Department of History, Harvard University
•Learning to Eat in a Capital City
CONSTRUCTING PUBLIC EATINC CULTURE IN DELHI
The history of public eating in Delhi demonstrates the sociocultural and economic changes that have significantly reshaped residents' expectations of public spaces and practices. While Delhi's cuisine is widely considered India's haute cuisine, public eating in the capital was inhibited during Mughal and early imperial rule by widespread social conservatism, with food taboos and understandings of appropriate interaction limiting venues to food stalls patronized largely, if not entirely, by working class men. The imperial refashioning of urban life facilitated the city's first formal restaurants, which grew in popularity with the help of American and British soldiers, western tourists and wealthy Indians, Freestanding and hotel restaurants remained elite institutions, though their examples helped reconfigure wider understandings of appropriate social Society
Food. C Culture
interaction. Economic and cultural liberalization during the last two decades has allowed for a flourishing contemporary restaurant culture in Delhi, with the restaurant emerging as a primary locus for citizens to display cosmopolitanism and explore the culinary Other. Keywords: Delhi, India, restaurants, eating, food history, public eating, commensality
Introduction Indian haute cuisine, food writer Cbitira Banerji notes, "was born in Delbi and developed to a point of exquisite, almost overblown refinement,"' its traditions of kebabs, biryanis, flatbreads and sweets a testimony to tbe wealtb and culinary sopbistication of its Muslim nobility in tbe eigbteentb and early nineteentb centuries. But wbile tbe Mugbal culinary tradition, witb its lavisb, meat-centered gastronomic celebrations, did indeed reacb its apogee in tbe capital city, Delhi's culture of public eating has long been one of marked conservatism, its reticence to embrace restaurant culture only crumbling in tbe second balf of tbe twentietb century. Tbe constraints of Hindu food taboos and fears over dubious sanitation substantively restricted public eating culture in pre-twentietb century Delbi. Wbile tbe city's Mugblai cuisine grew ever more refined in private havelis [mansions] and among tbe aristocracy, tbe city's laboring classes exhibited widespread anxiety over tbe religious and bygienic uncertainties of eating outside of tbe bome.^ Laboring men did enjoy access to public eating stalls witb limited selections of sweetmeats, kebabs and fried snacks. But tbese pleasures were still arguably transgressive and certainly gender-specific, available primarily to laborers, travelers and soldiers, and otber men away from familial observation.
72 :: Benjamin Siegel DOI: 10.2752/175174410X12549021368108
while molding tbeir expectations For Western paradigms of eating. Botb tbese and tbe botel restaurants sen'ed a relatively interchangeable mix of North Indian. and wider etbnic intermingling led to tbe rise of a flourishing restaurant culture half a century before Delhi's.vol. A flourishing restaurant review culture in botb Hindi and English has helped "teach" middle class citizens how to eat in restaurants. and the modeling of imperial agents. a planned European urban configuration and increased attention to tbe regulation of public practices allowed for the first Western-style restaurants to open in Connaugbt Place. Restaurants increasingly serve as sites For safely exploring "the culinary Other. service and cleanliness. Delhi's increased comFort witb public eating and its Western models set boundaries for tbe urban Nortb Indian culinary ecumene. popular for family outings and dates alike.
of American Cls stationed in Delbi during tbe Second World War helped establisb tbe restaurant as a site of appropriate and desirable consumption and interaction in tbe minds of wealtby urbanités. tbe resultant elite restaurants of the 1950s spoke to a slowly cbanging set of attitudes towards tbe desirability and appropriateness of public eating. supplanting oFFices and tea-stalls as the site For tbe celebrated Bengali tradition oí adda [idle chatter]. continental and IndoCbinese Food. 1
As early twentietb century colonial planners sougbt to move tbe public spaces of the city southwards and outside tbe walls of tbe old city. a sbiFt typified by tbe city's popular. foreign travelers and returning Indians alike. Tbe social and economic liberalization facilitated by the Indian economic boom of tbe 1990s brougbt to Delbi a burgeoning and diversifying restaurant culture tbat revolutionized tbe culinary expectations of middle class dilliimllahs [Delhiites]. These institutions remained. middle class Irani restaurants. "^ and public eating has become a primar)' metbod by which the city's denizens can embody botb wealtb and cosmopolitanism. by the 1930s. witb a public restaurant culture ultimately developing througb tbe imposition of European structure to tbe city's planning. bowever.^ Delbi remains unique for its history of culinary conservatism. port permissiveness. "occasion" restaurants. 13 :: no. Tbe city's history demonstrates cbanging understandings of appropriate public interaction through the key category of public eating. The patronage
. the European coffeehouse and restaurant bad tbere become primary institutions of social exchange. a loosening of traditional Food restrictions concomitant with tbe onset oF immigration and burgeoning wealtb. New Delhi's central commercial rotunda. slightly more down-market establishments tban tbe city's celebrated botel restaurants. bowever. limited class mobility. diFFers significantly From tbe culinary histories of botb Bombay and Calcutta. In tbe first metropolis.^ Wbile Calcutta's Western restaurant culture was somewbat slower to develop. as
Learning to Eat in a Capital City :: 73
. . This experience.
"^ Transgression of these norms was most possible during situations when familial structures were already compromised. and the earliest Western accounts of India demonstrate the gastronomic anxiety that would categorize the continuing European encounter. a transgression only possible for males away from the view of women and children in zenankhanas [women's quarters]. laborers and soldiers.
Public Eating in Pre-Modern Delhi
: . the act of consuming served a more incidental role. before increased trade and the more systematized construction of culinary difference would lead to a rise of a distinet Raj cuisine. no ice or cold water. musk melons or first-rate fruits.Delhiites' embrace of restaurant culture helps define new models for Indian cosmopolitanism." he noted. the French physician and explorer whose memoirs detail his twelve-year care of the Mughal emperor Aurangzeb (1655-68). exhibited a very Gallic squeamishness in his experience of Delhi's markets. however. and was not an instrumental category of public life in the Mughal capital. much of which is colored by Babur's famous dismissal of the foods of Hindustan. "contributed to anxiety regarding the provenance and purity of food for consumption—matters that are not subjects of inherent certainty in plaees of public dining." he suggests. or alternatively. boasting "no grapes. Public eating. was a pleasure reserx'ed for. T h e later establishment oí. This lacuna was not unique to Delhi: Frank Conlon notes that public dining was limited throughout pre-modern India. and Mughal soldiers helped contribute to a mess cooking culture among highways and near campsites. while food served ver)' definite religious and nutritive purposes. suggesting that. no good bread or cooked food in the bazaars. or by those for whom the concern of purity might matter less: travelers.^ An understanding of sanitation and health was central to the European experience of colonized lands. François Bernier. "there are shops where meat is sold roasted and dressed
y 4 •• Benjamin Siegel
. dak hhavans [resting houses and kitchens] along well-trodden routes would help to provide havens for British soldiers and travelers otherwise wary of their food sources.^ A not dissimilar concern for hygiene and purity would effectively limit the eating options of early Europeans.
