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I.

II.
Reforming the Nation and its Institutions
The Rise of Evangelicalism and Reform
A. The Second Great Awakening: The Frontier Phase
B. The Second Great Awakening in the North
Charles G. Finney
C. From Revivalism to reform
1) Temperance Movement
American Temperance Society in Boston (1826)
Neal S. Dow and the temperance movement (1851)
2) Education Reform
Tax-supported schools
Horace Mann and Massachusetts
3) Asylum and Prison Reform
4) Campaign for Women's Rights
"cult of domesticity"
National Woman Suffrage Association, Stanton and Anthony
Lucy Stoners and Bloomers
Seneca Falls Convention (1848)
Religious Movements
A. Deism and Unitarianism
B. Transcendentalism
1) Ralph Waldo Emerson - "The American Scholar"
2)- Henry David Thoreau- On the Duty of Civil Disobedience
C. Social and Economic Utopias
1) Robert Owen and New Harmony
2) Brook Farm
D. Religious Communitarianism and Radicalism
1) The Shakers
2) The Oneida Perfectionists
E. The Mormons
1) Joseph Smith- Burned Over District, New York
2) Brigham Young- Illinois to Utah
3) 1896- Utah enters the union
EducationalReform and Expansion 20&
School Days Schoolteaching in the early
nineteenth century was a poorly paid occupa-
tion that was often pursued by single men who
were not very well educated themselves. This
drawing depicts fohn Pounds (1766-1839),
who taught school and supplemented his
income by mending shoes.
the,(, }"lY group was the University of Virginia ( alists in 1837 when it opened its doors to we ( as
fou::..::d.ed in 1 Rl ~ hv T h o m ~ ~ l,::.ff,::.rcnn urhn ,.lc>.n. T T ~ l l ~ --- '"'- - .
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Cbfl!J!er 15 Ibe Ferment of Reform and Culture, 1790-1860
2. Dorothea Dix Succors the Insane ( 184 3)
In 1840 there were only eight insane asylums in the twenty-six states. Tbe ove7J1ow,
regarded as perverse, were imprisoned or chained in poorhouses, jails, and houses
of correction. Schoolteacher Dorothea Dix-a frail, soft-spoken spinster from New
England who lived to be eighty-five despite incipient single-
handedly wrought a revolution. Filled with infinite compassion for these outcasts,
she journeyed thousands of wearisome miles to investigate conditions and to appeal
to state legislatures. Despite the powerful prejudice against women who were outspo-
ken in public, she succeeded in securing modern facilities with trained attendants.
Her horrifying report to the Massachusetts legislature is a classic. In the following ex-
cerpt, where does she lay the blame for the existing conditions?
[ must confine myself to few examples, but am ready to furnish other and more
complete details, if required. If my pictures are displeasing, coarse, and severe, my
subjects, it must berecollected, offer no tranquil, refined, or composing features. The
condition of human beings, reduced to the extremest states of degradation and mis-
ery, cannot be exhibited in softened language, or adorn a polished page.
I proceed, gentlemen, briefly to call your attention to the present state of insane
persons confined within this Commonwealth, in cages, closets, cellars, stalls, pens!
Chained, naked, beaten with rods, and lashed into obedience!
As I state cold, severe facts, I feel obliged to refer to persons, and definitely to
indicate localities. But it is upon my subject, not upon localities or individuals, I de-
sire to fix attention. And I would speak as kindly as possible of all wardens, keep-
ers, and other responsible officers, believing that most of these have erred not
through hardness of heart and willful cruelty so much as want of skill and knowl-
edge, and want of consideration.
Familiarity with suffering, it is said, blunts the sensibilities, and where neglect
once finds a footing, other injuries are multiplied. This is not all, for it may justly and
strongly be added that, from the deficiency of adequate means to meet the wants of
these cases, it has been an absolute impossibility to do justice to thiS matter. Prisons
are noi: constructed in view of being converted into county hospitals, and
almshouses are not founded as receptacles for the insane. And yet, in the face of jusc
tice and common sense, wardens are by law compelled to receive, and the masters
of almshouses not to refuse, insane and idiotic subjects in all stages of mental dis-
ease and privation.
It is the Commonwealth, not its integral parts, that is accountable for most of the
abuses which have lately [existed) and do still exist. I repeat it, it is defective legisla-
tion which perpetuates and multiplie.s these abuses ....
Danvers. November. Visited the almshouse. A large building, much out of repair.
Understand a new one is in contemplation. Here are fifty-six to sixty inmates, one
idiotic, three insane, one of the latter in close confinement at all times.
Long before reaching the house, wild shouts, snatches of rude songs, impreca-
tions and obscene language, fell upon the ear, proceeding from the occupant of a
low building, rather remote from the principal building to which my course was di-
'Old South Leaflets (1904), vaL 6, pp. 490-491, 493-494, 513, 518-519.
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B. Social and Humanitarian Reformers 321
rectecl Found the mistress, and was conducted to the place which was called "the
home" of the forlorn maniac, a young woman, exhibiting a condition of neglect and
misery blotting out the faintest idea of comfort, and outraging every sentiment of
decency. She had been, I learned, "a respectable person, industrious and worthy.
Disappointments and trials shook her mind, and, finally, laid prostrate reason and
self-control. She became a maniac for life. She had been at Worcester Hospital for a
considerable time, and had been returned as incurable." The mistress told me she
understood that, "while there, she was comfortable and decent."
Alas, what a change was here exhibited! She had passed from one degree of vi-
olence to another, in swift progress. There she stood, clinging to or beating upon the
bars of her caged apartment, the contracted size of which afforded space only for
increasing accumulations of filth, a foul spectacle. There she stood with naked arms
and disheveled hair, the unwashed frame invested with fragments of unclean gar-
ments, the air so extremely offensive though ventilation was. afforded on all sides
save one, that it was not possible to remain beyond a few moments without retreat-
ing for recovery to the outward air. Irritation of body, produced by utter filth and ex-
posure, incited her to the horrid process of tearing off her skin by inches. Her face,
neck, and person were thus disfigured to hideousness.- She held up a fragment just
rent off. To my exclamation of horror, the mistress replied: "Oh, we can't help it. Half
the skin is off sometimes. We can do nothing with her; and it makes no difference
what she eats, for she consumes her own filth as readily as the food which is
brought her." ...
The conviction is coqtinually deepened that hospitals are the only places where
insane persons can be at once humanely and properly controlled. Poorhouses con-
verted into madhouses cease to effect the purposes for which they were estab-
lished,- and instead of being asylums for the aged, the homeless, and the friendless,
and places of refuge for orphaned or neglected childhood, are transformed into per-
petual bedlams ....
Injustice is also done to the convicts: It is certainly very wrong that they should
be doomed day after day and night after night to listen to the ravings of madmen
and madwomen. This is a kind of punishment that is not recognized by our statutes,
and is what the criminal ought not to be called upon to undergo. The confinement
of the criminal and of the insane in the same building is subversive of the good
order and discipline which should be observed in every well-regulated prison ....
Gentlemen, I commit to you this sacred cause. Your action upon this subject will
affect the present and future condition of hundreds and of thousands.
3. T. S. Arthur's Ten Nights in a Barroom ( 18'54)
T. S. Arthur, an ill-educated New Yorker, became the moralistic author of seventy
books and countless articles. His lurid Ten Nights in a Barroom was the Uncle Tom's
Cabin of the temperance crusade, and second only to Uncle Tom's Cabin as the best-
seller of the 1850s. Endorsed by the clergy, it was put on the stage for an incredible
run. Although the author was a foe of saloons, he was not a teetotaler, and be con-
sistently advocated temperance by education rather than prohibition by legislation.
'IT. S. Arthur, Ten Nights in a Barroom, "Night the Sixth" (Boston: L. P. Crown, 1854).
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Chapter 15 Tbe Ferment of Reform and Culture, I 790-1860
In his famous novel, Simon Slade:s- tavern ("Sickle and Sheaf') is portrayed as the
ruination of quiet Cedarville. After numerous heart-tugging tragedies, the climax
comes when the drunken tavern owner is murdered with a brandy bottle by his
drunken son. Earlier in the book, the followng conversation takes place. Enumerate
and assess the arguments on both sides, and evqluate this interchange as propa-
ganda in the battle against the bottle.
The man, who had until now been sitting quiedy in a chair, started up, exclaim-
ing as he did so-
"Merciful heavens! I never dreamed of thisl Whose sons are safe?"
"No man's," was the answer of the gentleman in whose office we were sitting;
"no man's-while there are such open doors to ruin as you may find at the 'Sickle
and Sheaf.' Did not you vote the anti-temperance ticket at the last election?"
"I did," was the answer, "and from principle."
"On what were your principles based?" was inquired.
"On the broad foundations of civil liberty." .
"The liberty to do good or evil, just as the individual may choose?"
"I would not like to say that. There are certain evils against which there can be
no legislation that would not do harm. No civil power in this country has the right
to say what a citizen shall eat or drink."
"But may not the people, in any community, pass laws, through their delegated
lawmakers, restraining evil-minded persons from injuring the common good?"
"Oh, certainly-certainly."
"And are you prepared to affirm that a drinking shop,.where young men are
corrupted-ay, destroyed, body and soul-does not work an injury to the common
good?"
"Ah! but there must be houses of public entertainment."
"No one denies this. But C:an that be a really Christian community which pro-
vides for the moral debasement of strangers, at the same time that it entertains them?
Is it necessary that, in giving rest and entertainment to the traveler, we also lead him
into temptation?"
"Yes-but-but-it is going too far to legislate on what we are to eat and drink.
It is opening too wide a door for fanatical oppression. We must inculcate temper-
ance as a right principle. We must teach our children the evils of intemperance, and
send them out into the v.;orld as practical teachers of order, virtue, and sobriety. If
we do this, the reform becomes radical, and in a few years there will be no bar-
rooms, for none will crave the fiery poison.
