Climate, Race, and Imperial Authority: The Symbolic Landscape of the British Hill Station in India Author(s): Judith

T. Kenny Source: Annals of the Association of American Geographers, Vol. 85, No. 4 (Dec., 1995), pp. 694-714 Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. on behalf of the Association of American Geographers Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2564433 . Accessed: 04/12/2013 12:39
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Climate, Race, and ImperialAuthority: The Symbolic Landscape of the Hill Stationin India British
T. Kenny Judith Department of Geography, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee hill stationin modern India is frequently viewedby theWestern visitor as an island ofVictorian valuesand symbols without a clientele. When thearchitectural historian Philip Davies visited the municipality of Ootacamund'intheNilgiri mountains ofsouthern India, he marveled at the landscape's "curiouslydistortedvision of England,an in an Oriental anachronistic reflection mirror" (1985:128). British journalistMollie PanterDownes had been similarly impressed with this little and "still "comforting piece of England" flourishing reflection of British rule"(1967:8, 105). Perhapsitis notsurprising that theseEnglish visitors the landscape of Ootacainterpreted mund as a misplacedrelicof India'scolonial pastbothin form and function. As a derivative of a Western colonialexperience, the hillstation'sinstitutional complexand morphological images included Christian churches,private in the English schoolstaught theadlanguage, ministrative headquarters of district and state and the kindsof recreational fagovernment, cilities associatedwithBritish usually country life or an English spa. or Ooty as itwas moreaffecOotacamund, tionatelynicknamed,was one of approximately eighty settlements2 builtby the British to serve as mountain retreats fromthe "hot season" of the Indianplains(Figure 1). Shortly after the establishment of the first of the hill in 1819, British stations colonialslooked forwardto the annualsummer migration up into the hills the heat,the dust,and the away from "natives." in the 1860s, select hill Beginning stations also servedas summer of the capitals word forrulewhichbecame "Raj"-a Sanskrit withBritish synonymous crownrule.Forsixto who eightmonthseach year,administrators believedthat thecomfort ofthecolonialrulers
Annals of the Association c Anmerican Geographers, 85(4), 1995, pp. 694-714 ?1 995 by Association of American Geographers

The

took precedence over the accessibilityof government to their minions conducted imperial governmentfromthese remote locations. The superiority of the hillclimate forAngloIndians (as British colonials called themselves3) was summarized by one colonial who wryly observed that"likemeat, we keep betterhere" (Eden 1983:129). And just as the climate was the popular prescription forthe physicalhealth of Anglo-Indians, the environmentsuited their mental health as well. Sparsely settled by Indians, the hillswere viewed as a blank slate on which Anglo-Indians could create a familiar

Distribution of British-built Hill Stations

gO

1. British-built hill stations. Distribution of InFigure dian hill stations built in the nineteenth century.

Source:Mitchell 1972.

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7These frameworks of narratives.theeighty of to differences all createdequal. of systemof colonialcontrol course. of race. focusedattention day (June Inaddition to questiontureofthehill stations.6 aboutthe suggest Whatdoes the hillstation and the Indibetween the British differences ans? How was thislandscapeshaped to serve forthe British rulers? as a place appropriate role in And what was the government's and material itssymbolic significance affirming was ofdifference ideology The imperial effect? specific. of the hillstation's cluded a reinterpretation are not thehill stations valueand use.8 of the colonial cerned with"the construction subject in discourse.has not predegree of continuity. as well as geographically historically I cannotcover but owingto space limitations of the hillstationin British the entirehistory ofthe on the hill stations India. and in so doing naturalized form and ruled. Dislinguisticand non-linguistic courses can be definedas social frameworks and actwaysof thinking thatenable and limit "embrace particular ing.representaworkin thisposttions. The large however. stations cannotavoid an examitureofthe hill norofthe ofthe legaciesof imperialists nation and aestheticvalues thatthe social. in a larger discourseofimperialism. Certainly. hill were not stations Indian pected."a recent planners. 4 Dec 2013 12:39:42 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .130 on Wed.The hill from differinforced ofsocialand racial assumptions the separaence.19. ofthesopieces and thecoexistence museum with towns India cialist goalsofan independent colonialvalassociatedwithelitist. genderor ofdifference) category anyotherconventional One of these. They a transplanted simply rather of broadernineteenthwere expressive worldapart that setthecolonial beliefs century and rereflected stations Europe.knowledge." and summer capitals The hill stationsbuiltsome two hundred in Indiawere not arrived the British yearsafter British landscape.At the imperial 695 forensame time. Inherent between discourses. magazineIndiaTocover story of the national on the fu1989). ference bythe"temperate" with beenvironment. und-the Ootacam and function." Colonial planning policies continue to the persistthrough modernIndians influence of urbanareas structure ence of boththe built and colonial models of landscape.4 ofthestations attractiveness ingthecontinued ofa growgiventheimpact as summer resorts on the environmental ing numberof visitors toucheson ofthe hill towns.and power.. shapingof hill-station Discourses of the Other To conceptualizediscourseis to open an of the relation avenue forthe consideration and between betweenlanguageand ideology practice.In this sitic"or 'generative" settlement forthe fuand planning anticipating context.5 Byimand a general that discourseI mean the framework perialist and repinterpretation shaped the imperialists' worldviaa sysofthenon-western resentation tem of meaningand a process thatsustained them of domination by representing relations is a withimperialism Intertwined as legitimate. historically for and dilemmas tensions ues createintriguing "Down HillAll the Way?.I focusinstead century and earlytwentieth late nineteenth the "hill craze" ofthehighimpewhen.75. Aiken 1994).thearticle quality roleas a "parastation's thedebateoverthehill form.during and thenumincreased rial grandeur age.g. thatimplypower differentials. In addition hillstations variedin social site and situation. ideolocombinations thatcorrespond practices" gies and signifying and Duncan to an area ofsocialaction(Barnes in the concept are relations 1992:8). their be exAs might ber of stations grew rapidly. classical second discourserootedin European difofclimate and race whichdefined theories and "torrid" zones.and itsassociation definicame keyto thelatenineteenth-century betweenthe tionofdifferential powerrelations rulersand those they ruled. concepts. a "comforting land. Race.Scholarly mode of analysis addresses disstructural courses of the Other(e. and the exercise of colonial power throughdiscourse" (Bhabha This content downloaded from 200. acceptability hillstation of the Madras Presidency premier "Raj"and a summercapital of the British context for servesas a particularly appropriate betweengovernment the relations examining practicesand discoursesof the Other in the landscapes. conis specifically colonialdiscoursetheory. political British inscribedon these resortsettlements ofthe "Raj.This settlement tionof rulers and landscape model was embedded.HillStationin India The British piece of Englittle landscape.Indiaservedas a laboratory and forappropriate "knowledge" vironmental (Frenkel to thetropics adaptations "European" and Western 1988.

Bydefinition. Indianpopulation whichconveysthisdisOne ofthetropes10 is race. Subsequently.130 on Wed. industrial goods.9 of the hillstation isolation the Raj. resentational "economy. government agents. itsown sense of phies"helpthemindintensify the distanceand differitself by dramatizing ence between what is close and what is far disaway" (1979:55). . influenced tives"(1986:80). imperial discourseand be subsumedin thediscourse ofclimate might thiscategory. and authors in service of Western of such analysesrests power. arguably the characterization of imperialism as a homogenous ideologyaccompanied by a hoof racism. as theseanalyses are. 4 Dec 2013 12:39:42 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . theliterary theorist AbdulJanMohamed has arof racial difference is. those representations imply power relations. of India suggeststhatthese were sentations informed associatedwitha by otherstandards imperialism. broadenedthisperspecpostcolonial critiques tiveto accommodate theambivalence ofcolonialdiscoursein social relations between imelites.. but not quite .the rulers elitesand subalcould "overlook" indigenous thus ternswhile in the hills.696 Kenny 1994:67).Thisrepargues. it enmissed race as a meaningful dured in popularusage as a metaphor forthe essence of difference.in gued. clarifies their historical role.11 as a key discursive device fordefining difference in muchofthe nineteenth and twentieth An historical of British repreanalysis century. not to be English" glicized is emphatically (Bhabha 1994:86-87. tanceand itsdifferential powerrelations thebiological scienceshave longdisAlthough concept.however.The significance in parton the centrality in the of imperialism cultural of Britain representations to the British (Spivak 1985:261).Although theiridentity sense of selfwas not divorced Anglo-Indian from the Indianas colonialsubject. . Farfrom beinginnocent tortions of other cultures.the relative a stage with "homelike" afforded the British qualitieson which to definetheirdifference in appropriately British terms. sociologically.19. geographies "mind[to] intensify its enabled the imperialist and distance own sense ofitself bydramatizing the centersof difference" (Said 1979:55) from in the plains. critiques dealt primarily with a Western discourse shaped by Western experts. "Taxonomic lores"developed as partof these geographies serve to separateraces. As irreducible ultimate. emphases in the original). and to confirm.muchof As important to this critiqueis peripheral the postcolonial landscapewhich examination ofthehill-station the British told focuses insteadon the stories In the summer capitalsof about themselves. and nations to categories ofdifference. according Although Said'sworkon Orientalism is perhaps thebestknownanalysis of imperial practices and discoursesoftheOther-an analysis whichshows how "European culture was able to manageand even produce-the Orientpolitically.The hillstations the imaginative role within serveda particular a role that of imperial discourse. ideologically. . Examplesabound in which cultural groups have perceivedothercultures notso muchas thatbenefit the perceivtheyare butin terms ing group. to be An- This content downloaded from 200. Almost the same but not white . a mimic man .75. Borrowing a metaphor from theconqueror/native Frantz Fanon."theperception the first by economic moplace.race endures nomicdevelopment." a mission whichdepictedindigenous people as: "almost the same.one whichties changing to the representation of economic interests an age of race and people and places during of colonial disAmong the shortcomings the mostprominent is coursetheory. As NicholasThomas mogenization (1994) observes. . and ecoThatsaid. Maintaining their distinctiveness. The phrase "imaginative geographies" introduced by the literary theorist Edward Said (1979) describesthese transformaThese colonialgeogrationsof othercultures. regions. . Inden1990). the as rulers of India. these latercritics exposed the ironiesof the imperialists' 'civilizing mission. however.g.members of the Subaltern Studiesprojectrejected the discourseof India'selitesas derivative and chose instead the history to rewrite ofcolonial India by giving a voice to the "separateand distinctive ofview ofthemasses"(Guha points and Spivak1988:vi)." JanMohamed the central disconstitutes tropeof colonialist and political course. In a relatedintellectual challenge.Employing such perialand indigenous and cultural concepts as mimicry hybridity. militarily.he defines as a "Manichean" struggle-a dualrelationship and dark-inwhich istic conflict betweenlight thenathecolonialist discourse"commodities" tivesubjectas a stereotyped object. constructions of Orientalist Initially. peoples have been distinof othercriteria including guishedby a variety the lack of civility. . scientifically and imaginatively" (1979:3)-others have extended hisargument (e.