There is a paucity of historical literature on public eating in pre-modern Delhi.""^ Accounts of public life rarely enumerate acts of public eating. ''Hindu ideological concerns for commensaiity and purity. with Brahminical notions of purity effectively limiting the role of restaurants and eating places. Conlon notes that there are some references to eating houses in Sanskrit literature from around the fourth century BCE. "In the bazaars.
' ' While the zamindars [landowners] and princes feasted. the sheermal roti. seemingly patronized more frequently by Muslims. horses. nutmeg."'^ Public eating remained deeply restricted by gender and class sensibilities: while a laborer would readily partake of the sweetmeats. yet does it often happen that I have not wherewithal to satisfy the cravings of hunger. of the flesh of camels. a famous kebab maker whose marinade of chilies made for a painful shock to unwitting visitors. Yet the fragrance is of the sweeter spices: mace. The popular image of Delhi's food descends from this luxurious and conspicuous cuisine. And instantly it was as if bis brains had been blown out of his mouth by gunpowder He leapt back with a howl. however. snacks or kebabs
Learning lo Eat in ¡i Capital Cily :: 7 5
. less restricted by food taboo than their Hindu counterparts. enjoyed in private by a ver)' small population of privileged diners: as one account has it: [the] hurra kebab of marinated meat cooked in a tandoor. nor am 1 sparing of money. still today a popular venue for its eponymous stuffed paranthas. screw pine essence. many of them around Delhi's Parenthewali Gali.""' While street stalls doled out sweetmeats and kebabs of questionable provenance. Delhi's haute cuisine developed in the cities' havelis and in the palace. accounts like Bernier's confirm that single men had access to a limited range of eatingplaces. with rats [aristocrats] and the Mughal nobility cultivating India's most refined gastronomy. A man must either be of the highest rank of live miserably My pay is considerable. But there is no trusting to their dishes. Bernier later recounted that in Delhi there is no middle state. and cardamom. allspice. some street stalls grew into the stuff of legend. cinnamon. cloves. [But the Delhiwallah who brought him replied:] "we live here only for this sharp taste. William Dalrymple recounts a story told by the [Urdu] poet Azad of a visitor to Delhi who hadn't eaten for a whole day He stretched his jaws wide and fell on it [the kebab]. or perhaps oxen which have died of disease. Yet the Mughal penchant for excess resulted in frequent shortage. hideed. meat curries oí paya [feet] and brains— the kind of food that makes men men. slightly sweet and flavoured with saffron. as well as rose water and lieivra. the bazaars being so ill supplied. no food can be considered wholesome which is not dressed at home. One such stall was that of Jani. fennel. and frequently containing nothing but the refuse of the grandees. for aught I know. composed. the seekh kebab of minced meat on a skewer.¡narch lo
in a variety of ways.'^ In the face of scarcity.
''*''^ Tbe reassertion of imperial control in tbe decades tbat followed changed governmental attitude to tbese public eating places.H.. and a daily feed of chuppaties and curry and rice is given to some thousand people. and women living under the purdah system would likely pass their entire lives witbout eating once outside of the home. Public eating in Delhi was deeply entrenched with the very idea of transgression. till at last I was obliged to invoke the assistance of a spotlessly clad Delhian. their potential patronage encumbered by taboo and questions of
" ^ '^ °
sanitation. British traveler F. but not an activity for families or polite society It is perhaps unsurprising that the moment of greatest transgression in Delhi's history. At tbe turn of the last century. was accompanied by a triumphant act of public eating. and seemed to be fairly well managed. wbo came duly furnisbed witb a proper ticket. seeking out "authentic " Indian food from his reluctant guide.S. and the concept of eating focused primarily around the hearth. Tbis kitchen had been started some three months. 1 tried him with dukhankhana [food store]. They took control of Deibi and did what ever tbey wanted: there was no one who we could appeal to.: Benjiimin Siegel
. Mereweatber did what generations of Westerners in Delhi would do after him. [We] emerged at tbe Kabulee-gate. witb their congregations of idle males. tbe expenses averaging a little over 300 rupees weekly. tbing or people. a pursuit acceptable while traveling or working. then Ganib logue ke-passe [wbere tbe poor people are] but he solidly denied all knowledge of such a place. drinking a lot of bhang [cannabis].. 1 had immense difficulty in getting my [servant] to take me to the public kitcben. and tbougb tbe feast is not advertised to begin before two o'clock. and as tbe Britisb sought to identify loci of control in a city increasingly thought of as unmanageable.doled out by Delhi's vendors. witb the arriving mutineers eager to flaunt authority through lavish public consumption and patronage of tbe city's eating stalls: [Tbe eigbt thousand sepoys who arrived in Delhi] were living in luxur)'. eating the best laddo peras [sweetmeats] and bad stopped doing their own cooking. and at night slept a peaceful sleep . the sepoys' revolt of 1857. I arrived there about noon. yet several
7 6 . as a possible site of power. Formal public dining venues found no place in Mughal Delhi. It is in tbe bands of the Municipal Committee. as for both meals they fed on delicious puri Imchoris [stuffed fried breads] and sweets. tbey identified public eating venues. witbout which lay the object of my quest. who started us on the right track. the city's nobility would bave few opportunities to partake in tbe same (at least in sight of others).
vol. Most critical to identify in tbe bistory of pre-twentietb centur)' public eating in Delbi is its striated cbaracter If Delbi court food is indeed tbe baute cuisine of India. one for tbe Hindoos and Mabommedans respectively. Tbe separate kitcbens.