"Of little value, my friend, will be, in far too many cases, your precepts, if temp-
tation invites our sons at almost every step of their way through life. Thousands
have fallen, and thousands are now tottering, soon to fall. Your sons are not safe,
nor are mine. We cannot tell the day nor the hour when they may weakly yield to
the solicitation of some companion, and enter the wide-open door of ruin .... Sir!
while you hold back from the work of staying the flood that is desolating our fairest
homes, the black waters are approaching your Oy.'n doors."
There was a startling emphasis in the tones with which this last sentence was
uttered, and I did not wonder at the look of anxious alarm that it called to the face
of him whose fears it was meant to excite.
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B. Social and Humanitarian Reforrrum;
"What do you mean, sir?" was inquil:ed.
"Simply, that your sons are in equal danger with others."
"And is that all?"
"They have been seen of late in the barroom of the 'Sickle and Sheaf."'
"Who says so?"
"Twice within a week I have seen them going in there," was answered.
"Good heavens!' Nol"
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"It is true, my friend. But who is safe? If we dig pits and conceal them from
view, what marvel if our own children fall therein?"
"My sons going to a tavern!" The man seemed utterly confounded. "How can I
believe it? You must be in error, sir."
"No. What l tell you is the simple truth."
4. Dr. William Morton Administers Ether ( 1846)
After renowned English writer Sydney Smith sneered in 1820, "What does the world
yet owe to American physicians and surgeons?" be finally got his answer in a dra-
matic form. Whiskey, opium, and mesmerism having failed as anesthetics, Dr. Craw-
ford Long of Georgia performed the first known surgical operation with ether in
1842, when be removed a tumor from the back of a patient's neck. Unfortunately for
his fame, his exploits were not publicized until 1849. Meanwhile Dr. William T. G.
Morton, a Boston dentist working with Professor Charles T. jackson of Harvard, in-
dependently experimented on patients seeking extractions. In 1846 be performed the
"mir(Jcle" here described-the first public feat of its kind. Dr. Morton :s- health ulti-
mately broke down, and be died in poverty wbife trying to monopolize his discovery.
In this latter-day account, what is remarkable about the skepticism shown?
Meanwhile, within, all necessary preparations for the operation had been made.
The patient selected for the trial was Gilbert Abbott, who was suffering from a con-
genital but superficial vascular tumor just below the jaw on the left side of the neck.
The announcement that the operation was to furnish a test of some preparation for
which the astounding claim had been made that it would render the person treated
with it temporarily incapable of feel.ing pain, had attracted a large number of med-
ical men to the theater. It was inevitable that nearly all of those present should be
skeptical as to the result. As the minutes slipped by without any sign of Dr. Morton,
the incredulous gave vent to their suspicions concerning hil:n and his discovery.
"As Dr. Morton has not yet arrived," said Dr. Warren, after waiting fifteen min-
utes, "I presume that he is otherwise engaged."
The response was a derisive laugh, clearly implying the belief that Dr. Morton
was staying away because he was afraid to submit his discovery to a critical test.
Dr. Warren grasped the knife. At that critical moment Dr. Morton entered. No
outburst of applause, no smiles of encouragement, greeted him. Doubt and suspi-
cion were depicted on the faces of those who looked down upon him from the tiers
4
E. L. Snell, "Dr. Morton's Discovery of Anesthesia," Century Olustrated Monthly Magazine 48 (1894):
589-591.
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I
I.
II.
The Slavery Controversy
Slavery and the Southern Economy
A. Economic adjustment in the Upper South
Virginia, Maryland, and Kentucky
Would they remain loyal to the North or South?
B. The Rise of the Cotton Kingdom in the Deep South
1. Eli Whitney's cotton gin
'2. Deep South depends on one-crop economy
3. Small farmers v Plantation owners
4. 75% of World's cotton production
5. Economy discourages immigration
C. Slavery and Industrialization
Resented dependence on the North, but agriculture was to
profitable (at least for plantation owners)
The Slaveholding Society
A. Plantation owners dominate politics (those who owned more than 20
slaves)
B. Paternalism?
C. Slave-owners with fewer than 20 slaves provided the worst conditions
resented large planters
most fervent supporters of slavery - to maintain their superiority
D. Defending slavery
Comparison to "northern wage slaves"
Gag Resolution (1836)
III. The Black Experience Under Slavery
A. Forms of Slave Resistance
Gabriel Prosser (1800), Denmark Vesey (1822), and Nat Turner
( 1831) rebellions
Work slow downs and equipment sabotage
Feigning illness or pregnancy
B. The Struggles of Free Blacks
Legal restrictions in the South
Tags identifying slaves and free blacks
Free Blacks in the North demand freedom and equality
C. The Slave Family
Separation of families
End of importation of slaves (1808)- impact on reproduction

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GREAT DEBATES IN AMERICAN HISTORY
GREAT DEBATE (1830-1860): Slavery: Is slavery an intolerable institution?
. Yes:. Antislavery forces: abolitionists, led by
Garnson, Weld, and the Grimke sisters Free
Soil and Republican politicians, led by'
Lincoln, Seward, and Sumner.
No: Proslavery forces: white southems; led
by Calhoun, Davis, and Butler; northern
moderates, led by Webster, Douglas, and
Buchanan.
ISSUE #1: Is slavery a violation of fundamental moral and religious principles?
Yes: Antislavery leader Angelina Grimke:
"The great fundamental principle of
abolitionists is, that man carmot rightfully hold
his fellow man.a.S property .... It matters not
what motive he may give for such a monstrous
violation of the laws of God. The claim to
as property is an annihilation of his right to
himself, which is the foundation upon which
all his other rights are built. It is high-handed
robbery of Jehovah; for he has declared, 'All
souls are mine.' "
No: Proslavery Senator Andrew Butler of
South Carolina: "lt:tequalit}r seems to .
characterize the admiQistration of the
providence of God . .I will not undertake to
invade that sanctuary, b.tJt I will say the
abolitionists cannot make those equal whom.
God has made unequal, in human estimation.
He has inade the blacks to the
whttes, human history ... has pronounced its.
uniform judgment."
ISSUE #2: Is slavery incompatible with the most fundamental American principles?
Yes: Antislavery leader Abraham Lincoln:
"There is no reason in the world why the negro
is not entitled to all the mitural rights
enumerated in the DeClaration of ..
right to life; liberty, and
the pursuit of happiness. I hold that he is as
much entitled to these as the white man. I
agree with Judge Douglas that he is not my
equal in many respects .... But in tile to
eat the bread, without the leave of anybody
else, which his own hand earns, he is my equal
and the equal of Judge Douglas, and the equal
of every living man,"
No: Proslavery Senator Stephen A. Douglas:
"At the time the Constitution Was .framed'thete
were thirteen states in the Union, twelve of
which were slaveholding states and one a free
state .. ; .For one, I am opposed to negro
citizenship in any and every form. I believe
this government was made o.n
I believe it Was made by white men
benefit of white men and their pqsterity
forever, and I am in favor of confining
citizenship to white .men .... instead of . ,
conferring it upon negroes, Indians, arid other
inferior ra<;es .... " .
ISSUE #3: Would the attempted abolition of slavery threaten the foundatioQ.s of the Unioq?
I ' ' I '
No: Antislavery leader William Seward:
"Hitherto the two systems have existed in
different states, but side by side within the
American Union. This has happened because
the Union is a confederation of states. But in
another aspect the United States constitute
only one nation .... It is an ittepressible conflict
between opposing and enduring forces, and it
means that the United States must and will,
sooner or later, become either entirely a
slaveholding nation or entirely a free-labor
nation .... Our forefathers knew it to be true,
and unanimously acted upon it when they
framed the constitution of the United States."
Yes: Proslavery Senator Alfred Iversen of
Georgia: "Sir, I believe that the time will come
when theslave stafus wiflbe iri< ,
vindication of their rights, interests, and honor,
to separate front the free states anderect an
independent confederacy .... At all events, I am
satisfied that one of two things is inevitable,
either that the slave states must surrender their
peculiar institutions or separate from the
North. ... No union ot no slavery will sooner or
later be forced upon the choice of the southern
people."
.
.!"\
ISSUE #4.: Should slavery be allowed to e]!:pand into the territories if the people of those territories want
it?
No: Antislavery leader Abraham Lincoln: "I
believe we shall not have peace upon the
question until the opponents of slavery arrest
the further spread of it and place it where the
public mind shall rest in the.beliefthat it is in
the course of ultimate extinction .... Now I
believe if we could arrest the spread, and place
it where Washington and Jefferson and
Madison placed it, it would be in the course of
ultimate extinction and the public mind would,
as for eighty years past, believe that it was in
the course of ultimate extinction .... The crisis
would be past and the institution be let
alone for a hundred years=-'if it should live so
long-in the states where it exists, yet it would
be going out of existence in the way .best for
both ,the black aJ;J.d .the white nts."
Yes: Proslavery Senator Stephen A. Douglas:
"Whenever it becomes necessary, in our
growth and .progress, to acquire more territory,
I am in favor of it, without reference to the
question of slavery, and, when we have
acquired it, I will leave the people free to do as
they please, to make it slave or free
territory, as they prefer .... If they prohibit
slavery, it shall be prohibited. They can f()rm
their institutions to piease themsdves, subject
only to the Constitution; and I, for one, stand
ready to receive them into the Union."
REFERENCES: Don R Fd;rrenbacher, Prelude to Greatness: Lincoln in the 1850s (1962); J. Jeffrey,Auer,
ed., and.Disun.ion,.J858-:18.61: Studies in the Rhetoric of Compromise and Conflict (1963).
