obliterandae seditionis clamitabat. after the great loss In battle. This virtue may sagacity. "dementi responso. of IJ any conspicuous part played by Germanicus In the matter. interpreted by the rules of rhetoric. it Is left to us to read into the lines a tribute to the "pietas" of Germanicus." and the mention of Germanicus In 62 as "soclus" makes him merely an actor In the scene. insedere. In the ensuing chapters. and important only through his position as general. turbabanturque densis Germanorum catervis leves cohortes. In the succeeding chapter. Quod gnarum duci incessitque itineri et proelio. per quos exercitui regressus. (61).

Rumors and references to the Roman people's love Germanicus have marked him for the reader with the stamp of popularity. . alium spe. i. quod " : Romae cum multo dedecore temptasse aliquando dicitur Gallienus. that Tacitus gives us the interesting and impressive part of his delineation of Germanicus. 72. alium gloria. facta singulorum extollere. Never did dramatist resort to a more unique device than Tacitus has employed on this occasion. is conduct of the leader narrated. ^^ We men see Germanicus. were different from those of the quest of Germanicus. Utque cladis leniret. here in Book II we find the former. 9) represents Gallus (and by implication Gallienus) resorting to a similar but more direct expedient to learn the estimation in which he was held novo denique perniciosoque exemplo idem Gallus ausus est inire flagitium grave. chapters 12. Ammianus (XIV. comite uno. and characterization. unless subjective. This is perhaps as striking an example as can be presented of the Tacitean resources for characterization without laying aside the author's for mask. circumire saucios. cunctos adloquio et cura sibique et proelio firmabat. A most advantageous point for the characterization of a general is immediately before or after a battle. vulnera intuens. of his to try the disposition of the unwitting soldiers as shown in free converse with one another (II. those interested in points of technique." der Alten. contectus umeros ferima pelle). quid de Caesare quis que sentiret." p. evidently to impress his {(^iXavOpoDiria). 21. penitus noscendae mentes cum secreti et incustoditi inter militaris cibos spem aut metum Incidentally he enjoys the privilege not usual proferrent). in his anxiety to learn the feelings with regard to the coming conflict. must come through the army. . humanity and thoughtful care Germanicus . steal forth under cover of darkness and in fantastic disguise (per occulta et vigilibus ignara. Hendrickson. 12. et adhibitis paucis clam ferro succinctis vesperi per tabernas palabantur et compita. 13. memoriam etiam comitate It is in Book II. but Germanicus is at this moment far from the Roman people. propria pecunia militem iuvit. most Tacitus has already availed himself of the latter opportunity in I.lO THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. Bruns. " Proconsulate of Julius Agricola. schichtsschreibung p. quaeritando Graeco sermone cuius erat impedio gnarus. 5. Both motive and result. . we may conclude.^^ " The force of this passage for characterization has been most fully recognized by " Die Personlichkeit in der GeCf.

Tacitus adds. and we are arrested in the next chapter (21) by the same strain. In chapter 22 the modest reticence of Germanicus in setting up the commemoration of his triumph (superbus titulus) is to be divined from the brief clause. per The ensuing chapter contains the general's speech before (11." Tacitus proceeds to psychological conscientiam analysis of the springs of the action. "primus Caesar cum praetoriis cohortibus capto vallo dedit impetum in silvas" may emphasize for the reader the avhpua of Germanicus. Here the expression has a wider scope (II. consilia locos prompta occulta noverat astusque hostium in perniciem ipsis vertebat). "de se nihil addidit. "metu invidiae an ratus facti satis esse. Cf. 14: vocat contionem et quae sapientia provisa aptaque imminenti pugnae disserit. 15. we find a rhetorically encomiastic touch such as has been noticed in I." The inference of the juxtaposition is not difficult. after openly acknowl2. 20: Nihil ex his Caesari the battle. Still Germanicus quod praecipium honum in magnis ductoribus opem ferre solet exercitibus et salutem). cum hie nobilitatem eundem animum laudibus ferrent." where Ammianus would have added some such characterizing phrase as "modestissimus Caesar. 51 (quod gnarum duci). II: erat providus et cunctator edging the bravery (virtus) of the leaders of the Germans. quo magis agnosceretur. 20. "et Germanicus." In suggesting the two reasons. detraxerat tegimen capiti.THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. . I. and the intent to glorify as a leader is more strongly felt by the reader. In II. The most open praise could not more plainly convey to us the author's judgment of Germanicus than these few lines. decorem seria per iocos alius. reddendamque gratiam in aeie faterentur). the author does not betray himself by any epithet or phrase such as Ammianus uses under like circumstances (XVI. comitatem. for eavesdroppers (frulturque I9 fama sui. In the same chapter. couched in purely objective form. orationem ducis secutus militum ardor). Arminius and Inguiomerus. plurimi patientiam. duels. given with suggestions of praise incognitum.

us for and anticipates the recall by Tiberius. to decide whether the slur on is Tiberius or the tribute to Germanicus author's choice. of impartial narrative he serves a double purpose: he preserves the historic balance and does not commit himself to either. when we see him so magnanimously obeying the Emperor's decree (haud cunctatus ultra Germanipopularity. It is not difficult." almost directly refers to the generosity of the Caesar." p." In chapter 26." . Geschichtsschreibung d. another year would fill the cup of successes to the brim (si proxima aetas adiceretur. however. depending on "nee dubium habebatur. at the acme of follows. how can we but admire Germanicus. "addidit muni- noctesque apud scopulos cum ficentiam Caesar. quantum quis damni professus erat. A look at his campaigns in summary. "sola Germanici triremis dies Chaucorum terram adpulit. Meanwhile.20 THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. exsol- vendo." illustrating the persevering bravery of Germanicus. by adding the second clause (si proxima. It prepares renders that position impregnable for the future. bare as is the recital of the facts. noch starker hervor18 Bruns suggests a possible treten lassen soil. et quem per omnes illos se prominentes oras. of assured success. in indirect technique. follows in the next sentence. 79): "das die unfehlbare Sicherheit. in order to give introduction with greater force to "eo promptior Caesor pergit introrsus. posse skill bellum patrari)." The enemy are about to ask for terms (labare hostes petendaeque pacis consilia sumere). The consummate of the historian presents Germanicus in this sentence in a position.). we feel called upon to admire his tender humanity and distress at the loss at sea. and a statement of the prospects of the war. which immediately In the full glory of this position too. with a victorious by Tacitus ("Die stylistic reason for the presentation of double motives Personlichkeit in d. mit der die Grundlinien gezogen sind. etc. in 24. at the end of his campaign in Germany. army at his beck. ^^ to be accepted as the In chapters 24 and 25. and at the same time. tanti exitii reum clamitaret. the historical narrative serves also to depict the difficulties. Alten. vix cohibuere amici quominus eodem mare oppeteret.

cus. : incessit). follow these sentences: Augebat intuentium visus eximia ipsius species currusque. which introduces Germanicus as an important historical figure . 21 quamquam iingi ea.. Sed suberat occulta formido.THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. seque per invidiam parto iam decore abstrahi intellegeret). avunculum eiusdem Marcellum flangrantibus plebis studiis intra iuventam ereptum. I. the "breves et infaustos populi Romani amores. 41 closes the spoils. dramatically they serve also to shadow forth his tragic fate. breves et infaustos populi Romani amores. recital follows naturally on that of a similar movement among No historical treatment of the events on the death of Augustus would be complete withconsequent out accounts of these mutinies. of careful descriptions of these uprisings in the Annals. Let us now consider parts of the story of Germanicus which have been designedly omitted in the foregoing pages.. 16. with their bearing on the disposition and political status of the army. is an intrinsic part of the history of the period. Very simple and harmonious is the transition from the situation at Rome to that of the army in these important provinces (Ann. therefore. quinque liberis onustus. The introduction. i Hie rerum urbanarum status erat. cum Pannonicas legiones seditio the forces in Pannonia. The triumph his of Germanicus career in Germany. A note of open admiration is but in the following words. reputantibus haud prosperum in Druso patre eius favorem vulgi. devoted to the All the following passage through chapter 30 is mutiny specified in this introductory sentence. The revolt of the Germanic legions described in Annals. Its 31 ff. The contemporary disturbance among the German legions is taken up in chapter 31. with the exception of chapter 33. I." the reference to the "favorem vulgi" of Drusus. account of After a brief enumeration of the in II. and. is the duty of the historian." speak volumes for the light in which Tacitus wishes us to believe that Germanicus was regarded by the people. found in "eximia ipsius species.

related in chapter 20. the two rebellions receive equal attention at the hands of the historian. but a careful examination and comparison of the treatment accorded to each uprising offers results not without weight for those interested in the methods of the Tacitean art. at first in midnight meetings. and the death of Augustus. dum gregarius miles. although legatus does not claim our attention more closely than Aufidius Rufus. continues through chapter 49.22 THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. the prefect. piaculum furoris). which throw sidelights on the feeling caused at the military unrest and the attitude of Tiberius. until after the insurrectionary speech given in chapter Blaesus. then. As far as space in the pages of history goes. discordare). unpleasant but not without a touch of comedy. rousing the memory of political changes in which an army roles. gave the final impulse to disorder (mutatus princeps licentiam turbarum et ex civili bello spem praemiorum ostendebat). was consequent on no definite preliminary acts (nullis novis The state of idleness in a summer camp (intermiserat (Blaesus) solita munia) had already engendered a mischievous spirit (lascivire miles. intrepid and resolute throughout. 23). The seven following chapters paint a vivid picture of the mutinous camp. it bursts Into a blaze. in whose concluding sentences we read that the final fruit of the wild outburst is as wild a Rome by penitence (truces etiam turn animos cupido involat eundi in hostem. apart from any relation to the mutinous army. causis). dux olim We theatralium operarum. There is no leading figure. proca lingua et miscere coetus histrionali studio doctus. and chapters 46 and 47. more openly fans the flame of mutiny. ences at the hands of the soldiers. or Bibulenus with his taste for pathos and his inventive powers (chapters 22. . as Tacitus tells us (chapter 16). The outbreak in Pannonia. recognize the familiar figure of the "walking delegate" in the "Percennius quidam. with kaleidoscopic effect the personages and details had played important pass before us as we read." as he gathers the discontented element of the camp together. growing bolder. with his experi17.

and the ex re consulturum will fall on Sejanus. strong in itself. the soldiers waver. although. The effect of the Emperor's message. read by Drusus to the army. ripe for avails himself of for indirect deeds. characterized in the the murderous attack on the centurions by the of description clause "cui militaribus facetiis vocabulum 'cedo alteram' indiderant.THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. it 24: cum primoribus civitatis duabusque praetoriis cohortibus).. Additur magna further. presented by Tacitus with persuasive innuendo as the spotaneous utterances of the excited an admirable instance of the skill with which this soldiery datis. pars praetoriani equitis et robora Germanorum qui turn custodes imperatori erant). as disastrous to their efforts. and is saved only by the coming up of the strong body of troops which form the imperial reserve (ad cursu multitudinis quae cum Druso advenerat. is attacked as he to whom especial by a chance that arrays superstition on the side of those in command (chapter 28. this At juncture Drusus arrives. Lentulus. departing from the tribunal in company with the Caesar. resentment. Although sent nullis certis man- Drusus is merely a representative of Tiberius. i noctem minacem et in scelus erup: turam luna claro repente caelo visa relancontinuance of this phenomenon the Interpreting guescere). to strengthen extraordinary precautions have been taken (et cohortes delecto milite supra solitum firmatae. after angry demands for concessions and strong accusations against both Tiberius and Drusus. bodyguard (Ann. — historian every opportunity more violent characterization— the contio breaks up. believing the fors lenivit: nam . 2$ Nor can we forget the centurion Lucilius. accompanied by a reassuring I. To these material defences is added Sejanus. is not soothing. to which responis annexed the wide and promising field of appeal to the sibility greed or cowardice of the mutineers (et ceteris periculorum praemiorumque ostentator). The presence of Drusus is is no check upon such demonthe soldiers feel strations. as adviser for Drusus (rector iuveni). protectus The crisis threatened by the approaching night is averted est)." and the appropriate reason for the name.

