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Journal of Semitic Studies XXXVI/2 Autumn 1991


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I. Prefatory Remarks

The De Natura Hominis [ = DNH] is the only known work of Nemesius, bishop of Emesa. In this renowned patristic Greek treatise, the author, drawing on a wide reading of both classical and Christian texts, deals with the major problems of anthropology and psychology. From internal evidence it can be inferred that the DNH was written in the last decade of the fourth century, but it only began to attract attention from the second half of the seventh century onwards. From then on its fame spread quickly, and it was translated into the major eastern and western languages. As a result it was read, quoted and used by Greek, Latin, Syriac, Arabic and Armenian philosophers and theologians, and so became one of the main channels for the transmission of ancient thought to the middle ages1. Recently, the DNH has attracted scholarly attention once again. Many studies have appeared which investigate Nemesius' teachings2. Many others have been devoted to the exact reconstruction of the DHN's text. Among the latter, Moreno

For a general bibliography on the DNH and its fate, see M. Geerard,

Clavis Patrum Graecorum, II (Turnhout 1974), 282-83, note 3550. On the translations of the D N H in particular, see H. Brown Wicher, Catalogus translationum et commentariorum, VI (Washington 1986), 32-72 (s.v. Nemesius Emesenus). See also the list of works employed or quoted by Morani in his edition of the DNH (below, note 3), pp. xvi-xvii. 2 See A. Siclari, 'L'antropologia di Nemesio di Emesa nella critica moderna', Aevum 47 (1973), 477-97; idem, L.'antropologia di Nemesio di Emesa (Padova 1974); G. Verbeke and J. R. Moncho (eds.), Nemesius d'Emese, De natura hominis: Traduction de Burgundio de Pise, avec une introduction sur tanthropologie de Nemesius (Leiden 1975); A. Kallis, Der Mensch im Kosmos. Das Weltbild Nemesios' von Emesa (Miinster 1978). 223


Morani's writings hold pride of place, in particular his book La

tradi^ione manoscritta del 'De natura hominis' di Nemesio (Milano

1981). This work contains the most detailed examination ever made of the DNH's textual tradition, both direct and indirect, and so provides a prolegomenon to Morani's critical edition of Nemesius' work, published some years ago in the Bibliotheca Teubneriana^. This much-needed reliable edition totally replaces the edition of Matthaei (dating back to 1802)4. A great number of Greek mss of the DNH are extant (nearly 150). From these Morani chose for his edition the most ancient witnesses, from which the other mss are descended. Special consideration was also given to the oldest translations of Nemesius' work. As to these key witnesses, the stemma codicum suggested by Morani is as follows5:

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7th cent.

8th cent.

9th cent. 10th cent. 11 th cent.

3 Nemesius, De natura hominis, ed. M. Morani (Bibliotheca Scriptorum Graecorum et Romanorum Teubneriana; Leipzig 1987). A bibliography of all the recent contributions to the textual criticism of Nemesius is to be found in M. Morani, 'La versione armena del trattato Flepi <puaeax; avOptoTtou di Nemesio di Emesa', Memorie dell'Istituto hombardo, Classe di Lettere 31 (1970). ioj-94 C. F. Matthaei, Nemesii, De natura hominis graece et latine (PG XL, 503817; Halae Magdeburgicae 1802). 5 Conspectus siglorum: Max: quotations from the DNH by Maximus the



As can easily be seen, contamination is the most characteristic feature of the DNH's textual tradition. In particular, ms K, which Morani carefully studied6, appears to have been affected by extensive contamination from different branches of the tradition, so that 'every reading of it, although not confirmed by other mss, may come from an ancient tradition'7. The Syriac translation, too, seems to play an important role. Owing to its special position in the stemma, this version appears to be the only witness of a branch which separated from the rest of the tradition very early (maybe in the seventh century)8, so that, according to a strict Lachmannian view, as much weight in the choice of textual variants is to be given to the now lost branch, represented by the Syriac version, as to all the other witnesses9.
II. The Syriac Version