Rise of Abolitionism
I. Early Abolitionism
A. The American Colonization Society ( 1817)
B. Liberia (1822)
C. Decline of the "Back to Africa" movement
II. Rise of Abolitionist publications
III.
A. Theodore Weld- American Slavery As It Is ( 1839)
B. William Lloyd Garrison- Liberator
"I am in earnest- I will not equivocate -I will not excuse -I
will not retreat a single inch- and I WILL BE HEARD!"
Garrison on his position against slavery.
C. Reverend Elijah P. Lovejoy- printing press destroyed four times and he
becomes the martyr for abolitionists (Illinois, 183 7)
D. Frederick Douglass- Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass ( 1845)
"No one dreamed of reproaching the woman or finding fault
with the hired man, Bill Smith, the father of the children, for Mr.
Covey himself had locked the two up together every night, thus
inviting the result." Douglass writing about a single female slave
purchased as a breeder who gave birth to twins.
The rise of political parties addressing the slavery issue
A. Liberty party (1840)
B. Free-soil party (1848)
C. Republican party (1854)
IV. Important women in the abolitionist movement
A. Grirnke sisters
B. Sojourner Truth
C. Harriet Beecher Stowe- Uncle Tom's Cabin (1852)
D. Harriet Tubman- Underground Railroad
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CHARACTER SKETCHE.S
Theodore DwightWeld (1803-1895)
Weld was the leader of the abolitionist "Lane rebels," the West's most influential antislavery preacher,
and the author of American Slavery As It Is, the most important abolitionist propaganda book besides
Uncle Tom 's Cabin.
He was converted by Charles Finney and joined Finney's "holy band" of young men who wanted to
"convert the world." Weld's first causes were temperance and manual labor, but the English abolitionist
Charles Stuart converted hino, to antislavery.
He and his fellow antislavery Lan:e Seminary students worked in the poverty-stricken black
community of "Little Africa" in Cincinnati. After he led the "Lane rebels" out of the seminary, he
traveled and lectured constantly on behalf of the antislavery cause.
In 1838:he martied Angelina:Grimke; who with her sisterSatah had left South Carolina to become
a prominent abolitionist. Angelina helped Weld write American S/a.veiyAs It Is;. but they both eventually
"retired" from active crusading to raise their family and organize a school in New Jersey.
Quote: "Slavery, with its robbing ofbody and soul from birth to death, its exactions of toil
unrecompensed, its sunderings from kindred, its frantic orgies of lust, its intellect with dust, its
baptisms of blood, and its legacy of damning horrors to the eternity of the spirit.;-slaVezy in this land of.
liberty, and light, and revivals ofmillenial glory-its days are numbered and well-n:igh ... The
. nation is shaking off its slumbers to sleep .no more." { f934}'
REFERENCE: Robert Abzug;,Pizssionate Liberator: Theodore Dwight Weld i:md the Dilemma ofReform
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William- Lloy;d:Garrison
_;,.-
Oarri.son was the most famous American abolitionist,. an advocate of '!nonresistance," and editor of The
Liberator..,
His father:, a Canadian' sea <:;aptain who drank heavily, deserted: thp family: when: Garrison was a
child. Garrison received little education and practiced a number of trades. before :becoming a printer in , ..
Maryland.
'He fir.st crusaded fornationaHsm and temperance, then for moderate'abolitioU;.hef:ore being
converted to radical; abolition. Beside& atta;cking slav:ery; The Liberator promoted many:other causes;
including peace, women's rights, temperance; and abolition of capital.ptinisbment ... ,
Garrison eventually denounced the northern churches and the Constitution for their "compromises"
with slavery. He was often by ant.iabolitionist mobs; and several southern states offered
rewards for his arrest Despite his pacifism, he supported the Civil War as a means to end slavery.
Quote: "I am earnest-! willnot equivocate-! will not excuse:_i Wiil not single I
will be heard., (The Liberator, 1831)
REFERENCE: Henry Mayer, All on. Fire:_ WilUam Lloyd Garrison and .the of Slavery (2000).
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Frederick Douglass (181.7-1895)
Douglass was a former slave who became the leading pre-Civil black abolitionist and the most
influential African-American of the nineteenth century.
Douglass's original name was Fn:xlerick Bailey. His father was white arid his mother a black slave
from whom he was separated at an early age .. His .first escape attempt failed, and he landed in jail. He was
trained as a ship caulker in Baltitnore and escaped to New York in 1838by disguising himself a8 a sailor ..
He moved to Boston, changed his name to Douglass to avoid capture, and as a conunon
laborer for three years. After a speech before an antislavery meeting, he became an abolitionist agent. He
eventually split with Garrison and formed his own paper, The North Star. After the Civil War he was
prominent in Republican politics and served in various federal positions, such as minister to Haiti from
1889 to 1891.
Quote: "I have been frequently asked how I felt when I found in a free state .... It was a moment of
the highest I ever experiertced .... This state of mind, however, very soon subsided; and I was.
again seized with a feeling of great insecurity artd loneliness. i was yet liable to be taken back, and
sub'jec.ted to all the tortures.ofSlavery .. This. in itselfwas enough to damp the.ardor of my enthusiasm."
(Narrative of the Life ofFtederickDouglass,-1845) '
REFERENCE: William McFeely, FrederiCk Douglass (1990).
Martin Delany {1812-1885)
Delany was the pioneering black nationalist andauthor who advocated that African-Americans leave the
United States.
He was boma free. man inNirginia:. His grandfather was said to have been anAfrican chief who
was captured and sold to America, and traditions and memories of Africa remained alive in Delany's
family.
Delany moved to Pennsylvania, became involved in the black convention movement, and started a
black newspaper. For a time he worked with Garrison and Douglass but despaired ofabolitionism after
the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 and began working t<l encourage blacks to leave America.
In 1856 he moved to a fugitive-slave community in Canada. Before his exploratory trip to Africa ih
1859-1860, Delany conununicated with African-Americans in Liberia. Upon his return to the United
States, he served in the army during the CivH War. He later became involved in Republican politics in
South Carolina during ReconStructi<ln.
Quote: "I care but little what. white men think of what I say, write or do; my sole desireis to benefit the
colored people. This being dane. I am satisfied-,..the opinicm of every white person in the country' or the
world to the contrary notwithstanding." (Letter'to Frederick Douglass, 1852)
REFERENCE: Victor Ullman, Mar-tin R. Delany: The Beginnings ofBlackNationalism (1971).
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Renewing the
Sectional Struggle,
1848-1854
There is a higher law than the Constitution.
William H. Seward, in the Senate, 1850
Prologue: The electrifying discovery of gold in California In 1848 brought a fran-
tic inrush of population, a demand for statehood, and a showdown In Congress over
the future of slavery in the territories. The fruit of these debates was the great Com-
promise of 1850, which purchased an uneasy truce between North and South. It left
the Southerners unhappy over the gains of free soil and the Northerners unhappy
over being drafted as slave catchers under the new Fugitive Slave Act of 1850. The
short-lived truce was ruptured by the Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854, which threw
open the free soil of Kansas to possible slavery. To many Northerners, this repeal of
the time-sanctified Missouri Compromise line of 1820 seemed like bad faith on the
part of the South; to many Southerners, the open flouting of the Fugitive Slave Act,
especially after 1854, seemed like bad faith on the part of the North. With distrust
rapidly mounting on both sides, the days of the Union seemed numbered.
A. The Wilmot Proviso Issue--------.:.------------
1. David Wilmot Appeals for Free Soil ( /84 7)
While the Mexican War was still being fought, President Polk, his eye on California,
asked Congress for $2 million with which to negotiate a peace. Representative David
Wilmot of Pennsylvania proposed adding to the appropriation bill an amendment
or proviso designed to bar slavery forever from any territory to be wrested from
Mexico. Angry Soutberner:s sprang to their feet; and the so-called Wilmot Proviso,
though twice passing the House, was blocked in the Senate. But it became the cradle
of the yet unborn Republican party, and it precipitated a debate that continued
until silenced by the guns of civil war. In the following speech in Congress by Wilmot,
what does be conceive the moral issue to be? How effectively does be meet the argu-
'Congressional Globe, 29th Congress, 2d session, Appendix, p. 315 (February 8, 1847).
(_
(
ment regarding ''joint blood and treasure"? Could be properly be regarded as an
abolitionist?
But, sir, the issue now presented is not whether slavery shall exist unmolested
where it now is, but whether it shall be carried to new and distant regions, now
free, where the footprint of a slave cannot be found. This, sir, is the issue. Upon it
I take my stand, and from it I cannot be frightened or driven by idle charges of
abolitionism.
I ask not that slavery be abolished. I demand that this government preserve the
integrity of free territory against the aggressions of slavery-against its wrongful
usurpations.
Sir, I was in favor of the annexation of Texas .... The Democracy [Democratic
party] of the North, almost to a man, went for annexation. Yes, sir, here was an em-
pire larger than France given up to slavery. Shall further concessions be made by the
North? Shall we give up free territory, the inheritance of free labor? Must we yield
this also? Never, sir, never, until we ourselves are fit to be slaves ....
But, sir, we are told that the joint blood and treasure of the whole country (are]
being expended in this acquisition, therefore it should be divided, and slavery al-
lowed to take its share. Sir, the South has her share already; the instalment for slav-
ery was paid in advance. We are fighting this war for Texas and for the South, I
affirm it-every intelligent man knows it-Texas Is the primary cause of this war.
For this, sir, Northern treasure is being exhausted, and Northern blood poured upon
the plains of Mexico. We are fighting this war cheerfully, not reluctantly--cheerfully
fighting this war for Texas; and yet we seek not to change the character of her insti-
tutions. Slavery is there; there let it remain ....
Now, sir, we are told that California is ours, that New Mexico is ours-won by
the valor of our arms. They are free. Shall they remain free? Shall these fair
provinces be the inheritance and homes of the white labor of freemen or the black
labor of slaves? This, sir, is the issue-this the question. The North has the right, and
her representatives here have the power ....