the educommercialto imperialist channels (Spear catedIndian subjectbecametheultimate figure 1963. . the British felta religions. new idealsofsuburban to culture.Calcutta.75. verylittle What has the civilstation was occupied bythemembers been describedas an "easy symbiosis" (Bayly of the colonialbureaucracy. of Indians. Moreover.Yet. calling India and the displacetlements of northern in India. aggressive policiesof ansense of permanencein India.and Bombay. subjects. 4 Dec 2013 12:39:42 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . . Bombay. By 1850. Whilethese new 1988:69) was undermined in the laterpartof sheltered the colonials some settlements from theeighteenth with thecollapseofthe century ofthe inconveniences in India. This pronouncement of imperial interest voiced the concernsof a nation"challenged" by the "needs" of India.resulted theultimate made Parliament in India.The British HillStationin India ofcolonial complextransformation and society.including the movementof The Transformation of Colonial Society(1 760s-1 850s) This content downloaded from 200.when tradewith Early the EastIndiaCompany'ssettlements in India India was primarily dependent on thegood will increasingly became models of British status.CalCompany were not a strongcolonial force. the British tended to ignoresigWhere once the social idealwas to livelikea nificant divergences in behavior or to explain Nawab (a Mughal title).ofourlaws. by wars betweenthe British The Indian society was changing as well. Indian ensocietyin general thestyle ofconductthat had brought criticized tereda periodof stress. Indian Indeed. the troops that cutta.however. Butdominion theincendiary situation. Confined as they were to thefour dispersedintocantonments thatamountedto coastalareasofMadras. of Indiaor Indiansociety. of mockery. They changes in Britain of Indiansociety. The "mimic" colonialsubjectsugThe transformation of colonialsocietywas was emphatically gestedthatto be Anglicized also influenced by marked changes in English notto be English. the monopoly of the EastIndiaCompanyand in British control of threeDalhousie. high-caste "the dominionof all of India is what I never theflashpoint to pany'sBengalArmy provided wishto see" (Watson1981:129). Policies disliked on rewas preciselywhat the nineteenth-century ligiousgrounds.19. and their new Indian From the1760s. The "improvement authority fifths of Such a move would have been unthinkable India"appeared to be a plot againstthe old when in 1774 the govonlyforty yearsearlier of India. a WesternizedIndianelite in the port cities and Evangelical Utilitarian reformers called for views of the transformation challengedBritish and in her colonies.British cultures and authorities military Warren ernor ofBengal. "bythegradual introduction and establishment ofourown principles and opinion. institutions and manners .Utilitarincreasing instability ofthecountryside and the ian belief encouragededucationof Indians so growingpresence of the European military thattheymight be raisedto British standards helped to divert the British settlements from and values."Let us endeavor to our rootsintotheir strike soil." (Morris 1973:74). awaythosedifferences byreference livingand British architectural stylesset the Recall that the merchants of the East India standard forthe colonialeliteof Madras.as dutyreplacedtrade of British and lawsendangered customs as the expressed interest.Similarly they were present onlyatthetolerance oflocal had been concentrated in urbancenters were landowners. and "petrified military camps" (Davies 1985:77) on Surat from 1619 to the1760s.130 on Wed."he proclaimed. British was not disputedby and the imposition mentof manylandholders.Reform greater nexationcarriedout by the East India Comcame in the Charter Act of 1813 whichbroke the Marquess of pany's Governor-General. the reformers.as Bhabhadescribes. in the colonialperiod. and French. the emergenceof societyand culturebetween 1780 to 1850. Europeancontactwithindigenous peoples Assuming control ofa larger portion of India theoretically offered theoptionsof responding resulted inevitably in a separation ofthe British to the Otherin terms of identity or difference. the British knew the periphery. 697 English evangelicalreformer William Wilberforce would promote. to the military Adjacent station. declaredthat membersof the East India ComHastings. most especiallyby discoursesof imperialism and climate/race. oflife also they and commercial MughalEmpire conflict fueled isolatedthemfrom Indian society. of Indiaby 1856. Bayly 1988).British policycreated in India by wealthand power to the British the greatlandsetsocialdisturbances through itcriminal The presenceofthe behavior.

emphasizes the British concern for from internal security conspiracy. themutiny Blaming on theEastIndiaCompany. Indiansfromthe perceivedunpleasantries of lifein India.the world of British dissolved on the authority northern plainsof India. in 1838.Hillstations were a relatively new colonialsettlement form when. Race and Imperial Authority Climateand Health The modestscholarly attention devoted to hillstation in Indiareflects the British perhaps its seemingly "natural" existencein a cultural the hill station ecologyof coloniallife." of 1857. While profiting from the fearon whichthe Raj theAnglo-Indians ofa fear rests. Emily Eden wrotefrom the Himalayan hillstation of Simla to a family member in England (1983:129): If"their imaginative geography" the reinforced Anglo-Indian it likewise sense of superiority.and the of British self-consciousness debates over architectural stylesnicelyrecordtheir changing visionsofthemselves as rulers of India.19. India became an imperial possessionand the Crown'srepresentatives there and civilianofficials) (military acquired new statusand responsibility. planners createdspace fora broad street networkthat facilitated surveillance and policedeinthe hills. settlement planning.They live amidstscenery sense thatIndianshate theydo not understand. however." The irony ofthis fixation on racial was thepsydifference chic and social distortion it entailedforthe British in India.for instance. the British sustainedthe illusion of an English town (Kanwar 1990) byhousing theIndian servicepopulation in segregated areas. Oldenburg1984. Frequently. fed their fearsof a "scenery theydo not understand. was the upland counterpart to the lowland save foritsdistancing ofAnglomilitary station. Similarly. are victims which Indiaarouses in them." The transformation ofVictorian British values and beliefsnecessarily spilledover onto the landscapesof the colonialworld (King1976. tific" theoriesof racialsuperiority duringthe 1850s supporteda growingBritish preoccupation with the "grandeur of our race" (Sir CharlesDilkecitedinElridge 1973:49)-or.(Parry intending 1972:279-280) Climate. Although ilovergeneralized. Rather thanpromote was to protect change. manifestations structure of power and knowledgethat informed colonialism everywhere. sanctuaries This content downloaded from 200.the new government and preserveIndians'religious and traditions cultural differences. 4 Dec 2013 12:39:42 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . less kindly. associatedwith the uprising underlined of irreconcilthe impression able difference. Veena Oldenburg'saccount of the rebuilding of Lucknow itsdestruction after intherebellion of1857. Bydemolishofthetraditional British ingthe "labyrinth" city. the spirit of reform Although had been inofracial withexpressions sucreasingly tinged the hostilities periority. troops overseas and the use of greased carin violation ofcaste restrictionstridges-both were the rallying pointsforthe "IndianMualso known as the Sepoy Rebellionor tiny. the prevalence ofnew "scienConcurrently. imperial architectural styles were. Butthereare manyways of building a building or landscape. The expression oftheseconcernswas rarely in British straightforward. the Parliament in Londonabolishedthe Company and named Victoria of British sovereign Indiain 1858. and Western1988. publicsafety servedas a metaphor forcontrol(Oldenburg1984).inhis of an interconnected view. and decisionsputatively based on health concerns maskeddesiresforcomfort and a prestigious environmentfor the colonial populations (Frenkeland Western1988). The yearofthemutiny marked shifts in the British significant representations of Indiaas expressedintheir theories of imperial authority and discourses of difference. themand feel Indiato be a poisonouscountry evilagainst them.75.698 Kenny ThomasMetcalf (1989:7) makesthispointexplicitly. ployment.130 on Wed. Metcalf's thesissometimes luminates as when he notesthat: "Inthepublic buildings put up by the Raj it was essential alwaysto make visibleBritain's imperial positionas ruler. Initially. for thesestructures were charged withthe explicit propose of representing empire itself" (1989:2). withthe "mutiny mentality. Frenkel Metcalf1989. For fourteen Uprising months. Kanwar 1990). Scholarswho have analyzedthe social and political underofcolonialarchitecture and urban pinnings dehaveemphasizedthat theimposing velopment builtby the British served as social buildings controls over the indigenous populations and/or as health forAnglo-Indians.