Changing Models in a Planned City Public eating in Delbi would cbange little in tbe early decades of tbe twentietb century. Tbis increasingly regimented vision for urban space and practice bad broad impact on Delbi's culinar)' landscape. [and an] idealized 'modern' life as visualized by its Britisb arcbitects. witb sites of public eating starkly limited to single males wbo would find tbemselves in public tborougbfares. European-style planning. Tbere were two kitcbens. tbese excesses were limited to tbe nobility. as tbe imperial apparatus sougbt to systematize and regulate public practices and spaces. bowever. of snacks grabbed informally in galis [small alleys] and at stalls. awaiting witb sublime oriental patience tbe due distribution of tbe daily dole. Tbe resultant urban food culture was one of somewbat surreptitious and profane indulgences. witb its wide boulevards. bowever. "about government and power. and colonnaded facades.13 :: no-'
bundred would be guests were already sitting in tbe compound. women were ver)' certainly excluded from tbese pleasures. and a posse of cbefs were busily preparing for the coming civic banquet.''' Polite Delbi families approached public eating witb trepidation and fears of spiritual and sanitär)' contamination. Witb tbeir bebavior increasingly regulated in tbe city's planned spaces. paraihas [stuffed flatbreads] or kebabs. witb anxieties over public consumption. and while men could transgressively indulge in ladoos [sweetmeats]. out of view of polite company.""^ Tbe aspects of urban life tbat were neitber bygienic nor romantic were confined to tbe old city: street stalls and vendors would find no place in tbe imperial plan." In tbe New Delbi of Lutyens and Baker (completed 1929). Cbange would slowly come. Tbe fundamental character of public eating does not appear to have cbanged by tbe end of tbe nineteentb century. bygiene and transgression strong enougb to ensure a widening gulf between street food culture and bigb cuisine. order and control. ' ^ Merewetber's discovery sbows an increased effort to control eating sites. dilliwallahs found an increased
Leiirning to Eat in a Capital City :: 7 7
. as Delbi's imperial planners sougbt to forward a city. suggests tbat tbe differential approacbes to eating evinced by eacb community bad been found wortby of official notice and accordant response. wbo enjoyed Mugblai richness bebind closed doors. as Jyoti Hosagrabar bas suggested. tbere was to be "no room for tbe bumdrum daily life of ordinary people going about tbeir mundane businesses.
the Nirula Family opened Connaugbt Place's Hotel India.^*^ For tbe city's wealtby. Wenger's bad opened its pastry shop. and inFormal street food flourisbed. tbe Former expanding on their ice cream success to oFfer servicemen snacks. witb menus. which would later evolve into a Full-Fledged restaurant. Witb a liquor license and a Western-style restaurant.^' and Wenger's dance Floor provided opportunities for social and romantic aspiration—tinged with unsubtle connotations oF Western social begemony. sectioned by radial roads heading north to tbe walled city and south to tbe new city's planned malls and boulevards. tbe latter into tbe country's leading ice cream distributor—but patronage by the city's wealtby allowed Connaught Place's restaurants only limited success. Competition came quickly: in 1940. set meals and established modes oF service Fitting new expectations of salubrious interaction. Tbese new social spaces Found an eager audience in Delbi's wealtby youth. Kwality opened in Connaugbt Place's Regal Building. Four years aFter their arrival in Delbi. as mucb For its dancing as its Food. a large number of wbom made tbeir way to Burma via tbe capital. the postwar period made For a drastic refasbioning oF tbe idea oF public eating. tbe aspirational image of tbe Western. oFFering Delbiites their First taste oF ice cream (as opposed to tbe traditional Frozen kulfi). Forced to reckon witb new models of urban living. At the heart of tbis shyly growing restaurant culture was Connaugbt Place (completed 1932). Nirula's and Kwality would later enjoy nationwide success—tbe former growing into one of India's best-recognized Fast Food chains. Five years later. entrepreneurs slowly began to build the city's First Formal restaurants. and wbile restaurant culture made Few tangible inroads beyond elite Delbi. sit-down restaurant began to percolate throughout tbe city. into Nirula's Restaurant. In 1934. Caylord allowed young couples spaces for dim-lit gatherings away from watchful eyes. As one Delhi writer recounts of ber adolescence in tbe 1940s: I remember going For tea into Wenger's and sitting at tbe tables by tbe side oF the dance floor to watch tbe Englisb and American
:: Benjamin Siegel
. wben 400. wbicb began to lure well-beeled dilliivallahs and Britisb patrons alike. Tbe sea change would occur only towards tbe end of the Second World War. New Delhi's flagship European-style market. as well.000 US soldiers were stationed in India. a circular plaza with wbitewasbed arcades in two covalent rings. A small number of Western-style eateries opened as Connaught Place establisbed itself as tbe new city's central socializing space: beFore tbe market was Finisbed.'^ Homesickness and open wallets made For a steady clientele for Kwality and Nirula's. the hotel grew suecessFul enough to expand. wbo Flocked to Connaugbt Place's restaurants witb tbeir promise oF saFe baven For semi-private dating.culture of permissiveness in its more cbaotic old city.
perhaps. The restaurant was unusually popular among visiting Soviets who. The sit-down restaurant—most famous. We had tea and chocolate pastries. focused their efforts on a mix of North Indian. breaking from their efforts to court the nonaligned government. with diners choosing from stuffed grilled chicken. who found new reason to patronize establishments near the old city. serving a mix of North Indian. instead of with a girl. was not Moti Mahal. however. often arriving in new cars." "sliced fish in tomato sauee. as the inventor of both butter chicken and tandoori chicken—proved popular among Delhi's wealthy.^5 Wealthy Delhiites' early willingness to eat a hybridized mix of North Indian dishes in restaurants differed from Calcutta residents.'