But the South contend that, in their emigration to this free territory, they have
the right to take and hold slaves, the same as other property. Unless the amendment
I have offered be adopted, or other early legislation is had upon this subject, they
will do so. Indeed, they unitedly, as one man, have declared their right and purpose
so to do, and the work has already begun.
Slavery follows in the rear of our armies. Shall the war power of our govern-
ment be exerted to produce such a result? Shall this government depart from its
neutrality on this question, and lend its power and influence to plant slavery in
these territories?
There is no question of abolition here, sir. Shall the South be permitted, by ag-
gression, by invasion of the right, by subduing free territory and planting slavery
upon it, to wrest these provinces from Northern freemen, and turn them to the at-
complishment of their own sectional purposes and schemes?
This is the question. Men of the North, answer. Shall it be so? Shall we of the
North subm!t to it? If we do, we are coward slaves, and deserve to have the mana-
cles fastened upon our own limbs.
c

\..A.JU}'I.t:f .lO HJt;

.tV"TV-.tV.../7
2. Southerners Threaten Secession ( /849)
After the Mexican War officially brought rich territorial plums, the Northern anti-
slaveryites became more persistent. They introduced measures in Congress for abol-
ishing slavery in the District of Columbia and for organizing California and New
Mexico as territories without slavery-that is, on the basis of the unpassed Wilmot
Proviso. Outraged Southerners responded with cries of disunion. The following in-
cendiary outbursts all occurred on the floor of the House on December 13, 1849. Tbe
most famous speaker was bale and hearty Robert Toombs of Georgia, a brilliant ora-
tor and one of the more moderate Southern planters. (He later became secretctry of
'-........ state for the Confederacy.) Wby was the South so bitterly aroused over the question of
Stave1-:;Lin the territories?
Mr. Meade [of Virginia]-But, sir, if the organization of this House is to be fol-
lowed by the passage of these bills--if these outrages are to be committed upon my
people-! trust in God, sir, that my eyes have rested upon the last Speaker of the
House of Representatives ....
Mr. Toombs [of Georgia]-! do not, then, hesitate to avow before this House and
the country, and in the presence of the living God, that if by your legislation you
[Northerners] seek to drive us from the territories of California and New Mexico,
purchased by the common blood and treasure of the whole people, and to abolish
slavery in this District [of Columbia], thereby attempting to fix a national degradation
upon half the states of this Confederacy, I am for disunion. And if my physical
courage be equal to the maintenance of my convictions of right and duty, I will de-
vote all I am and all I have on earth to its consummation.
From 1787 to this hour, the people of the South have asked nothing but jus-
tice-nothing but the maintenance of the principles and the spirit which controlled
our fathers in the formation of the Constitution. Unless we are unworthy of our an-
cestors, we will never accept less as a condition of union. . . .
The Territories are the common property of the people of the United States,
purchased by their common blood and treasure. You [the Congress] are their com-
mon agents. It is your duty, while they are in a territorial state, to remove all imped-
iments to their free enjoyment by all sections and people of the Union, the
slaveholder and the non-slaveholder ... .
Mr. Co/cock [of South Carolina]- ... I here pledge myself that if any bill should
be passed at this Congress abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia, or incor-
porating the Wilmot Proviso in any form, I will introduce a resolution in this House
declaring, in terms, that this Union ought to be dissolved.
'Congressional Globe, 31st Congress, 1st session, part 1, pp. 26, 28, 29.
(
B. The Compromise Debates of 1850 _____________ _
('\
I. john Calhoun Demands Southern Rights ( 1850)
Two burning questions brought the sectional controversy to a furious boil in 1850.
The first was the failure of Northerners loyally to uphold both the Constitution and
the Fugitive Slave Law of 1793 regarding runaway slaves. The second was the effort
of California to win admission as a free state, thus establishing a precedent for the
rest of the Mexican Cession territory. Tbe subsequent debate over the compromise
measures of 1850 featured a galaxy of forensic giants: Henry Clay, John C. Calhoun,
Daniel Webster, Thomas H. Benton, William H. Seward, Stephen A. Douglas, Jeffer-
son Davis, and many others. Highly revealing was the following swan-song speech of
Senator Calhoun. On the verge of death from tuberculosis, be authorized a colleague
to read it for him. Wbat were his views on the Constitution, the Union, and secession?
How successfully did be place the onus of insincerity and aggression on the North?
How practicable were his remedies for preserving the Union?
. .. How can the Union be saved? To this I answer, there is but one way by
which it can be, and that is by adopting such measures as will satisfy the states be-
longing to the Southern section that they can remain in the Union consistently with
their honor and their safety. There is, again, only one way by which this can be ef-
fected, and that is by removing the causes by which this belief (that the South can-
not honorably and safely remain in the Union] has been produced. Do that and
discontent will cease, harmony and kind feelings between the sections be restored,
and every apprehension of danger to the Union removed. The question, then, is, By
what can this be done? But, before I undertake to answer this question, I propose to
show by what the Union cannot be saved.
It cannot, then, be saved by eulogies on the Union, however splendid or nu-
merous. The cry of "Union, Union, the glorious Union!" can no more prevent dis-
union than the cry of "Health, health, glorious health!" on the part of the physician
can save a patient lying dangerously ill. So long as the Union, instead of being re-
garded as a protector, is regarded in the opposite character by not much less than a
majority of the states, it will be in vain to attempt to conciliate them by pronouncing
eulogies on it.
Besides, this cry of Union comes commonly from those whom we cannot be-
lieve to be sincere. It usually comes from our assailants. But we cannot believe them
to be sincere; for, if they loved the Union, they would necessarily be devoted to the
Constitution. It made the Union, and to destroy the Constitution would be to destroy
the Union. But the only reliable and certain evidence of devotion to the Constitution
is to abstain, on the one hand, from violating it; aljd to repel, on the other, all at-
tempts to violate it. It is only by faithfully performing these high duties that the Con-
stitution can be preserved, and with it the Union .. , .
'Congressional Globe, 31st Congress, 1st session (March 4, 1850) pp. 453, 455.
(''-

Having now shown what cannot save the Union, I return to the question with
which I commenced, How can the Union be saved? There is but one way by which .
it can, with any certainty; and that is by a full and final settlement, on the principle
of justice, of all the questions at issue between the two sections.
The South asks for justice, simple justice, and less she ought not to take. She has
no compromise to offer but the Constitution; and no concession or surrender to
make. She has already surrendered so much that she has little left to surrender. Such
a settlement would go to the root of the evil, and remove all cause of discontent by
satisfying the South she could remain honorably and safely in the Union, and
thereby restore the harmony and fraternal feelings between the sections which ex-
isted anterior to the Missouri [Compromise] agitation [1820]. Nothing else can, with
any certainty, finally and forever settle the questions at issue, terminate agitation,
and save the Union.
But can this be done? Yes, easily; not by the weaker party [the South], for it can
of itself do nothing-not even protect by the stronger. The North has
only to will it to accomplish it-to do justice by conceding to the South an equal
right in the acquired territory, and to do her duty by causing the stipulations relative
to fugitive slaves to be faithfully fulfilled-to cease the agitation of the slave ques-
tion, and to provide for the insertion of a provision in the Constitution, by an
amendment, which will restore to the South, in substance, the power she possessed
of protecting herself, before the equilibrium between the sections was destroyed by
the action of this government. There will be no difficulty in devising such a provi-
sion*-one that will protect the South, and which, at the same time, will improve
and strengthen the government instead of impairing and weakening it.
But will the North agree to this? It is for her to answer the question. But, I will
say, she cannot refuse if she has half the love of the Union which she professes to
have, or without justly exposing herself to the charge that her love of power and ag-
grandizement is far greater than her love of the Union.
At all events, the responsibility of saving the Union rests on the North, and not
the South. The South cannot save it by any act of hers, and the North may save it
without any sacrifice whatever, unless to do justice, and to perform her duties under
the Constitution, should be regarded by her as a sacrifice ....
If you, who represent the stronger portion, cannot agree to settle ... [the ques-
tion at issue] on the broad principle of justice and duty, say so; and let the states we
both represent agree to separate and part in peace. If you are unwilling we should
part in peace, tell us so; and we shall know what to do, when you reduce the ques-
tion to submission or resistance.
If you remain silent, you will compel us to infer by your acts what you intend.
In that case, California will become the test question. If you admit her, under all the
difficulties that oppose her admission, you compel us to infer that you intend to ex-
clude us from the whole of the acquired territories, with the intention of destroying,
irretrievably, the equilibrium between the two sections. We would be blind not to
perceive, in that case, that your real objects are power and aggrandizement, and in-
fatuated not to act accordingly.
"Calhoun evidently had in mind two presidents: one Northern, one Southern, each with crippling veto
power:
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2. Daniel Webster Urges Concessions ( 185 0)
On the anvil of congressional debate was forged the great CompromiS? of 1850. Cal-
ifornia was admitted as a free the fate of slavery in ihe rest of the Mexican Ces-
sion territory was left to the inhabitants. The major sop to the South was the
enactment of a more stringent Fugitive Slave Law. As a concession to the North, slave
trade was abolished in the District of Columbia; as a concession to the South, slavery
in the District was retained. Texas 1eceived $10 million for yielding a disputed
chunk of its territory to New Mexico.
Senator Daniel Webster's Seventh of March speech during these congressional de-
bates emphasized concession, compromise, moderation, and Union. He attacked the
abolitionists (see earlier, p. 373) and deplored the agitation over the extension of
slavery to the territories. A slave economy was geographically impossible there, he felt,
and no legislative body should reenact the law of God. Finally, he took s!Jarp issue
with Calhoun's threat of secession. How good a prophet was Webster? Which of his a'r-
guments on the impracticability of peaceful secession probably carried the most
weight in the North?