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The first sign of the existence of a Syriac translation of the DNH occurs in a letter (Ep. 43) of the Nestorian katholikos Timotheus I (second half of the eight century), in which he wrote to his correspondent, Rabban Mar Petion:
Seek also for the proposition of a certain philosopher who is named Nemesius, which is about the ordinance of man, and its beginning is: 'Man is very beautifully fashioned from a spiritual soul and a body'. And he completed this in five sections, more or less, and promised to take up concerning the soul. But this second one does not exist10. Confessor; Dam: quotations from the DNH in the Defideorthodoxa of John of Damascus; syr: Syriac version (fragments); arm: Armenian version; arab: Arabic version/s; FI: ms in Patmos, St. John's monastery, 202 (10th cent.); K: ms in Rome, Vat. Ap. Libr., Chig. R. IV. 13 (ioth-nth cent.); H: ms in London, Brit. Libr., Harleianus 5685 (nth-izth cent.); Alf: Latin version by Alfanus ( n t h cent.). 6 'II manoscritto chigiano di Nemesio', Kendiconti dell'lstituto Lombardo, Classe di Lettere 105 (1971), 621-55. 7 See Morani, II manoscritto chigiano, 635: 'K e stato ... con mss. molto
antichi; pertanto ogni le^ione di K, anche se non confermata da altri codici, pud

provenire da tradi^ione antica [emphasis ours], e potra essere eliminata, solo in base a criteri interni'. 8 See Morani, La tradi^ione manoscritta, 204-12. 9 Cf. M. Morani, 'La traduzione armena di Nemesio di Emesa. Problemi linguistici e filologici', in G. Fiaccadori (ed.), Autori classics in lingue del Vicino e Medio Oriente (Roma 1990), 31. 10 This English translation by R. A. Henshaw of the Syriac text of the letter is reproduced in Wicher Brown, Catalogus, 37. We were not able to see the original text, edited by O. Braun, 'Briefe des Katholikos Timotheos 225


From this brief mention, one can argue for the existence of at least one Syriac translation of the DNH in Timotheus' time, its first chapter being separate from the rest of the work. Further evidence for the existence of such a version may be found in two marginal references in the Armenian translation11. They deal with two variant readings which the translator noted in the Syriac text of the DNH, and are the only witnesses of this version employed by Morani for his critical edition. However, the fact that in the Armenian version Nemesius' work is clearly ascribed to Gregory of Nyssa leads one to suppose the existence of two Syriac translations of this work, one of them being pseudepigraphic and the other indicating the correct authorship12. Unfortunately, full confirmation of this supposition cannot be given, because of the total lack of Syriac mss of the complete text of the DNH. The only surviving fragments hitherto known are those included in a psychological treatise (De animd) by Mose bar Kepha, a Monophysite bishop of Mosul, who died at nearly ninety in 90313. This De anima is preserved only as far as we know in the ms now kept in Rome, Vat. Ap. Libr., vat. syr. 147, fols 3a92b (copied in 1234). The text, still unpublished, was translated into German by O. Braun14. In chapters 3 and 4 of this work, some short sentences from the second chapter of the DNH are incorporated, but Nemesius is never explicitly named. The parallel passages are as follows:

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I', Oriens Cbristianus 2 (1911), 8-11; cf. R. J. Bidawid, Les lettres dupatriarchs nestorien Timothee I (Studi e testi 187; Citta del Vaticano 1956), 35. 11 On these references, see A. Zanolli, 'Sur une ancienne traduction syriaque du Oepi y'jazmc, <xv6pci>7rou de Nemesius', Revue de I'Orient Chretien 20 (1915-1917), 331-33; cf. Morani, La versione armena, 118. 12 Such a supposition was made by Morani in 'La tradi^ione manoscritta, 98-913 See M. Le Quien, Oriens Christianas in quatuor Patriarchatus digestus (Parisiis 1740), II, cols 1575-78; cf. J. S. Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis (4 vols.; Romae 1719-1728), II, 218-19. 14 O. Braun, Moses Bar Kepha und sein Buch von der Seek (Freiburg im

Breisgau 1891), 26-132; cf. G. Graf, GCAL II, 230. 226


De anima

De natura hominis

M = Braun's translation V = Vatican ms

M M M M M M M M 40,23-41,1 (V nb-i2a) 42,10-14 (V 13b) 42,21-25 (V 14a) 42,26-43,3 (V 14a) 43,4-7 (V I4a-i4b) 43,12-25 (V i4b-ija) 44,1-6 (V ^a-ijb) 44,29-35 (V 16a)

DNH = Morani's edition

DNH DNH DNH DNH DNH DNH DNH DNH 26,10-16 32,20-33,1 20,14-17 21,4-9 21,24-22,3 22,3-16 18,22-19,2 20,3-9

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M 45 ,8ff(V 16b)

