The Profession of the Color Blind: Sociocultural Anthropology and Racism in the 21st Century Author(s): Eugenia Shanklin

Reviewed work(s): Source: American Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 100, No. 3 (Sep., 1998), pp. 669-679 Published by: Wiley-Blackwell on behalf of the American Anthropological Association Stable URL: . Accessed: 14/11/2012 15:10
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whenFranzBoas undertook theestablishment of the discipline of anthropologyin the United states. AmericanAnthropologicalAssociation This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192. while those of thenineteenthcenturyelaborated endlessly on the multiple origins of various human races (polygenesis) andthe consequencesthereof.82. The nineteenth century's intellectual ferment added new dimensions to the discussions:early renderings had assumeda single originfor humans(monogene- sis).The studyof psychology was replacedby philosophyin Descartes's Meditations. poverty. retardation. there. or other devout eugenicists like Madison Grant. it originatedas a two-partstudy of the physical andmentaldimensionsof"human nature.who categorizedhumansaccordingto cranial features. I suggestthatAmericansociocultural anthropology has been a "colorblind"professionfor rlearly a half centuryandthat.we need to restoreandrefineourcolor perceptionsin orderto fight the supposedlyfixed opposition in Americansociety between"black" and"white"anddeal with the racistconsequencesof this folk opposition.2therewere partisansfrom all sides of the political spectrum who could call themselves anthropologists." variouslydefined."thestructure of thebodyof manrevealedin dissection"(quotedin Penniman[1935] a discipline. There were conservativezoologists like CharlesDavenport." and anatomy. instead. who studiedregional variations.Countde Gobineauhad addeda hierarchical dimension to the study of racial differences."who "interpreted all history as a racial strugglewhich produceda constantredistribution of AmericanAnthropologist100(3):669-679. or skin-colordifferences. the science of "race" was establishedlong beforeanthropology foundits disciplinaryfeet.of Blumenbach.In the secondsection. the "nature of the rationalsoul discoursed. and of Buffon.211 on Wed. and proposing a Foucauldian model-following Foucault'slead in analyzingrelationsof biopowerandrace forformulating new ways of responding to and resistingthe inevitablerecastingsof racistideas. manywho would not have called themselvesanthropologists had a go at defining the propersubjectmatterof the new discipline. In the final section.Jews. NJ 08628-0718 The Profession of the ColorBlind:1 Sociocultural Anthropology and Racismin the 21st Century In this essay. The first use of the termanthropologyin a disciplinarysense comes in an anonymousbook publishedin the fifteenth centuly. Degler 1991. and that the majorityof races were incapableof civilization"(quoted in Penniman[1935]1952:84). immigrants."I discuss the tendency.who decriedthe interference of the governmentwith the "natural" outcomes of the Social identities.By 1853.Hume's Treatise ofHumanNature. Copyrighti) 1999. proclaiming that there were "superior and inferiorraces. In Europe.Herbert Spencer' s American"apostle. In the late 1800s." I take up the questionsof what the professionneeds to do next to cope with racismand its consequences.Boas] How Axlthropology Became"ColorBlind" Anthropologydid not begin as a color blinddiscipline. underthe aegis of E. Over the next few centuries.168.emphasizingespecially the issue of group identities. Tylor's (1871) definitionof culture(with natureas residualcategory)as the properstudyof anthropologists. [race and racism.whin latereditions of SystemaNaturaedivided humansinto subspecies. and overcome. who believed that sterilizing the undesirableportions of the populationwould lead the nationto its future ---without malformation."'I delineatethecircumstances underwhich anthropology becamethe "colorblind"profession. how they are formulated. Lieberman 1968).in teaching socioculturalanthropology. B. six years beforethe publicationof Darwin's OntheOrigin of Species. anthropologyconsisted of psychology. The studyof "race" andphysicaldifferencesamonghumans replaced anatomy as the proper anthropological study in the writingsof Linnaeus. In the firstsection. socioculturalanthropology.Therewere"anthroposociologists" like CarlosClosson.EUGENLS SHANKLIN Department of Sociology and Anthropology The College of New Jersey Ewing.andKant'sCritique of PureReason."HowAnthropology Became ' laws in Montesquieu'sSpiritofLaws. 14 Nov 2012 15:10:57 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Foucault. andby the "natural state"in Rousseau's Social ignoreracismand its effects. "TeachingColorBlindness. "Restoring Color Vision. inculcated.

. .the 'professional. Manyanthropologistsbehaved as scientific "experts.and (3) that nationaland religiousgroupswere in any sense biologicalpopulations.Boas no doubtattracted studentswho were of the sameliberalpersuasion as he.that "racewas less a biological fact than a social thatconcentrated on "testingconflicting theories of heredity and environment"(Stocking 1968:188) with the ultimateaim of sheddinglight on the problemsof the"earlyhistoryof mankind. even This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192. to produceas hardy a race as that of the cooler States of the North" (Carnegie[l 886]1971:4>45. NO. UNESCO 1952) defined the scientific community's oppositionto racial discriminationby repudiating threeideas:( l ) thatmentalcapacitiesforraces differed. 100. and some of his studentsfollowed throughon his aims but most of their criticismsof theraceconceptinvolved its nonexistenceas a biologically useful idea andlittle or no emphasison the study of the Americanfolk conceptionof race. George Stocking has careful]y and instructivelyanalyzed Boas's interestin physical anthropology: he points out thatBoas "carried with him a residueof polygenistand doomedby its own (scientific) inexactitude to fade away. 3 * SEPTEMBER1998 the racialelementsof nationsaccordingto variouslaws of 'social selection' " (Clossen.168. thenracismwas anirrelevant responseto skin-colordifferences.82. there were positive and negative responses to his ideas.hadAmericananthropologists wished to explore this premise." not as "intellectual[s] who participated in public and political discourse[s]"(Barkan1992:78).who wrote of an Anglo-American "master race" and assigned the "other" classes (immigrants andblacks)to permanent statusatthe bottomof the heap. Boas himselfwas not color blind. the conclusionseems unavoidable thatthecoloredracecannotholditsownnumerically against the whites andmustfall farther andfartherbehind . Anothercommentator observes that Boas's "anti-racistlegacy stems as much from his ideas as from his actions to mobilize opinion among his peers and the public in favor of egalitarianism" (Barkan 1992:77). This proposition helpedto ensurethatAmericananthropology won thebattle andlost the war.670 AMERICANANTHROPOLOGIST * VOL."was the most controversial at the time and. There were also prominent lay ideologues such as Andrew Carnegie. Accordingto ElazarBarkan.L. indifferentto the skin-colordifferences that areandwerethebasis of theAmerican"racial" (folk) classif1cation. It is ironicthata profession dedicated to exploring the nuances of the ideas people hold failed to deal with a major idea their own countrypeopleheld.In carvingout a liberaldisciplineandsurrounding himself with those of a similar persuasion. Boas's last words concernedthe need to