Mr. President, I wish to speak today, not as a Massachusetts man, nor as a North-
. ern man, but as an American, and a member of the Senate of the United States .. , . I
speak today for the preservation of the Union. "Hear me for my cause." ...
Mr. President, I should much prefer to have heard, from every member on this
floor, declarations of opinion that this Union should never be dissolved, than the
declaration of opinion that in any case, under the pressure of circumstances, such
a dissolution was possible. I hear with pain, and anguish, and distress, the word
secession, especially when it falls from the lips of those who are eminently patri-
otic, and known to the country, and known all over the world, for their political
services.
Secession! Peaceable secession! Sir, your eyes and mine are never destined to
see that miracle. The dismemberment of this vast country without convulsion! The
breaking up of the fountains of the great deep without ruffling the surface! Who is
so foolish-I beg everybody's pardon-as to expect to see any such thing? ...
There can be no such thing as a peaceable secession. Peaceable secession is an
utter impossibility. Is the great Constitution under which we live here-covering this
whole country-is it to be thawed and melted away by secession, as the snows on
the mountain melt under the influence of a vernal sun--disappear almost unob-
served, and die off? No, sir! No, sir! No, sir! I will not state what might produce the
disruption of the states; but, sir, I see it as plainly as I see the sun in heaven-! see
that disruption must produce-such a war as I will not describe, in its twofold
characters.
Peaceable secession! Peaceable secession! The concurrent agreement of all the
members of this great Republic to separate! A voluntary separation, with alimony on
one side and .on the other! Why, what would be the result? Where is the line to be
drawn? What states are to secede?-What is to remain American? What. am I to be?-
'Congressional Globe, 31st Congress, 1st session (March 7, 1850), pp. 276, 482-483.
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r-
LfJUj.IP;;:T J.O .t\t::"TI-t:'Wf,Tf,(5 ".It:' '-'t:'L-UVI"'-"Jo VH,..05f.C.J .Lv"'%V-.Lv ..rr
an American no longer? Where is the .of the Republic to remain? Where is the
eagle still to tower? or is he .to cower, and shrink, and fall to the ground? ...
What is to become of the army? What is to become of the navy? What is to be-
come of the public lands? How is each of the thirty states to defend itself? I know,
although the idea has not been stated distinctly, there is to be a Southern Confeder-
acy. I do not mean, when I allude to this statement, that anyone seriously contem-
plates such a state of things. I do not mean to say that it is true, but I have heard it
suggested elsewhere, that that idea has originated in a design to separate. I am
sorry, sir, that it has ever been thought of, talked of, or dreamed of, in the wildest
flights of human imagination. But the idea must be of a separation, including the
slave states upon one side and the free states on the other.
Sir, there is not-I may express myself too strongly perhaps-but some things,
some moral things, are almost as impossible as other natural or physical things. And
I holi:l the idea of a separation of these states-those that are free to form one gov-
ernment, and those that are slaveholding to form another-as a moral impossibility.
We could not separate the states by any such line, if we were to draw it. We
could not sit down here today and draw a line of separation that would satisfy any
five men in the country. There are natural causes that would keep and tie us to-
gether, and there are social and domestic relations which we could not break if we
would, and which we should not if we could ....
And now, Mr. President, instead of speaking of the possibility of utility of seces-
sion ... let our comprehension be as broad as the country for which we act, our as-
pirations as high as its certain destiny. Let us not be pigmies in a case that calls for
men.
Never did there devolve on any generation of men higher trusts than now de-
volve upon us for the preservation of this Constitution and the harmony and peace
of all who are destined to live under it. Let us make our generation one of the
strongest and brightest links in that golden chain which is destined, I fully .believe,
to grapple the people of all the states to this Constitution for ages to come.
3. Free-So/lers Denounce Webster (I 850)
The new and more merciless Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 was the keystone of the Com-
promise of 1850, and Senator Webster's eloquent support of it scandalized the aboli-
tionists. "The farYfe ofWebster ends in this nasty law," wrote Ralph Waldo Emerson.
But conservative-minded Northerners were well aware, as Emerson himself bad
recorded, that "cotton thread holds the Union together. " Bankers, shippers, and
manufacturers-holding Southern mortgages, transporting cotton; or using it in
their factories-praised Webster's course as statesmanlike. Indeed, the abolitionists
cried, the "Lords of the Loom" were joining bands with the "Lords of the Lash." A New
Hampshire newspaper editor here assails the New England "cotton lords." judging
from this criticism, what were the political reactions to Webster's stand?
'Independem Democrt (Concord, N.H.), in 'Ibe Liberator (Boston), April 19, 1850.
(
\. _________ ..
(\
Some eight hundred of the "cotton lords" of State Street [Boston], with a few ...
Doctors of Divinity ... of the Andover Theological Seminary, have signed a letter of
thanks to Daniel Webster for his recent apostasy to freedom.
This was to be expected. There are, and always have been, men at the North
whose habits, associations, and interests all lead them to love whatever degrades
labor, and the man who lives by labor. Wherever Mammon is the great god, there
flourishes the spirit of slavery. Wealth and luxury are ever the handmaids of op-
pression. The fastnesses of liberty have always been in the homes of the untilted
masses. And hence the antagonism between capital and labor, which marks so
strongly modern civilization.
In thanking Mr. Webster for his efforts in behalf of slavery, the "cotton" men of
Boston are but signing a certificate of his servility to themselves. No such certificate,
however, will commend him to the people of New England, nor of Massachusetts.
Instead, it will have the very opposite effect. It is already doing a work far different
from that intended.
The honest anti-slavery masses, upon whom Webster has heretofore relied, see
at once that it cannot be for any good thing done for freedom and humanity that
such men praise him. To the representative of freemen, the "well done" of the ene-
mies of freedom is the breath of infamy. That "well done" Daniel Webster has re-
ceived, not only from the "cotton lords" of Massachusetts, but from the prince of
cotton lords [Calhoun?] of South Carolina. He is doomed, withered, blasted; and the
"thanks" of all the worshipers of Mammon and Wrong in the universe cannot save
him.
[Southerners, as indicated, were generally pleased by the unexpected show of
support from the Yankee Webster, but their praise was a political kiss of death to the
senator. The Richmond Enquirer remarked that the Massachusetts
"the miserable peddlers for notoriety''-would "defame and abuse him." It further
stated that his "selfish and penurious constituency''-"the moneyed men and manu-
facturers of New England"-werefinally "aroused to the dangers that threaten the
Union and their interests" (quoted in The Liberator, AprilS, 1850).}
c
t4
t"-
Drifting Toward Dis-union,
1854-1861
It is an irrepressible conflict between opposing and
enduring forces.
William H. Seward, 1858
Prologue: Popular sovereignty in Kansas degenerated into unpopular savagery.
Embattled free-soilers fought embittered proslaveryites, as the complaisant pro-
Southern administrations of Presidents Franklin Pierce and James Buchanan contin-
ued to drift. Irate Northerners, resenting the Kansas-Nebraska grab, increasingly
turned the Fugitive Slave Act into a dead letter. At the same time the newly born Re-
publican party, sired by thesame Kansas-Nebraska Act, gathered such amazing mo-
mentum in the North as to give the Democrats a real scare in the presidential
election of 1856. The sectional tension was heightened by a series of inflammatory
incidents, including Representative Preston Brooks's brutal beating of Senator
Charles Sumner, the proslavery Dred Scott decision, and John Brown's fantastic raid
at Harpers Ferry. Southerners also reacted angrily against the overwhelming ap-
proval in the North of such antislavery propaganda as Uncle Tom's Cabin and
Helper's.Jmpending Crisis of the South (seep. 376). And the imminent election of the
Republican Lincoln in 1860 foreshadowed both secession and shooting.
The fmpaa of Uncle Tom's Cabin----------------'---
I. Tom Defies Simon Legree (I 852)
Harriet Beecher Stowe, a busy mother and housewife then living in Maine, was
aroused by the recent gains of slavery to Write-partly on old wrapping pape1<-her
heart-tugging novel Uncle Tom's Cabin. Reared in New England as the daughter of
famed preacher Lyman Beecher, and having lived for seventeen years in Ohio on the
route of the Underground Railroad, she had developed an abhorrence of the "pecu-
liar institution." Oddly enough, her firsthand observations of slavery were limited to
a brief visit to Kentucky. In her best-selling book, she sought to mollify the South to
someextent by representing the saintly slave Uncle Tom as having two kind masters;
'Harriet B. Stowe, Uncle Tom's Cabin (Boston: J.P. Jewett, 1852), chap. 33.
417
(
(
Cbapter 15) 1Jrljtln8 TowardDisuniQn, 1854-1861
by featuring the whimsical Topsy and the angelic little Eva (who died); and by por-
traying the monster Simon Legree, who finally ordered Uncle Tom beaten to death, as
a Yankee from Vermont, In the following scene, the cotton-picking slaves have just
returned from the fields, and Legree orders Tom to flog one of the sickly women for
not having picked enough. What details of this episode would most offend the anti-
slavery North? the pros/avery South?
"And now," said Legree, "come here, you Tom. You see, I telled ye I didn't buy
ye jest for the common work. I mean to promote ye, and make a driver of ye; and
tonight ye may jest as well begin to get yer hand in. Now, ye jest take this yer gal
and flog her; ye've seen enough on't [of it] to know how."
"I beg Mas'r's pardon," said Tom; "hopes Mas'r won't set me at that. It's what I
an't used to--never did-and can't do, no way possible."
"Ye'!l larn a pretty smart chance of things ye never did know, before I've done
with ye!" said Legree, taking up a cowhide and striking Tom a heavy blow across
the cheek, and following up the infliction by a shower of blows.
"There!" he said, as he stopped to rest; "now, w!ll ye tell me ye can't do it?"