19. life would be sharedby severalgenerations of Despite the perceivedhealthbenefits. Inthecase ofOotacamund. cateof mountain air in India. with a nice climate.and throughthe hot wind. was a key station.12 These habwere shaped by a combination of classical itsbecame official onlyafter Simlawas desigand themedieval theories inmiasmic belief airs natedas the Viceroy of India'ssummer capital (poisoned by noxious. Before theabolition of The contrast with the lowlands seemed to prothe East IndiaCompany.. Imperial practices supplanted a roof-tree upon the Neilgherries" ported thedistinction ofthisBritish enclavenot (1851:270). In 1870.the municated thesite'ssuperiority and theescape. the Companycomvoke the question"couldthisbe India?" (Panplainedof the expense incurred by these anter-Downes 1967). only wonder at the man who first and spatialcategories. theAnglo-Inthe North-Western Provinces and Oudh spent dians' perceptionof healthful environments fivemonths in NaniTal(Figure 2). nual.Although officially became the seat of summer governthe developmentof the hillstations and the mentforthe governorof the Madras Presiof themas healthy perception environments. Proand inscribed in itslandscape. a morecautious.the resident expertof Ootacamund. admund(Baker1967:217) to a laterpaean to its moved theirsummerheadquarministrations valueas "an islandof British atmosphere hung ters to the hillstations.Baikie medical (1834. the disease was ascribedto the butalso as a racial and spatial ministrators.. by the latenineteenth century manywould describethe hillstations as places forwomen whilethe "men of action" Miss Eden'ssentiments regarding hill-station popularized inheroic talespreferred theplains.Othersummer capitalssoon were acthe earlyrecordof British encounter suggests corded official status.He warned thattwo The Victorian revival oftheories race relating find the hill European ungroupsmight climate and climate coincidedwiththe waningof reformenthusiasm in post-Mutiny satisfactory: 1) pensioners accliIndia..decayingorganicmatin 1864. unofficial retreats (Kenny1991). Patrons of the colonialhillstahillstations' separation from the low country tionsliberally praised natural environments that caused concernwhen British miofficials first were relatively cool.75. and imperial provincial.persistence overcameofficial objectionof the "sweet half-English air"of Ootacations as district. ifI were told that I mightsail home the instantI arrived at Calcutta. Without an understanding of maonly as an appropriate place forcolonialadlaria'scause. 699 mationto the climateof the plains. "we demi-Orientals. As Nora Mitchell notes in lingforthreemonths. and go dak [transport by relay]all over the hot plains. in hindsight these ideas guided ter)."Only after "dangers and gorythat symbolizedBritish superiority oftheinterior refined thecolonials' exploration difference. Spencer each. "discovery" As Sir Richard Burton thehill and for whatreasons.nextin rank. the BengalGovernment wentto Darjeeand Thomas1948). I can wait here betterthan anywhere else. Features whichseemed to set apart definition of "fever zones" did the cooler cli"Europeans" (used as a nineteenth-century ramate and the assumed absence of disease cial category) were ascribedto the hillstation serve as a rationale fortheirhillstations. ifnot mixed. and the Government of herdiscussion of the hill station. Ootacamund. Government occupied phasizes its role in the physicaland mental Mahableshwarand Poona for four months health ofthecolonials (Mitchell 1972. 1857). motion of thisnew resourcewas required.reaction to the The definition of who would benefit from of the hills. Imperial government above the Indian plains" (Pentland 1928) commoved 1.The British HillStationin India Itcertainly is very pleasant to be in a pretty place.These owingto their This content downloaded from 200. dency. explainedin talking about the hillstationof disaspect in an evolvingnineteenth-century Ootacamund. The discourse also justified governby experiencethe dangersof mountain air in mentpractices whichfurther sanctioned racial India.and unpopulated. 4 Dec 2013 12:39:42 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . as was an interpretation of its benefits (Kenny 1991). green. who know course. and 2) women owing to their"highly mobile"temperaments (presumably temperamental) and/or preference for the sociallife ofthe low country. Not that I would not startoff thisinstant. the Anglo-Indians. MadrasGovernment spentsix months at OoGeographic research on the hillstation emthe Bombay tacamund.130 on Wed.but as nobody makes me thatoffer. Notallwere suited to thehills according Race and Imperial Authority to Dr. grated to thesesanitaria.200 milesfrom Calcutta to Simla. But by assessments from ranging Tennyson's descripthe1850s. Ironically.

130 on Wed. Mitchell1972. the Bengal Government leftCalcutta for Darjeeling. Indian reachedits protest peak in 1884 when thirty thousand petitioners from the Madraspresidency alone asked Parliament to haltthe annualexodus to the hills and the "hill and cercraze. often for morethanhalf theyear(Kenny 1990).By the early1850s. The theory ofevolution. differtheoriesrationalized the irreconcilable and Indiansas a ences between "Europeans" The links form of environmental determinism. Naini TalIA isi Agra* rjlg Calcutta _Bom~Bobay Maah APoona habeleshwar Figure 2.He arguedthatthe climateand the exposureto disease in the plainsthreatened Itis onlyby "perithe health of Anglo-Indians. headImperialGovernmentthen moved theirofficial quarters to Simla during the hot season. Sources: Gopal 1965.75. pseudo-scientific Indeed." of India Althoughthe new government graduallyaccepted these "hill migrations. the"White race"prevailed because itwas moreadvanced and adaptable This content downloaded from 200." themajority ofEuropeans can he advised. 1857-1910. struggle.evolutionary for survival"provided a theory's "struggle and conmechanism forracialdifferentiation Inthat flict.and health throughout In the latter partof the nineteenth century. The informal practice of conducting business in the hill stations during summer months was formalized after1864. the Bombay Presidency visited Poona and Mahableshwar four months each."that and physical health and vigretain bothmental our.19. summer seatsofgovernment. The theory further impliedthatan Englishman placed in Bengalwould live witha tolerable degree of healthbut he "would soon cease to be the and his descendantswould same individual" The Europeanconstitution could degenerate. with each sharing its"prescribed salubrious limits" (Hutchins1967:161). heardfrom othercitiesin British Indiawhere Indian subjects questioned themovesofimpeand district offices intothe hills rial.race. The theoretical relationship between cliwas refined mate. in new scientific terms." FormanyIndians tainmembers of the non-official British comit appeared thatthe government was munity a permanent planning move to Ootacamund and thateverydistrict collector was building a summer office on higher Protests were ground. andProvincial TheImperial SeatsofGovernment 1857-1910 for British India. Metcalfe 1964)." from the governedmountedwith complaints the time spent in the hillsand the expense associatedwithmaintaining second.700 Kenny having evolvedina physical environment (Britain) that bred a superiorpeople capable of administering others(Hutchins 1967. provincial. The imperialand provincialseats of government for BritishIndia."The need to escape "theheat"meantof course a simultaneous escape from"the native. Perhaps itisthe in 1881 thatis most need forsuch a protest notable. odicalescape from theinfluence oftheplains. whileoverthesebeliefs. theories ofracial difference assumedthatracial of multiple typeswere fixedand the products creations. 4 Dec 2013 12:39:42 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . in the climate notsurvive thethird generation of India proclaimedthe Parliament's "Select on Colonization and Settlement Committee (of India)"of 1857 (Hutchins 1967:61). while the Madras Presidencyspent the season at Ootacamund. and the Government of the North-WesternProvinces and Oudh moved its seat of administration from Agra (later Lucknow) to the hill station of Naini Tal. the Surgeon General of the Bombay Presidency launcheda protest againstthose "who have theclimate ofIndiaas notinimical to portrayed Europeans" (Moore 1881:3-4). did notloose the holdof turning racism. between environmentand racial characcenteristics were not new to the nineteenth butthe discourse of climate was dressed tury. Races of the world were differentiated by anatomyand intellect and kept apartby climate. Health Resorts for Tropical Invalids.