soldiers dance with the Anglo-Indian girls.^'' who imported an indigenized cuisine from Calcutta. including "sweet eorn chicken.^*^ Delhi's 1950s stalwarts." The bulk of the Caylord's offerings were emblematie of dining culture in post-independence Delhi: Indian interpretations and imaginations of continental food. continental and Chinese food to a mix of wealthy Delhiites and foreign tourists to orchestral strains.2'' in reality.^^ The Chinese menu featured a standard array of Calcutta-style Indo-Chinese food. I remember romanticizing that I was one of the girls daneingin the arms ofa tall white mustaehioed man. exemplified by the celebrated Moti Mahal. but the Caylord. which found equal favor among foreigners as among dilliwallahs. where Cantonese and Hakka immigrants had established a presence throughout the nineteenth century) The standard-bearer in the 1950s. The North Indian menu was comparatively limited and heavily earnivorous. who.^^ American and British influences mingled with the city's cultural shifts brought on by the mass migration of Punjabi refugees fleeing the violence of Partition. opened in 1947 in Old Delhi's Daryaganj by Punjabi Sikh Refugees from Lahore.2-'' While guidebooks invariably described Moti Mahal as the embodiment of traditional Delhi food. An influx of wealth and a sense of culinary permissiveness emerged. in the nascent years of their restaurant culture.™'' '3 •• "°. the Caylord set the tone for Delhi's high dining culture in the first decade of independence. feasted on tandoori chicken. its offerings were a reinterpreted mix of Punjabi staples. continental and Chinese dishes. however. Founded by Kwality founder Peshori Lai Lamba in partnership with Iqbal Chai. (The Chinese offerings came to Delhi during the 1960s with the opening of the Chinese Room by the Nirula family. as we did during school socials. but my heart was fixated at the sight of the dancing couples." "American chop suey" and "mushroom fuyong. with dishes like brain curry which increasingly rarely appears on contemporary Delhi menus. coded local food as inappropriate for restaurant eonsumption. tomato
Learning to Eat in a Capital City :: 79
grapefruit and duck—were supplied by a network of Western-oriented distributors: long after the British had eeased the inefficient import of tinned meats and vegetables that served as the backbone of Raj cuisine.^2 T h e expense and strangeness rendered Delhi's hotel restaurants off-limits for most of the city's citizens. jellies. "the awe with which the term 'five star' was regarded in a city cut off from imports and officially wedded to a cult of Gandhian austerity"^"* Yet these restaurants' needs for foreign foodstuffs—such as lobster. meat. caviar. pickles. Governmental records suggest the same—a 1963 report on the service economy in India during the 1950s noted the comparatively high pay of Delhi's hotel restaurant workers. Welsh rarebit or sardines on toast. one major pair of suppliers. The Lai brothers. hotel restaurants appear to have been some of the few condoned plaeed for drinking in the city. the Ashok (built 1956) and the Oberoi (built 1965).^" Both meals begin with consommé and end with charlotte russe. toilet papers & all other allied product. and visiting domestic industrialists. catering to the increasing number of foreign visitors in Delhi. cream of tomato and French onion soup. available in
. offered hoteliers "tinned vegetables. juices. while the continental meal includes roast capon and ham. fruits. and an assortment of cold meat. where tipsy pudding and other desserts would be served in lieu of Indian sweets. chicken steak and risotto.: Benjamin Siegel
[pudding]. restaurants touted Indian and continental prix fixe menus. The Ashok's menu seems typical of hotel restaurants at the time. fish. baked asparagus. attitudinally and culinarily aligned with the Gaylord. with both Indian and Western options. custard powder. soups. observing that "Delhi has a larger proportion of hotels and restaurants catering to foreign elients than any other large city in India."'''* A competing supplier boasted its diverse selection of cornflour blancmange
8o . but diverge in the middle: the Indian meal includes a selection of largely vegetarian dishes with two lamb options. baking powder. restaurants like the Gaylord
catered to a largely foreign clientele. breakfast food." journalist Ranjana Sengupta wryly notes. tomato sauce. potatoes Byron. their Indian hosts. French beans tourangelle.^^ These foreign clients would have been just as likely to frequent one of Delhi's posh hotel restaurants.omelets. O n e 1964 menu from the Ashok details typical hotel eating options. and the ready availability of both suggest that alongside wealthy locals who were more ready to break food taboo in the name of cosmopolitanism. salads. with contemporary guidebooks suggesting that foreign visitors could quietly order tipples from their hotels. At hotels like the Claridges (built 1955). squashes. jams. smaller operations continued to procure Western eomestibles for the hotel restaurants' needs. served in thali [mixed platter] preparation.^' With prohibition effectively curtailing casual drinking until its repeal in the early 1970s. Beef and pork both comprised a large proportion of the available foods. "It is hard to imagine today.
pineapple. Qutab Road—at the edge of Old Delhi's markets. 13 ::
no. 8 l
. albeit surreptitiously. less fiery cuisine. usually witbout families—could increasingly avail tbemselves of mid-range botel restaurants. one Bengali establisbment. By independence in 1947. strawberry and vanilla. Tbe changing ethos of public eating in Delbi. meant tbat even tbe flourisbing street food culture embraced increasingly Western accoutrements. As food writer Madbur Jaffrey recalls of ber cbildbood in 1940s Delbi: My motber's family. less ostentatious tban the city's.-^^ These ethnic eateries. which bad moved in tbe 1920s into a more westernized section of town built outside the Old City walls.-^** By the mid-1960s. and one Cujarati restaurant. still living in the narrow lanes of [the old city]. I
tnarci h I
raspberry. Tbese casual restaurants catered to a diverse array of travelers. botb importers bad their offices on Connaught Place's northernmost spoke. ratber than a curious local population. Less well-heeled visitors to Delhi—dordestic travelers arriving in tbe capital for business. gradually. the sense of transgression tbat accompanied street eating lessened even furtber. By 1964. tended to eat very spicy foods. I loved botb styles of food but because my father and bis very "proper" ways smacked of Establisbment. As a cbild. Delhi's public eateries bad greatly expanded in scope and offerings. bowever. My father's side of the family. one domestic travel guide counted tbirty-five mid-range hotels with restaurants. metal and ceramic cutlery bad replaced leafs at street stalls. bowever. and tbe emergence of soft drinks began to create spaces of public conviviality for a wider population than had the traditional chaiwallah [tea vendor] stands. By tbe 1950s. ate a calmer. I would often sneak off witb my motber to eat spicy bazaar food served on leaves of dubious cleanliness in tbe narrow lanes of Old Delhi. to Delbi's street food culture. seem to bave been aimed at a traveling clientele. and witb a lingering knowledge of transgression. institutional dining rooms. Tbe more regimented and sbowy sit-down restaurant culture in Delhi's planned spaces made for a broad expansion of Delbi's culinary' landscape
Learning to Eat in a Capital City :. among those included were several vegetarian venues. upper-class Delbiites could increasingly indulge in fried and spicy snacks from the old city's stalls. Cbange also came.vol. even tbe more down-market offerings near Connaugbt Place made for relatively expensive offerings. casual dining spots bad emerged in tbe areas around Delhi University.^^ In the decades that followed.^^ Not surprisingly. but far more convenient to tbe botel restaurants of central and soutb Delbi. but more comfortable tban a traditional traveler's dharamsala [pilgrim's lodge]. even as they remained fundamentally elite institutions: wbile tbe botel restaurants commanded wbite table clotbs and princely bills.
and tbe city's culinary landscape diverged to tbe poles of dhahas [street stalls.tbrougbout tbe decade: diners converged at newcomers like Gufa. Fujiya. Vig. Tbe Woodlands restaurant opened up in tbe Lodbi Hotel in tbe early 1970s.''" If tbe introduction of restaurant culture in Delbi during tbe middle decades of tbe twentietb century were limited to a restricted set of diners. be recounts.'" Yet formal restaurants remained tbe realm of tbe wealtby. tbey were important sites for tbe semi-public enjoyment of modern entertainment.-^^ Tbe Nirula family. a new Tibetan-style restaurant bad opened at tbe Fonesca Hotel. Tbeir food was very popular among tbe drivers wbo frequented tbat part of tbe Grand Trunk Road. vada [fried rice cake] and appam [bopper]. on tables tbey bad knocked togetber out of discarded crates. [In] tbe university. "Gaylord treats you like a Lord. offering a similar selection of dosa [rice and lentil pancake]. Kbyber.''^ and tbe similar Asbna restaurant at tbe Hotel Ambassador set its dance sbows to "music by Pat Blake witb Adrian.''^ Tbe adaptation of Western modes of entertainment was unsubtle. Betty. Mugblai and continental food an afterthought to tbe fashionable productions. lit. Stepben's College. wbo first introduced espresso in 1960s Delbi. witb an empbasis not on cuisine but sociability—and increasingly. noodles and chhang. they could avail themselves of an increasingly diverse and permissible array of street offerings. it was sometbing of a ritual to go to tbese sbacks after an examination. and tbe opening of Connaugbt Place's Mikado.: Benjamin Siege!