"Yes, Mas'r," said Tom, putting up his hand, to wipe the blood that trickled
down his face. "I'm willin' to work, night and day, and work while there's life and
breath in me. But this yer thing I can't feel it right to do; and, Mas'r, I never shall do
it-never.r
had a remarkably smooth, soft voice, a habitually respectful manner
that had given Legree an idea that he would be cowardly and easily subdued. When
he spoke these last words, a thrill of amazement went through everyone. The poor
woman clasped her hands and said, "0 Lord!" and everyone involuntarily looked at
each other and drew in their breath, as if to prepare for the storm that was about to
burst.
Legree looked stupefied and confounded; but at last burst forth:
"What! ye blasted black beast! tell me ye don't think it right to do what I tell ye!
What have any of you cussed cattle to do with thinking what's right? I'll put a stop
to it! Why, what do ye think ye are? May be ye think ye're a gentleman, master Tom,
to be a telling your master what's right, and what an't! So you pretend it's wrong to
flog the gal!"
"I think so, Mas'r," said Tom; "the poor sick and feeble; 'twould be
downright cruel, and it's what I never will do, nor begin to. Mas'r, if you mean to kill
me, kill me; but, as to my raising my hand agin any one here, I never shall-I'll die
first!"
Tom spoke in a mild voice, but with a decision that could not be mistaken.
Legree shook with anger; his greenish eyes glared fiercely, and his very whiskers
seemed to curl with passion. But, like some ferocious beast, that plays with its vic-
tim before he devours it, he kept back his strong impulse to proceed to immediate
violence, and broke out into bitter raillery.
''Well, here's a pious. dog, at least, let down among us sinners!-a saint, a gen-
tleman, and no Jess, to talk to us sinners about our sins! Powerful holy crittur, he
must be! Here, you rascal, you make believe to be so pious-didn't you never hear,
out of yer Bible, 'Servants, obey yer masters'? An't I yer master? Didn't I pay down
(_-)
tO
t--
.. .o. .. , .. ._. '-') .._.,.,._.u; .. .1. \Jill>_, "%.1._;/
twelve hundred dollars, cash, for all there is inside yer old cussed black shell? An't
yer mine, now, body and soul?" he said, giving Tom a. violent kick with his heavy
boot; "tell me!"
In the very depth of physical suffering, bowed by brutal oppression, this ques
tion shot a gleam of joy and triumph through Tom's soul, He suddenly stretched
himself up, and, looking earnestly to heaven, while the tears and blood that flowed
down his face mingled, he exclaimed,
"Nol no! no! my soul an't yours, Mas'r! You haven't bought it-ye can't buy it!
It's been bought and paid for by One that is able to keep it. No matter, no matter,
you can't harm me!"
"l can't!" said Legree, with a sneer; "we'll see-we'll see! Here, Sambo, Quimbo,
give this dog such a breakin' in as he won't get over this month!"
The two giganticNegroes that now laid hold of Tom, with fiendish exultation ln
their faces, might have formed no unapt personification of powers and darkness.
The poor woman screamed with apprehension, and all rose, as by a general im
pulse, while they dragged him unresisting from the place.
2. The South Scorns Mrs, Stowe ( /852)
Northern abolitionists na._turally applauded Mrs. Stowe's powerful tale; the poet John
Greenleaf Whittier now thanked God for the Fugitive Slave Act, which had inspired
the book. The few Northern journals that voiced criticism were drowned out by
the clatter of the printing presses running off tens of thousands of new copies. South
em critics cried that this "wild and unreal picture" would merely arouse the
'fanaticism" of the North while exciting the "in_dignation" of the South. They in-
sisted that the slave beatings were libelously overemphasized; that the worst slave
drivers were imported Northerners (like Legree); that the Southern black slave
was better off than the Northern wage slave; and that relatively few families were
broken up-fewer, in fact, than among soldiers on duty, Irish immigrants coming to
America, sailors going to sea, or pioneers venturing West. Why did the Southern Liter-
ary Messenger of Richmond find it important to refute Mrs. Stowe's "slanders" as
follows?
There are some who will think we have taken up0n ourselves an unnecessary
trouble in exposing the inconsistencies and false assertions of Uncle Cabin. It
is urged by such persons that in devoting so much attention to abolition attacks we
give them an importance to which they are not entitled. This may be true in general.
But let it be borne in mind that this slanderous-work has found its way to every sec
tion of our country, and has crossed the water to Great Britain, filling the minds of
all who know nothing of slavery with hatred for that institution and those v_.rho up
hold it. justice to ourselves would seem to demand that it should not be suffered to
circulate longer without the brand of falsehood upon it.
2
Southern Literary Messenger 18 (1852): 638, 731.
c
'( /
Let it be recollected, too, tilat the importance Mrs: Stowe will derive from South
ern criticism will be one of infamy, Indeed she is only entitled to criticism at all as
the mouthpiece of a large and dangerous faction which, if we do not put down with
the pen, we may be compelled one day (God grant that day may never come!) to
repel with the bayonet,
There are questions that underlie the story of Uncle Tom's Cabin of far deeper
significance than any mere false coloring of Southern society. , .. We beg to make a
single suggestion to Mrs. Stowe-that, as she is fond of referring to the Bible, she
will turn over, before writing her next work of fiction:, to the twentieth chapter of
Exodus and there read these words-"Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy
neighbor." ...
We have not had the heart to speak of an erring woman as she deserved,
though her misconduct admitted of no excuse and provoked the keenest and most
just reprobation. We have little inclination..,....and, if we had much, we have not the
time-to proceed with our disgusting labor, to anatomize minutely volumes as full
of poisonous vermin as of putrescence, and to speak in such language as the occa
sion would justify, though it might be forbidden by decorum and self-respect.
We dismiss Uncle Tom's Cabin with the conviction and declaration that every
holier purpose of our nature is misguided, every charitable sympathy betrayed,
every loftier sentiment polluted, every moral purpose wrenched to wrong, and
every patriotic feeling outraged, by its criminal prostitution of the high functions of
the imagination to the pernicious intrigues of sectional animosity, and to the pettjr
calumnies of willful slander.
(

t'
Causes and Events of the Civil War
I. Causes of the Civil War
A) Slavery
B) Sectionalism
C) State's rights
D) Secession
II. The Cotton Kingdom contributes to the rise of sectionalism
A) Eli Whitney's Cotton Gin (1793)
B) Congress outlaws the slave trade (1808)
C) Slave rebellions
1) Gabriel slave rebellion (1800)
2) Vesey slave rebellion (1822)
3) Nat Turner's rebellion in (1831)
D) Missouri Compromise (1820)
E) Nullification Crisis (1832)
F) Lloyd Garrison
I) Liberator
2) "Broadcloth Mob"
G) Rise of political parties that address slavery as an issue
1) Liberty Party
2) Free Soil Party
H) Influence of H. B. Stowe's Uncle Tom's Cabin
III. Disunity exacerbated by Manifest Destiny
A) Annexation of Texas (1845)
B) Mexican-American War (1846-1848)
C) California Compromise of 1850
1) popular sovereignty
2) Fugitive slave law
D) Kansas/Nebraska Act (1854)
1) Missouri Compromise repealed
2) Popular sovereignty
3) Bleeding Kansas
E) Dred Scott Decision (1857)
F) John Brown's raid at Harper's Ferry (1859)
1) South's reaction
2) North's reaction-
G) Election of 1860
1) South Carolina secedes
2) Crittenden Compromise fails
' Bleeding Kansas and "Bully" Brooks--------------
I. Charles Sumner Assails the Slavocracy ( 1856)
Tbe erasing of the MissGuri Compromise line tn 1854 touched off a frantic tug-q(-
war between South and North to make Kansas either a slave or a free state. "Border
ruffians, "pouring into Kansas from slaveholding Missouri by the hundreds, set up a
fraudulent but legal government. Resolute pioneers from the North, some of them as-
sisted by the New England Emigrant Aid Company, countered by founding
Lawrence, setting up an extralegal free-soil government, and seeking admission as a
free state. Aroused by the resulting civil war, Senator Charles Sumner of Massachu-
setts-a handsome, egotistical, and jlamingly outspoken abolittonis$-assatled the
slavery men in a savage two-day speech ("Tbe Crime against Kansas"). He singled
out the slaveholding state of South Carolina, and tn particular her well-liked Senator
Andrew P Butler, who, declared Sumner, had taken as his "mistress" "the barlot,
slavery. " Wbat aspects of the speech would be most offensive to a South Carolina
"gentleman"?
'Congressional Globe, 34th Congress, 1st session (May 1856), AppendiX, pp. 530, 543.
lf the slave states. cannot enjoy what, in mockeiy of the great Fathers of the Re-
public, he [Butler) .misnames equality under the Constitution-in other words, the
full power in the national territories to compel fellow men to unpaid toil, to separate
husband and wife, and to sell little children at the auction block-then, sir, .the
chivalric Senator will conduct the state of South Carolina out of the Union! Heroic
knight! Exalted Senator! A second Moses come for a second exodus!
But not content with this poor menace ... the Senator, in the unresrrained
chivalry of his narure, has undertaken to apply opprobrious words to those who dif-
fer from him on this floor. He calls them "sectional and fanatical"; and opposition to
the usurpation ln Kansas he denounces as "an uncalculatlng fanaticism." To be sure,
these charges lack all grace of originality, and all sentiment of truth; but the adventur-
ous Senator does not hesitate. He is the uncompromising, unblushing representative
on this floor of a flagrant sectionalism, which now domineers over the Republic ....