. :a. On the recommendation of Parliament... nsn82 o.. At~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ .130 on Wed..fordames.* .... .~ . however..he pictured"one of the most hard working men in the Presidency. .damsels........ | g . ??- ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ . 1884). A e _. 58... RE..flXX ..19.butitis nota good placefor thedevelopment of a highsense of duty. ws' K1r _ ok I.A * 3111 ... the governors and theirsecretariats were limited to six to seven months a year in the summercapitals. ..E s*.. ' M'SX0(gH~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ (Gus .... 1884) argued that: Ootacamund is a very good kindofplace for men on leave....~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~... the government's Ultimately... front of their hill station Office... The 3.in reducing the amountof timespent in the hills. 4 Dec 2013 12:39:42 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . > f i_'Aa.The British HillStationin India In defense of this practice. .. Representing the contrary views of the petitioners.. . . permission of The .. This content downloaded from 200.. . Records and Library Office British 1901. 9 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ _=~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ .rubbing his hands in a drivingScotch mist. #752/4 Collection . .2 a. K | I . .. Figure and solar topee. Reprinted by family in Mac~~~~ab Source: India bungalow.. circa London... The petitionerswere effective.. . Referof administrators efficiency ringto gentlemenfrom"the rainyisles" at work in the hillstation. or the attainment of that activesympathy ofthepeople ofIndiawhichis as oil to the bearing of state...it was onlynatural that thestruggle forthedominant representation of hill-station activity would become critical. This representation was a popular one among 701 those who picturednot increasedefficiency but men on holiday leisureactivities pursuing in the hills (Figure 3). dog. Library.. As the stayof the upper inthehill echelonsofgovernment station capitalsincreased to eight months out oftwelve. . reaucraticmachine of imperialgovernment I. Mac~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ with horses.~~ No..the liberalgovernor of the Madras Presidencycited the greater in the hills. _. an editorial in the Madras Mail (April 1.. smallboysand ponies....75. Despite growingnationalist the buprotests. S :||_i.....t. replete parasol.. thesis of inina climate creasedefficiency suited to natives ofBritain thepetitioners' outweighed demands foraccessibility to decisionmakers...as happy as a Newfoundland dog on a frosty day in England" (Madras Mail: July 1.

believed itwas their dutyto enhance the beautyof the new capitalsand to As one retiring increasetheir attractions. Yet. population grewrapidly from 9.Ooty was perceivedby theAnglo-Indian as a British community settlement despitethefact that theIndian population outnumbered the European of more by a ratio thanten to one and thatthe site includeda small but significant Indiancommercial class. These qualities thevirtues imply..The inpopulation crease in officials and staff was accompanied byrising numbers ofIndians and Anglo-Indians seekingcommercial opportunities.theywere "absent"forthe most the settlement's partfrom social and political circles. attaches to them. Successive administrators. The 1884 of permanent establishment military headquartersofthe MadrasArmy on the hills extended the official presence.Ootacamundservedas a symbol ofthe colonialadministration's disregard for the people of India. butsuch Englishrainsuch deliciousEnglish mud" (quoted in Price 1909:63).whose bankswere dotted with red-tiled cottages surrounding a pretty Gothic Church.702 Kenny thelookofa rising English watering place. beautiful surround(English) ings. the hillstation underwent significant change.In the case of Ootacamund.. With the approval of Parliament. naturally.the "aristocratic India Observer(SIO): September12. The afternoon was rainy and the road muddy. and a legitimacy based in its history (Eagan1912:31 ). tentious. Lytton further describeda landscape composed of familiar British features: "ImagineHerefordshire lanes. the prominence usually afforded them by theirpositionon hillcrests.3 Latervisi- The "English watering place" awaiteditstransformation fromsanitarium to summercapital after 1870. of British the practice authority and the hillstationwere inextricably linked. Devonshire downs. The landscape model chosen forthe summer capital. make it convenientbut above all beautiful. The English Landscape of the Hill Station For many outside the hill station'ssocial world. IndianUtopiawithan English landscapeby innot only Europeantrees..contemliterature porary depicteditas a siteof unpretentiousdignity.14 typical Symand aristocratic bolizingthe genteel. The viceroy LordLytton this captured view during his visit to Ootacamundin 1877: "I affirm itto be a paradise. The "founder" of Ootacamund.To the colonialofficials.refined. governorof the MadrasPresidency reminded his be sure to "make Ootacamund constituents. flowers.19. the landscape of Ootacamund symbolizeda viewofsocialorder.596 permanent residents and a seasonal of more than twice that. arriving camundin 1834. The summer seat of government had in effect become a symbolof the Raj. Indian Although residents ofOotacamundheld the majority of the station's realestateduring thisperiod. Between1871 and 1901. from governors to municipal councilmen. troducing fruit and vegetables.John set out to make the hillstationan Sullivan. saw: a pleasant ofan ampitheatre ofgreenhills surprise encircling a smalllake. 1877)the hills were well-suited forthis"elegant pasmodeland theruling toral" class life associated withit. the public neitherelaborate nor prebuildingsare." visitors also projectedimEarly onto the natural environment ages of England of Ootacamund and therebyinfluenced the developmentof the landscape (see Kenny 1990).lends them a certain while much of historicinterest dignity. keep it healthy" (Ootacamund Municipal CouncilOctober 20.The British statesman and utilitarian ThomasBabington inOotaMacauley. Westmorelandlakes.therefore. 1900). however. Scotch trout streams.932 to 18. imagesof English upper-class as the living-or. the "natural" environment forthe British representatives of imperial government. sociated withthe late nineteenthand early modelofan essentially rural twentieth-century This content downloaded from 200.130 on Wed. 4 Dec 2013 12:39:42 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .but also the serpentine torsto the hillstation commentedon the remarkablesimilarities between this landscape and home. In structureand architectural design. need not incorporate the monumental of colonialauthority displays in the "IndianFeudal"or Indo-Sarcenic styles of publicbuildings inthe plains. coupled with their beautifulsurroundings."(Trevelyancitedin Price1909:64) had momentum on itsside. British have newspaper The Statesman might race" (citedin Southof put it. Following Ootacamund'sdesignation as the seat of summergovernment. The whole station presented "very much lake of a countryestate (Figure4).75. asmoreover.

1913 of use by toorah Loato of "Erpen _ as welasbditneSor: an Inda seteet wihi and an essentially unchanging England.afforded an image of Home forthe colonialsociety:"its rural peace contrasted with thetropical or arid places of actualwork. Historic attachments to place and a sense of in the official belongingwere incorporated landscapeof Ooty. Williams 1973).Rural the of the country-house style to the simplicity of the cottage"(Williams 1973:248).I88Pla of Town Ooaaud 1895Figure 4. of community. The rural mode impliedgreatness centerednot on the commercial class and the industrial towns buton thetraditional aristocracy and landownership (Weiner 1981. John Sullivan-was chosen to house theSecretariat's offices.130 on Wed. Stone House-the inthe hill oldestbuilding station and one associated withthe "discoverer" of Ootacamund.In 1870. Ootacamund Adate fro 184 hil sttin the Rlatv 188 elvto ~Sit Ma an 1859 iniae of th*ilSain _pla th seaato 11 maps. earlierobservations of Ootacamund'snatural environment had inspired comparisons to the This content downloaded from 200. idealisedby contrast withthe tensions of colonialruleand the isolated alien settlement" (1973:281). Thissingular exampleofEnglishstylestone structure became the center of official business. The first effort to improve the official landscapeinvolved thebeautification of the groundson StonehouseHillfollowedby improvements to the Secretariat If building. Raymond Williams observed thatthe cultural importance ofrural idealsgrewdespitethedeclining importance of the working rural econidealsofhow to livewell. 4 Dec 2013 12:39:42 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .19."from omy.The BritishHill Station in India 703 of the Hill Site Station._ Map Ootacamund x t _~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ 0 lg Euoen non-Housing Low thMuncipl of _~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~oaaud Nelh is. Intracing theseattitudes toward thecity and thecountry.75. itssense of belonging.

While Stonehouse Hill was the center of House would official business. The governor acquired lisheda hillresidence. presumably. hillin a house on the slopes of the highest .I.I.130 on Wed..Shortly designedalong tionbegan on a new mansion house.. Fiue5 adatae oen Sore etHue Prc I9I9i oaa ud law ica10.Government sosoon become thecenterofOotacamund's in to itsconstruction cial life(Figure 5)..I. inspiredperhaps by the staffs. the architect GilbertScott.Buckinghamshire. house as well appropriate designof a country in replicating home. century with intheearlynineteenth censaw a revival style tury justas Stowe House was in the planning stages. Perhaps.704 Kenny construcafter.Ti htgahwstknfo h atth back This content downloaded from 200..19.I. governor the Duke of Buckingham.buttheserents were the peron personalaccommodations ofthe governors and their sonal responsibility But in 1876. house symthe classicalportico ofa Palladian bolized morethaneducationand culture.1. 4 Dec 2013 12:39:42 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . who was Certainly brought up in the 1820's underthe shadow of park.. estabPresidency. country house repchoice of a Palladian-style the Duke's ideas on the resented..governors houses during the one ofthe moresubstantial and other expenditures season. Ooty forthatpurpose. Prior viedwith other visitors to rent 1877. Although as his interest facade the classicalcolumnsof the Palladian during the lateeighteenth wentout of fashion the the influence ofromanticism. the lines of the Duke's own country Buckingham's Stowe House. _ -lI -1I III~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~W ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~...these later landscape of a gentleman's investments groomed the image (Price 1909:20-21)..75. queen proclamation namingQueen Victoria thepresiding oftheMadras empress..as Mark Girouardsuggests..