amid whose scenes we discern no central figure. it is in summary a lively account of an event with some historical significance. We have already noted that the concluding steps taken by Drusus serve to Illustrate a defect of character. the generalization of the methods of the emissaries sent by Drusus to the soldiers on guard in the rebellious camp (spem offerunt. is painted in dull tones. The suppression of disorder." complete the erat). his speech and actions do not quell the mutiny. which to the eyes of the ignorant soldiery represent the "caelestis ira. ubi may pertimuerint. To review briefly the foregoing narrative. and upon this Tacitus points are emphasized here because of the second comments openly. Drusus. These we shall find In the story symmetrical. together with sudden and unseasonable storms. Sejanus. so admirable foil to fere diebus) mutiny features which present contrasts almost much so that the first narrative forms an throw out the stronger colors of the second. and Drusus returns to Rome. gods averse to them. We trace the agency of Sejanus In the instant advantage taken by Drusus of this state of mind. metum intendunt) can be interpreted rationally as an outworking of the deliberations of the periculorum praemiorumque ostentator of chapter 24. tanto violentlus). impune contemni. terrere ni paveant. adiciendos ex duce metus sublatis seditionis auctoribus). Nor is a convenient point of presentation of a fault in the character of Drusus omitted (promptum ad asperiora ingenium Druso strong measures adopted. the causes are similar (isdem causis) but the second presents difficulties far greater than the first (quanto The movement Is organized and plures. leaving matters in a state sufficiently satisfactory. . more who technically handles the situation. although many personalities of or less passing interest claim our attention. dum superstitio urgeat. . that Is brought about by the Intervention of Providence and the aid of own that shrewd advisor.24 THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. The Insurrections occur at the same time (chapter 31: isdem . The policy of summary punishment of flagrant offenders (chapter 29: nihil be traced to the same advisory source in vulgo modicum.

quod neque disiecti aut paucorum instinctu sed pariter ardescerent. these legions are an influential factor in a political no is less than in a military sense. ut Pannonicas inter legiones Percennius. he adds variety and conceals more artfully the is cr'x^fjfjba avyKpiTtKov) . they need not wait the issue in bodies more powerful than themselves (nee apud trepidas militum aures. Tacitus adds the psychologist's reflection "id militares animos altius coniectantibus. suis victoriis augeri rem publlcam. exercitus respicentium. The fact that their position given by Tacitus as part of their own reflection on the situation at the death of Augustus is significant of the historian's belief in the possibilities that might have resulted 31. 5: sua In manu sitam rem Romanam. ^5 general. (Tacitus here puts Into the from their attitude (chapter indirect discourse the contents of the sed clause. 5: non unus haec. as sed multa seditionis ora vocesque completes the avaipeac^ beginning in non unus haec. praecipuum iudicium magni atque implacabilis motus. and the Intention of the historian to contrast in this respect the rebellion first outlined is shown hy a.THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. also in the significant indirect discourse in chapter (legionibus vi sua cuncta tracturis). corresponding to the nee apud trepidas militum aures. sed multa seditlonis ora vocesque). as well as by the more subtly rhetorical avaipeai'. tanta aequalitate et constantia ut A contrast between the legions afi'ected in regi crederes. by so doing. the German legions are masters of the situ- no strong praetorian cohort is there to overawe them. alios validiores ation." each case by rebellion and their military position is suggested in chapter 31. . here again is the suggestion of avat/)€<ri9). in suum cognomentum adsclsci impera tores). pariter silerent. clause of direct comparison. and the full force of . . The conclusion of chapter . The soldiers' belief In their own power conveyed I 31. where after relating the fact that the soldiers had taken the control of the camp into their own hands. 32 also calls attention with a deeply rhetorical color to the securely founded and concerted nature of the insurrectionary movement. 5.^ already noted as characteristic of the syncritical figure (31.

whose position is indicated by the suggestion that follows: quippe plurium vaecordia constantiam exemerat. and the assumption of entire control of the service by the rebels. is To form the evident traces is of mutinies. ch. It is improbable that they could have thus united without marches of considerable that three legions had come together If one may not accuse Tacitus of sup- extent which would show a deeper and more intense element than the Tacitean account would have us suppose. the critical and important nature of the second is to be more clearly understood by a juxtaposition of its inner workings and suggested issues with the aimless and detached story of the first. Placing the main characteristics of the Pannonian rebellion. i civili bello spem praemiorum ostendebat). their hopes were centered in Germanicus (magna spe fore ut Germanicus Caesar imperium alterius pati nequiret daretque se legionibus vi sua cuncta tracturis). these suggestions may be understood from the rest of the same sentence. on the other hand. . the rendering of the first a mere bagatelle.^* ^' Aside from the artistic effect of this bit of literary is evidently not so much for the purpose of characterizing Caecina > add weight to the gravity of the rebelHon by throwing out a reference to the effect upon the mind of the Heutenant. beside the conditions so far developed of the mutiny in Gaul. beginning in idle mischief and ending by chance. pression in this matter. l8) indicates much. whose career as learned from other historical episodes This sentence as to does not justify criticism of his resolution or courage. on the one side. of a-vyKpi<n<i^ already familiar (nee legatus directly contrasted figure of Blaesus is obviam so ibat).^' Under these conditions in the camp of it is not surprising to read in chapter 32 of the successful carrying out of a violent attack upon the centurions. the lower army. yet fresh in mind. another added in the comparison between the two beginning of chapter 32 in the The obviously suggested as to require no argument to enforce its presence by that of the commander Caecina. it is at least fair to note that this fact is related without comment. ^* That the first movement was one of greater gravity than Tacitus contrives to- make it appear is not improbable.26 THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. i6. (tres legiones miscere. also in 17. the result of the comparison is. The fact. The possibiHties for civil war have already been suggested. new note the definite mention of Germanicus for the leading role in the drama played so often in Roman history. while. i (ex et mutantem adhuc principem) so that here the only (novum .

dissoni questus audiri coepere et quidam. hence. and we may feel assured that all possible means will be employed to make that entrance a striking and memorable one. - The entire responsibility of the Gallic provinces rests with Germanicus (chapter 31. and the position of this reflection shows that it is to be interpreted with special reference to the mutiny in hand.THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. where the meeting described. 2. in chapter 34 (postquam vallum iniit. but of assumed feeling the addition of two words (contumaciae propriores) marks a difference in tone. and to meet all the problems and possibilities of the hour a paragon is required. ofDrusus with the Pannonian troops 4. add to these the mental attitude of the troops towards Germanicus personally. I'J another motive exists for Tacitus. With the Gallic mutiny. Germanicus is that paragon. the description of which is resumed im- mediately (audito legionum tumultu raptim profectus). Interpreted by the medium of Tacitean art. even without the suggestive touches added where occasion is afforded. tanto impensius pro Tiberio niti). With the opening words of chapter 34 Tacitus strikes the keynote for his delineation of Germanicus. Germanicus enters as an historical character. artifice. The darker the background of the mutiny (magnus et implacabilis motus) the more conspicuously will it place in relief the character that Tacitus delights to honor. incorruptible loyalty to Tiberius (quanto summae spei propior. ut vacua dentibus . we find a similar imputation (quamquam maestitiam imitarentur). it may also be noted. The appeals. his own acts and words would portray character. the offenders come forth meet him in apparent penitence (deiectis in terram oculis If with this we compare chapter 24. once introduced upon the scene as the central personage. prensa manu eius per speciem osculandi inseruerunt digitos. The conditions sketched in chapters 31 and 32 are per se of a most serious and threatening nature. 3: regimen summae rei penes Germanicum). to When Germanicus approaches the camp. is velut paenitentia). slight but significant for the relative estimates in which Drusus and Germanicus were held by the troops.

28 THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. quod. it is the Caesar only that calls forth even seeming respect for Drusus. etc. chapter 32. fresh mind second mutiny (chapter 31: quanto plures. addressed to Drusus (cur venisset. it is rather an attempted justification of their actions by showing wounds and scars. (silentio command of Germanicus. It is the reproachful questions of Germanicus (ubi modestia militaris.^ at necem cunctis permitti) ending with the personal abuse of Drusus and Tiberius noted above. alii ora contingeret. unreasonable labor. are of a personal character. 5: id militaris animos altius coniectantibus prae- cipuum indicium magni atque implacabilis motus. neque augendis militum stipendiis neque adlevandis laboribus. . name applied in chapter 26 is "mandata". and a recital of their grievances. to the effect that he may emerge from with heightened glory. denique nulla hercule vergera et • bene faciendi licentia.). not demand (orabant). ubi veteris disciplinae decus. reveres the memory of Augus- haec vel murmure modico audita sunt). quonam tribunos quo centuriones exegissent) that cause the outbreak that is to try so severely his it wisdom and loyalty. appeal. Even when this storm breaks it is not the clamor described in chapter 26. lack of pay. curvata senio membra ostendebant). while In chapter 25. Reluctantly as the soldiers fall into order at the they listen respectfully while he tus and dwells on the exploits of Tiberius with praises unThis disaffection is shown only faintly stinted and free. long terms of service. it is clamorous. tanto violentius. which describes the scene before the tribunal of Drusus. but presented in a different spirit. substantially the burden of complaint of chapter 26. in even in the case of the veterans who seem the most chapter 35. and to realize the the for full force of this comparison in in enhancing the regard felt are the points of contrast already of the more dangerous nature of the established. impressive Germanicus. reached in the recognition of Germanicus as the rightful heir of Augustus although Tacitus veils this moment of emotional intensity with a guarded phrase of the situation is The climax {fuere etiam qui legatam a divo x\ugusto pecuniam reposcerent).

ferrum a latere diripuit. menacing weapons (minitantes ni regrederetur) the dramatic tension of this part of the scene culminates in the Caesar's refusal unto death (ille moriturus potius quam fidem exueret clamitans. the character of Germanicus can hardly be overestimated. plans plunder natum excidio Ubiorum oppidum.THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. and the refusal of Germanicus is accepted as decisive. their savior. ad causam eundem (parari legatos qui superiorem exercitum are on foot (destiand for slaughter traherent) . the remaining passages that deal with this matter offer many interesting evi- war through his Although the first dences of the purpose and skill of Tacitus. 29 and in the zeal of the soldiers for his establishment as emperor. quasi desiluit). the words and actions of the army. serve as a background against which stands out the horror of the rest at such atrocity (saevum id malique moris etiam furentibus visum). of the Caesar himself. promptas res ostentavere). he is the soldiers' hope. ni proximi prensam dexteram vi adtinuissent). with the definite addition of the miles nomine Calusidius. while the inference for history is the averting of a civil pure ambition and loyalty. Up to this a word of threat or danger not been recorded has there time to Germanicus. and yet. unfold with studied care the triumph of an incorruptible nature in an hour of strong temptation. The scelere contaminaretur. rash actions of those who order him to strike. chapter in the mutiny is closed. Chapter 36 contains a summary of the difficulties of the situation which stamps The sedition threatens to spread it as a grave emergency. such is the art of the historian. praeceps tribunali disappointed soldiers demand his return with . and allows the exit of Germanicus during the pause of shrinking conThe encomiastic significance of this chapter for sternation. The loyalty of Germanicus is beyond all proof. imbutasque praeda manus in . and promises of adherence (faustis in Germanicum ominibus. that there is not one word of direct characterization throughout. elatumque deferebat in The pectus. et si vellet imperium. to him they offer their allegiance. abhorrence of the thought is vivified in action (tum vero.