With regret, 1 come again upon the Senator from South Carolina [Butler), who,
omnipresent in this debate, overflowed with rage at the simple suggestion that
Kansas had applied for admission as a state; and, with incoherent phrases, dis-
charged the loose expectoration of his speech," now upon her representative, and
then upon her people. There was no extravagance of the ancient parliamentary de-
bate which he did not repeat. Nor was there any possible deviation from truth
which he did not make, with so much of passion, I am glad to add, as to save him
from the suspicion of intentional aberration.
But the Senator touches nothing which he does not disfigure-with error, some-
times of principle, sometimes of fact. He shows an Incapacity of accuracy, whether in
stating the Constitution or in stating the law, whether In the details of statistics or the
diversions of scholarship. He cannot ope his mouth but out there flies a blunder ....
[Sumner next attacks South Carolina, With its "shameful imbecility" of slavery,
for presuming to sit in judgment over free-soil Kansas and block the latter's admis-
sion as a free state.]
(
({_
South Carolina is old; Kansas is .Young. South Carolina counts by centuries;
where Kansas counts.by years. But a beneficent exa.ffiple may be born in a day; and
I venture to say that against the two centuries of the state may be already set
the two years of tria_!, evolvip:g corresponding virtue, in the younger community. ln
the one is the long wail of Slavery; in the other, the hymns of Freedom. And If we
glance at special achievements, it will be difficult to find anything in the history of
South Carolina which presents so much of heroic spirit in an heroic cause as ap-
pears in that repulse of the Missouri invaders by the beleaguered town of Lawrence,
where even the women gave their efforts to Freedom ....
Were the whole history of South Carolina blotted out of existence, from its very
beginning down to the day of the last election of the Senator to his present seat on
this floor, civilization might lose-! do not say how little; but surely less than it has
already gained by the example of Kansas, in Its valiant struggle against oppression,
and in the development of a new science of emigration. Already in Lawrence alone
there are newspapers and schools, including a high school, and throughout this In-
fant territory there is more mature scholarship far, In p.roportion to its inhabitants,
than in all South Carolina. Ah, sir, I tell the S.enator that Kansas, welcomed as a free
state, will be a "ministering angel" to the Republic when South Carolina, in the cloak
of darkness which-she hugs, "lies howling."
2. The South justifies Yankee-Beaters (1856)
Southern fire-eaters bad already used abusive language in Congress, but Sumner's
epitbets trifuriated Congressman Brooks of South Carolina. Resenting the insults to
his state and to his cousin (Senator Butler), be entered the Senate chamber and
broke his cane over the bead of Sumner, then sitting at his desk. Tbe senator fell
bleeding to the floor,. while several other members of Congress, perhaps thinking that
be was getting his just desserts, made no effort to rescue him. His neroous system
shattered, Sumner was Incapacitated for about three years, Brooks resigned his seat
and was unanimously reelected. A resolution passed by the citizens of his district ap-
plauded his exhibition of "the true spirit of Southern chivalry and patriotism" in
"chastising, coolly and deliberately, the vile and lawless Sumner." Tbe same group
.sent him a new cane inscribed, "Use knock-down arguments. "What does the follow-
ing editorial in an Alabama newspaper suggest about the general attituae of tbe
white South and what It portended for the Union?
There are but two papers in the state that we have seen that denounce the chas-
tisement of Sumner by Mr. Brooks as a shameful outrage. One of them is the Mobile
Tribune, one of the editors of which is a Yankee, and the other is a sheet, the name
of which we shall not mention.
With the exception of the papers alluded to, the press of the entire state have
fully approved of the course Mr. Brooks pursued, under the circumstances, and rec-
ommended that other Southern members of Congress adopt the same method of si-
lencing the foul-mouthed abolition emissaries of the North. Indeed, it is quite
apparent, from developments, that the shlllalah [club] is the best argument to
be applied to such low-bred mongrels.
More than six years ago, the abolitionists were told that if they intended to carry
out their principles, they must fight the Emigrant Aid Societies began to send
their !Yankee) tools to Kansas, they were told that if their object was to establish a
colony of thieves under the name of "Free State Men," on the border of Missouri, for
the purpose of keeping out Southerners and destroying slavery, they must fight. And
let them understand that if they Intend to carry their abolitionism into Congress, and
pour forth their disgusting obscenity and abuse of the South in the Senate Chamber,
and force their down the throats of
(
...s.
r-
Let [editor Horace] Greeley be severely cowhided, and he will cease to publish
his blackguardism about Southern men. Let [Senators] Wilson and Sumner and
Seward, and the whole host of abolition agitators in Congress, be chastised to their
heart's content, and, our word for it, they will cease to heap abuse upon our citizens.
We repeat, let our Representative in Congress use the cowhide and hickory stick
(and, if need be, the bowie knife and revolver) more frequently, and we'll bet our
old hat that it will soon come to pass that Southern instirutions and Southern men
will be respected.
'Autauga (Alabama) Citizen, in .Tbe Liberator (Boston), July 4, 1856.
1'10
C. Tbe Dred Scott Decision
425
3. The Delicate Balance ( 1856)
This chart was prepared for the 1856 presidential election. In what ways does it re-
flect growing tension over the slavery controversy?
l'imuber or Sl"'" Hohler..
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Civil Waropoly
Advantages/Disadvantages of the North and South
CIVIL WAROPOL Y
Properties
Boardwalk
Blue & Green Properties
Remaining Properties
(Not all sold)
Utilities
Houses/Hotels
=
=
-
=
=
=
CIVIL WAR
States
Virginia
Confederacy
Union
War industries/factories
Plantations/Slaves
The South owns monopolies of the blue and green properties. However,
'
the South spent all its money on houses and hotels and does not have much cash-
flow. All of the South's wealth is primarily in equity (i.e. plantations and slaves).
(\
The South also owns Boardwalk which is considered the most valuable
property in monopoly. During the civil war, remember, the best generals came
from Virginia.
In contrast, the North has no monopolies but has more financial resources.
Also, since the North is the Banker of the game, it controls all the money.
ASSIGNMENT: Identify the correlation between Civil W,aropoly and the
Civil War that would help in the understanding of the advantages and
disadvantages that existed between the North and South.
,!\
,/\,
I.
II.
Civil War {1861-1865)
Advantages and disadvantages
A. North
B. South
C. Why did the South expect Europe to intervene?
D. How come Europeans did not intervene?
Major generals of the Civil War
A. South's generals
1. Robert E. Lee
2. Stonewall Jackson
B. Union's generals
1. McClellan
2. Burnside
3. Hooker
4. Meade
5. Grant and Sherman
III. Important battles and events of the Civil War
A. Fort Sumter (4/12/61)
B. 1st Battle of Bull Run (7/21/61)
C. Shiloh ( 4/6-7 /62)
D. Antietam (9/16/62)
E. Emancipation Proclamation (1/1/63)
F. Gettysburg (7/4/63)
G. Vicksburg (7/4/63)
H. Atlanta (9/1-2/64)
I. 1864 Presidential election
J. Savannah (12/25/64)
K. Richmond ( 4/3/65)
L. Appomattox Courthouse ( 4/9/65)
f"'\,
1 ne u u y ~ u u r b n.uur (;/1.)1-)
Nov. 19, 1863
Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent a new nation, conceived in
liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.
Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and so
dedicated can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war. We have come to dedicate a
portion of it as a final resting place for those who died here that the nation might live. This we may, in
all propriety do. But in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow this
ground. The brave men, living and dead who struggled here have hallowed it far above our poor power
to add or detract. The world willlittle note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget
what they did here.
It is rather for us the living, we here be dedicated to the great task remaining before us--that from these
honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause tor which they here gave the last full measure of
devotion--that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain, that this nation shall
have a new birth of freedom, and that government of the people, by the people, for the people shall not
perish from the earth."
Allan Pinkerton of the secret service, President Lincoln, and Major General John McClemand, 1862
oC
Reconstruction of the South
I. The Republican North, Pro-Union forces won, now what?
A) How will the southern states be readmitted into the union?
B) How will freed slaves be accepted and protected in the South as US citizens?
C) How will the South's economy be revived?
II. Different reconstruction plans emerge
III.
A) Lincoln's 10% plan
B) Wade-Davis Bill (Lincoln pocket vetoes in 1864)
"uproot, punish, protect"
C) Johnson's plan
"repeal, repudiate, ratify"
upsets Radical Republicans
Conflict between Congress and President Johnson
A) Freedmen's Bureau (1865), expires 1872
Black codes
Freedmen's Bureau's powers widened (1866)
B) Civil Rights Bill- overridden veto
C) Fourteenth Amendment
D) 1866 midterm elections lead to Congressional Reconstruction (1867)
South divided into 5 military districts
Southern states required to ratify 14th Amendment
State constitutions must grant fullsuffrage to freed slaves
E) Fifteenth Amendment
F) Tenure of Office Act and impeachment
G) Johnson's 1868 Christmas pardons
IV. Reconstruction during Grant's years
v.
A) Presidential election 1868
B) Thaddeus Stevens- "40 acres and a mule" fails to pass, sharecropping continues
C) Opportunists? - Scalawags and Carpetbaggers
D) Redeemer governments, restoration of"white supremacy"
KKK and the Enforcement Acts
Disenfranchisement of the blacks
Congressional elections 1874 and state elections 1876
End ofReconstruction
A) Presidential election of 187 6 -Hayes v Tilden
20 disputed electoral votes - electoral commission
Compromise of 1877
Emergence of Jim Crow laws
B) US Supreme Court decisions weaken 14
1
h Amendment
Slaughterhouse cases (1873)
Civil Rights Cases (1883)
Plessy v Ferguson (1896) and Cummings v County Bd. of Ed. (1899)
C) Historiography of reconstruction - William A Dunning v Kenneth Stampp
1\.
Amendment XIII. Slavery Prohibited
For background see
pp. 458-460.
Amendment xrv.
For background see
pp. 485-486.
For corporations as "persons,"
see pp. 542-543.