combat racismby exposing it (Barkan1992:77). and Ashley Montaguconcentratedon critiquingrace as a scientific concept in their writings. andOttoKlineberg. MargaretMead. C. because"Theproportion of the colored to the white element necessarily grows less andless. and notes that"physical anthropology around l900 had wandered far into a blind alley from which it was not really to emerge for anotherfifty years" (1968:163). cf.norwas the firstgenerationof his students.shapedthe discipline.'whose scientiElc work.4 He was well awareof thefolk conception of race thatwas operatingin Americansociety at the time but he taughtthat "scientific models which are derivedfromfolk cultureshouldbe regarded with particular suspicion"(Moore 1981:37). they could have begun an intensive investigationof the folk conceptionsof raceextantin their own society and publicly critiquedthe racist ideas that pervaded institutional and legal thinking. ." butthattherewere otherdifficulties with "racial" theoryeven before Boas's influence began to grow.3 Boas introduced intothedisciplinehe was carefully craftinga dynamic point of view about racial classifications.but the idea of raceas an Americanfolk concept went largely unchallengedand unexplored.. .(2) thathybridization producedbiological deteriorationof populationgroups. Ruth Benedict. quotedin Stocking1982:60.. The studyof small-scale societies provideda poor framework for investigating concepts of race. He also impressedupon them the importance of a "dynamic" point of view in the study of races. the equationof race with skin color."Race"no longermatteredandif "race"could be demonstrated not to exist. andto work towardanegalitarian ideal in society.5but by the time of his deathin 1942.and the culturalanthropologistshe taughthada differentmandate:"salvage ethnography" andthe expansionof the field of ethnology or the studyof small-scale societies." Stockingalso pointsout that"ingeneral.Boas trained very few physical anthropologists. Theodosius Dobzhansky. in which the colored people live. 14 Nov 2012 15:10:57 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Marks 1995). Both within Boas's lifetime and beyond. Dunn.211 on Wed. Among the "pervasivedifElculties'' in racial theory was the breakdownof any and all definitions of race.doomed to die out. however. Wall 1970:679).The Statement(Montagu1951. One positive response to Boas's thinking was the UNESCO Statement on Race.' who participated directly in public and political discourse"(Barkan1992: 77-78).' as an active participantin the scientific community. we can scarcely expect the hotter climate of the Southern States.Boas's impacton the idea of racewas on threelevels: "the'expert. and the 'intellectual.muchof twentieth-centuryAmericananthropologymay be viewed as the workingout in time of variousimplicationsof Boas's own position"( l 974:17). Ashley Montagu. Boas trainedhis studentsto renouncethe scientific concepts of race thatpersisted.largely writtenby Boas's students and ignore the folk concepts of race thatexisted. . a weaknessthatBoas attackedoften andvigorously in his writings. sociocultural anthropology was thoroughlyprofessionalizedandwell on its way to being color blind.. The fourthpremise advanced. cf.

studentswho will never take another coursebutcould well be influencedby what anthropology they heard in the course about race and racism. is what percentageof college stumultidisciplinary as partof theirdistribudentsareexposed to anthropology tion requirements.encouragedresentmentagainstaffirmativeaction. Anothertext. Threeof the four MarvinHarris (1991).racism.orethnicity. and Serena Nanda's Anthropology. there were 8. attributesthe rise of the "New Racism"in the 1980s in partto "thefact that Ronald Reagan's administrationsdevalued civil rights.andsecond.race by politiof meanings transfoImed to gender as a complex words. and all point to recent studies that refute racist claims and explanationsfor poverty based on skin color and unequalabilities.82.4 outof the 11. Conrad Kottak's (1987).BLIND OFTHECOLOR SHANKL1N/ PROFESSION 671 thoughthe societies themselveswere often subjectto racist policies.000 anthropology majors graduatedthroughoutthe country. 38-39. racemaybeafiction. This allows the subjects of race and racism to be raised for classroom discussion and debate.Ether.7 learnfromus aboutnew approaches anthropolIn my own cursorysurveyof 11 introductory ogy textspublishedin severaleditionssince thelate '80s. a techniquethatoffers several cism throughout opportunitiesto discuss racism's consequences in context. is notdeadandthatraThe factsthatthefolk ideaof "race" cism thrivesin our society are partly(but only partly.e. The (1984) have the same title: Culhxral fourthis James Peoples's Humanity:An Introductionto CulturalAnthropology. These changes have been carefully analyzed elsewhere recently (Lieberman et al. one thatI adoptedfor classroomuse. have spelled out some of the shiftsover the lastfew decadesin teaching these concepts in both physical and socioculturalanthropology (Shanklin 1994). inother calframeworks. how have anthropologists this folk dichotomyand to contributed to understanding clarifyingits consequencesfor a society thatproclaimsitself committedto egalitarianideals? We have moved a long way from the sixties and seventies.alchemy. Peoples ( 1988:4>42) with whether blacks are naturalathletes and Nanda (1984: 43-48) with the predicates of biological determinism.. too. i. by cuttingbackon critical andfosteredracialpolarization social programs"(1991:373) and goes on to explore a deeper level of sociocultural causation. Kottak1987:321-325. [Gubar 1997:42] justify powerful systems Teaching Color Blindness I turnnow to the issue of teaching aboutrace and racoursesthat anthropology cism.and evolution. however.andeven some of the more overwroughttenets of creationismare quite dead.168. especiallyin introductory reachthe largestnumberof college students. in 1997.of to folcourse)attributable to thefailureof anthropologists low throughon Boas's example of public engagementin discourse and debate. 43-46.Its secondedition ( 1990). Peoples responseto my query. Others in this small group deal with differentissues.for example. I found the issue of racismdealt with in only a distinctmi's nority. that of the "markeddeteriorationin the economic prospects of the white majority"(1991:373). Patsy Evans (personal communication)of the American AnthropologicalAssociationnotes thatwhile we are certain that.It is often said.211 on Wed. to bearon I believe thatthe scientif1cexpertisebrought the "scientific"aspects of the race concept was effective andthatthe idea of race as a scientific categoryhas virtupublic and ally disappeared from ongoing contemporary politicaldiscourses. 372-384. somethingI insist on in an anthropologytext.g. Nanda 1984:17.the publishersrespondedthat this was an "oversight."Few texts ignorethe issues entirely. Mukhopadhyay andMoses 1997). chemistry." but seldom noticed that this proposition is wrong.All four featurein-depthdiscussions of racism in Western industrialsocieties (Harris 1991:37-40..omittedthe chaptersthat dealt with evolution or race. when most textbook authorsexplainedwhy race andracismwere not acceptableor scientificconcepts.But the folk ideaof raceas skincolor remainspowerful in our society and racism has become part of legislation and institutionsin ways that make it very difficultto extirpate.Two caveatshere:first. "A race refers to a group of people who share a greaterstatisticalfrequencyof genes and physical traits This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192. a flat earth. Harris. 