This the soldiers will not permit. : soldiers throughout the speech are made not in his own name but that of the Emperor. is pointed out. Germanicus.30 THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. filius imperatoris nostri. 27. as powerful an influence in the contio as on the field of battle. i non mihi uxor aut filius patre et His reproaches and appeals to the re publica cariores sunt). Germanicus himself is Augusti pronepos. a proof of the facundia of the young general. The speech cannot but be considered a miracle of eloquence and tact. quod non ad superiorem pergeret ubi obsequia et contra rebellis auxilium: satis superque missione et pecunia et mollibus consultis peccatum). the tender husband and father. seu militi sive omnia concederetur. The fact that they are recalled to their duty and obedience by personal feeling for Germanicus is the only possible inference to be drawn from the scene described in chapter 41. Under the guise of reproach. Appealed to in the name of the safety of his family. 28. but remains himself. flagitiosa largitio. for The speech of the purpose of characterization Germanicus (chapter 42. The effect on the soldiers ^' The rhetorical character of this speech is noted by Furneaux. 43) is and that alone. . Liv. a problem almost without and awaits his (periculosa severitas. she is Tiherii nurus. is direptionem Galliarum erupturas). Agrippina is not referred to as the Caesar's wife. it is a matter that jeopards the state. in ancipiti res publica). is us influenced so far only as to remove his wife and family from the scene of danger. Chapter 40.. and the evident reminiscence of the speech of Scipio Africanus. the Caesar's intrepidity is held up before (si vilis ipsi salus). invasurus hostis). Expression of this feeling gives Tacitus an opportunity to put in strong colors the generous leniency of Germanicus through his favorite instrument of indirect discourse (eo in metu arguere exercitum Germanicum omnes. solution nihil their apprehensions lead them to reproaches of their leader. All except Germanicus are in fear. ^® His patriotism and devotion to Tiberius are stronger than all other considerations (chapter 42. si omitteretur ripa. the enemy insurrection aware of the opportunity (gnarus Romanae seditionis et.

Illyrici motus laudavit. of the guilty punishment first. in the case of the lower army. Is 31 instantaneous. chapter 44: Nee Caesar facti eosdem saevitia et arcebat. allusion to the attitude of Germanicus. and promise return to allegiance. The wisdom. The close of the disturbance in the army of Caecina is worth noting. followed in the here. triumph over all obstacles. and humanity. aha pectora con: tueor) they confess their guilt. into the hands of the eagerly penitent soldiers. "promptum ad asperiora ingenium Druso erat. An ostentatious but insincere speech to the senate (magis in speciem verbis adornata quam ut penitus sentire crederetur) recognizes the success of Germanicus. cremari skill of Tacitus he is first mutiny called forth from the historian the sentence. sed intentior this innuendo on the Emperor's sincerity. too.THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. offer the most flagrant offenders for punishment. so apparent that the speaker recognizes it (chapter 43 vosque quorum alia nunc ora. results resemble a massacre." It is worth while in this connection to recall the position accusations. non medicinam sed cladem appellans. a of praise is more emphatic mark awarded Drusus (paucioribus Drusum et finem Besides et fida oratione). tact and generosity of Germanicus thus . as a point of comparison The of Germanicus with Drusus may be here inferred. The severity of the punishment is such as to lay the commander-in-chief open to an invidious charge of cruelty. his grudging praise of Germanicus hints at a bid for popularity in the actions of his adopted son (quod largiendis pecuniis et missione festinata . quando nullo ipsius iussu penes The same course is invidia erat. illud camp we find an chapter 49: mox ingressus plurimis of Caecina. with more horrifying results. while a like situation in the invested with completely absolved from any such a spirit of tenderness and ascribed by Tacitus to Tiberius with reference to the mutinies. cum The lacrimis castra Germanicus. is put by suggestion from Germanicus. by the corpora iubet. application of these passages is obvious. who in their zeal hold a court-martial whose Tacitus makes this comment.

But. to a character which he would represent as model. potioris arbitrio cuncta concedens). to say the least. 4. Under pretence of a movement against the Parthians. The results achieved may be looked upon as successful. the jealous Constantius orders the troops who have been under As service with Julian to leave Gaul for the East (XX. It must be con- may ceded that the later historian had the harder task. closely resembling the situation in which seen Germanicus during the mutiny in Gaul. at the hour of highest triumph (hand cunctatus est ukra Germanicus). and it is in this part of his delineation of Julian that Ammianus has shown the most persuas-ive and at the same time most unobtrusive form of art. There are many points in the technique of Ammianus in this portion of his history that reasonably be taken as indication of the fact that he has well in mind not only the Tacitean treatment just noted but other phases of the story of Germanicus. but possessing a different denouement. a course of action which. The traditional maxims of encomiastic style offer justification of optimistic presentation of dubious matter. although submitting to the lessening of his own power. so Julian bows to the will of Constantius (conticuit hisque adquieverat lulianus. 26) acquiesces in his return from Gaul.32 THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. XX. II. for the Caesar knows well the real object of Constantius in . But let us take up the situation in question. 4: lUud tamen nee dissimulare potuit nee silere (dissim- ulare. model general as he is. An we have historical scene. Ammianus did not neglect their instructions. a dark contrast to what of Tacitus was the truth in the case. 4.. in the mind favorem militum quaesivisset). and as we shall see. is the occasion of Julian's elevation to the position of emperor. Germanicus (Ann. He reconcile. was of doubtful credit. the only the worse making appear the better facts and words to do service on the side comment was which Ammianus desired to triumph. for the soldiers he is com- pelled to remonstrate. 2). must Direct personal of convincing method cause was to force impossible.

As Germanicus bore alone the burden of the Gallic mutiny. adfirmans. An elaboration of the difficulties which now faced Julian is artificial and inverted diction which Ammianus uses to the greatest excess when dealing with what he deems most important. ne ducerentur ad partes unquam transalpinas.THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. from men from next introduced in the highly that point of view. however. ne voluntarii barbari mllitares. His remonstrance is. the responsibility rests upon him alone (consiliatorum adminiculo destitutus). Three hundred the legions are immediately withdrawn by the picked in legatus charge of the matter. of little avail. He finally . withdrawing the troops. and. but hides his 33 it knowledge since concerns him alone) ut illi nullas paterentur molestias. so Julian encounters the difficulties caused by Constantius' order. perque attente negotium tractari oportere feritas Caesar. XX. The again defenceless (7). saepe sub eius modi legibus adsueti transire ad nostra. hoc cognito. Julian's whole consideration is for the soldiers and the country. censebat cum hinc barbara maximeque absentia inde iussorum urgeret auctoritas magistri equitum augente dubitatem. deinceps arcerentur. 4. is The next sentence in the Oratio Obliqua a strong illustration of Julian's sagacity as well as of his justice: verendum esse. not for himself. as interpreted for us by Ammianus. position of the provinces is touched on abstrahendos e Galliarum defensione pugnaces numeros barbarisqu?. 6: Et quia sollicitus praeceptis agi deberet. We are put by the wording of Ammianus in possession of the Caesar's thoughts. iam formidatos. His prefect is absent. qui relictis laribus transrhenanis sub hoc venerant pacto. survey the situation. and the refusal of the latter to return leaves Julian without advisers. the rest to follow later. quid varias curas de residuis mitti animum versans.

treatment of the soldiers the passage his troops: in Ann. the diction is peculiarly his own. proves the correctness of the Caesar's original thought regarding the situation. Ammianus is certainly not quoting the "libellus" in question. an outworking. is an illustration of the just kindness of Julian. praemia laborum adepturi dignissima. as becomes the personal commander. omnes Again placuit notario suggerente Decentio per Parisios transire. vulnera intuens alium spe. and. among other things not given by the historian. contained the following grievance. emanating from the Petulantes. Compare I. 10: et pellimur servirent. suspicion of any ulterior motive is anticipated and checked by giving the substance of his in 12. which.. lies The route chosen for the departure through Paris. alium gloria. Ammianus II: is careful to tell us that it was not Julian's own proposition but the suggestion of another. The permission given to the families to accompany the soldiers. one would note. where Julian was then staying. 4. of the Julian in 4: difficulty suggested by XX. nos quidem ad orbis terrarum extrema ut noxii damnati. the first outward sign of dissatisfaction from the troops. facta singulorum extollere. . caritates vero nostrae Alamannis denuo quas captivitate prima post internecivas liberavimus pugnas. The dis- content caused by this decision breaks forth in a lampoon. Forestalling any unfavorable interpretation of hidden purpose in this choice.34 THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. exhortation: ut ad Augustum for this alacri gradu pergerent. 71. 4. addresses and praises individuals ex more. ubi potestas est ample patens et larga. where we are told that Julian goes out to meet the troops. This. cunctos adloquio et cura sibique et proelio firmabat. all decides to call to prepare for the the required troops from their winter quarters march ordered by Constantius. although without comment. where Germanicus encourages circumire saucios. XX.

Ann. has an echo here in Ammianus. tandem progredi compulerunt). ne him tus. sounds like an amplification of the Tacitean theme. I. and is greeted with more determined cries of "Augusas Augustus.. ex more laudans quos agnoscebat. The employed by Tacitus in Ann. Nocte vero coeptante in apertum erupere discidium. factorumque fortium singulos monens. nunc manus tendens oransque et obsecrans.." and the cause of their grief is assigned. neve intempestiva temeritas et prolapsis discordiarum materias excitaret. Julian delays delay is no longer possible (excoacti dum lex spectari promicaret. So Julian. noctem minacem 2' et in scelus erupturam. "quod eos fortuna quaedam inclemens et moderato rector e et dispararet.^^ 15: et ille. Cf. dramatically put as. 35 XX. II. quasi scelere contaminaretur. rerum 2" 4. 28. quod postulatis. A farewell banquet to is given to the chiefs. the convivium "dolore duplici suspensi et maesti. 12: idem que adventantibus in suburbanis princeps occurrit. praeceps tribunali desiluit. 16: Cesset ira quaeso paulisper: absque dissensione vel facile adpetitu novarum impetrabitur 4. The occasion for a speech that would prove his sincerity and loyalty to the Emperor is not overlooked by the historian. XX. Ann.. mente fundata universis resistebat. where the soldiers' free talk around the camp-fire on the eve of battle is made a medium of imparting the esteem in which they hold GermanThe chiefs return from icus. 4. 13. was that of Germanicus on a like occasion." Their feeling leads to action the during night. and permission is accorded artifice them to make any necessary request. et singulis. XX." The description of his refusal. 35. in their own sorrowing reflection. . 14. ne post multas felicissimasque victorias agatur aliquid indecorum. I. animabat lenibus verbis. indignari semet ostendens.^° they throng the palace of Julian and hail terris genitalibus There is no avenue left for escape (14: ad evadendi copiam quisquam peruntil veniret). spatiis eius ambitis. we remember.THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS.