Abolishes three-fifths rule for
slaves, Art. L, Sec. II, para. 3.
Leading ex-Confederates
denied office. Seep. 486.
The ex-Confederates were
thus forced to repudiate their
debts and pay pensions to
their own veterans, plus taxes
for the pensions of Union vet-
erans, their conquerors.
Slavery forbidden. 1. Neither slavery
2
nor involuntary servitude, except as a punish-
ment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the
United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction.
2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation. [Adopted
1865.]
Civil Rights for Ex-slaves,
3
etc.
1. Ex-slaves made citizens; U.S. citizenship primary. All persons born or naturalized in
the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States
and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall
abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State
deprive any person oflife, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any
person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.
2. When a state denies citizens the vote, its representation shall be reduced. Represen-
tatives shall be apportioned among the several States according to their respective num-
bers, counting the whole number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed.
But when the right to vote at any election for the choice of Electors for President and Vice
President of the United States, Representatives in Congress, the executive and judicial
officers of a State, or the members of the legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male
inhabitants of such State, being twenty-one years of age and citizens of the United States,
or in any way abridged, except for participation in rebellion, or other crime, the basis of
representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such
make citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in
such State.
4
3. Certain persons who have been ill rebellion are ineligible for federal and state
office, No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress, or Elector of President
and Vice President, or hqld any office, civil or military, under the United States, or under
any State, who, having previously taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or as an officer
of the United States, or as a member of any State legislature, or as an executive or judicial
officer of any State, to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged
in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies
thereof. But Congress may, by a vote of two-thirds of each house, remove such disability.
4. Debts incurred in aid of rebellion are void. The validity of the public debt of the
United States, authorizing by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and
bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned.
But neither the United ?tates nor any State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation
inc';lrre.d in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the
loss or emancipation of any slave; but all such debts, obligations, and claims shall be held
illegal and void.
5. Enforcement. The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legislation,
the provisions of this article. [Adopted 1868.]
Amendment XV. Sujfrage.Jor Blacks
For background seep. 489. Black males are made voters. I. The right of the citizens of the United States to vote
shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race,
color, or. previous condition of servitude.
2. The Congres!l shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.
[Adopted 1870.)
gq
Slaughterhouse Cases 1873
0, Facts - Louisiana legislature gave a monopoly in livestock landing and slaughterhouse business for the City
of New Orleans to the Crescent City Livestock Landing and slaughter-House Company. Law required the
company to allow any person to slaughter livestock in the slaughterhouse for a fee.
Butchers upset that the state granted a monopoly to one company, arguing that the 14th amendment,
including the privileges and immunities clause, was being abridged.
Decision- 14th amendment's privileges and immunities clause does not protect state citizens from state
actions, but it does protect US citizens from having their US citizenship rights violated. Therefore, the
privileges and immunities clause is not being abridged in this case.
Reasoning- 14th amendment was meant to protect freed slaves. The court predicted (falsely) that the equal
protection clause will never be applied to prevent discrimination against blacks. The due process clause
does not apply because the court argued that property was being deprived based on Louisiana's law. This
reasoning will also later be overturned.
Privileges and immunities interpretation has never been overturned in this case - Reasoning- the privileges
and immunities clause was not meant to protect individuals from state government actions and was not
meant to be a basis for federal courts to invalidate state laws. Therefore, the Bill of Rights does not apply
to the states based on this interpretation. Thus, this clause became toothless and meaningless in regards to
protecting African Americans.
Civil Rights Cases (1883)
?.
Many historians argue that the Civil Rights were a validation of the Compromise of 1877 which
ended reconstruction.
ISSUE: Does the federal govemment have the power under section 5 of the 14th amendment to legislate
against private action?
Facts: Civil Rights Act 1875 -all persons entitled.to the full and equal enjoyment of the accommodations,
advantages, facilities, and 'privileges of inns, public conveyances on land or water, theaters, and other
places of public amusement." It specifically prohibited "private"( as opposed to public/state) discrimination
of blacks and provided both criminal and civil penalties.
Decision: The Act was unconstitutional
Reasoning: The l4
1
h Amendment applies to state and local actions, not to private conduct. Private action is
governed only by state law not federal law (l om amendment - social, moral, and welfare issues (police
actions) are left up to the states). Tll.erefore, section 5 of the 14m Amendment cannot regulate private
conduct, but only legislate against the wrongs of state governments.
, This decision will later be overruled. However, the current USSC has struck down attemJ>ts by individuals
to file federal lawsuits under the Americans with Disabilities Act (based on section 5, 14 amendment
power) and other federal acts to limit the scope in which individuals can sue their own state governments.
Plessy v (1896) and Cumming v County Bd of Education (1899)
These cases involve state action, Louisiana had a state law in 1890' segregating railroad cars and the School
district in Cumming segregated schools. Tbe Supreme Court interpreted the equal protection clause to
allow states to segregate as long as they have "separate but equal facilities.'' However, in the Cumming
case the Court upheld the government's operation of a high: school open only for white students while none
was available for blacks. Federal aut.hority cannot infringe on the local authorities disburselllent of funds to
provide public education .. Therefore, equal protection is outweighed by the tolh'apiendment.
US History 170
FINAL Review Sheet
Chapter 15 and 16
1) Identify the significance of the 2nd Great Awakening. Identify the contributions of the foiiowing:
Peter Cartwright and Charles G. Finney
2) Identify the significance of the following:
Deism, Unitarianism, and Transcendentalism
Joseph Smith, Brigham Young, and Utah 1 8 ~ 6 )
Oneida perfectionists (from utopian society to capitalist corporation)
Shakers, why were they extinct by 1940?
3) . Explain how Henry David Thoreau and Ralph Waldo Emerson exemplified transcendentalism
AND cultural nationalism.
4) Identify the significance of George Bancroft's contribution to American history.
5) Explain why Neal S. Dow is considered to be the "Father of Prohibition."
6) Explain why women were prominent leaders in the reform movement ofthe 19th century. Identify
the significance of the following:
Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B Anthony
Seneca Falls Convention and Declaration of Sentiments
7) Identify the difference between temperance and teetotalism. Identify T.S. Arthur's contribution to
the temperance movement.
8) Explain how public education evolved in the 19th century. Identify the contributions of the
following:
-Horace Mann, Noah Webster, McGuffey's readers
9) Identify Dorothea Dix's crusade and significant prison reforms enacted by the states.
10) Explain how Eli Whitney's Cotton Gin made slavery profitable.
11) Explain why the planter aristocracy had so much power in "Cotton Kingdom" despite the fact they
were few in number.
12) Explain how the following are examples of resistance:
Gabriel (Prosser's slave) 1800, Denmark Vesey (1822), Nat Turner (1831)
13) Identify the significance ofWilliam Lloyd Garrison's The Liberator and it's role in the abolition
movement.
14) Identify the significance of the following:
American Colonization Society ( 1817) and Liberia ( 1822)
Sojourner Truth, Frederick Douglass, and Rev. Elijah P. Lovejoy
Liberty Party and the Free Soil Party
Chapters 18 & 19
I) Identify and explain the significance of the 1850 Compromise. Explain why the strengthened
Fugitive Slave Law was so controversial.
2) Identify the theme and influence of Harriet Beecher Stowe's Uncle Tom's Cabin.
3) Identify and explain the significance of the following slave revolts
Prosser, Vesey, and Turner
4) Explain how the Kansas Nebraska Act led to a realignment of political parties.
5) Identify what contributed to the downfall of the Whig party and what led to the emergence of the
Republican party (identify the coalition of parties if which it consisted)
6) Identify the significance of the Lincoln-Douglas debates.
7) Explain how the following contributed to sectionalism:
Ostend Manifesto
Gadsden Purchase
Dred Scott decision
Lawrence and Pottawatomie Creek
Lecompton crisis
John Brown's raid at Harper's Ferry
8) Identify the platform of the Republican and Democratic parties in the 1860 election (specifically
on the issue of slavery).
9) Explain why Lincoln opposed the Crittenden Compromise.
1 0) Identify why South Carolina seceded.
11) Explain James Buchanan's response to the secession of the Deep South.
Chapters 20 and 21
1) IdentifY the advantages and disadvantages of the north and south in the Civil War.
2) IdentifY the civil liberties that Lincoln suppressed at the beginning of the war. (Be sure to identify
Congressmen Vallandigham of Ohio)
3) Identity Lincoln's war aims at the beginning of the war.
4) IdentifY the significance of the border states and how that influenced the reach of the
Emancipation Proclamation.
5) Identify the significance oftl;te following battles:
Fort Sumter
Antietam
Gettysburg
Vicksburg
Atlanta and Savannah
Richmond and Appomattox
6) Explain why Lincoln had a difficult time with his Union generals until he appointed US Grant.
7) IdentifY the significance of the 1864 election (specifically the candidates).
8) Explain why the South anticipated that Great Britain and France would support them, yet neither
the French nor the British o f f i c i l l ~ came to their aid.
9) Identity the significance of the 13t Amendment and Lincoln's plan for Reconstruction.
10) Identity the contributions of women during the Civil War.
11) Explain why Lincoln's assassination was more detrimental to the South than the North.
Chapter 22
1) Compare and contrast the Reconstruction plans of Lincoln, Johnson, and the Radical Republicans.
2) Identify the significance of the 14th Amendment and 15th Amendment.
3) Explain how military rule was established over the south.
4) Define the following terms: scalawags, carpetbaggers, and sharecroppers
5) Explain why Johnson was impeached, but not convicted.
6) Identify the purpose and effectiveness of the Freedmen's Bureau.
7) Identity the significance of the 1877 Compromise.
8) Despite the protections provided to freedmen in the 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments, how did
Southern governments attempt to restrict their civil liberties? Address the following:
Black codes
Jim Crow laws
KKK and the "Redeemer" governments