._ . . .. 4 Dec 2013 12:39:42 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . . _ .. . the Madras Mail newspaper voiced loud criticism of the governor's hillstationconstructionprogram....::...and locatedabove the Indian bazaar. _ _. Figure 6.....:__ This content downloaded from 200..Stephen's). . and the geometric centerfrom which all mileage within the district was figured..however.Aftercompletion of the facilities...the Governor's Palladian mansion was an exception.. seems to forbidapproachthe only ruralthoughtsthey suggest are of game keepers and park rangers. as did the English towncenter. _olc n Unpblihe trve jora (A rl 1894._ _.."(Girouard 1978:242) 705 While romanticstyleswould dominate the hill station's residential. . . the historic center from whichthe station had grown. built in1826 with EastIndia Company fundsand with timbers fromthe destroyed palace ofan Indian ruler (showninthe foreground of Figure6). _* __ _1g? -i. Government House and the Secretariat Officescame to be seen as "natural" parts of the landscape and of governance.t. This mansion was not without controversy..Stephen's. numbers.i i _-_.75.. in increasing businesses. .6. served as the geographiccenterof the hillstation. The ImperialFund was tapped over a number of years in an effort to complete Government House and to furnishit...130 on Wed.. | | _ _~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ .... . . Monitoringthese expenses. and. * s . and governmental office buildings. ....i l I F. district and municipal government offices......e . "Theircold and tarianism proud palladianism.19.. . .... .The British HillStationin India Stowe and the dukes of Buckingham.6.saw authoriin great classical houses.:3Et~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~k'\N_ . . . . . Concentrated within thisarea.:. Literally and figuratively... .U !|_. .. <4 .. Government commandedthe highgroundof the hillstation. .:.."captures Telegraph Hill-Ooty'sBritish center-as it appearedduring the 1880s.! . . entitled "A General View of Qotacamund.-. Although "English" land uses clusteredon ~~~~~__i. British-managed St.commercial. . were theofficial church (St. y.. | I I I _n i ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~. ...<.

butalso a primary of the Europeanpopulation. the MadrasArmy locateditsheadon an easternspurof Telegraph Hill.Located on the lower side of the hillabove the bazaar.. A choleraepidemic in 1877 raised serious questionsamong the British residentsof Gotacamund. social rank was closely matched withelevation. to concentrate around the Collector's Officesand Courts.130 on Wed..000 bearers (Kanwar 1990:135). height distanced the ruled. Butthese were momentary concerns. . Hill.In shortwhat is known as the CutcherryHill [is] the very heart of Ootacamund.the town became a developmentof an English after 1870. or even to distances between bungalowsthat were timeand perhapsdangerous(DeWend consuming 1829).and in a few days the Bank will be in our midst.19.16 Fearing that the coalescence of the This content downloaded from 200.the Post & Telegraph Offices and Courts. servants of all kindswiththeir between families. Teleconscious effort graphHillbecame Cutcherry." Evenwithin thehill therulers from station. The extentof the governor'sentouragesuggeststhe labor required formanaging hill-station life: Severalspecial trainsconveyed his [the governor's]patriarchal following of staff.The luxurious lifestyle did notguarantee immunity from the disease thatspread through thelow country. hillstations After were firmly established. and theIndian settlementswithin the station servedas a reminder of thatfact(see Figure 4).the TahsildarSubmagistrate's Court.How was Gotacamund's reputation as a beautiful and sawho lubrious spa to be insured? Furthermore. fiveand six hundred souls. ButthisindispensableIndian laborpool was also viewed as a source of disease thatcould threaten the hillstation's role as sanitarium. the Viceroy'shunting expeditions alone required 2. To be over exposureto sure.theyhad comparedthe topography thestation ofhills to an amphitheater surroundingthe lake. was to benefit from the sanitation measures? Seven months before Lord Lytton's 1877 the was paradise.Disease "imup from an ported"withmigrant Indiansrepresented external threatto the healthand welfareof Ootacamund. in OotacaFromthe arrival of the first British of mund. 1884) The "Unhealthy"Indian Settlements The British inthehill faceda dilemma station. quarters Tenyearslater.706 Kenny thishilltop fromthe station's earlyyears. or publicoffice.some worriedinitially certain winds.75.besides nearly a hundred horses from the stables. In 1884. the British "subuilt periorclass" residenceson the crestsof the hillsthat made up this amphitheater. In Ooty. their morphologies were seen as "natural" and picthanprecarious and their altituresquerather tudinal as indicators of the salubrity positions of residential sitessafely distancedfrom"unhealthy" Indian settlements.Accordingly." newspaper South of India Observerexpressed concern aboutthe (British) to avoid community's ability a severe epidemicwiththe growing migration of Indians the lowlands. the Post & Telegraph Offices.Assessments of Ootacamund's health problemsand the methods used in them reflected not only the concombating of medical probtemporary understanding concernfor thehealth lems. band. the Registration Office. The British vantage hills point opened vistasto the surrounding and the lake below while closingoffforthe mostpart theviewofthe"natives. clerks.Reporting on "another case of imthe Anglo-Indian portedcholera. Colloquially.or to possibleassociations between crestsitesand illness. (S5O: March 22.The English towncenter was thus separate from and superior to downslope landscapes. built Controlling "social hyspace as a means of maintaining giene" had been partand parcelof European in medical"knowledge" advancements since the eighteenth century (Foucault 1980. Burke 1985). the Municipal Building was the onlypublicoffice Hillwitha view of the Indian on Telegraph ofOoty areasoftown. municipal business was accommodatedin the lastadministrative building to be constructed on the hill. . 1928:137)15 . thepicturThismatch reflected of the setting as well as a favoresque quality able interpretation of the site's healthfulness. Efforts have been made duringthe past few years forthe convenience of the public. (Pentland In Simla. . declaration that Ootacamund aslocalnewspaper delivered a rather different sessment. 4 Dec 2013 12:39:42 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Gotacamund as a British settlement depended on a large Indianpopulationto supportthe privileged lifestyle ofAnglo-Indians.

Wlo Bn cosngte ae portions of. Source: India Office Library mission of The British Library. the Indians' need to "huddle moreclosely together" merely exaggerated "natural" tendencies. London.75. Collection No.130 on Wed.The British HillStationin India 707 Fiue..1895. There has been more than one plague spot of this kind in Ootacamund for many generations now. you must have insanitary conditions.. 394/87. 1877). the cholera epidemic in the hill in improvements station in the British resulted landscape. Reprintedby perpark land.19. Ooty's planners made Indian areas the prime targets for"improvement.Commentsof this sort were commonplacefrom the earliest yearsof hill-station living. 4~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ 1. 4 Dec 2013 12:39:42 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .oerBzar .and the danger is immeasurably more in a cold hillstationwhere the temptation to huddle more closely together for warmth in unclean surroundingsis proportionately greater.Th. 1S :'' -X. hoig.A February 1877 report on Ootacamund's sanitary conditions notedthat thelargest number residednearthe ofcholeravictims bazaararea and thecontaminated waterofthe lake(Figure 7). the lake to the right of the earthen bridge would be filledin to improve sanitary conditions and to add to British and Records Office. Indian and European sectionsof Ooty'spopulation threatened the"health ofthetown"(SIO: May 30. British explanations invariably focused on Indians'reactionsto the Britishclimate style ofthehill stations and to thebasic insuitability oftheclimate to the"race. the.h In. (Higgenbotham1912:74) In cold hillstations." Ironically. agra- harams or anythingelse you like. climate and race explained it: whereyou have Indians in congregating together congeriesof dwellings called parcherries. according to one travel guidebook. Dense living conditions. and disease definedthe environment of the bazaar and.. sanitationproblems." and just as invariably of omitted the social constraints limited space forIndiansettlements and the This content downloaded from 200.ira185..

The purposeof healthwas served. attention Budgetary focused instead on the market locatedin the bazaar where municipal were describedas unhealthy conditions and inconvenient.travel guides assumed that the Nilgirishill country would be included on theiritineraries: we have in abunand flowers fruits. the municipality ingfrom had reclaimed some oftheswampy area at the easternend of the lake. travel guides "packaged" Ootacamund as a summer capital of the Empirewhich combined the romantic"call of the East" with the amenities of an Englishtown. was ultimately added to HobartParkand prepared for "public"use. hill stations drew many visitors "season.The aftera previousgovernor. Portions of the bazaar characterized as "centres of disease" were destroyed. of the lake draining culmination scheme took anothertwenty years.. butalso thefruits our theEast.and named Lord Hobart. sanitary improvement the British neverconsideredusing Apparently the reclaimed landas an area forresettling the crowdedarea of the bazaar. As increasingnumbers of British travelersadded the empire to their list of required destinations. thisreducedthe area as itcreateda new pubof"unhealthy" ground lic recreation area. we shouldhave probably gone for yearswiththose unsightly and insanitary native housesclose to themain road. the British usually glossed over the caste distinctions and agraassociatedwithparcherries harams-thedifference betweenthe living areas of braham ins and untouchables. the British expense of hill-station real estate. Previously.. plantedas a park.130 on Wed. 4 Dec 2013 12:39:42 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .19. Fromthe construction of the lake in the 1820s it had popular serpentine served as a source of drinking waterforthe bazaar until 1877 when the sanitary commissionerwarnedIndian residents to avoid drinkthe lake. 1904) The new carriage road in the area of the lake suggested other possibilities.708 Kenny extreme measures to preserve the station's health (51: June6. vegetables. the reclaimed land was enclosed.and salubrityof hillstations in environmentssuited to in India.according to Victorian an extenstandards. but the problem of overcrowding was merelyexacerbated as displaced residents sought housing in the bazaar's reThe 1907 HillSanitariaMumainingstructures. what had been a was turned intoa socialasset sanitary problem forthe upper-echelons of hill-station society.whichextendedfrom the bazaar to the lake's easternedges. Ootacamund'smedical officer urged more Visitors to the SummerCapital British Guests Appropriateto the statusof local society and the significanceof the landscape. 1903) followingthe plague of 1903. and produceofthetropdance. in the The crowded. withits cleanliness and "picturesque" color. In 1875. In 1895.soon became a favorite excursion forEuropean visitors to Ootacamund. Ingodownsand out housesare characteristically of the Nilgiris. beauty. instyle and interior icsto identify houses are verylike English country places.Now nearly allhave been swept away and the road broadened.75. 1877). general characteristics is wonderfully of the "half-English" descriptive . 1884). Moreover.The gradients from the lowerto the upperpathinthis neighbourhood have been much improved.. (51: March12. respecthatIndian areas tively-thus implying dwelling in termsof environwere indistinguishable mental quality. English This content downloaded from 200. OotacamundLakewas targeted forimprovement as well. . The local Anglo-Indian newspaper commented on the incidentalbenefitsof these public health measures: Ifthe scourgeof plaguehad not visited Ootacamundlastyear.in partdue to the ongoingprotest against "robbing Ooty of one of its most beautiful features" (SIO: January 12. and thewhole locality altered. but with their thelarge compounds surrounding them. The newlyconstructed market. by providing sive fieldforexerciseas well as a necessary for the bazaar residents. Municipalcouncil records extolledthe benefits of improving the drainage within the market area which would enable "Europeans to do their own marketing" and to forhill-station improvefood quality residents (Ootacamund Municipal Council April 14.. nicipal Act reinforced these measures by to raise taxes and authorizinghillmunicipalities control land uses in order to maintain the healthful statusof these stations.Anglo-Indians these extreme measures as a means of justified preservingthe convenience. unsanitary conditions bazaar were lamented but not remedied." duringthe official No longersimplya refugeforthe Anglo-Indian. The drained area.