Caesar adsentire coactus est. p. From the standpoint of history..36 THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. II. where the same motive is transferred to the indirect technique. redite quonlam dulcedo vos patriae retinet. et insueta peregrinaque metuitis iam nunc ad sedes nihil visuri quia displicet. 17. Soph." Compare the words of Julian in the speech to the army. Still more apt to the case in hand is the phrase in Cicero.^^ Tandem This is to be recognized as a part of ev(f)r)fiia enjoined in the four general maxims for encomium (Aristid. 505. 174 "cum incolumitati videbimur consulere. which actual results contradict. transal- pinum. which Ammianus would have us consider thrust upon him. they are purely biographical. after vain protests and delay. even resorting to threats and reproaches. and Julian. 14. 10). Sp. serving only to illustrate a point of character. the repetition of the necessity pressing on him. is compelled to accept the honor. The ardor of the troops. 481. Ill. all these are amplification of the historian eager to excuse and defend the course taken by his favorite Emperor. XXI.. loca. 5. 18. 24). progredi compulerunt. the scruples of Julian representing his reluctance. de Inv. The emphasis laid on necessitudo is a point worth special consideration: XX. we need no such elaborations of the circumstances. the order to assume a crown. At nunc cum auctoritate vestri indicii rerum que necessitate compulsus ad angustum elatus sum culmen. Hocque apud Augustum capacem rationis et prudentissi- mum ego conpetenti satisfactione purgabo. vere poterimus dicere nos — honestatis rationem habere quoniam sine incolumitate eam nuUo tempore possumus *2 adipisci.^^ a form of the 0X0)9 ael irdvra iirl to kuWCov ipyd^€a(f>ai to which the rhetorician exhorts the would-be worker in encomiastic literature (Nic. Trusus ad necessitatem extremam iamque periculum praesens vitare non posse advertens si reniti perseverasset. as we remember did also the troops of Germanicus. 4. 23 Xafi^dvovrai 5^ ol ^iraivoi Karet rpdirovs riaffapas aii^i^ffei irapa\el\f'ei vapaPoXij . 5. Despite the concessions of this speech. Sp. the insistent soldiers continue their demands.

22: non antea discesserunt quam adsciti in consistorum fulgentem eum augusto habitu conspexissent). In the last sentence. et secessi amendatusque . the excitement of the troops. nee procedere ausus unquam. etc. which contains his own self-justification (mecumque ipse contestans. libero pectoris muro. dum potui salutem mussatione quaerebam et latebris) he appeared to the soldiers in the final extremity only for the purpose of stilling their tumult (XX. 10: exarsere mirum in modum. ut quoniam preci- bus vincere pertinacione conabar. instanter mortem contiguis adsultibus intentarent). which have no indispensable historical force. 9: cohorrui. 5 fF. . steti. 19-20: accidentium varietate perterritus) his modesty and reluctance to assume imperial honors are impressed upon the reader by his course of action (19: nee diadema gestavit. namely.) own ment (XX. have taken (4. 8. their menaces and threats are emphasized (8. nee agere seria quae nimis urgebant). and sought concealunwillingness. his 8. he dwells upon the violence of the soldiers and He was shocked. vel sermonibus blandis). Thus does he plead the final exigency which forced him to the course adopted (10: victus denique mecumque ipse contestans quod alter confosso me forsitan libens declarabitur princeps. 37 Confirmation of Julian's attitude is conveyed in the paragraphs that follow (19-22). But the soldiers again flock to the palace. 8.). is the very essence of the . saeptus progressus posse ante conspectum omnium molliri tumultum auctoritate ratus. new emperor's reluctance and his conJulian is stunned by the turn that matters . The reiteration of this phase of the matter can have but one motive. eo usque provecti. and with insisting shouts and threats refuse to depart unless they see their chosen Emperor in his imperial robes (4. 9: cumque nuUae darentur indutiae. the justifind the same points made fication of Julian's acceptance. adsensus sum. vim lenire sperans armatam). ut ita dixerim. but continue the theme of the foregoing passage for elaboration of the scientious action.THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. in the letter sent later by Julian to Constantius prominent We (XX. fateor.

though the art of concealing their use was not so well mastered. then follows. the historical continuity maintained. Here is the implied avyKpt(Ti<. quae sunt immensitas It is cladis relicta. is an artistic touch. 3-8) reveals in the summarizing of Julian's exploits a further attempt at justification. liberating Gaul forever. excidia milia. The setting-forth of the thus with for the army the claims of past. pauca. that time. with former armies and rulers.38 Ciceronian THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. blending praise Julian to distinction. he might consider an honorable future. peremptaque innumera hominum when both on land and efforts sea others refrained from warlike they vanquished the Alamanni. semiintegra persultaret). dictum for interpretation of necessitas as honestas. We feel the special pleading in its Ammianus before complete import. in Tacitus. Julian before the assembled soldiers 5. with the afi^r](n<i permitted the description of difficulties and dangers past (cum dispersa gentium confidentia post civitatum to the general's speech. faithful to Constantius. The preliminary reference to his youth at the time when he became Caesar (vix dum adulescens specie tenus purpuratus) casts a more Since strongly favorable light upon the glory since achieved. so speciously is we have received The speech made by (XX. all details are in our minds ere the writer's purpose has been suspected. most glorious day at Strasbourg. he has been foremost in every undertaking (vobiscum in omni labore perspicuus). must . Ammianus here conveys. but the application of this letter to the historian's purpose of eulogizing Julian is what is note- worthy. he has never wavered in a virtuous and moderate course (numquam a proposito recte vivendi delectus sum). in which case he really consulted that which was if the There is proof from other writings of Julian that the substance of his communication to Constantius was what honorable. safe. needless to recount all the struggles of inclement seasons. nations previously That unconquered having succumbed (indomitos antea). and it speaks eloquently for the lessons learned from Tacitus by the later writer in the instruments of the indirect method.

Id tamen retineto imo corde quod tecum non habitabo. sententia concordanto mul- torum. There is also. in this a possible suggestion of spiritual reasons for accepting these honors with proper resignation. of course. vestibulum aedium tuarum observe latenter. tamen nee abrogantibus quicquam scripsit ne videretur subito renuntiasse. 4.THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. the blessing of heaven upon the new Emperor and reconciles him to the breach of fidelity to Constantine by assuring the protection of the gods. (ille 39 beatissimus dies vehens quodammodo perpetuam libertatem). as it were. and warns him against resistance to fate. Compare send a for instance the quaintly 8. luliane. It is clear that all the palliating circumstances of the situation have been brought out vividly by Ammianus in the passages just reviewed. 5. Et quamquam non repugnantur. results from the resolve of the historian to shed the most favorable light upon this passage in the life of his favorite Emperor. 10). acknowledgment where Julian's intention to verbis frank Constantius discussed. augere tuam gestiens dignitatem et aliquotiens tanquam repudiatus abscessi. The points of similarity between the treatment adopted by . from which inferences of contrasting signification could be drawn. is of the situation found in letter to XX. Although from JuHan's own the almost arrogant terms of praise relating to himself are softened and deprived of invidious effect by extending the praise to the soldiers. si ne nunc quidem recipior. we get a few facts. and that the object of this handling of the subject with its consistent use of the instruments of indirect technique. Olim. ibo demissus et maestus. and the personal relations between generals and troops. it casts. Another point which might be utilized to refute the view which Ammianus wishes to present of Julian's forced acceptance of the power is the story of the omen (XX. Incidentally. The genius publicus appears to Julian on the night preceding his elevation to the purple. not be ignored Galliis lips.

The Tacitean and strength.40 THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. 69 flF. The conviction of Tacitus that the death of Germanicus in Asia was due to the machinations of Tiberius. Germanicum suetis novisque pro- Following this in immediate connection we find: / at ille quanto acriora in eum studia militum. et aversa patrui voluntas. would realize only the impressive results. celebrandas victorias intentior. the turning-point in Julian's case. should of own purpose details of method which others. with Piso as his tool. cannot fail It is small wonder then that Ammianus. overlooked the effectiveness of placing in close juxtaposition the malicious outworkings of the "aversa patrui voluntas" and further evidence for the "impensius pro Tiberio niti" noted in I. the passage cited opens with this sentence: ceterum Tiberio haud ingratum accedit turbari specie res Orientis. reader. he believes. Tacitus makes no effort here to conceal the fact that it is his own opinion that he records. devoid of such a purpose. devoted to sketching trouble in the East. The sentence therefore serves as a comment on the attitude of Tiberius at a period quite remote from the catastrophe described in Ann. Ammianus of this. which... 5. 34. was afterwards carried out by Tiberius so The death of Germanicus. vinciis impositum dolo simul et casibus obiectaret. is strongly impressed upon all readers of the Annals. and contains a synopsis of the plot. ut ea legionibus abstraheret. with his mastery of per- suasive artifice. with strong narrative. 11. with its to impress even the ordinary seize for his desire to achieve results in his own work.^'* and as a connecting link for the is resumption of the narrative which deals with Germanicus. . and that accorded by Tacitus to a like crisis in the life of Germanicus seem therefore too brilliance striking to be viewed with indifference by students of literary theory. II. It is simply and as ** directly stated. It not probable either that Tacitus.. The After a chapter plot is foreshadowed in Ann.