46. 14 Nov 2012 15:10:57 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Writersof the otherseven texts mostly contentedthemselves with an old-fashionedor faulty definitionof race. e.had in its firstedition( 1987) an extensive descriptionof bothevolutionandthenon-conceptof the eightiesandnineties whenseriousdiscussionsof raceorracismseemto be considered superfluous by most anthropology textbook authorsand editors.we do notknowhow manywho teach introductory courses automaticallyincludea segmenton race and racism. 1992. of the topics of race and raMost scattertheirtreatments theirtexts. Another gap in our knowledge. hasexploited thecoIporeal of inequality. Richley Crapo'sCulturalAnthropology. 25S258. ThereforeI will limit myself in this discussion to pointing out some of the "highs"and of race andracismin a few recent "lows"of the treatment culturalanthropologytextbooks.butHaviland's(1987) text containsno indexentriesforrace. in this age.geography. andI. 4s42). not all anthropologists use textbooks in introductory courses. The '9Os version of what race is even includesdenialof raceas a fact: similar operates inamanner Neither anillusion norafact. Though Fiction that Stevens called aSupreme itremains what Wallace and bodyto putinplace.sustain. "youcan't kill a bad idea.If race as a Supreme Fiction is at issue.6 All were killed or renderedharrnlessby scientific advances in physics. we do not know the anthropology numberof studentswho take introductory and who might requirements as partof their distribution to raceandracism.

orthepoliticalimplicationsof a the arguments. 100. 1991). Later. Cultural virtuallyuniversal. NO.andethnicityas nearsynonyms. Anthropology: book.remarking that "the presence in a complex society of nonclass basedon raceorethnicitycomplicates. more temporary to the point in a discussionof teaching. They proceed to discuss blacks and whites in several places (1990:332-333. Emily Schultz and RobertLavenda's despite a glossary definition of Anthropology. Which of them seems preparedto say more thanthatrace is an erroneousscientific Ina decadein which"ethnic conceptora gloss forethnicity? This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192. Unequal (Hacker 1992). While of the orithese authorshave verydifferentinterpretations gins of inequalityin oursociety. The Alchemyof Race andRights(Williams1991).orprestige"( 1987:251).82. theymove on andnevermentionracismor its implion cationsfor modernsocieties. observable do a host of others.butinsteadis a label inventedby humansthatpermitsus to sortpeople into groups"(1987:7). hairtype. as in 'racial equality' or 'racial ' arein factusuallyreferencesto ethnicity" discrimination.211 on Wed. to write itself determination Anthropology'sapparent discussions of the conout of one of the most important era seems perverseandbadly timed ourown of ethnicity. basedon physicaltraits" These conflations and confusing discussions are disturbing. bodytype.Ferraro survivalof indigenouspeoples. Kottak.power.referthereaderto ethnicityandlaterexplain that "referencesto race.althoughthey do mentionAfrican Americansonce or twice. An even less illuminating discussion is providedby DanielBatesandFredPlog ( 1990:3 17)who. [and a contempoas mentioned saryto askwhy racismis never raryproblem. 3 * SEPTEMBER ANTHROPOLOGIST AMERICAN with one anotherthan they do with people outside the group"(Ferraro1992:5). which do not correlatewell with other physical and biological traits. as the authorof this textAn AppliedPerspective. Kottak's.andmay groupings even contradict. race.students unless 's.or whether anthropologists mighthave some knowledge thatcouldbe appliedto problemsaboutin-groupsandout-groups. or they have been exposed to Harris classroomdiscussions of Peoples's texts and/orthorough these subjects-probably have little occasion to assume thatanthropologyhas anythingusefulto say aboutrace or racism. TwoNations: Black and White. it is necesthink also I but Maybe. They add used to identifyraces all dethat"Thetraitstraditionally pend on external. the word raceis used in several contexts with different meanings and without bothering to define it in the text. Rights.ending with the claim thathis text illustrates "how anthropologicalknowledge can be used to solve medicalpersonproblemsby architects. Hostile. A majorconsequence of anthropolmay absorbthedisciogy' s color blindnessis thatstudents either pline's liberal proclivities without understanding proorcon. AnCultural MichaelC. in theirindex entryforrace.say TheBellCurveor some of Rushton's betweenpenis size rantingsaboutthe (inverse)correlation and capacity for civilization. Race andethnicityareconflatedin thisdiscussionbutthe author does not say why he has done this. the studyof complex societies (readthe holistic study of small ethnic neighborhoods). The Bell Curve (Herrnsteinand Murray1994).a classification of people based on relative wealth. In his concludingchapter discusses the cultural the futureof anthropology.especially for indigenouspeoples or those in small ethnic neighborhoods. nor is enlightenment providedby the glossarydefinitionof race as "acategory (1989:455). HowardbeginsContemporary thropology (1989) by describingethnicity as a way of drawingwe-they distinctionsbut goes on to suggest that categorizationof humansaccordingto "physicalor racial began as early as prehistoriccave paintcharacteristics" ing and adds that"Theconceptof race.e. Separate.Nanda. and the greater utilization of anthropological knowledge. . beyond noting that "Physicalanthropologistsinvented a series of elaborate of huto measuredifferentobservablefeatures techniques manpopulations-skin color. In anothertext.however. bipolar. especially since most of these textbooks were publishedin the '90s. 14 Nov 2012 15:10:57 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ." nel . Nanda's. others].they mentionraceandethnicityas involving criteriaof a biological and/orculturalnature(1987: 247) andthenthoroughlyconfoundearlierdiscussionsby usingclass. are not designations racial which in of a society (Brazil) discussions into continue but they are. and race and sex on campus(Illaberal StudsTerkel's book Race: How Blacks and WhitesThink and Feel about the American Obsession (1992).g. contemporary Rosman and Rubel (1995:302-304) offer a brief dewhose definiscriptionof race as "aculturalconstruction andthensociety" to tion andform differs from society example an give to go on in my opinion outstandingly. bothuse the blacklwhite dichotomyunselfconsciously. Nor have we given our studentsdefenses against the racist charges they hear on campus.andso forth [in the hope of classifying] the world's people into unambiguousracial categories" (1987:375).672 1998 * VOL. 342-343) without furtherqualification. is the belief thatthe featureschosen for purposesof categorization parallel differences in behavior"(1989:273).The conceptof 'race' thereforedoes not reflect a fact of nature. (1990:329-330). and ChainReaction: TheImpactof Race. Then. particularstance. such as skin color. or any basis for confrontingracism.. and Taxeson AmericanPolitics (EdsallandEdsall 1991). and Peoplesin a paneldiscussionof whateveris the askedto participate latestracisttract. the samedecadein which werepublished Dinesh D'Souza's fulminationson the politics of Education. Imagine the authorsof some of these texts-excepting Hams. or categorization accordingto physicaltraits. Cultural raceas "a social groupingdefined by observablephysical featureswhich its memberspossess andjustifiedwithreference to biology" (1987:375).