Inspired partlyby romanticismand partlyby amateur anthropology. . 1902). Despite his rankas first amongthe princesof India. Butentry as the Nizam of could be quitedifficult. The presenceof Indianprincesin the hillstationswould appear to have been appropriate giventheir status ofIndiaand amongtherulers by thefact thatoutsidethe boundaries of British India.thishereditary ruling class still conone-third of India." defining Byascribing qualities of gentleness. after to buya agreements. In these "encounters. The Maharajah ofMysorewas thefirst ofthe in Ootacamund princesto purchaseproperty in1873. According to the viceroy.75.The British HillStationin India dian.. Queen Victoria's proclamation of 1858 acknowledged theirauthority by establishing an alliancebetween these Indianaristocrats and the British and thisfeudalalliancewas reaffirmonarch.Lord Curzon sang the praises of Ootacamund's charm. India withonly a few Indians) drew tourists just as ithad interestedexplorers. theseBritish representations contributed to the "imaginative geographies" of the hillsand plains (Kennedy 1991) which depictedhighland and lowlandpeoples as intrinas two places and two peosically different.. and was conquered (Ampthill August 20. But even thisfictive kinshipbetween Indianrulersof the Native Statesand British rulers did not ensure Indian wouldreceivea warmreception inthe princes hillstations. Indian"Guests" Society in the summercapitalswelcomed British visitors.coupled withmany otherEastern advantages whichthe West is denied. saw.(Niligiri Information Bureau [NIB]1911:1) These guides forthe hillstationspoke favorably of the countryatmosphere: Broad.18 trolled Moreover. butitdid not extendthe same reception to even the highest rankedIndians..he came.130 on Wed. conveying a sense ofpeace and joy of life. The same enthusiasm did not extend to visitingagriculturist tribal Because the Todas were groups in the hills.five to tenIndian rulers maintained "hot weather"homes in Ooty. by1890.19. arranged for "ten specimen male and ten females" to greet him (AmpthillJuly20.he took the ownerto court for breachofcontract and won. All around. risethehills. And the trope of mimesis naturalizedsocial and politicalrelationsby employingthe language of scientific for objectivity This content downloaded from 200. Portraying them as the "noble guardians of edenic sanctuaries" (1991:59) expressed two familiar distropes (solitude and mimesis) of imperialist course (Pratt 1986." the trope of solitude reaffirmed Britishsuperiorityas it provided escape to a romanticsettingtranslating place into another more pristinetime. 709 whatwas "Indian. (NIB1911:7) . well-laid roadssweep and undulate overa country of beautifulgardens and extensive stretches of turf studded withornamental trees whichgivesto the whole the appearanceof one vast park.one governor hostingthe viceroy. These seasonal residents includedthe Maharajahof Mysore. Duncan 1993). med and elaboratedin the Imperial Durbarof 1877 (see Cohn 1983).. ples.and the Gaekwarof Baroda-threeof the fivehighest princesof Indiawho had been honoredwith a twenty-one oftheir gunsalutein recognition roleas a "faithful and their prestige allyof the British Empire"(Forbes 1939:224). Hyderbad discovered. 1907). settlementswas an enterVisitinghill-tribe tainment common to several hill stations.17 one of the important"sights"of the hills. intoOoty society. theyresidedin "amongthe bestand mostexbuilt" of the Europeanhouses (S10: pensively July 6. These visits shaped Britishrepresentationsof the indigenous inhabitantsalong with the hillstation retreats (Kennedy 1991). attempting mansiononce occupied by the commanderin-chief of the Madras Army. inmany essential we hereenjoy respects the advantages of the West. . grace.e.the Nizam of Hyderabad.Lord Curzon. In Ooty. Whatever their effect. 4 Dec 2013 12:39:42 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . presumably by Ootacamund's romanticsettingand a sense of comfortand control conveyed by the British landscape. land owners in OotacamunddeThe British exquisite natural background to man'shandiwork. sereneand grand.uncultivated qualitiesof the surroundingNilgiris countryside with the "picturesque" British qualities of the stationitself was appealing indeed to the British eye. formingas it were an The juxtapositionof the romantic.he could not conclude two real estate In 1886. 1902).and simplicity to the hill tribes.one popular touristexcursion visited a Toda mund (village) to see a local aboriginal group. The attractiveness of a place of solitude in a naturalstate (i.

againprimarily Today's residentsof the hill stationhold mixedviews of the imperial the years." (1966:3) This officer's to explainthe attraction of a summer location forHyderabad's The intertwining government. Some oftheresistance to theserulers enprobably reflected concernsoverthelarge whichthe Indianprincesbrought tourages to the hillsand the possibility of more disease (Kanwar1990:130). and itis notto be wonderedat that every one ofthemdreadsto be separated from theear intowhich the insidious whisperof the enemy might be poured. Success finally came in 1911. 1884). the IndianNational Congressorganized a boycottagainstgovernment in the hillstationswhichit labeled as undemocratic. The government ofthefacility on condiapprovedconstruction the institute in its tionthat remain non-political affiliation of Madras No. Ootacamundbecame once a place forholidays.. Over the nextfew decades. As the west- The theory of authority established in Queen Nor was the reception of so-called"Native ern-educated elitethatmade up the majority of late nineteenth-century Indiannationalists won a limited voice. ." actioninthesmall. By the 1930s.After the war. Postscript Bythe beginning ofWorldWar I. 1889): inOotyeven during Notthat theyprefer the living hottest part oftheyearintheDeccan-indeed they inthefear dislike itexceedingly-but ofwhata day in a Government maybring forth so capricious as of Hyderbad.was the introduction of publicimprovements thatwere "objectlessons and hallmarks for civicbodies alloverthe ambivalence country.. a confidential let"guests. 2749: (Government September9.During municipality's centenary. 1886).Indians ticeofgovernment." the hill-station Government on the consequences newspapercommented residencein the of the Nizam of Hyderbad's hillsby referring to the Nizam's "followers" (S1: May 21. Selfpreservation that is thefirst law of nature especially amongst Hyderbad officials. closed worldoftheimperial hillstations and provincial the yearsof during imperialexpansion. made severalattempts after 1884 to provideaccommodationsforthose who came to Ootacamund forbusinessor dutywhile Government was there (SIO: March 18..130 on Wed.19. of imperial discourseand discourseof climate inthenewspaper's statement imply that thehill station's advantages are wasted on these Severalyearslater. AfterWorld War I. I recently a highofficial refused to permit to sell hishouse to one ofthem. when the first Indianmember of the Governor's Executive Commission-the Maharajah of Bobili-offered to donatea large to buildthe LawleyInstiportion of his salary tute. and thatwe oughtto discourage itin everyway." ter from Viceroy Lansdowne to Governor Wenlockputthe matter bluntly (Wenlock June 24. thepracman"was gradually incorporated into InOoty.The "lighter ture. readyowned by Rajas.the developmentof Ootacamundas a summercapital had reacheditszenith.710 Kenny on theirpart. 1911) A small step had been madetoward theadmission oftheNative Genthe eftlemanto the summer capitalthrough forts ofthe loyalMaharajah of Bobili. In "Exodusof Hyderabad to Ootacamund.. 1891): in Native Chiefs endeavorto getholdofproperty hill A good manyhouses in Simlaare alstations.. whichjoined Indian and British rulers as "aristocratic was noteasily translated into brothers.a residential club for Indiangentlemen named in honoredof the governor forwhom the Maharajahhad served.Gandhi describedthe summer capitalof imperial governmentas "government workingfromthe 500th floor" (Pubby 1988:7).Referring to Simla. My own idea is thatthe presenceof isdistinctly theseChiefs at hill stations undesirable. the ended itssix-month summerregovernment treat to theNilgiris. Gentlemen" anymore welcoming. "Oriental"traits such as court intrigue helped Victoria'sproclamations of 1858 and 1877.a former health officer recounted a story ofcity laborers being that"a 'native' putto workto raze a structure of means dared to build in a portionof the town in exclusiveoccupationof whitemen" side"ofthepic(Sankaran 1966:2).butwe do notallowany of themto come up or to buy houses without leave. the British practiceof funds from the low country transferring to the hillsbecame indefensible. 4 Dec 2013 12:39:42 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . .as he describedit.75..growing Indiannationalism inspired by new campaigns of civil disobedience could not be ignored even in the hills. the "caste native Gentle- This content downloaded from 200.butthe nied any discrimination Nizam concluded that the government had to bearinan attempt influence to conbrought trolthe sale of "European" housing(SIO: July 7.