. Tbe 1970s saw a limited diversification and expansion of botel restaurants tbrougbout tbe city. as domestic and foreign tourism grew and India's economy slowly liberalized. T b e refugees. witb performers donning Englisb names for tbeir scbeduled productions: tbe Asboka Club boasted "Ged Robert's lively band.
82 . a cabaret culture." introduced competition to Nirula's Chinese Room. witb buffets of Chinese. By tbe middle of tbe decade. and tbe Sindbi restaurant. witb its "Sunday Swing Session.'"*"* tbe Ansara Restaurant in tbe Hotel Alka bad Punky. opened up tbe Hungarian-tbemed La Bobeme sbortly tbereafter. bad begun to cater to tbe capital's embassies. Amitav Gbosb recalls eating at Tibetan refugee-run dumpling stalls during bis college years at Delbi's St. served mo-mo [dumplings]. offering Soutb Indian snacks and meals'"^ alongside Dasaprakasb at tbe Ambassador Hotel.'"*^ Food remained a secondary' concern in tbese restaurants. idli [steamed rice cake].'"*^ If Delbiites found few new opportunities for casual restaurants in tbe city. and a Cbinese and Japanese restaurant. tbe etbos best expressed tbrougb tbe Gaylord's long-running motto. Lydia and Clyde perform at its luncbes. tbe milky Tibetan rice beer. Delbi's dinner-and-a-sbow venues comprised a mix of Western and Indian performances: for well-beeled Delbiites.
""'^ Delhi reveled in a newfound sense of cosmopolitanism. major change had come to Delhi's culinary landscape. heir to the Nirula chain. Delhi's children are as passionate about chaat as they are about Chinese noodles and hurgers. suggests that the idea of "eating out" gained credence with the shortage of domestic labor and increase in the number of working couples that came with the economic boom. The embrace of the idea of public eating.: 8 3
. combined with cultural liheralization that rendered the practice a fashionable category of Western life. with both its aesthetic and social connotations.' becoming 'the epicenter of India's economic modernization. a widening of tastes and food choices."*^ a mix of capahility and desire worked together to render sit-down restaurants a category of normative public interaction. ^' Lalit Nirula.vol. although the desi eateries next door serving spicy chaat and másala dosa with equal efficiency are just as busy.
"box"] and restaurants.
A Widening Pursuit: Liberalization and the Rise of Mass Eating Culture The beginning of the 1990s saw a capital city transformed. Major international fast food chains [are finding] a large clientele in Delhi. The diversity of tastes and increasing attention to food itself suggests that eating has become an important construct of pleasure for the majority of the city's residents. An influx of cash and the resulting congregation of migrants meant that Delhi "emerged as India's 'New Boom Town. and the emergence of a didactic restaurant culture in the city's popular media.. and with almost 70 percent of its denizens migrants to the city. the attitudinal changes that accompanied these shifts set the stage for the core changes to Delhi's puhlic eating culture. demonstrates itself over the past twenty years through increasingly available restaurants. while its elite enjoy widening access to "restaurants named Diva and Ploof [and] French brandy snifters.. 13 ::
no. Quiche Lorraine and Spaghetti Bolognaise start tripping off the dillhvala's tongue . One domestically-produced guidebook opined that only recently had phrases like Fettuccine Verde. In the breakdown of food tahoo and the reimagination of puhlic spaces in a changing Delhi. these restaurants and stalls provided models for a new puhlic eating ethos that Delhi's growing middle class would embrace in the
decades that followed."^** as Kiran Desai has noted. By 1998.^^ The introduction and subsequent popularity of chain restaurants in Delhi testifies to the growing market for accessible dining options throughout the
Leiirning to Eat in a Capital City .
teach an increasingly prosperous city how and where to eat in a set of variable and changing urban contexts. deriding both culinary "inauthenticity " and
84 :: Benjamin Siegel
. The annual publications—the HT City Guide began publication in 2003—have expanded to include more than a thousand listings in dozens of different categories in their latest iterations. fondant potatoes and garlic with which snails are served—without the snails. but neither is he presumed to be familiar with the full spectrum of conventions for eating and its aecordant sociability. yet remain self-eonsciously aware of what is perceived as a still-nascent restaurant culture." O n e Italian chef arriving in Delhi. Cenerally a 5 or below for décor means the kind of place you won't want to take your mother. found increased attention and formal service with the introduction of the Sagar Ratna chain. "you'll want to choose a place where the décor merits an 8 or above. Each year's edition is prefaced with a descriptive tutorial on the types of eateries available and under what circumstances they should be patronized.^^ the increasing diversity of cuisines represented in eaeh successive year speaks to an expanding expectation of culinary cosmopolitanism and the widening of outlets for its expression. their efforts to adapt to local aesthetics has often resulted in frustration with customers who order "the puree of morels. "If you're out on a first date. Subway and others would soon follow suit. but by the middle of the decade was living with bodyguards in constant fear of kidnapping—his restaurants' unparalleled success had made him the object of perpetual extortion."^*' These same introduetions speak explicitly to the billowing of public eating options in Delhi." one year's introduction instructs. spearheaded by the Hindustan Times and the Times of India. "who had always treated chicken with disdain. with most chains offering sit-down dining experiences with waiters and menus. T h e HT City Guide to Eating Out in Delhi and the Times Food Guide list and review restaurants. but equally significantly. The popular snack foods of South India. Beyond their pun-laden and often vituperative reviews. Jayaram Banam."^"* Delhi's flowering restaurant scene in the last decade has brought with it a didactic restaurant review culture. The arrival of a beefless McDonald's in one of Delhi's southern shopping centers in 1996 added a sense of international approval to the city's food scene: Domino's. while local chains like Nirula's Hot Shoppe and Haldiram's also
flourished. T h e reader is not presumed to be a culinary naif. became a quiek millionaire.1990s. Wimpy Pizza Hut. introduced in hotel restaurants in the 1970s. had to eat humble pie the moment he arrived in Delhi and was told it was a categorical imperative for Punjabis to eat the bird. the publications serve as instructional manuals of sorts for Delhi's upwardly mobile populations. Sagar Ratna's founder.^^ Concurrent with the culture of increased access to restaurants has come an influx of foreign ehefs catering to wealthy citizens.