[1984:12] The "application of the theories"thatPopkindescribes took place in exactly these termsand some of the people who were "demonstrating the . Racism's adaptiveresilienceentailsthatwe haveto respond wiffi sets of oppositions thatare found in andthrough praxisto be appropriate to each formracismassumes. we have largely failed to historicize anthropology'srole in the expansion of colonialism. Those of us in the professionknow the names andnotions of the people who were doing this.put the pointvery well: "anthropology has been the social science thatstudiesdominatedcolored peoples andtheirancestors living outsidetheboundaries of modern white societies" (1969:122). a worse outcomeis thatdenialof the existence of racehas become a rallyingcryforsegmentsof theextremeRight. in these same contexts. Rather thanteachingstudentsthatanthropology has always beenthe"scientific"or"apolitical" or"objective" or "neutral" studyof humansin all times andplacesefinitions offeredin manytexts today -a socially relevanthistoryof anthropology would be not only moreappropriate butconsiderably moreaccurate. he points out.overcomingapartheid must takeon formsdifferent fromoppositionto racistjurypracticesor discriminatory employment and housing practicesin the United States. anhonestdiscussion in textbooks. othersbecausethey did) the fact ffiatthey were an Africanpeople and.SHANKLIN/ PROFESSION OFTHECOLOR BLIND 673 cleansing" has become both a buzzword and a fact in widely separated partsof the world.oursilence hascontributed to ourfailureto participate in the ongoing intellectual debates surrounding theconceptsof raceandracism.neutralscientificclaims about human origins.Forthose of us of a liberalpersuasion. Westernracism will continueto takeits toll (1974:152-153). theappropriate kindsof responseto claimsof racial superiorityor inferiority will differ from those to racially This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192. but this is not its worst outcome.allowing us to passoverin silence the manykindsof racismandracistdiscoursesthat have flourishedin the past few decades. Mukhopadhyay and Moses 1997). A non-anthropologist. as in the American Anthropological Association's (1997) recommendations about census categories. and andwhenwill such insightsbecomecommonplaces of the disciplinary literature?An excellent beginning is currently being made in the professionalliterature (Current Anthropology 1996. Second.apparently scant attemptsat teaching concepts of race and ethnicityandnot directlydiscussed the political consequencesof this teaching. RichardPerry.of anthropology 's pasterrors andomissions. and.But thereare political consequencesandI will confine myself hereto a few commentson thoseconsequencesI believe to be most salientfor the twenty-f?st century. they mustbe combatedby a thoroughgoing culturalrelativism and culturalpluralism. OmiandWinant 1994). suggests a differentaspect of the toll in humansufferingracismhas taken: None of them. The manykinds of racism that abound in our world similarly unmentioned so far as I know in any introductory anthropology text mustbe pointedout to students.not least of whomareourown students.most labyrinthine symbol of evil. These ideas do not informa single introductory anthropology text that has crossedmy desk. .Institutionally. and the discipline's on-going efforts to redeemitself as a social science with a critical bent. attentionmust be paid to the political consequences of anthropology's color blind stance in the twentiethcentury.not in specializedmonographs orin professionaljournals. discussedwith theirchildren(some because they neverthoughtaboutit. why not?Or. Our silence merely gives the impressionthatanthropologists don't know muchaboutrace orethnicity. Richard Popkin.168. inferiority"of others were anthropologists.DavidGoldberg's ideas are illuminatingas he talks abouta "rangeof racisms": no single mode of resistanceto racism will succeedexhaustively.211 on Wed.The silence about anthropology'spast has encouragedand perpetuated disciplinaryconflations and confusions.Here. Nor were the childrenaware ffiatsocial scientists made a living demonstratingieir inferiority. were developed to justify ChristianEuropeandominanceof the Third World and have caused an enormous toll in human suffering.Harrison1995.or to what extent ffiey and theirparentsoperatedin ie nationalimaginationas the ultimate in the comic. but this beginning must be translated into public discussions. both physical and cultural anthropologistshave been silent aboutthe discipline's own historyof collusion with the ethnocentrictenetsof of the first "postmodern" novels. however.the questionsremain: how to deal with race as a "Supreme Fiction"andwith racism as a fact or as partof theglobalorder? If anthropologyis going to contribute in the twentyfirstcentury-to the solutionof the race/racism problems thatplague our society now.describesthe theoriesthatdevelopedin the wakeof Westernexpansion as being of two kinds:first. and the darkest.authorof Montgomery'sChildren.andthetranslations mustbe bothfrequently repeated and accessible to a general audience.who use it tojustifycuttingvarioussocial programs (cf. claims of Caucasiansuperiority. Continuingto endorsethis idea of the nonexistenceof race (andconcomitantinconsequentiality of racism) makes us bedfellows with those who espouse the anti-egalitarian trendswe oppose. but how often and in what formatdo we tell our students aboutit? Writingaboutwhatanthropologists do in 1969 William Willis Jr.anduntilthis is done. .ideologically. especially its failure to come to grips with racism. 14 Nov 2012 15:10:57 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . andone mustask. First. were recentlydescendedfrom slaves. Further.82.So far I have emphasized anthropology's. Both. in textbook presentationsand in public discussions. might well serve as a guide for others in the social scientific community. throughlittle fault of theirown.