"Giventhe rather of the natural environment and the construcheavyhandofthe Britenvironment inthe hill tionofthe built stations ish. sentations a construction) "third world"(itself as well.it is not surprisingly thatthe ambivalence theearly ofIndia. From 1870 to WorldWar I. and threeanonymous This content downloaded from 200.Within carry out "European" thisplace political.The planning ofthese ideal British towns.and aestheticvalues inscribedon of colonial authority. and Anglo-Indian side filledwith countryhouses and public diansettlements securedunanticipated ameniwere schools where officers and gentlemen ties. ofBritish life was adaptedto servicein Concountry century by new insights on contagions.Nostalgia and thusguidedthe British the "comforting little authority interpretation supported piece of England.The Victorian social.the hillstation was tiedto a Nostalgia for home is quite natural among liferecreframework ofmeaning that influenced theBritexpatriates.In fact. the when weighedagainst the goals of a socialist positionsabove the Indian settlements. but also a model of authority British control oftheIndian "infrastructure" that relationswith subordinates.theysaw not merely a historic countryefforts ease. withrespectto fortheir invite reinspection particularly bred. Thanks ference.When British colonialsthought of Engthe "native" sequently.75. From ofOoty's thathas surrounded Indianinterpretations of development these settlements lake to the Palladian-style of Government the imperial during age has not entirely faded away.130 on Wed. authority their such a manneras to legitimize imperialists to emphasizetheir conceptsofsetstatusas whether tlement rulers to those theyruled. 711 in the earlydays of the hillstations were lost bythe latter part ofthenineteenth century and socializationor acclimatization had no explanatory value when assessingthe hillsas a resourceforBritish use. India. amenities. In thisway. Duncan. raphythat landscape constitutes a culturally of socialorder. 4 Dec 2013 12:39:42 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . the official status of Ooto our understanding of modern repreofthe people and conditions ofthe tacamund was encoded in the landscape. from theIndian centers separation CentreforSouthAsianStudiesand the University's Both thenineteenth-century discourse imperial IndiaOffice and RecordsOffice have kindly Library and the discourseof climate servedto reflect from forthe use of photographs given permission and reinforce the emerging beliefin racialdiftheir aredue to James S.government offices. Her imagery splendidly Shell Fellowship and suppleSyracuseUniversity's ralizesthe socialworldofOotacamundand its from mentedby a Graduate School Research Grant the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee. RinaGhose. Butthe English country ish view of the non-western worldin general. sanitation. Forthe mostpart.The British HillStationin India aboutthe hill Few doubt station is notunusual. Instead. collections.19. a British place was createdin orderto work. yet the questionof inlight the uses below. by planning and their priorities forsecuthe Indian and theestablishment ofvarious benignneglector consciouseffort. and the English townremained and superior to anyof of a foreign separate power and. thatthe hillstations were replicas of the wellplannedBritish town where Indiansplayed a subservient role(Kanwar1990). themodel inthelatter were refined part ofthenineteenth shopkeepers. House. ated in the hillstation also elaboratedon the Examination of these discoursessuggests links greater prestige of an imperial people. became the siteof disto segregate Inland. the lessonslearned Herb Childress. The eventsof the Inthe growing dian revolt of1857 confirmed beliefthat Indianswere irreconcilably different Conclusion and "scientific" racial theorysupportedthe view. India.The hillstations are no longerenclaves church. was limited to government theoriesof disease population clerks. rity. settlements and summer heightcarried further these resort capitals raise issues today that defy easy resolution Locatedin commanding symbolic significance. producedexpression Thatwas what one governor's wifehad in mindin deOotacamundas "an islandof British Acknowledgments scribing atmospherehung above the Indian plains" The majorportion ofthisresearch was funded by natu(Pentland 1928).Environmental and servants. Separatedas theywere fromthe centersof in ofthehill station allowedthe British was not represented Creation population. Cambridge intheplains. their future retains symbolic significance Itis a widely oftheir acceptedtenetincultural geogpast.

"AlthoughI define the discourses analyzed in this paper as imperial. tropingis the soul of discourse . 15. 4 Dec 2013 12:39:42 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . India Office Library and Records. Foucault (1980:150) noted thatthe principalspatialvariables were related to social hygiene. Baker. The British used "European" as a racial category to distinguish themselves fromtheir Indian subjects. . New York: Haskell House. For a case studyof Simla (ShimIa) and the recent impact of urbanization in a hill station. Baikie. 1994..and Ideologies of Western Dominance... For an analysis of hill stationsas summer capitals of the Raj fromthis perspective. I use the term imperialism to mean "the practice. 17. Tropes are rhetorical devices thatcarrymeaning other than their literalsense. Soil Productions. colonials in In3. The term was applied to the Eurasian population in India only afterWorld War I. London. a microcosm of the mercantilist state. and serpentine lakes. 1992. Indian 2. 11.19.they became a symbol of the government'sdisregard for the people of India. 9. Train service to Ootacamund was only completed in 1908. European ManuscriptsCollection: MSS Eur." See Adas (1989). Kanwar (1990) gives some attentionto Indian views of the imperial hill station of Simla. 1989. artistically-grouped trees. 1967. Territorial reorganizationtook place in 1905. is the implanting of settlementson distantterritory. The definition of discourse used in this paper is not the deterministicone of Michel Foucault (1967). A. 1834. Studying the shift of emphasis within architecture and cityplanningduringthe eighteenthcentury. and Duncan.R. although she notes that mythsratherthan documentable accounts make up most of this record. 12. These." Hilltribesinclude the Todas. Dutch. As defined by Said (1993:9). the state of Tamil Nadu has tied the hillstationinto the language of the plains in its selection of an officialtitle. For the many in India who never saw the hills. Barnes. 10.Bhabha (1994) and the literary theoriststhat have followed his direction employ the term "colonial discourse theory" to describe theirwork. The Governmentof IndiaAct of 1861 established in addition to the imfour provinciallegislatures perial government (Gopal 1965:165). Ootacamund and other colonial-period spellings (such as Simla for Shimla) will be used in this article. see Kenny (1990:133-171). London: Routledge. the Spanish. Climate. and service fromMadras to Metdid not exist tapollium(at the foot of the Nilgiris) priorto 1873. This "English" landscape was composed of the Palladian country house and its enclosed parklandof sweeping lawns. A Tennyson Dictionary. Text and Metaphor in the Representation of Landscape. Machines as the Measure of Men: Science. Following White 13. E. See Mitchell (1972) for a listof ninty-six and more recently hillstationsbuiltby the British by Indians. the mechanism withoutwhich discourse cannot do itswork or achieve its end. 4. See Cohn (1983) and Metcalfe (1989) for a discussion of these two stylesand the deliberations over the appropriateness of one or the other of these "culturalconstructions"as a reflectionof the new colonial order in India.E. 18. and these rendered the cityas a "medicalisable object. others are contestatory. As argued by Cosgrove (1985). 8. 1988. Following Said (1993:221). Oxford:Oxford University Press. For consistency. Technology. Kota. tongas and bullock carts broughtpeople and goods the remainingthirty miles fromMettapolliumto Ootacamund. . Ithaca: Cornell Press. Observation on the Neilgherries: Including an Account of their Topography. I assume that while some discourses are hegemonic. J. of this reviewersfortheircomments on earlierdrafts paper and the UW-M Cartographic Lab for cartographic assistance. and the of a dominatingmetropolitan attitudes center ruling a distantterritory.The Todas were the only non-agriculturalpeople. Priorto trainservice.the theory. 16. see Sharma (1986). Bayly. Udagamandalam is currently the official name for the settlement. and this paper uses it in that sense. and Americans in Southeast Asia also constructedsettlementsakin to hillstations.75.130 on Wed. Aiken. Although I do not wish to overstate the congruence between European and British in terms of policies and/or adaptations to lifein the tropics. Original letters. The New Cambridge Historyof India: Indian Society and the Making of the Brit- This content downloaded from 200. This portion of the journey alone required eight to ten hours. of course. 233 #1. WritingWorlds: Discourse. 7. 14. See Dutt and Geib (1987) for maps of Britishcontrolledterritory and the Native States in 1857 and priorto independence in 1947.712 Kenny (1978:2). R. M. a well-managed country house and its lands represented a selfsufficient world. of the resiAlthoughthe majority dents continue to use the hill tribe name." 6. Ampthill. Imperial Belvederes: The Hill Stationsof Malaya. colonialism "which is almost always a consequence of imperialism. ". 1902. have value in themselves. References Adas. Calcutta: BaptistMissionaryPress. T. 5. and Kurumbas. A. which assumes that discourses are incommensurable or indisputable from the outside. Anglo-Indianas applied to British dia is historically accurate in this paper. Lord. Her extensive discussion distinguishes stations by age and eight categories of size and function.C. Notes 1. Badagas. and the Effectsof the Climate on the European Constitution.