the shifting boundaries of Delhi's gastronomic expectations suggest that they will occupy ever less important places in the city's culinary imagination. there is nonetheless a measurable winnowing of traditional foodways in the city: a 2007 Supreme Court decision banned in total the cooking of food on Delhi streets. The attempt to sanitize and systematize street vendors' operations appears to reflect a discomfort with foodways that are seen as incompatible with the city's increasing cosmopolitanism.
Delhi's contemporary culinar)' landscape showcases an eager population increasingly versed in the expectations of restaurant eating. the cigarette pushed the hookah into obscurity [and] sherbet [traditional iced fruit drink] ar\d falooda [rose syrup drink] gave way to soda lemonade."^'' If younger Delhiites reject that nostalgia. but the ban—citing questionable sanitation and widespread encroachment upon public thoroughfares—speaks to a culture of increased culinar)' fixity in Delhi. Alongside
Learning (o Eat in a Capital City :: 8 5
. for he will never know the glorious traditions of food which are now memories of the past. permitting only licensed vendors to continue operations on zoned pavilions.^^ while Time Out Neiv Delhi's understated reviews draw upon the cosmopolitan expectations of the international publication. the rise of a showy restaurant culture in the wake of courtly Delhi's demise has tinged the changes to the capital's culinary landscape with deep nostalgia. however. "Today Dillmalas are a minority in their own eity. these publications similarly chronicle the cross-class rise of expectations of public sociability at restaurants. It breaks my heart to see my son relishing burgers. While street stalls. chaat houses and kebab houses are not substantively endangered." writes Delhi actress and socialite Sadia Delhvi. "Never ask restaurant/dhaba staff what their best dish is. and—with several publications including nightlife listings—pubs. For their differences in demographics. however. "butter chicken and dal makhani [Punjabi butter lentils] are the 'delicacies' associated with Delhi. and out of place in a newly influential Asian eapital. even in the wake of a diversifying array of cuisines and dining outlets. their listings drawing implicit and explicit comparisons to foreign restaurants and uncommon cuisines: the one-time Today ¡00: Delhi's Best Restaurants and Cafes was released with a ceremonial cloche raised by India's tourism minister in 2005."^^ A now-disappearing generation of citizens recalls an identity lost as "eating out in restaurants and hotels became acceptable." warns one introduction. "We're still light years away from that culture.march i
indifferent service. eafes.''' The decision seems unlikely to eurtail the 300."^^ Other publications speak to a population accustomed to restaurant eulture abroad.000 estimated food vendors in the city. For an older generation of Delhiites.
both domestic and foreign. India's adaptations of foreign cuisine are growing ever-more refined: if its fast food chains and syncbretic Indo-Chinese cuisine are still the hallmark of most restaurants. Indo-Cbinese eateries.''^ Dilli Haat. botb traditional and creative—like tbe posb Punjabi by Nature and Oh. offers a sophisticated Chinese menu. constitutes the primary locus tbrougb which to explore the ethnic Other.^^-^ Upscale restaurants celebrating domestic etbnic cuisines. and more frequently find reasons to seek it out. wbile House of Ming. Western-style sandwicbes and cutlets. Food.Mughlai and Punjabi restaurants. domestic cosmopolitanism tbat goes beyond traditional Soutb Indian
86 . particularly around "etbnic" holidays: the Puja festival season in tbe fall sees dilliwallahs eager to eat Bengali food for tbeir distinct festival cuisine. Telugu food to be inedibly bot. for Delhiites across the class spectrum. [and] Bengali food to be smotbered in pungent mustard oil. Soutbern tiffin snacks. and Soutbern snack food outlets. Delbi's posh southern neighborboods tout more upscale offerings. with returning non-resident Indians (NRls) and the experienced voices of internationally-oriented restaurant reviewers defining new expectations for their peers and audiences respectively Delhi's embrace of domestic cuisines still evidences crude culinary reifications—as Arjun Appadurai suggests: Soutb Indians are said to eat (and enjoy) excessively runny food tbat trickles down tbeir arms to tbe elbows. More modest neigbborboods burst witb restaurants offering wbat is increasingly seen as "pan-Indian cuisine. in spite of the derisory local moniker House of Singh. Cujaratis are said to eat "sickeningly sweet" food. Delhi's hotel restaurants remain popular among wellheeled locals and tourists alike. an expanding middle class can cboose from a billowing selection of Italian and Thai restaurants or Western fast food chains. boasts one outdoor food stall for eacb state in tbe countr)'. their offerings increasingly sophisticated: the twin giants of Bukhara and Dum Pukht are often seen as the world's best Indian restaurants. with Japanese restaurants and coffeehouses like the local Barista and Café Coffee Day chains working in tandem with several popular "dial-a-meal " s e m c e s . Delbiites bave grown increasingly savvy about tbe quality of tbeir domestic ethnic foods. tbere is an increasing desire for "authenticity" in imported cuisine. Yet wbile cbaracterizations persist.: Benjamin Siegel
. with bigbly reified cuisines for eacb (Indo-Cbinese proves paradoxically popular at almost ever)' stall). Calcutta! in South Delbi—speak to a discerning elite eager to embrace a new. these restaurants offer printed menus and cleaner facilities. Punjabi food is said to be beavy and greasy." a mix of vegetarian and non-vegetarian Punjabi
Standards. and Indo-Cbinese standards—increasingly. a planed craft and food market popular with tourists and middle class locals alike.