41 If no other proofs of the conviction of Tacitus were added. Drusi nondum place beside this passage a sentence from 11. by the one word "dolo" he brands Tiberius with guilty complicity in the death of Germanicus. praise and reward. 43. In due accordance with the design sketched in II. Germanicus is recalled from Germany. where Tacitus avails himself of the Oratio Obliqua to represent in the Emperor's own words the first steps taken. after the reflection in the earlier passage is a sarcastic comment on the phrase. . consiliis quam vi perfecisse. and further developments are related in II." for. 43. Ann. Germanicus is despatched to his death. Igitur haec et de Armenia quae supra memoravi nisi apud patris disseruit. the satis adolevisse. in Ann. successfully. The use of sapientia in II. 43. But further proofs are not lacking. Under the guise of. and point to inconsistencies in the the weakest indication of his belief in the is mind of one. plura II. nee posse sapientia adolevisse. suggest awkward questions. "Drusi nondum we remember.THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. the substitution of Cn. If motum Orientem Germanici satis componi nam suam aetatem vergere. A characteristics of Tiberius. we can best appreciate the insinuation conveyed in the words by the Caesar cited above. 26. abandoning himself to the spell of closer reasoner might reflection. 5. where Tiberius is quoted as commenting invidiously on the strategic powers of Germanicus by contrasting with the methods used we Gaul Tiberius' own former achievements. se noviens a divo Augusto in Germaniam missum. I. as Emperor's next move is introduced. hard to reconcile. Germanicus was but two years the senior of Drusus. II. both openly and covertly presented: and not the growth of a like feeling who. a complicity more base because long-studied and deliberate. 26. without reads the author. With a sedy whose suggestive adversative force cannot be overestimated to meet the requirements of the historian's implication.

ingenio violentum et obsequi ignarum. The phrsaes that characterize or comment on the individualities of these men. per adfinitatem conexum Germanico. II.42 THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. et destinatum promere apud patres principemque arguere ni elusus a Seiano per vana promissa fore. quia Silani filia Neroni vetustissimo liberorum eius pacta erat. Audire me memini ex senioribus visum saepius inter manus Pisonis libellum. Sed Tiberius demoverat Suria Creticum Silanum. insita ferocia. Again Piso. Piso for Creticus Silanus as legate of Syria. in III. verum . . the existence of such instructions is supported by a discreetly impersonal statement under the guise of perfect impartiality and the strictest regard for historical accuracy. The "mandata" mentioned above are plainly hinted at again in chapter 55: At Cn. praefeceratque Cn. qui Suriae imponeretur ad spes Germanic! coercendas. The clause introduced by nam which follows makes plausible the facts just stated by relating the private feeling in the Emperor's household. and the implication of Livia et in the cruel secret. Confirmation of these dark suspicions is supplied by Piso's own judgment. are in this connection charged with sinister significance for the motives that prompted the change." still another link in the chain of evidence against Tiberius is the hint of opinion prevalent at the time. quem ipse non vulgaverit. litteras Tiberi et mandata in Germanicum contineri. . Ann. "nee dubium se habebat delectum. 16.. . quo properantius destinata inciperet. 43. apparently the ordinary asides that history permits on the admission of a new personage of even slight importance. Pisonem. Plancinam haud dubio Augusta monuit aemulatione muliebri Agrippinam insectando. nee ilium sponte extinctum. sed amicos eius dictitavisse. Credidere quidam data et a Tiberio occulta mandata.

THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. the knowing talk of old men. survivors of that time. the art of more a does Tacitus masterly proof give perhaps that conceals art than in his treatment of this one detail of the Germanicus narrative. 'J1. 6). "suorum insidiis externas inter gentes occidisse. 11). 6. This speech. qui nostram ad inventutem duraverunt. and yet the last words. opinion general at Antioch when the death of Germanicus was the one absorbing topic (II. neque percussore. more or less definite of Piso's friends (III. II. sed in occulta. and yet testimony for the existence of such in damning evidence against Tiberius form on every page. et perisse Germanicum nuUi iactantius maerent quam qui maxime laetantur. 3). heard by Tacitus himself (III." the passages quoted it will be seen that in the presentation of this one bit of evidence against Tiberius and Livia. may safely be considered as a Tacitean invention. Tacitus exhausted every source of indirect information: the belief in actual instructions to Piso current at the From time of his appointment over Syria (chapter 43). 71. the significant words wrung from the lips of the dying hero. "aut non excusent" leave room even in his mind for doubt. another allusion to the same subject is found in II. a trace of Only once (chapter 55) do we find the author's personal view. 7: "fingentibusque scelesta mandata aut non credent hominus aut non ignoscent. Public sentiment also at the funeral rites of Germanicus recognizes this suspicion. is found most insidious ." Here "fingentibus" and the epithet "scelesta" are in keeping with the loyal belief of Germanicus. from its rhetorical color and diction. immlsso 43 Quorum neutrum adseveraverim. the allusions II. est Caesaris favor. 73. A speech reported to be from the lips of Domitius Celer offers assurance to Piso in the following words. 77. Nowhere despite his fidelity to his adoptive father (II. In the words of the dying Germanicus. 16). tamen occulere debui narratum ab iis. 73. est tibi Augustae conscientia. II. 16.



The intricate and exhaustive presentation of this point is another instance of the keenly logical insight of Tacitus. Documents that contained instructions which might be construed as


Germanicus were the only possible proofs

of the

complicity of the

The death

Emperor of Piso, by

in the

crime of Piso,


crime there

own hand,

related as a simple

historical fact (III. 15), or, as suggested in
(III. 16),

immediate sequence

by an emissary from the palace, a report originating his intimates, who, if any one, would know the truth, among and his silence before that time, removed all possibility of
In matters of such public note as a trial in the senate, the insinuations of even a Tacitus could find no place. Matter capable of being construed for his

adducing verbal testimony.

purpose lacking, the historian must content himself with developing his proofs from a source not so well known or whose very nature allows surmise of its suppression. The only phrase in Piso's farewell letter to Tiberius which could apply to the
point under consideration

designedly ambiguous (III. 16)

me, Caesar, cum fide adversum te neque alia in matrem tuam pietate," words which might be interpreted as a general phrase, or charged with strong significance to one in the secret. The presumptions offered by Tacitus in favor of the existence of such "mandata" far out-

"deos immortales

testor, vixisse

weigh the negative argument to the contrary, lying in the fact that no such papers ever came to light. Whatever be its legal status, inference in such cases is stronger than actuality for
producing opinion, Tacitus could not reverse the verdict of existing records, such as a decree of the senate; but by instilling belief in the possibility of evidence suppressed or destroyed he could influence the decision of the ages yet to come against the Emperor whom he hated. Given proof of collusion between Tiberius and Piso, and Piso involved in the death of Germanicus, the case against Tiberius


process of inducing the belief that Germanicus met his death through poison, administered at the instigation of Piso,



in the


insidious manner.

Germanicus himself



believed implicitly in the guilt of Piso; we have specific statements to that eiTect, first in the form of a generally accepted historical fact, which the historian records as a matter of course
(11. 69,

saevam vim morbi augebat persuasio veneni

a Pisone

accepti); again in the indirect discourse, carrying



stronger appeal to credence that personality imparts. The messengers sent by Piso are looked upon as spies who would

pry into the sick man's state with a view to evil symptom (II. 69, ut valetudinis adversa rimantes) and elicits from

Germanicus expressions of indignation

lenta (II. 70, videri veneficia; festinare et urguere ut legiones solus habeat. Sed non usque eo defectum Germanicum neque praemia caedis



apud interfectorem mansura); his death is a murder (caedis) and Piso is the murderer (interfector). Again in the speech made by Germanicus when the end approached, Piso is branded nunc scelere Pisonis et Planas his destroyer (II. 71,
. .



cinae interceptus; referatis patri ac fratri, quibus acerbitatibus
insidiis circumventus miserrimam vitam That the belief that he was poisoned morte finierim). pessima was shared in by the friends of Germanicus is shown by the language used in describing the cremation of the body at Antioch; although actual results left the question open (II.

dilaceratus, quibus

praetulent ne veneficii signa, parum constitit, nam ut in Germanicum et praesumpta suspicione aut misericordia quis favore in Pisonem pronior, diversi, interpretabantur). The
. . .

demand made by


and Veranius

for Martina,



skill in poisons, assert the belief of these friends of the deceased Germanicus in the theory that he was poisoned (11. This woman Martina, to whose name is attached ). 74,2^ a phrase, apparently careless, but in reality full of meaning (Plancinae percaram) afterwards died under circumstances



25 Infamem veneficiis ea in provincia et Plancinae percaram, nomine Martinam in urbem misit, postulantibus Vitellio ac Veranio ceterisque. Cf. the accusations made by the same friends of Germanicus, III. 13, where the substance of the speech made by Vitellius (multa eloquentia Vitelli) is produced in Oratio Obliqua, sacra hinc et immo-

lationibus nefandas ipsius (Piso) atque Plancinae,




Postremo ipsum (Germanicus)

devotionibus et veneno peremisse.



which throw a strong
. . .

light upon the impartial statements of Tacitus as to the presence of poison in the body of Germanicus (III. 7, Vulgatam erat missam, ut dixi, a Cn. Sentio famosam veneficiis subita morte Brundisii extinctam, vene-

numque nodo crimium
exitii reperta).

sumpti (and suicide by poison is the inference) what need was there to prove its presence in the body of Germanicus? A carefully laid train of circumstantial evidence brings the responsibility home to Piso in another way. Martina, his instrument, was removed (subita morte) before he returned to Rome (III. subdola mora scelerum probationes subverteret) 7, recourse to magical arts, closely connected with the name of the

eius occultatum, nee ilia in corpore signa If the poison left no traces in this case





reported in suggestive relation to the acts of


Et reperiebantur

solo ac parietibus erutae


corporum reliquiae, carmina et devotiones et nomen Germanici plumbeis tabulis insculptum, semusti cineres ac tabo obliti aliaque malifica, quis creditur animas manibus infernis sacrari.^®

The death-bed speech of Germanicus (II. 71), from which extracts have already been given, is a purely rhetorical bit of writing; but the passages cited above are evidence of the

power of adapting such material to the ends of

The parting injunctions to Agrippina unmistakable reference to Tiberius (II. hidden but convey neu regressa in urbem aemulatione potentiae validi72, ores inritaret) even without the sentence that follows, "haec palam, alia secreto, per quae ostendere credebatur metum ex
indirect delineation.
. .


Tiberio;" even in the fair mind of Germanicus, according to the conjectures of his friends, based upon his dying words

and actions, lay the dark foreboding of evil intent from Tiberius toward himself and his. Other points in this speech are
better noted in connection with the narrative of Julian's story

Cf. III. 13, devotionibus et

veneno peremisse; sacra hinc

et immolationes nefandas.




part of the Germanicus story which deals with the rites and attendant circumstances is indisputably reproduced from a laudatio funebris; a form of literature that



time had come to conform closely to the rules of rhetoric, so much so that in it the formal theory of the encomium was followed as a matter of course. A comparison of


Laudationes of Germanicus, as found in Dio Cassius (LVII. i8), Suetonius (Cal., 3 ff.), and Tacitus (Ann., II. 72), make a common source obvious; the biographer has reproduced it in greater detail, as befits his literary theory; the historians

have dealt with it more succinctly, each in his characteristic method. The Tacitean treatment, although as highly encomiastic in its effect as that of either Dio or Suetonius, conforms punctiliously to the requirements of the code that governs historiography. As far as the tottoi of the encomium are concerned,

Tacitus carefully chooses only such as would throw light on contemporary or succeeding historical events, the family life