Ootacamund Municipal Council. Frances. JanMohamed. of the Raj. Cambridge University Centre for South Asian Studies.. New York: Pantheon Books. Eden. Kotagiri-the Sanitariaof the East. London: Century Publishing. at Home and Abroad. RepresentingAuthority India. pp.The British HillStationin India ish Empire. GovernmentOrders. 1988. R. Ooty Preserved: A Victorian Hill Station in India. Unpublished Ph. 1884. 1993. DeWend Papers. Lord Pentland G. 1911. in Victorian Cohn.1880-1930. Brown and Company.S.: A Memoir.130 on Wed. Social Formationand Symbolic Landscapes. pp.19. 1989. versity Moore. Cosgrove. London: JohnMurray. Madras: Higginbothams. King. Social Power and Environment. Guardians of Edenic Sanctuaries: Mind. C. "Down HillAll the Way?" 1989. Foucault. Kanwar. 1991. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Nilgiri Guide and Directory. ArchiDavies. 1991. Coonoor. Ley. England's Mission: The Imperial Idea in the Age of Gladstone and Disraeli. 1972. Goa and the Blue Mountains: Or. Health Resorts for TropicalInvalids in India. Up the Country: LettersfromIndia. Envi.P. The Indian Hill Station: Kodaikanal. 1866-1914.A. Duncan and D. . Oldenburg. Inden.J. 165-210. NationalJournal of Indian Geography 37(1-2):108-117. London: Virago Press. The Making of Colonial Lucknow. 1829. London: J. Manuscript Collection.. 4 Dec 2013 12:39:42 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . India Today. Six Months of Sick Leave. Aftermath 1870. 1983.A. 1990. eds. 1990. New Jersey:Barnes and Noble. Chicago: Uniof Chicago. E. Madras: SPCK Press. 1994. 1983. V. 1967. Hobsbawm and T. Madras: Higgenbotham. Atlas of South Asia. 1985. 1990. 18681880. India Office Library and Records.C. Princeton: PrincetonUniversity Press. 1973. ImperialSimla: The PoliticalCulture Press. 713 Hutchins. Eldridge. G. W.Lepchas. Ranger. Department of Geography. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. J. Panter-Downes. N. 1964. The Economy of Manichean Allegory:The Function of Racial Differencesin and DifColonialistLiterature. B. 1967. BritishPolicy in India. Colonial Urban Development: Culture. 1972. In Place/Culture/Representation. Burton. Bhabha. 1912. Pentland. and Western.J. Paharis. Madness and Civilization.J. Parry. 1894. TravelDiary. 1856-1877. London: Richard Bentley. 1660-1947. Gates. Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress. An Imperial Vision: Indian Architectureand Britain's of CaliRaj. London: Penguin Press. London: The RightBook Club. an ImperialHillStation: Kenny. Frenkel. Pretextor Prophylaxis?RacialSegregationand MalarialMosquitoes in a British TropicalColony: Sierra Leone. Selected Subaltern Studies. Madras Mail (Madras).B. Department of Geography. London: Penguin. The Illusion of Permanence: BritishImperialismin India. and Todas in the British South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 14:5778. Forbes. ed. C. Constructing in OotaThe Representationof British Authority camund. M.June. 39-56. Girouard. J. JohnSinclair. London: Routledge. S. The RightHon. Syracuse University. 1965. R. P.New York: Vintage Books. London. 1851. Splendours of the Raj: British tecturein India. Eagan.Sir R. Annals of the Association of American Geographers 78:211-228. of Revolt: India 1857Metcalf. Oxford: Blackwell.ed. 1976.D. Miss..I. 1858-1905. J. The Call of NilgiriInformation the Nilgiris: Qotacamund. London: Penguin. Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews & Other Writings. Press. Totowa. R. Churchill.Cambridge UniPilkington. Lady. 1985. T. .S. In The Invention of Tradition. 1912. M.S.75.London: Routledge.pp. E. Dutt. 6377. H. A. TamilNadu Archives. Princeton:PrincetonUniversity Press. London: Methuen and Co. Heaven's Command: An Imperial Progress. 1985. 1986. Berkeley:University forniaPress. Denis. In "Race. Cambridge: Cambridge University Governmentof Madras. Delusions and Discoveries: Studies on India in the BritishImagination. Gordon. H. 1984. 1967. Life in the English Country House. 1980. C. 1911. 1973. Research Papers No. Duncan. Site(s) of Representation:Place. ed. J. and Spivak. J. Tamil Nadu.London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. ImaginingIndia. S. Delhi: Oxford University Kennedy. Bureau (NIB).' Writing ference. and Geib. This content downloaded from 200. Morris. M. Guha. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. The Day the Universe Changed. Guide to the Nilgiris. Boston: Little. 141. pp. 1928. 1987. Dissertation. Madras.C. DeWend. Higgenbothams. India of the Princes. Council Records. 1988. Udagamandalam. 78-106. S. D. 1881. "Discovery" of the Hills: British ronmentalPerceptionsand the Indian HillStation of Ootacamund. 1939. M. ed. Gopal. The Location of Culture. 1978. New York: Oxford University Press. Capt. Boulder: Westview Press. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Mitchell. Burke. A. Time and the Discourse of the Other.

Ootacamund: A History.19. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. The Nabobs: A Study of the Social Kenny. ManuscriptCollection. Class. Said. White.serves as the case study forevaluatingthis landscape type. EnglishCultureand the Decline of the Industrial Spirit 1850-1980.130 on Wed. Colonialism's Culture:Anthropology. India. 1948. L. pp. G. Chicago: of Chicago Press. 262-280. Accepted 3/95." Writing and Difference. Ootacamund. Wisconsin. thereby. Culture and Imperialism. Climate.European Manuscripts Collection: MSS European D.colonial settlementplanning. 1985. Ootacamund: Through Passing Time. or What Mr. Spencer. Annals of the Association of American Geographers 85(4):694-714. 1994. Spivak. ed. Three Women's Textsand a Critique of Imperialism. pp. London: Tavistock Publications. University Thomas.. 138-162. the summer capital of the Madras presidency in southernIndia. was elaborated on by the greaterprestigeof an imperialpeople. 1963. London. Wenlock. Madras). U. Baltimore: JohnsHopkins Press. 1891.Judith T. University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee. N. Gates. New Delhi: Indus Publishing Company.Madras: Government PublishingPress. London: Thames and Hudson. 18771914. W. 1988. Simla: Then and Now. A Concise Historyof India. V. Milwaukee. In "Race. Gates.Ootacamund.f"Writing and Difference. .New York: Vintage Books. This paper examines the hillstationas a landscape type tied to nineteenth-century discourses of imperialism and climate. Pratt. Price. Sankaran. Traveland Government. Submitted4/94.Primary attentionis given to the high imperialage from1870 to 1914 when constructionactivity was greatest. H. 4 Dec 2013 12:39:42 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . India Office Library and Records.Both discourses serve as evidence of a beliefin racialdifference and. Summer Capital of the Raj.and Thomas.M. Across a Centuryand Half.714 Kenny Life of the Englishin EighteenthCentury India. imperialdiscourse. London: Curzon Press. H. 1981. London. Geographical Review 38:637-651. J. 1993. The Country and the City. Lord. India Office Library and Records. Spear. Williams. 1995. Barrow Saw in the Land of the Bushmen. 53201. however. the standards used in colonial settlement planningare framed in these discourses of privilegeand difference. 1966. Orientalism. Nostalgia for home is quite naturalamong expatriates. Princeton:PrincePress. 1979. ed.London: The HogarthPress. KeyWords: climate. Pubby. R. Revised 12/94. 1909. 1986. This content downloaded from 200. South of India Observer (Ootacamund) (SIO). The HillStations and Summer Resortsof the Orient. Ootacamund: Municipal Council. F. 592-3rd Baron Wenlock (Gov. Abstract. Because the hill station was seen as a resource to be protected for use by the British ruler. the imperialhillstationreflectedand reinforced a framework of meaningthatinfluenced European views of the non-western world in general.hillstation. Dr. P. E.75. Women's Work.The Englishcountryliferecreated in the hillstationsof India.(pamphlet) Ootacamund MunicipalityCentenary Souvenir. and ImperialAuthority: The Symbolic Landscape of the British Hill Station in India. M. 1978. versityCentre for South Asian Studies. June 24. Race. H. Correspondence: Department of Geography. New York: Vintage Books. K. C. 1973. 1981. ton University Watson. Sharma. In "Race. 1986. Chicago: Universityof Chicago Press. race. Weiner. Scratches on the Face of the Country. Sir F. Tropicsof Discourse: Essays in CulturalCriticism. and the Urban Household. Letter.