we mustrecastnot only ourintroductory textbooks but our disciplinaryteachingandthinkingaboutrace and racism. the progress thathas been madein understanding how to avoid socializing childreninto these prejudices. We could begin by revising our textbooks to focus on and comment on the Black-Whiteopposition that mesmerizes our own society.anthropologists havecontinuedto teachdichotomous thinkintraditionalXmodern.674 AMERICANANTHROPOLOGIST * VOL. Simpsontrial(whichEdmundson describes as only one of the recent "Gothic" eventsin whichraceis a majorelement [ 1997:178]).if we abandonedour snobbishnessaboutpopularizingand popularizersand set about the task of becomingcultural critics.Nancy Stepan.the World Bank.Rosaldoand Lamphere1974)."as Terkelcalls it.but it has also allowed a host of ill-inforrned popularizers to flourishandto speakas if in the nameof anthropology.ComaroffandComaroff1991. Stoler This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192. 100." like sexuality. analyzingit in termsof its constitutivecomponentsand discussing. we could continueby resuming ourplace as commentators on the national"obsession."wheneverthatwas. This describesnot only the process by which "race"became a scientific category but also the processes by which dichotomous metaphorsand hierarchicallyarrangedcategories. andso on.Thoseadjustments arefew becausewe havealreadydonemostof theworkandtheadjustments wouldbe mainly a matter of changing emphasis. from the graspof the "deadhandof custom"(ary discourse)andplacingthemin our own (postmodern) terms. We could do muchbetteras a discipline. too. discussing metaphorsto do withraceandgender.removing these. Hadanthropologists takenan activepartin public debatesearly on. by active engagementin public models. on the contrary. critical attackon racistmetaphors andconcepts insinuated intostandard ffieoretical articulation willdiffer from theresponses appropriate to scientific ffieories supporting racist hypotheses.82. 14 Nov 2012 15:10:57 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . civilized/primitive andhierarchical arrangements.211 on Wed. as it were. the honest discussions of fieldwork dilemmas thathave characterized so muchrecentprofessionalwriting. It would help. in puttingforwardourown ideas aboutraceandracism.amongotherthings.tribes. environmental racism. the assessmentof the "rightness" of Westerndominanceand Caucasian superiority. if we talkedmoreaboutthe thingswe are supposedto be able to analyzesuperlatively-the relation betweencategorieslike race and culture as reflectedin mediaaccountsof. nonetheless pervade the worldviews of those who deal with non-Westernnations. Foucault believed that "race.was a social construction belonging to a historicalmoment(Foucault[ 1976]1978:152.168.states). 3 * SEPTEMBER1998 interpreted cultural differences.andthe excellent postmodern discussions of colonialism(to mentiona few importantsyntheses in these areaslifford and muchas if they werefacts andnot specious dichotomies imposed to make audiences feel morecomfortable.To accomplishthese shifts. [1993:213-214] Third. the O.restoringcolor vision to the professiondemands some few adjustments in ourcurrentthinkingandwriting aboutrace. I will begin by looking at Foucault's ideas on race and racism and conclude by suggesting that anthropologistsrecast and restudysome of theinsightsalreadypresentin thefield's voluminous literature.moreempathetictowardthose (needy) Others? Fourth. so that natureis seen throughthe metaphorandthe metaphorbecomes partof the logic of science itself3'(1990:51).or the likely outcomesof the efforts of the SouthAfricanTruthandReconciliationCommission. andaccommodates data that are in apparent contradictionto it.especially as these ideas have now entered the public discourse. the IMS. it requires thatwe come to terrnswith the Americanfolk concept of race and whatBlack andWhitehave come to mean in our society todayandwhy.These metaphorsandanalogiescontribute to the problem. bringingreasoned discussion and probingquestions to issues such as race and racism that continue to plagueoursociety.we mustsituateour discussionsin the termsof the late-twentieth-century intellectualdebatesaboutrace and racisms and choose the kinds of resistanceand responsewe wish to practice. would anyone today use these terrns so unselfconsciously. long disputedby anthropologists in the classroom.I believe.If we arecommittedto a post-racist society in the twenty-firstcentury. NO.J. say. for example.the metaphor generatesdatathatconformto it.It would help if we stopped obsessing aboutwhereandwhen the originsof racismare and left off universalizingthese speculationsinto statementsabout"racialdistinctions" havingbeencharacteristic of humans"sincethe beginning.anthropologists must teach by example. the recentanalysesof genderrelations. that anthropologyhas several sources of guidance for thinkingaboutraceandracismin new ways.observesthat:"becausea metaphoror analogydoes not directlypresenta preexisting naturebut instead helps 'construct' that nature. societies maybe ranked accordingto the"developmental level" of theirpolitical institutions(bands. including.Participation in public debates entails considerablymore than denouncingthe scientific uselessness of race. RestoringColorVision Beyond the suggestions profferedabove for textbook else can we teach those tenetsto ouraudiences? Ourprofession's disdainfor popularizers mayhaveallowed us to stakeourclaim to being a "scientific"discipline.RogerSanjekobserves( 1994) thatanthropologists have contributed little to the ongoing discussions of race and that we must look elsewhere for guidanceto the thinkingaboutraceandracismthathasdevelopedin the last twentyyears. Finally.