He dwells of Germanicus, his character, achievements, fate. most forcibly on the second, for it was by this, if at all, that
Germanicus must have influenced the course of


details of his physical appearance, possessions, favorite pursuits, our author gives us nothing, for these lie wholly within

the realm of biography, and are extraneous to history. But it is not the careful culling out of biographical material that distinguishes the Tacitean form of this laudatio; Dio Cassius

has adopted an equally critical view of that point. The reconciliation of the introduction of any purely encomiastic
passages into a work avowedly historical, both in form and aim, is the delicate problem of literary discrimination, ignored

by Dio Cassius, but solved by the Latin historian with admirPublic feeling is an essential part of history; the able success.
attitude of the court, the mob, the world at large as known at the epoch whose events are recorded, the judgment or surmises
of friends or enemies of contemporaries or the immediately succeeding generation the faithful setting down of all of these

ingenti luctu provinciae et cir- cumiacentium populorum. that Tacitus contrives to insert material for panegyric without apparent violation of his own literary theory. et . historical and without breaking the continuity of the narrative. needed in an historical narrative. Neque multo post extinguitur. . he differentiates its use from a biographical characteristic to a legitimate instrument of That all the necessary tottol are preserved historiography. de Or. belonging to a period previous to that of his appearshould expect. it might have does It seem to express the thoughts of those mentioned in the context. 72). and it is by means of this recognized function of historiography. comitate ac beneficentia positae Nam dementia^ . enumerates comitas and mansuetudo (dementia) among quadam other qualities calling for praise: aliae virtutes Sunt enim quae videntur in moribus homlnum. By throwing his encomium of Germanicus into the indirect discourse. Cic. mansuetudo in hostis. No Trpoofifj^iov is will be seen by introduction of the text. invidiam et adrogantiam effugerat. et auditu iuxta venerabilis. 72. tanta illi comitas in socios. qualities II.48 THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. and an elaboration of the reasons follows almost as a matter of course in point of fact. magnitudineni et gravitatem summae fortunae retineret. been written In the oratio obllqua. falls to the historian. an emphasizing of character through the Tr/aa^et?. dwelt upon in this extract come obviously under the head of 'n-pd^eif el<i aperaf 8iT]pr}iJieva<i. as stated above. so naturally In point of fact. 33). This magnifies his memory by showing the esteem in which he was held abroad. and such is We the case. The 84. and the 7eVo9 has already been given (I. avarpocf)')] would not come within the scope of history. indoluere externae nationes regesque. 343. ance as a public personage. The found first in the motif for the introduction of a laudatory theme is widespread sorrow at the death of Germanicus (II.. cum visuque II. it might have been almost as a matter of course. .

sed hunc suorum egressum. ut copiae non superbiae videantur ac lihidini. qui follows the passage whose topics reflect was its source. since the form of presentation. The introduction of further and more rhetorically laudatory matter. devoid of personal suggestion however encomiastic be the tone or feeling. non fuisse insolentem in pecunia.. in the oratio obliqua. A further comment from of Cicero is illuminating for the encomi- astic significance summae De et gravitatem invidiam et fortunae retineret adrogantiam aifugerat. Amm. II.. It is to avoid both possibilities. as before noted. 49 benignitas fides. fortitudo in periculis communibus incunda est auditu in laudationibus. is not colored by the personality of the author.. XXI. Isoc. uno matrimonia. non exiulisse se in potestate. e. iustitia. and reflecting as it does a general sentiment. that Tacitus has cast this matter. genus mortis ob propinquitatem in quibus interiit. aside from artistic incongruities. tractanda in laudationibus etiam haec sunt naturae et fortunae bona. bars all possible criticism of the author's position." "cum magnitudinem Or. non se praetulisse opes et aliis propter abundantiam fortunae. in quibus est summa laus. certis " Cf. haud multum triginta annos quarent. lay the historian open to the charge of partiality. especially 32.. magni Alexandri fatis adaenam utrumque corpore decoro. 14. insidiis externas inter gentes occidisse. modicum voluptatum. its laudatory character is frankly acknowledged. most clearly the etiam locorum. quod ipsa virtus in earum rerum {i. which erant. aetatem. pompa per laudes ac memoriam virtutum eius celebre Then Et laudatio.THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. 16. Funus sine imaginibus et fuit. II. . 342. 73. mitem erga amicos. 31 ff. must necessarily. 84. Panath. formam. such as follows in chapter 73. sed bonitati ac et moderationem facultatem materiam dedisse}"^ This apparently simple statement of facts referring to the deep grief felt for the fate of Germanicus lies quite within the scope of an historical work. bona quae fortuna dat) usu ac moderatione maxime cernitur.

temperate. . but without the rash and relief. also in Roman Germanicus. and thus completes the list of encomiastic topics as formulated by the rhetoricians for this branch of epideictic literature. deflects still more the balance of comparison in favor of Germanicus. temperantia ceteris bonis artibus praestitisset. inconsiderate spirit of a tyrant. etiam si temeritas afuerlt. and the emphasis of similarity of condition is used with great artistic effect to throw out the contrast of character. neque minus proeliatorem.50 libertls egisse. possibly supplies the place of the apostrophe to a dead hero which was the general conclusion of the epilogue. The for the utilization of a people's grief as dead is is found again in the beginning of Book an instrument of praise III. THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. si iure et nomine regio fuisset. Quod si solus arbiter rerum. where the scene Rome. The correspondence the ^acriXiKo<i \6<yo^ is of the points in this passage to the tottol of too obvious to require specific detail. as natural one.) seems to have some of the correspondence to the iiriXoyo^. make the comparison a Germanicus was gentle. possibilities in that it presents in summary fashion the strongest qualities subject. with its prophetic perspective." embodying the Roman criticism of an Alexander. There is much merits of Germanicus must be extolled amplification of detail. . the by the expression of .to which the well-known faults of Alexander lend a suitable He was yet no less a warrior. tanto promptius adsecuturum gloriam militiae. The circumstances of the death of instanced in the text. a character constantly referred to as a model monarch by the Extant panegyrics show that this king writers of encomia. neutralized by conditions This element. The invidious term. into which an appreciation of enters. of the encomium. "temeritas. was an example that had done good service laudatory literature. we would call attention to the avyKpLmf with Alexander. — The last sentence (quod si solus . quantum dementia. chaste characteristics . praepeditusque sit perculsas tot victoriis Germanias servitio premere.

whose absence from the scene of mourning was also matter of note (crediderim Tiberio et Augusta. Thus amidst the description of the mourning of the city Tacitus skilfully inserts an artifice to increase public the author's of searching hearts own power the odium already directed against Tiberius. Tiberius's suppression of further lament and comment. with considerable probable excuses for the discrepancy are anticipated and deprecated. 2. for which with apparent impartiality two supposititious causes are offered. There was no affectation of regret (III. the other adverse (inferius maiestate sua oculis rati.THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. Of analogous tendency the cehsure of Tiberius implied in the contrast noted by men between last rites of III. vultum eorum to the same purpose is the suggestion of coercion brought to bear upon the aged Antonia. Romans. containing by the Emperor and his mother (Tiberius atque Augusta publico abstinuere). . pararentque quae publici funeris pompa requirerent comDrusum patrem Germanici honora et magnifica Augustus Their language dwelling on is detail. Further contributions to the same effect are found in chapter 3. and the clause of explanation that follows imputes to the Roman . . aberat quippe adulatio). the honors paid to Drusus by Augustus and the Germanicus. si the account of the course pursued one fair. qui in 5. sorrow and regard 5I felt by a whole people. . reported in vivid rhetoric. and judging motives (gnaris omnibus lactam Tiberio Germanici mortem male dissimulari). is employed by Tacitus with consummate skill to add testi- mony to the esteem in which Germanicus was held by the . palam lamentatentur. cohibitam ut par maeror et matris exemplo avia quoque too is et patrius attineri viderentur). qui domo non excedebant. while serving the purely historical purpose of showing his attitude. Fuere fecisset. an ne omnium falsi scrutantibus intellegerentur) .

Julian offers supplication to the gods. Scorning alarm. suspensamque ut solebat. THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. This at is interpreted in the coming daybreak marches battle. and against is the enemy. depulso. by Etruscan haruspices as boding ill fortune The Emperor disregards the omen. conspexit in Galliis. sensus cuiusdam philosophi teneretur. aeris parte sulcata. although differing of Germanicus. 6.52 III. An . wounded in the first onset. . ad quietem paulisper protractus aemulationem Caesaris lulii quaedam sub pellibus scribens obscuro noctis altitudine. cum ad Augustum surgeret culmen. An oracle presages the death of Germanicus phon. XXV. maturum exitium The genius publicus. obisse. 3. speciem illam Genii publici. (II. Thus does the one whom Tacitus would have the worst foe of the dead hero pay The death of Julian described in Histories. ipse autem ad sollicitatam cum somno. multos inlustrium Romanorum ob rem publicam ^^ neminem tarn flagranti desiderio celebratum. He is fatally dies. carried to his tent and there We *' have considered the deathbed speech of Germanicus. seen by Julian at his elevation to the throne. implied ffiyKpuns of sweeping force. XXV. appears to him again during the night previous to his last battle. evanuisse existimavit. 2. quam. ut mos cecinisse. flagrantissimam facem cadenti similem visam. 54) at Colo- Et ferebatur per ambages. . . and then beholds a celestial portent. has received at the upon as homage memory. vidit squalidius ut confessus est proximis. 4. 2. oraculis. Am. velata cum capite Cornucopia per aulaea tristius discedentem. Book XXV of Ammianus's widely in circumstances from that to his us look hands of Ammianus a treat- ment recalling in some of its features the Tacitean record which has just been under consideration.

. 71." "quondam The corresponding passage in Ammianus would suggest to the attentive and reflective reader almost a comparison with the fate of Germanicus.THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. that which seems a clear glass. and each the is equally a product of rhetoric. With these diametrically opposed circumstances precluded further coincidence in outward treatment. non 3. and the phrases two passages form appropriate parallels.. modum adloquitur. Julianus. Adsistentes amicos in hunc 15. A reference to military renown is included in florentem et tot bellorum superstitem. but a mirror. I. 71. .^^ In the interpretation of a common truism men's dying utterances reveal the truth and command belief.. basing conclusions on the similarities noted. in tristes. II. Ann. 3. Ideoque sempiternum veneror numen quod clandestinis insidiis nee longa morborum asperitate sed in medio cursu florentium gloriarum hunc merui clarum e mundo digressum. XXV. Each speech has duality of intention suited to the exigencies of the setting. in reality. Am. Both historians have taken advantage of this maxim of humanity. it is not unreasonable to say that Ammianus had the Tacitean passage in mind. Germanicus with sorrow and indignation. Amm. II. liberis patriae infra inventam praematuro exitu raperent. Ann. therefore to the obsession of their last words the human mind is most open. 19. personality of the speaker through which shines the feelings and is. Julian as becomes the philosopher (haec placide dicta 21). points resemblance between the speeches ceases. a like feature setting in the Is §3 of the found in Ammianus. in each case. XXV.. iustus mihi dolor etiam adversus deos esset quod me parentibus. and. tabernaculo iacens circumstante adlocutus est demissos et Each in his dying speech refers to his premature death. this one certainly reads as if made to order. reflecting '^ Whatever be the conclusions of editorial authority on the authenticity of such speeches in Ammianus.