. tbougb ultimately eager. Tbe roles of tbe imperial agent. i
favorites. borne of post-Partition demograpbic shift amid a backdrop of culinary conservatism. Tbe resultant food culture in Delbi tbat blossomed as tbe stagnating "Hindu Rate of Growtb" broke in tbe 1990s proved a key means for Indians to safely experience tbe culinary Otber. spearbeaded by foreigners and returning
Learning to Eat in a Capital City . buoyed by Britisb and American soldiers wbo ser\'ed as tbeir first customers.000 individuals fed by soup kitcbens in tbe capital certainly represent a fraction of tbose wbo still go witbout food. seems to bave been constitutive of an imagined national cuisine—owing mucb to tbe migrants and travelers wbo. notions of public eating and commensality were slower to cbange in a city long stymied by food taboo and imperial conservatism. and tbe estimated 5. and relatively freer class mobility allowed for an earlier embrace of public eating. Botb foreigners and wealtby Indians patronized tbe city's expensive botel restaurants. foreign travelers. tbat tbe two cities offered similar opportunities for tbe public expression of culinary cosmopolitanism. as Delbi's economy began to match and even surpass tbat of Bombay. and tbe increasing prosperity of returning NRls. Tbis distinct menu. etbnic intermixing. urbanity and wealtb. demonstrated to a larger audience means of consuming appropriately in a modernizing city In tbe last quarter-century. It was only in tbe 1990s. and returning Indian bave all been critical influences in tbe capital's transformation. Similarly. Tbere is also a certain irony in tbe begemonic rise of "Delbi" cuisine in restaurants across India—tbe city's idiosyncratic bodgepodge of united provinces and frontier food cooked to tbe tastes of Punjabi migrants emerging as a standard-bearer in middle class restaurants across tbe nation. tbe scope of Delbi's eating public bas continued to broaden. wbicb.vol. cultural and economic liberalization bave allowed for tbe establisbment and expansion of Western sit-down restaurants. foreign tourist. wbereas Calcutta's distinct forms of sociality meant tbat restaurant culture was quick to take off. to disregard tbe food taboos tbat bad bindered its culinaiy growtb. Tbe transformation of Delbi's public eating culture demonstrates a broader range of sociocultural and economic sbifts in tbe capital city Delbi was slow. facilitated by imperial planning. in turn. or witb nutritionally inadequate food. Delbi's embrace of restaurant culture. 13 ::
no. Western urban structure and an increasing awareness of global cosmopolitanism began to provide aspirational and social models for public eating. Delbi's experience differs significantly from tbat of Bombay: tbe capital city's bistoric conservatism rendered it far less able to adopt tbe restaurant culture tbat developed in Bombay. of course. wbile embodying values of taste. bave exported it from tbe wealtby capital to tbe rest of tbe countr)'.^'' But in an increasingly prosperous city. wbile elite venues. wbere port liberality. Britisb planning of a new city designed for tbe practices of Western modernity resulted in tbe first formal restaurants in tbe capital. bas not been accompanied by universal satiety.
Pood. Ramachandra Guha. pp. Rich Richie.
Acknowledgments The author wishes to acknowledge Barney Bate. its omissions and oversights are the author's alone. the Perlroth family. Penguin Books India. adaptation and transformation." American Ethnologist 8 (1983). Indira Chakravarty. Eating India: Exploring a Nation's Cuisine (New Delhi. and the rise of a vibrant. 1994). Bjorn Fredrickson. "How to Make a National Cuisine: Cookbooks in Contemporary India. p. Christine CrawfordOppenheimer. Tariq Omar Ali and Johan Mathew in particular. distinct. Becky Chang." in Arjun Appadurai and Carol Breckenridge (eds) Consuming Modernity: Public Culture in a South Asian World (Minneapolis. Nilanjana Roy and James Scott for their substantive assistance to this project. Provincializing Europe: Postcolonial Thought and Historical Difference (Princeton. Yet for many of Delhi's 14 million residents. Nachy Kanfer. z For further discussion of Hindu foodways. through modeling. see K. Lizzie Elston. The implications of the reconstruction of a private practice into a public one speak to the changing modernity of urban India in its distinct North Indian contexts. pp. 88 :: Benjamin Siegel
. 203-4. and R. 5 Dipesh Chakrabarty. Mridu Bai. 2000). and increasingly widespread restaurant culture is evidence of a once-conservative city that is. NJ: Princeton University Press. Indian Food: A Historical Companion (New Delhi: O. Michael Dove. 18. The Hindu Hearth and Home (Durham.xford University Press. Sharon and Joshua Siegel. its distinct aspects of culinary exploration and adaptation suggest an indigenous modernity. 2007). Much of this work was undertaken with generous funding from Yale University's Fox International Fellowship and the Tristan Perlroth Prize. Larisa Satara and Tara Stephens. Creg Phelan. 1995). 99-103. particular thanks are due to the Fox family. " Comparative Studies in Society and History 30 ( 1988). 1976). and Sid and Naomi Siegel. NC: Carolina Academic Press. 494-511. Saga of Indian Food: A Historical and Cultural Sttrvcj (New Delhi: Sterling Puhlishers. Bhrampal Cilar. p. MN: University of Minnesota Press. 1972). The participants of Harvard's South Asia Across Disciplines workshop. the contours of which are still heing negotiated. Jack and Joyce Cohen. pp. the culture of public eating has been radically transformed. 135. were instructive in their critiques. Achaya. Eve Fine. 4 Frank Conlon.NRls with expectations of a certain urban modernity.
Notes 1 Chitrita Banerji. and while Delhi's restaurant culture draws deeply from models of Western urban life and cosmopolitanism. S. 3 Arjun Appadurai. "Dining Out in Bomhay. Personal gratitude is due to Adrien Carpentier. "Gastropolitics in South Asia. David. learning—and teaching others—how to eat. Arjun Appadurai. and eagerly welcomed by a city that had discarded much of its historic reser\'ation. Khare. T.
Domesticity and Power in the Early Mughal World: Historicizing The Haravi (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Vest. "State Income of Delhi State. ¡Delhi Metropolitan.xford University Press. p. A more general discussion of British dining habits in India ean be found in Lizzie Collingham. Hoselitz.) Historic ¡Jelhi: An Anthology (Delhi: O. No. Collingham. p. "The Public Kitchen. 26 Ashis Nandy. Kaul (ed. Delhi. 1985). 92. p. cited in Jyoti Hosagrahar. p. D. 28 Caylord Menu. 15 For one perspective on the intersections of food.6 Babur. 1985). 147. 84.D. 2003). "Native Words Learned by American Soldiers in India and Burma in World War U. 37. 30 Ashoka Hotel Menu. 2005). Indigenous Modernities: Negotiating Arcliitectiire and Urhanisiii (New York: Routledge. 1989). 13 Dalr)'mple. 107-8. 'Tlie Last Mughal. ¡800-1947 (Cambridge: Polity. c. 1847-1910. The Last Mughal: The Fall ofa Dynasty. 2006)." American Speech 23 (1948). 23 Dhamija. Annette Susannah Beveridge (New Delhi: Penguin Books. Malaviya. while street eating relied upon fingers and pattar [leaf plates]. 1951—52 and \955-56.) Historic Delhi: An Anthology (Delhi: Oxford University Press. 31. 2007). p. 9 Several strong discussions of British dining habits in Delhi e.xperieiice of the Raj.xford University Press. p. see Homi Bhabha. A. 1994)." in 'tlie Location of Culture (New York: Routledge. 223. anxiety. pp. 158. 6. S. 17 Jyoti Hoshraghar notes in "Mansions to Margins: Modernity and the Domestic Landscapes of Historic Delhi." Seminar 515 (2002). 1963. /8S7 (Penguin Books India: New Delhi. 2005). Bahiir Naina. 223—4. 161. K.vford: O. 212-35.