Sexuality's "twin. like Boas. so thatone canfightthem. Race and the Education of Desire (1995). the general This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192. Finally. The former.andreconstrued. Foucaultdrewmost of his examples from the social wars of earliercenturiesanddiscourseson sovereignpowerbut he suggeststhat. It is useless to say that the Simpson case "exposed"a vast racial divide we knew thatbefore the Simpsoncase and it is equally useless to conclude that blacks and whites are incapableof understandingone another. we might have considered problems of on-going spousalabuseandconcludedthatwe mustworkatfinding better solutions to that problem. who died in 1984.Population andRaces.211 on Wed.but the latteris criticalto socioculturalunderstandings becauseit erases the notion of races. talk about. those being born and those which are yet to come and which must be analyzedcarefullyin the twenty-firstcenturyif it is not to be a rewriteof the twentieth. may have had roles to thenineteenthcentury. with its focus on anatomy and physiology. a sixth volume was projected. .J. of its institutions. he provides us with a way of analyzing new racisms and old."according to Foucault. Although Foucault'sanalyticterllls are useful for formulatingouranalyses.thatwhich is coming to birthin thepresent-a present that most of us are unable to see because we see it throughthe eyes of the past. and reshapecurrentideas. even as I mustadumbrate it. he proposeda new form of historicalanalysis."his aims fit nicely with those of socioculturalanthropology. When volume 1 of TheHistory of Sexualitywas published in 1976.he addressed"thebirthof state racism.' and 'encrusted'in new forms" (Stoler 1995:61).butinsteadone with a permanent presence.Stolersays. Foucaultcarried his analysis further.J. completed only three volumes. Stolerhas writtencompellinglyaboutFoucault' s analysis of the emergence of state racism and I will follow her analysisclosely. especially when consideringissues in which blackand white are the operativeterms. thathistoricalmoment when biopowertransforms an earlierdiscourseinto state racism and provides its unique form"(Stoler 1995:56).one of thetwo instruments of the state's "biologizing" power. media reportedthe O. an(adult)anthropological analysisshouldgo furtherthan these simplemindedfairy stories and deal with the realities of a tragic incident.' 'encased.[quoted inRabinow 1984:4] Foucaultshouldappealto anthropologists forotherreasons: first. which amountsto the samething"(Sheridan1980:195). redefined. This case could have been a springboardfrom which it might have been learnedthatthe police make mistakesandthatwe must work to correctthat.therewere subsequentforms of social war thatwere representedin two distinct"transcriptions": theElrst explicitly biological and the second sociological. which was to "examinethe way in which treatises. mold.168. againstwhom society mustdefenditself' (Stoler 1995:59). Stoler pointsout thatFoucaultis not involved in the studyof successive meaningsof race.and a black story in which O. he was uninterested in theory. Foucaultsaid thathis centralaim was to show how "in the West. While these may be the terms used in media accounts and in courtrooms.To achieve this. Instead.with all the attendantracial strife-a frameworkfor seeking out the "new. that therealpolitical task inasociety suchas oursis to criticize theworking of institutions whichappear to be bothneutral andindependent. Foucault. conceiving of social relations in binary terms that emergewhen the stateuses racismas a "tacticin the internal fission of society into binaryoppositions. both theoreticaland practical. to record the ways in which people think.adversarial)positions:a white story in which O. Simpson was a black victim of monstrouswhite conspiracies(Edmundson1997). or throughthe eyes of a 'future'thatis a projectionof the past.82. Simpson was a white man with a monstrousblack interior. 14 Nov 2012 15:10:57 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .andpoliticalanalysis of the state.For example. Simpsoncase in termsof two (Gothic. in which spousal abuseandinsanejealousy.thatincessantlyinfiltratesthe social body that reproducesitself uninterruptedly within and out of the social fabric" (Stoler 1995:62). .withinwhichit is endlessly reconceived. He did not believe thatmodernracismbrokewith earlier forms: instead it was "thediscursive bricolagewhereby an older discourseof raceis 'recovered. Foucaulthas focused on the development "of an entirely new 'biologico-social racism'" predicatedon the notionthat"theotherraceis neitherone arrivedfrom somewhereelse. is the concern of physical anthropologists.SHANKLIN / PROFESSION OF THE COLOR BLIND 675 1995:2)andhis reasonfor developingthese ideas was unabashedlypolitical: Itseemstome.on the topics of both populationand race were linked to the history of what Foucault had called 'biopolitics' " (Gutting 1994:117).was race. Second. or.andin his finallecture. as a "historianof the present.and its mechanismsof power appearedin binaryterrns'(Foucault1990:68).historical.a means of creating'biologized' internalenemies. the U.rewriting them as class struggle (Foucault 1990:54).using Nazi Germanyas his example.but with race as partof the discourseof power.' 'modified.S.but we have the benefit of his preliminary thinking on race from a series of lectures he gave in 1976 at the College de France(Foucault1990) andfromAnn Stoler's recent book.I believe anthropologists in their role as culturalcritics have to go beyond these. which contains a careful analysis of the tapes of those mostly unpublishedlectures.saying that"thetime for theoryhas not yet arrived" (quotedin Sheridan1980:215). J. well as the rulesof evidence. a certaincritical. nor one which at a certain momenttriumphed anddominated. to criticize themin sucha manner that thepolitical violence which hasalways exercised itselfobscurely through themwill be unmasked.

the other an English woman writing about the mechanics of group identity.Theshamehe ielt now to thinkof his zeal in sixty-one to go off andfight the downtroddenmill workers of the Federal army.though.676 AMERICANANTHROPOLOGIST * VOL. the inculcating of dispassionate views of our own society. To that trend." and walked away.perhapstoo long and too often." It also reminds us that in every society there are people vvhodisagree with one or more of the society's deeply hekl beliefs andthatwe. Newman could not Elndanother way DaBore differed from his fellow Gururumba and he notes that in studies of culture. have raised these questions in the domain of public discourse. partof contenlporary publicdiscourse. [Frazier 1997:217-218] Anthropologists have defined and identified binary oppositions in most of the cultures we have studied. 100. Let us. Philip Newmantells the story of a man namedDaBore. We regularly teach our students what Doris Lessing (1987:4) calls "the ability to observe ourselves from other viewpoints. and we must disseminate those dispassionate views on a wider scale.have not spentenougheffort tlying to delineate the bases of those disagreements. on the rules or on conformityto the rules. Nigger-owning makes therichmanproud anduglyandit makes thepoormanmean. "I'vetraveled afairbitin thoselowcounties.Didyouownany?" "No. and these are what I proposewe should now be focusing on. The next steps must involve anthropologists in an effort to understand how to disseminate those dispassionate views more broadly." The first steps in restoring color vision have already been taken: one of its more successful forms is the growing influence of multiculturalism in contemporary society. Knowing theGururumba (1965: 10>105). one a South African writing about the issue of belief. as well as to the harmful social consequences of maintaining it. Now I don't know. the secondfroma best-sellingnovel.watchingthe digging one daywith Newman. they are overturned or subverted.Godis goingto liberate niggers. what is right and what is wrong./brownreality that underlies it. . but we have not paid much attention to the circumstances in which people deny or deliberately flout that learning. DaBore.allthat fighting for thebigman's nigger?" "That's notthewayI sawit. andf1ghting to prevent it is against God.this example "serves us here as a reminderthatpeople see themselvesapartfrom the patternsof theircultureandto some extentmold those patternsto their own needs. Two other popular novelists. Lightning balls were soughtafterstorrns.andis includedin a dialoguebetweena Confederate deserterand a"wild"womanhe meets in thewoods. wood or bone).All I know is anyonethinkingthe Federalsare willing to die to set loose slaveshas got anoverly mercifulview of mankind. Try as he might. I would only add that anthropologists ought to be more concerned with debating the binary opposition between black and white. At the end of his monograph. insights about nonconformity. Two examples will suffice as illustration: the firstfromthe anthropological literature.Oneman I knewhadbeennorthto thebig cities.Anthropologists have studied