the character which it has been his aim to reveal by actions and glorify by comment in the preceding to stir The whole tone of the speech. ita persistentibus cadunt. neve me proviciam unquam aut prosternam expertus quod dolores omens ut insultant ignavis. without prejudice against superfluity. Ammianus. he here interprets. 15. Amm. mortem tanquam summum praemium persolverunt. arduis. 3. its twofold object was sympathy for Germanicus and suspicion against Tiberius. Advenit. own conception of the truth. laetandum esse potius quam dolendum. vel post principatum susceptum. scio. summary vel Nee me gestorum paenitet. Thus does Ammianus make effort to offset and prevent the possibly prejudicial effect of the arrogantly virtuous of Julian's life that follows. exanimatis rationibus bella moderatius regens. adflictus et maerens. The Tacitean speech does not characterize. illud quoque advertens quod etiam dii caelestes quibusdam piissimis. non. in Julian's own words. addition here would be needless. conservavi. wished in the speech which he gives to glorify Julian both as Emperor and philosopher.54 the author's THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. quem tanquam a cognatione caelitum defluentem et civilia immaculatum. cum in umbra et angulis amendarer. Munus autem mihi delatum optime ne diffi- cultatibus succumberem. The modest tone of the next sentence id is a very artistic touch. The show introduction of passages from the speech itself will best this. et repellens. after so much characterization in the past. 16. ut debitor bonae lidei redditurus exulto. ut existimo. or it might be said. nunc abeundi tempus e vita impendio tempestivum. quantum quam corpore sit beatior animus. narrative. . aut gravis flagitu recordatio stringit. 3. quotiens condicio melior a deteriore secernitur. XXV. philosophorum sententia generali perdoctus.. ut quidam opinantur. dying Emperor. et contemplans. as well as specific serve to impress the calm high philosophy of the passages. reposcenti naturae. tametsi pro- inferens. XXV. a socii.

up point. his royal career. and thus en- away (vita facilius est absolutus). intention of the speech as regards the glorification of Julian's philosophy. the historian is animated by the strongest desire to depict through words and actions the lofty and sustained spirit of the dying Julian. in the the continuance of the first theme remaining 3 divisions of chapter (21-23). autem iusti esse finem imperi obcedientium commodum et reputans ad salutem. speritas 55 consultorum non ubique concordent. passes gently chides his weeping friends. is obvious enough. is found near (19) Aequo enim iudicio iuxta timidus est et ignavus qui. tranquilliora semper. weeps for the fate of another (acriterque amici casum ingemuit qui elate ante contempserat suum). mori desiderat et qui refugiat cum sit opportunum. licentiam omnem actibus meis exterminans. simul utilitasque gaudensque abeo gestiensque ubicumque me velut imperiosa parens. propensior fui. by the summarization of his life The and is spicuous Convirtues. eventus quoniam coeptorum superae sibi vindicant potestates. but Julian. steti fundatus. (20) Super imperatore vero creando caute reticeo ne per imprudentiam dignum praeteream. consideratis periculis.THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. Another characteristically philosophic passage the close. personal comment being so rare as to form a marked contrast to the author's well-known practice. ut nostis. rerum corrupticem et morum. vita . for with the words. turbines calcare fortuitorum adsuefactus. ut alumnus autem rei publicae frugi. non The concluding passage breathes forth the highest feelings of moderation and patriotism. opto bonum post me reperiri rectorem. anteposito forsitan alio. He on the sublimity gaged. and enters into a discussion of the soul with intricate logic. cum oportet. The lofty soul of the phi- losopher regarded death with calm disdain. in discrimen ultimum trudam. the tender friend. It is evident to this that. obiecit res publica. and incidentally. aut nominatum quem habilem reor. A noticeable shift in theory follows.

In Ammianus the laudatio is a biography in brief. his admiration for the hero Emperor so far overbalanced that the historian. and adopted less obvious means of portraiture. entirety without affecting in the slightest degree the record of historical events. a detached passage of absolutely personal information concerning Julian. et spiritum tumore cohibente venarum. 3. led him to epideictic methods. Its presence is noted like a patch upon a fair garment. He introduces them at the death of each prominent personage.. in and could be removed XXV. Compare with its bald insertion the laudatio of Germanicus. the weeping friends by the bedside) ipse cum Maximo et Prisco philosophis super animorum sublimitate perplexius disputans. there seems to have been a strong Taciteari reminiscence working upon him. This will best be shown by a presentation of the text. jective. so artfully interwoven by Tacitus into his narrative that we receive it as a bit of history.56 THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. wherever he restrained his inclinations in that direction. so closely adhering to the most rhetorical type. 23. they seem to represent to him the final stamp of the translation of these from private individuals into the universality of history. e. epota . Here. for the reader of Ammianus cannot fail to be impressed with the elasticity of the author's theory of historiography. Incongruous as these elogia seem with the annalistic form chosen by him for his work. incurably sublated even in his own mind. hiante latius suifossi lateris vulnere. and Ammianus becomes a panegyrist pure flung and simple. they do not surprise. felt for one feels through the the transition from the attempt at characterization last words and actions of the Emperor to this rhetorical laudatlo as almost absurd. it Ammlanus might have been delivered over the Emperor's dead body almost without alteration. at least. that facillus est absolutus. Quibus ideo iam silentibus (i. if indeed any such was ever formuHis own nature. Such elogla are a characteristic feature of the History of Ammianus. The incongruity of this has been already noted. glides Into an open laudatlo funebris. that all regard for historical theory is to the winds.

claritudine rerum maiestate conspicuus) by a presentation of his deeds from the point of view of aperai. four to this division embrace may topics.. 7raT/3t9. /3ao-tXt/<. 3). a classification formalized by Ammianus himself." continuing through the remaining part of 3 and all of 4.o9 Xo'709. natur apud Constantinopolim. principiis et turmarum. 27 ff- . in the con- The intervening passage is a to the strictest rhetorical rules. ut ubi ipse olim statuerat. and leaves nothing to be desired tinuity of events. coUecti duces exercitus. vita est absolutus anno aetatis altero et tricesimo. advocatisque legionum principe consultabant. et Basilina maioribus nobili. since much has been already said on the subject in previous passages. irpoyovot. a topic yevo^ therefore universally given by Accordrhetoricians as the second heading under encomium. save by indirect reference. iam inde a The encomium passage begins in most obvious fashion with the words "anno aetatis. quae erat quintum Kalendas lulias. 371. matre. Chapter 5 opens as follows : Nee fuit post hec lamentis aut fletibus locus. 57 facilius quam petiit medio noctis horrore. conderetur.^^ eOvoi. super creando It is evident that the placing of chapter 5 immediately after the words "vita facilius est absolutus" renders the historical sequence perfect. hostibus ex omni latere circumfusis.THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. 4. and dwells especially on the evyeveta (iam inde a maioribus nobili). is ingeniis. a pueritia usque parentis obitu destitutus Constant!. Ammianus has in this case touched on all. A sweeping laudation of Julian in general heroicis (XXV. gelida aqua. The early training (avarpo^-^) of his hero is also omitted. irarepef. as is that has been already given (XVI. Vir profecto coalita connumerandus. is No proem The conforming found here. i. entered upon immediately. quem post fratis Constantini excessum inter Complures alios turba consumpsit imperii successorum. III. 32 followed Sp. ing Apthonius. Corpore enim curato pro copia rerum et temporis. principio lucis secutae.

85.)- XPV els Si yiyviiXTKeiv Kal tpvXaT'reiv rb irapdyyeXfm Sri Srav /jJWtjs inb Ke<pa\alov fjxrapalveiv a. X^wc t6xV ff.^^ Neque tamen praemia felicitatem res gestae iudiciis non ornant. ut sapientes definiuut. Sir (rvfiirapo/iapTeTv 5i (oiKeiv /jipd^eci Kal Xdyois ry /3a<riXe? ry fieydXtp 2.58 THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS.Kp<Ta. Panegyrlcl Latini. del wpoifui^eaOai irepl oi jU^XXeu ^xf'P"'' ^''"^ irpoaeKTiKdv rbv Kal n^ ^dj \av6dveiv fiijdi KXivTeffdai tQv Ke(Pa\aiuv ttjv ^f)T'r)<nv. de Or. 254). of temperantia. « Cf.Ti}v Ke^dXaiov. 5^ rovro rijs rixi)^. fortitudo. //. 3) while temperantia In general Is treated In 4. in quibus etiam deorum immortalium iudicio tribui laudationis est. XXV. intento studio coluit omnes ut singulas. of each virtue at the opening of the passage devoted Cf. 4. iustitia. 2 .'^ These additional items to the Socratic virtues are. 27. 5. ipydorj ^ Menander fivTjfwvejiffeii (Sp. of we have first (5. 372.erd. added or a combi- nation of To review briefly the categories. treated with rhetorical elaboration and fullness of detail. XXV. 26. III. ipsam ilia is LIberalitas in an outworking of the virtue virtues. I. scientia rei militarise auctoritaSy felicitas atque liberalitas. "Fortuna" finds an admirable explanation from the Roman point of view in Cic. i<p Airaffi ko. p. 4. 14 ff. 25) formally recognizes ti^x'? in Greek encomium. temperantia. virtutes quattuor praecipuae. found also in Cicero's praise of Pompey (Pro Imperio 28). 6) passage under the author's own the facts praised under the head castitas a which he makes second division (2. 376.. Xafiirpa." (6) si Et in working In of the same thought Is found Gratiarum luliano of Claudius Mamertinus (Baehrens. decreta virtutis hominum comprobatae. repeats the name going back to first principles. XXIV. 347. II. XII. receive final Impress from a poetic <Tv<yKpi(Tt<i^ nocturna lumina inter quas lucubrabat potuissent voces ullae testari. ^iXavdpcoTria^ Greek encomium all either as a separate virtue. the precepts of Menander (Sp. prudentia. II. habiti honores. profecto ostenderant inter hunc et quosdam princlpes multum interesse quern norant voluptatibus ne ad necessitatem quidem indulslsse naturae. cum enim sint. it will be remembered. 6. Julian's moderation and self-denial. eisque accedentes extrinsecus aliae. where would-be rulers of unholy memory are offered by Providence the power artificial A still the more Actio ^ Ammianus to it.

THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. 5. this paragraph is concise and antithetical. aestate Alamannicum pulverem hieme pruinam Thraciae intectis verticibus perferatis. 8. III. I. gratiora esse audientibus quae solus aut primus aut certe cum paucis fecisse dicetur. aut certe gratuita. T'^? fioXrj^ evKfyiffKcov k. toto in orbe terrarum nullius virginis fama violetur. hihil unquam auferatis et ultro omnibus largiamini. cTTpaTTjyaiv. et audiri facillime. 11. Gratissima autem laus eorum factorum habetur. Cf. and Fortitudo (10) is iustitia (8. arduum '^ 24 (here the praise is voiced by the army. . To these add Julian's speech to the soldiers. XX. 9) receives treatment of a of similar kind. Cic. sit lectulus etiam sine concessis et legitimis voluptatibus VestaHum toris purior. aut periculosa. t.. viri. in neminem saeviatis. p. XVII. 3. Evidences of prudentia (71) are so many that it will be necessary to cite a few only. quae vero etiam cum labore copiam ad laudandum quod et dici ornatissime possunt. libertati civium serviatis. confecit audacter congressus ac nostros cedentes obiecto The pectore suo aliquotiens cohibuit solus) recalls the injunction of Menander avT(K (Sp. quae suscepta videntur a viris fortibus sine emolumento ac praemio. 3. Quint. X. 7. III. 2. auro? o rbv Kaipbv on auro? rjv 6 SiaTTaroyLiei/o?. shown by deeds in war and endurance use of ipse and suo {ipse trucem hostem ictu hardships. XXIV. nihil periculosum fore vel clamitabat sub imperatore plus sibi laboris quam gregariis indicente). Ea enim ipsi aut denique virtus est praestantis quae est fructuosa alliis. 16. under conditions such as concur with Julian's life. At nunc ultro vobis potestas regnandi datur ut ea quae lulianus conditione regnetis. Julian's vigils and care for camp and soldiers are strong material for encomium. saepius proelium quam prandium capessatis. et cum domini vocemini.^® labors for the sake of others are especially noted for praise in Latin laudatio. 3. de Or.^^ ^ Occasions where Ammianus emphasizes 9. 6. 2. nulli gratificemini. XXIII. lahoriosa. 85. 59 to reign as Emperor. this quality are frequent. 24). contrasting favorably with the usual involved style of Ammianus. ut pro omnium otio die noctuque vigiletis. 346. 374. Cf.