' ^ ••
Learning to Eat in ii Capital City :: 89
. Indigenous Modernities: Negotiating Architecture and Urbanism (New York: Routledge. Metropolitan. Dei/i. c. 14 Dalrymple. 24 Fodors Cuide to ¡ndia (New York: Fodors Travel Cuides. rumor and contamination in the contexts of northern India during the events of 1857. "Ethnic Cuisine: The Significant 'Other" in Ceeti Sen (ed. Delhi Metropolitan: The Making of an Unlikely City (New Delhi: Penguin Books India. p. p. pp. "Food Products. 11 Kiran Desai. H. New Delhi. 1965. 10 François Bernier. "Dining Out in Bombay. 1962). 7 Conion. Socialist Congressman 3 (1963—4)." in H. M." The journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 60 (2001). 25 H. 225. 20 Ranjana Sengupta. "By Bread Alone. 275. Travels in the Mogul Empire. pp. Kaul (ed. p. 45-51." p." Economic Development and Cultural Change 11. 252. li Franeis Bernier.) ¡ndia: A National Culture? (New Delhi: Sage Publications." Courinet (April 2007). 104.xist in William Dalrymple. 16 F. p. 31 Imperial Flotel Menu. New Delhi. New Delhi. 247. 18 Jyoti Hosagrahar. The Last Mughal. 2007). 2005). p. ¡656 —¡668 (New Delhi: Low Price. 2006) or in E. c. Imperial Bodies: The Physical E. 3 Part 2 (April 1963). K. 223. 239. 214. trans. p. 2001). 22 Jasleen Dhamija. p. 27 Sengupta. p. 29 Mahinder ID. that these havelis were stoeked with cutlery and fine china. 8 For a discussion of vvomens private eating habits in Mughal Delhi. p. 1960. 19 Eugene B. "On the Roof. "Of People and Plaees. p. 21 Sengupta. Chaudhr)' and Bert F. Curry: A Tale ofCooliS and Conquerors (O. pp." in H. Merewether. see Ruby Lai. "Of People and Places".
"Phantasms in a 'Starry' Place. p. 70. Times of India (Delhi Edition) (Octoher 7.. Samar Halarnkar and Smruti Koppikar. 55 Sabina Sehgal Saikia. iv.. 1981). cited in Sengupta." Seminar 5 I 5 (2002).. p. p. p. p. Times Food Cuide 2007 (New Delhi: Bennett. p. Knopf. 53 Sayantan Ghakravarty. N.) City bnprohable: An Anthology of Writings on Delhi (New York: Viking. Hotel Des India: A Traveller's Cuide (New Delhi: Hardy and Ally.. c . 34 Gogia and Malhotra." p. 60 Satish Jacob. pp. the Walled Gity. 42 Advertisement for the Gaylord Restaurant. 26-30. 62 Appadurai. 43 Advertisement for the Samrat Restaurant at the Hotel Vikram. 1999). p. 50. "Fear in the Gity. Times of India (Delhi Edition) (Octoher 9." India Today (October 6. 53. 559. 2008). 2003). 50 Kiran Desai. Delhi Metropolitan. 44 Advertisement for the Supper Glub at the Ashoka. India Today (6 October 1997). 57 Reshi. "Tibetan Dinner. 228. p. Ltd. Times of India (Delhi Edition) (Octoher 28. 86. Delhi Metropolitan. "Dilli Ka Dastarkhwan. 1972). p.) Eicher City Ciúde: Delhi (New Delhi: Eicher Goodearth Ltd. Goleman and Go. 1992). p. 56 Mar)'am Reshi (ed. "On the Roof. 167. 35 Gogia and Malhotra. 79. "Phantasms in a Starr)' Place: Space and Identification in a Gentral New Delhi Market. 54 "Foreign Chefs: Sweet and Sour Servings. 48 Paolo Favero. Times of India (Delhi Edition) (October 8.) The Penguin Book of Indian Writing on Food (New Delhi: Penguin Books India. iv 58 Today 100: Delhi's Best Restaurants and Cafes 2005 (New Delhi: The India Today Group. p. Times of India (Delhi Edition) ( 1972). Hotel Des India. ed. 2007). 2007)." Courmet (April 2007). 64 "Delhi Soup Kitchens Keep Flunger at Bay. 49 Favero. 82." Time Out New Delhi (Octoher 5-18. 1976). 36 Gogia and Malhotra. 45 Ansara Restaurant. 2004). "Gastropolitics in South Asia. "Of People and Places. 26." ¡ndo-Asian News Senúce (December 3 1. Hotel Des india. 39. Roy (ed. p. 61 Anna Da Gosta. 2005). ' 39 Gogia and Malhotra. c." in Khushwant Singh (ed. World of the East Vegetarian Cooking (New York: Alfred A. "Wither. ^ Society
90 :: Benjamin Siegel
. l-ood. 1972). Hotel Des India. 33 Sengupta. p. 46 Advertisement for the Ashna at the Hotel Ambassador.) HT City Cuide lo Eating Out in Delhi 2003 (New Delhi: HT Media Ltd." Cidtiiral Anthropology 18 (2003). 59 Sadia Delhvi. 63 Rahul Verma. 225. 51 Swati Mitra (ed. 47Amitav Ghosh. Hotel Des India. speech on Indian dining habits and histor)' (January 28. 1998). 21. 559. 1972). 1972). Malhotra (eds). "Last Days of the Ba/. 18. 41 Fodor's Cuide lo India ¡976/7 (New York: Fodor's Travel Guides. p. Times of India (Delhi Edition) (October 1972). 52 Lalit Nirula.aar?" Ecologist 37 (2007). 37 Madhurjaffrey. 199. 2001)." p. p.. 38 Dhamija." in Nilanjana S. 1964). Gogia and K. "Pet Puja.32 s. p. HT City Cuide to Eating Out in Delhi 2003. Hotel Alka. 40 Advertisement for Woodlands at the Lodhi Hotel.
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