group behavior with excellent fieldwork techniques for almosta centurynow andfocused. in our classes and in our own contributions to the public debate. Us/Them and how. 14 Nov 2012 15:10:57 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . NO. wasitworth it. with showing that opposition for what it is a false dichotomy that nonetheless helps individuals to forrnulate their thoughts. These arebeginning.a Gururumba who didnot sharethe Gururumba belief in lightning balls. the clues thatmight allow us to discernwherethe disagreements areaptto lie. aiming to introduce them to members of the society at large. once they are built into worldviews.82. andso he toldher whatwas in his heart. I've hadall of it I want." "Then what stirred youupenough forfighting anddying?" "Fouryearsago I maybe could have told you. duringwhich it appeared thatelectrical discharges from lightning strikinga tree would roll down the trunkinto the ground.not ending. pointing to the pink. It'sa curselaidon theland. To do this we must continue the kind of teaching that anthropologists have long engaged in. People in groupswe now know are likely to behave in fairly This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192. We'velita fireandnowit'sburning usdown. that gives them unreal categories into which to cast their observations.observed that "There are no lightning balls.168.Nothardly anybody Iknewdid. The second example is from Charles Frazier's Cold Mountain. a current best-selleraboutthe Civil War.211 on Wed." . as a profession. take black/white in our society as a trope a deliberate misstatement or overstatement of the facts and discuss this dichotomy as a fallacy. .points for sociocultural anthropology' s treatment of raceas it re-emergesin its differentfolllls in public discourse." "Ireckonmanyof us foughtto driveoff invaders. wheretheclues to the mechanicsof transformation areapt to be found. Doris Lessing from South Africa: Let us takewhat we know abouthow we functionin groups.TheGururumba dugholes aroundthe tree in the searchfor these objects(usuallydecomposed stone. which were supposedto guarantee to the finder excellent gardening results." "That'slackingsome as an answer. The start I propose begins with a closer look at the issue of overcoming binary oppositionsblacklwhite. by whom and for what reasons. those moments in which individuals assert that there are too many shades of grey for them to be able to define clearly what is black and what is white.The womanasks: "What I want toknowis. But there are other insights availablefrom the anthropological literature. 3 * SEPTEMBER1998 public is left with the media's "conclusion"that blacks andwhites areatodds with eachother. andhe saidit was every featureof such places thatwe were fighting to prevent. First." "What' s theother way?" Shesaid. aboutpeople makinguptheirown mindsfortheirown reasons.

.168. where Boas's "students" are catalogued (listing some colleagues who were not students). . thereis a lot of workto be done. only one is pointedout as a "Negro. andlaterworkedout a broad-ranging plan for the developmentof Americananthropology. then. My title is taken from Oliver Sacks's The Island of the ColorBlind (1997). Schulman.You will understand absolutelyhow sanepeople. . speculating on the predicates of group identity: in Margaret Drabble's novel. How does one set about dissolving a haITnfulopposition? First.Margaret Mead. deconstructingthe institutions of society and family into "pureunmitigatedsavagery. this organism we're setting up is likely to develop in one of severalways. Dunn. K. Yet when citizensjoin togetherto set up.clarify. which included a definite set of research priorities" (1968:28>281).LeonardLieberman. According to CarletonPutnam. C.Boas discussedhis scientific plans in a specifically organizational context. a book I likedmorein prospectthanin fact. a society for the protectionof the unicorn. and Gene Weltfish.putaurally. but pink and brown.canmurder. not those of our monstrous creations." the discipline has not done much better in attractingstudents of otherskin-colorpersuasionsthan. Second. In the list thatfollows. and reiterate the non-racistideals we hopewill muchsocial engineeringwould be requiredto convert a community of pacifist American Quakers into order-obeying anti-Semitic officers of the SchutzstaXel? Orthe SS into loyal membersof theRed Cross? Would therealways be a handfulwhich would refuseto convert?And wouldthey be heroesor villains?Why did the Germansso willinglykill theJews?Whydid the Italiansrefuseto kill Jews?Whichis moresurprising.OttoKlineberg. L. The task remains for anthropologists to take up these questions in serious comparative ways. let us say. . the Left mightfind it useful to say somethinglike this. Putnam says of themthat"Evena cursoryinspectionof theirnamesandconnections suggestedthe natureof the [Jewishsocialist]forces acting on most of these individuals.authorof a deeply anti-socialist.either within our own disciplinaryboundariesoroutside them. lest we find the next generationaskingnineteenthcenturyquestions(eugenics) andansweringwith twentyfirst-century technology (cloning). for example."the two otherthrustsof Boas's workin physicalanthropology empirical studies of growth in schoolchildrenand studies of Native American populations (Stocking 1968:179." andhe is Panamanian.destroy. anti-Boasianbook (1967)."into the killing fields of genocide? Is "good"group behaviourgeneratedand fosteredby "good"institutionsor are institutionsin themselves morally neutral?[1991:174 175] These bits and pieces are part of the public discourse about group identities and loyalties. Boas's studentswereRuthBenedict.we must explain. B. in periodsof publicinsanity. by recognizing it for what it is not black and white."[ 1987:30] Second. which presupposedthe theoreticalorientationthat emergedin the courseof his critiqueof evolutionismin the early 1890s.If you arelucky.Alvin H. Let us take this into accountandwatchhow we behaveso thatwe controlthe society and the society does not controlus.Mary FIuber."[Lessing1987:2>21 ] Lessing continues with her wish for what we should be teaching the young: Perhapsit is not too muchto say thatin these violent timesthe kindest. and Robert W. Clark("aNegro").the author asks.CharlesDavenport This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192. Apart from his critique of "racialformalism. GeorgeStockingpointsout that"As earlyas 1885. Melville Herskovits. and then by taking steps to insure that the wider public understands not only the opposition's fallacious nature but its harmful reintroduce an anthropological voice into contemporary conversationsaboutrace. Notes Acknowledgments. partly because my fantasy about an island culture devoid of color categories was destroyedearly on in the book since only 5%of theislandersof Pingelapareachromatopes. Ashley Montagu. humanity's shades. will emergemuch enlargedby yourexperienceof whatyou arecapableof in the way of bigotry and intolerance. the ways in which anthropologists can do so are clearly visible and available.wisest wish we have fortheyoungmustbe: "Wehope that your period of immersionin group lunacy.bindingthe exploited peasantof Cambodiainto a purposefulsociety? Or was it a barbaric primitiveinfluence.211 on Wed.82. 5. historyor economics. 4. Faye Harrison. In sum.will not coincide with some period of your country'shistorywhen you can put your murderous and stupid ideasintopractice. .andthe impressioncould be fortiEled by a review of some of theiractivities" ( I967:21). during his first visit to this country.It is simplya matterof choosing our forrnsof response and resistance andmakinga start. As anotherexample.SHANKLIN / PROFESSIONOF THE COLOR BLIND 677 stereotypedways thatarepredictable. by insisting that scholars and the general public recognize the inconsistency between their own egalitarian ideals and their discriminatory institutions/acts. It is my impression that even though anthropologyhas long been considereda professionthatattracts "marginals. 172Ware sufficiently well known to allow passing over them without comment.If we remainawareof ffiisapparently inbuiltdrivethatmakesgroups split and split again we may perhapsbehave less mechanically. an English writer. the willingnessor therefusal?Was thecharismatic leadership of Pol Pot a socializing influence. 3. 14 Nov 2012 15:10:57 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . 1. If we anthropologists do not want to see repeatedthe racist predicatesof the twentiethcentury.TheodosiusDobzhansky.they do not say. swearblackis white. How long would it take. Pauline Siegel.say. group selfrighteousness. "Ithas been easily observablefor some time thatgroupslike oursalways split and then the two new groups become enemies eguippedwith leaderswho hurlabuseat each other. 2. both for their helpfulcommentsandtheirpatience. Stockinghas describedthe organizingof the GaltonSociety of New Yorkin 1917-1 920: its founders. Sussman.I am indebted to Eugene Cohen. Whether ourgoal is to restorecolor vision or. The Gates ofIvory.lie.