aut fortuna affert . aut aetas. multa auctoritate quae viro militari pro facundia erat. these deeds of Julian are so well known and so manifold {prudentiae eius indicia vel The plurima . he is the associate of his . when oratory came to be weighed as one of the factors that made for military success.Auctoritas then is in this connection personal influence. prudentia. merely comprehensive reference.. Scientia rex militaris (ii) is declared from the outcome of sieges and battle. etiam quae sit persona suadentis. may possibly have attained seems to have position in the laudatio of the general (for it is here that it its proper place) by transference of one of the requirements laid down for the symboleutic orator. 12. derived from the known deeds and character of the subject. 8. Roman recognition is A given in Quintilian. iam poterat. XV. presentation of these four heads. So Julian is both feared and loved. 48. i) dependent on the (f>povr)ai^. autem iustitiae crebritas certaminum— Castrensium inclaruit bonis. skilful marshalling and encamping. multa negotiarum scientiam plura declarant et notd) that they need no narration. evvoia of the orator for its force on an audience. equivalent in the its a word which seems to have no single Greek encomium. 8. . XI. Auctoritas (12). . II. Sed Othoni nondum auctoritas inerat ad prohib45. facts of universal knowledge are thus to be presented. aperr). Germ. Multum vita. Valet autem in consiliis auctoritas plurimum. So III. quia anteacta aut clarius genus.6o THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. I endum auctoritate suadendi magis quam iubendi potestate. We find in Tacitus examples that are identical in meaning with the above. iubere scelus. fortitude. et quibusdam suificit auctoritas. III. iustitia. expectationem. si refert illustris fuit. significant quibus —Fortitudinem . . scientia rei militaris is in its very summarizing an instance of encomiastic theory. quosdam ratio ipsa aegre tuetur. Hist. This is the r)6LKr} iria-Ttt of Aristotle (Rhet. . Ann. in concise summary.

peragratis spatiis regionum extentis per tepentem Assyriam ad usque confinia traxisse Medorum. quievere nationes Two omnes immobilis ac For the : si quodam . III. irapa Se rr)? ^aatXeoyi %€t/309 vifC(oar)^ Se^o/xevai. soldiers in the field. In this connection also we have the force of summari- zation (id pro multis nosse sufficiet). 6) : good fortune in like extrava- Paulo ante a liberatis divinior felicitas fuit? Galliae provinciis lassus inimi corum capitalium apertls armis et occultis insidiis petebatur in pauculis mensibus divino munere unquam — . 266. exhortatum eum simplici contione militem Gallicanum pruimis adsuetum et Rheno. otl ov (Sp. Cuius of Julian's p. Felicitas (fortuna) (14) is treated with strongly encomiastic amplification." the persuasive power of the soldier orator whose wisdom. Felicitas ita eminuit ut ipsis quodammoda evectus et cervicibus Fortunae victoriosis aliquam diu bonae gubernatricis cursibus difficultates superstaret digressus est. good-will have been proved in the past. . 10 ff.) eV Tourot? e/oet? 6Tr\oL<i ov rot? ^aa-iXeayi SeSoiKUfxev fiap^dpovi TroXefiiou^i. mutineers are quelled by a threat to leave them. noteworthy points of rhetorical tradition are the emphasis laid on the hero's triumph over obstacles (difficultates immensas). postquam ex occidua plaga et quoad fuit in terris. 61 but the stern punisher of the laggard. . Menander . 6')(ypoiTepov avTol fxr) 7ro\€fiovvr€<i. Mamertinus speaks gant terms (Bachrens. especially does the last instance given by Ammianus apply (13): Denique id pro multis nosse sufficiet. ai iroXea rerei'x^iafxeda rj roi? rei'yeaLV . note the precept . quievere nationes omnes immensas immobiles ac si quodam caduceo leniente mundana. This is the auctoritas of Tacitus. 377. caduceo leniente mundana).THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. of last. and the great Influence of his power (quoad fuit in terris. "quae viro militari pro faciundia erat. bravery.

although inconsistent with the rules of Greek encomium as seemingly laid down by the technicians. Justice and exacting tribute {fwpiov 8e Trj<i (f)i\avdpco7ria<i 77 Men. More than Ammianus vaunt his own truthfulness and nonpartisan attitude. .. 374. Unjust decrees are admitted this to be his work. 375. p." but he corrected by most excellent training (verum hoc instituto rectissimo temperabat). Europae Asiaeque regnator est. Here too the magnifying Liheralitas (15) in remitting hiKaioavvr}^ has proofs plurima et verissima. bimus Libyae. which presents the vitia of Julian (16-22). literary Replicare nunc est opportunum. Sp. nudare solita semper animorum interna. 28) is emphasized among Rhetorical precept covers this also epel^ the instances selected. Such passages as the one with which we are now about to deal. Ammianus using in the crv<yKpL(Tt. satisfy the historical conscience embodied by Ammianus in the passage last quoted. ut aliquotiens fecimus et ab ortu primigenio patris huinsce principis ad usque ipsius obitum actus eius discurrere per epilogos breves.epLK'q^ wherever the figure is employed.. . can be reconciled to the same We come now once does form when adapted to historical uses. Perhaps the statement made in XXX. to a portion of the elogium which. 21: Tov K00<f)(O9 en irepi t(ov (j>6p(ov ov<i eirurraTreL . but the highly laudatory prelude to the admis- .<. (Men. Frankly as the faults are admitted. Kul pdSiay. i. III. quae potestatis amplitudo monstravit. hvvaaOai ^epeiv Tois v7roK6ov<i) Here is also the implied iure this comparison with former rulers (quos velut vendidere passage praeteritae potestates).SZ THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. Quae maiora expectadei praemia? Quae uberiora dona Fortunae? of difficulties adds to the effect. in connection with the 6logium of Gratianus may be taken as his generalized dictum on the subject. . nee vitiorum praetermisso discrimine vel bonorum. 7. Julian is "levioris ingeni. Sp. and reconcile the elogium with the impartial treatment claimed for history. wherever modification is possible we find it.

and this too with superhuman to'tto? of celeritate). reducing barbaric monarchs to swiftness (mira dictu serfs. Julian's career is a glorious agitation of wars. vetus lustitia. designated divisions of the topic Kara acofia^ find representation in the phrase unde viribus valebat et cursu. quam offensam hominum Aratus is extollit in caelum eo imperante redisse rursus ad terras).THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. 249) "micantia' sedereis ignibus lumina.. This is clearly one of the avrideaeut to which rhetoricians call attention. The remainder of this passage (23-27) deals with a criticism of Julian made openly by his detractors. the forma of the Roman The beauty and brilliancy of his eyes are often his mentioned in Ammianus. Constantius. 22 Kara devoted to describing aw/jba of laudatio. in the form of a point blank denial. stirred up the wars which have been laid to the charge of the latter. p. Julian achieved a glorious triumph. so violent were the German tribes. but by the bringing of them to His swift and brilliant conduct of the war in the Gauls issue. In this dire condition of affairs. Basing for encomiastic purposes his epilogue on this statement. the Alps were no longer a barrier of defense to Italy. the incontrovertible truth. tears and terror were the lot of men. not Julian. Ammianus presents his defence of the censure quoted. bitter remembrance shared their minds with sadder expectation. So too Claudius Mamertinus (Baehr. must be offered by the encomiast. . as he tells us (docente veritate perspicue). Rapidity in victory is in itself a /cotW encomium. which could not be passed over and for which a strong \vai<. sion 6^ (aestimari makes these laws insignificant ilia exceptions poterat." Tdxo<i and potifir). (23) Quoniam obtrectatores novos bellorum tumultus ad perniciem rei eum communis simulant concitasse. the the Greek rhetorician. is sweeping negative to gravely notable not by the reviewed with strong amplification (25). he skilfully employs the reference questionable matter. vitiis ut ipse aiebat. personal appearance. sent as Caesar when but a youth.

praestitisset . si consiliis eius et factis inlustribus decreta caelestia congruissent). nor need the statement be pressed so far as to insist on conscious coincidence of treatment although that "Cf. 26. Amm. adortus est Persas. ceteris bonis artibus praestitisset. si iure et nomine regio fuisset . temperantia. Itaque ut orientem pari studio recrearet. Roman empire in Persia was Forced by such exigencies. Ammianus paints an elaborate picture of the horrors and difficulties of the Persian war (23-24). fortifications threatened to its downfall. Itaque ut orientem pari studio recrearet). But it seems clear that what of Scipio (C. thetical clause presenting the conditions that prevent fulfillment of the prophecy (si solus arbiter rerum. quod si solus arbiter rerum. 33): Mors perfecit tua ut essent omnia brevia Honos fama virtusque gloria atque ingenium.. Quibus sei in longa licuisset tibi utier vita Facile facteis superases gloriam maiorum. Ann. . In the same careful rhetoric. ments (quantum dementia temperantia. We have in each a summarizing reference to past achieveceteris bonis artibus . it does not seem too much to claim Tacitus as the model of Ammianus.. I. had been the will of Heaven. a prediction of a glorious future (adsecuturum gloriam militiae. . With armies cut to pieces.. si consiliis eius et factis inlustribus decreta caelestia congruissent. cities destroyed. XXV. razed. A point of contact with the laudatio of Germanicus (11. triumphum inde relaturus et cognomentum) and an hypo. Julian Roman arms and his it attacked the Persians to add laurels to own fame as in the past. 73) may be found in this connection. II.^^ handling In the light of the resemblances and parallel points of in the two episodes just reviewed. L..64 THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS. Roman soldiers in captivity. It will be more obvious if the passages are set side by side. We would not assert a slavish imitation. I. fuisset.. si iure et nomine regie tanto promptius adsecuturum gloriam militiae quantum dementia. Epitaph is probable. 73. triumphum inde relaturus et cognomentum.

as this in the handling of the laudatio. it own spirit in is the insuperable bent of his the direction of biography that caused the deflection. . the later Roman felt himself privileged to adopt. Where the instances of greatest departure from his model occur. that wittingly or unwittingly he followed for Julian in passage the lines of delineation which in the hands of Tacitus had so magnified the character of Germanicus. 65 Tacitus approved.THE LITERARY WORK OF AMMIANUS.





'48(BS993l6)476 . DUE on the last date stamped below.UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY BERKELEY Return This book is to desk from which borrowed. Mfc-CD iOiVlar'50B2' 1 LP ?« 1 0-65 -9 REC'D LD OCT 17 1956 26Ag'60Es1 SEP 81961 ^^ \\VS^ D 21-100m-9. Jan26i.

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