Jean. Littlefield. vol.CarlN.Margaret 1991 The Gatesof Ivory.New York:Schuman.andCharlesMurray Herrnstein. Oxford:Blackwell. 1968 The Debate Over Race: A Study in the Sociology of Knowledge. AliceL. Harrison. New York:Aldine de Gruyter. Foucault. 7.MN: West.1976. Wars. CamUniversityPress.Daniel. Current Anthropology 1996 The EternalTriangle:Race. Elazar 1992 The Retreatof ScientificRacism:ChangingConcepts of Race in Britainandthe UnitedStatesbetweenthe World UniversityPress.Andrew 1992 Two Nations.Ashley 1951 Statementon Race. New York:W. UniMA: Harvard and the Cultureof Gothic.Phylon39:127-141. Reviews on The Bell Curve: Intelligence and Class Culture in AmericanLife 37:S 143-S 181. 3rd edition. Faye V. The fact that there are still believers in some of these as thefactthatsocietyas a whole propositions is not as important does not behave as if these were eternalverities. 1986 WritingCulture:The Poetics and Politics of EthnogPress. IL:Scott. 1994 The Bell Curve:Intelligence and Class Structurein AmericanLife. 6. W.andGeorgeE.socially. Lessing. Edmundson. AnnualReview of Anthropology 24:47-74. 1990 Cultural Anthropology: Understanding Ourselves andOthers. e ec.Charles New York:AtlanticMonthlyPress. 100. 1997 Cold Mountain. D'Souza.andJohnComaroff 1991 Of Revelation and Revolution. Paul. Hampton.New York:Harper andRow. Raymond E. Crowell. New York:FreePress. Mark 1997 Nightmareon Main Street:Angels. Haviland.USA: PenguinBooks. Frazier. andpolitically 'sound' " (Stocking1968:289). Glenview. Richard J. References Cited Association AmericanAnthropological 1997 Response to OMB Directive 15: Race and Ethnic Standardsfor Federal Statistics and AdministrativeReporting.eds.andMaryD.RichleyH. which has neitheran anthropology majornor minor.5thedition. andGlen Hallead 1992 Race in Biology and Anthropology:A Study of College Texts and Professors. andFredPlog 1990 Cultural Anthropology. Edsall.168. 3rd edition. Leonard Lieberman. NO. Gutting. Leonard.Marvin 1991 Cultural Anthropology.Gary. Drabble. and Taxes on AmericanPolitics.David Theo Philosophyand the Politics of Mean1993 Racist Culture: ing. This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.WilliamA. Kottak.Guilford. New York: VintageBooks. New York: McGraw-Hill. 1.St.dedicatedthe Society to the studyof"racial anthropology" and noted that its membership"was to be confined to 'native' Americans who were anthropologically. RinehartandWinston. raphy.678 AMERICANANTHROPOLOGIST * VOL. and IQ.New York:OxfordUniversityPress. New York:Random House. New York: Charles [1886]1971 Triumphant Corporation.ed.82. Marcus.Susan 1997 Racechanges:White Skin. 1989 ContemporaryCulturalAnthropology.. Montagu. Cambridge. Doris 1987 PrisonsWe Chooseto Live Inside.nordo theyentertherealmsof scientificdiscourse. New York: ThomasY. .New York:Cambridge Bates.Michel [1976]1978 The History of Sexuality.Berkeley:Universityof California Comaroff. Black Face in American Culture. Race and History. Harris.CT:Dushkin. 3 * SEPTEMBER 1998 andMadisonGrant. Gubar.Jonathan 1995 HumanBiodiversity:Genes. versityPress. 14 Nov 2012 15:10:57 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . 1995 The PersistentPower of "Race"in the Culturaland Political Economy of Racism.2nd edition. Howard.Chronicleof HigherEducatlon. At my own college. Crapo.Journalof Researchin Science Teaching29:301-321. New York:JohnsonReprint Clifford. Barkan. Rights.New York:FreePress. . Degler. Edsall 1991 Chain Reaction: The Impact of Race. Sadomasochism.James. 1991 In Searchof HumanNature:The Decline andRevival of Darwinism in American Social Thought. Norton & Company. verslon. Chicago:University of ChicagoPress. 1987 CulturalAnthropology.211 on Wed.New York:Holt.Foresman. Gary Ferraro. Scribner'sSons. 1994 The CambridgeCompanionto FOUCAULT. Carnegie. 3rd edition.ThomasByrne. Lieberman. RandomHouse.4thedition. Marks. bridge:Cambridge Hacker.MichaelC. 1992 CulturalAnthropology:An Applied Perspective.Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress.Andrew Democracy.New York:HarperCollins.Conrad 1987 CulturalAnthropology. the numberof those takingsociology or anthropology courses as partof their non-Westerndistribution requirements is 1W20% greaterthan the numberof sociology majorswho must take these courses as partof their majorrequirements. 1990 Unpublishedlecturesat the College de France. Class.Executive Summary. Dinesh andtheColPoliticalCorrectness 1991 IlliberalEducation: lege Experience. Goldberg.

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