D N H 19,7ft"

These correspondences, indeed, are not, as a rule, literary ones, according to what can be inferred from Braun's translation15. Moreover, it is worth noticing that chapters 2 and 3 of the DNH, which are devoted to a special study of the nature of the soul and its union with the body, were circulated separately. They were ascribed to Gregory of Nyssa under the title Ilepl ij/ux?)?16 and employed by the unknown author of the A6yo<; xcpaXat(oS7)<; 7repi i>ux?iQ 7rpo<; Tartavov17. Now the scheme for the definition of the soul proposed in this work, well-known also among the Syrians and the Arabs18, is closely similar to, though not identical with, that in Mose's De anima: cf. pseudoGregory [= ps-G], chap. 2 ('whether the soul exists') with Mose's [= M], chap. 2 ('welches beweist, daft es eine Seele gibt'); ps-G chap. 3 ('whether the soul is a substance') with M chap. 5; ps-G chap. 4 ('whether the soul is incorporeal') with
15 See also Morani, l^a tradi^ione manoseritta, 100. About the relationship between MoSe and Nemesius, see G. Klinge, 'Die Bedeutung der syrischen Theologen als Vermittler der griechischen Philosophic an der Islam', Zeitscbrift fiir Kirchengeschichte III, 9 (1939), 363-72. 16 See PG XLV, 188-221. 17 This work was commonly attributed to pseudo-Gregory Thaumaturgus (see PG X, 1137-1146); cf. S. P. Brock, 'Clavis Patrum Graecorum III, nifjTS 32 (1981), 176-78. 18 A compendious Syriac version was published by G. Furlani in JAOS 35 (l91))> 297-3!7- F r a n e v e n more abridged and altered Arabic version, see Furlani, 'Pseudo-Aristotele ff-1-nafs', Kendiconti R. Ace. Lincei V, 24 (1915), 117-37. Both versions were ascribed to Aristotle; another Arabic version, derived from the Syriac and attributed to Avicenna, was recently

edited by H. Gatje {Studien %ur Vberlieferung der Aristotelischen Psychologie im

Islam [Heidelberg 1971], 95-113). 227


M chap. 6; ps-G chap. 5 ('whether the soul is simple') with M chap. 7; ps-G chap. 6 ('whether the soul is immortal') with M chap. 16; ps-G chap. 7 ('whether the soul is rational') with M chap. 11. The search for other quotations of Nemesius in Syriac authors has failed to achieve any significant results. Such is the case, for example, with the Kitdbd dsimdtd (Book of treasures) of Job of Edessa (d. 835). This work, edited and translated into English by A. Mingana19, contains answers to a large number of questions about physics and metaphysics, often from an exoteric point of view. P. Kraus, in his well-known essay on Jabir ibn Hayyan, was able to discover a community of source pseudo-Apollonius)20. It has been recently pointed out by U. Weisser, in her edition of recension B of the Sirr al-haltqa, that a large portion of this book is simply a paraphrasic version of thirty chapters from the DNH 21 . Unfortunately, no parallels to this paraphrase can be found in Job of Edessa's work22, so that it cannot be firmly demonstrated that this Syriac writer knew Nemesius23.
material between the Book of Treasures and the Kitdb sirr alhaliqa (Book of the Secret of Creation), ascribed to Ballnus (i.e.

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A. Mingana (ed.), An Encyclopaedia of Philosophical and Natural Sciences as taught in Baghdad about A. D. 817, or Book of Treasures by Job of Odessa (Cambridge 1935). A s t o the sources of this b o o k , see B. Lewin, ' J o b d'Edesse et son Livre des T r e s o r s ' , Orientalia Suecana 6 (1957), 21-30. 20 P . K r a u s , ' J a b i r et la science g r e c q u e ' , Memoires pre'sentes a I'Institut a"Egypte 45 (1942) [ = Paris 1986], 174-75, and, particularly, 276-78 (containing a comparison of passages from b o t h b o o k s ) ; see also U . Weisser (ed.), Buch iiber das Geheimnis der Schbpfung und die Darstellung der Natur ... von PseudoApollonios von Tyana ( A l e p p o 1979), X a n d 6. 21 Weisser, Buch iiber das Geheimnis, 22 ff. [ G e r m a n section]. 22 Pace, a m o n g t h e o t h e r s , W i c h e r B r o w n , Catalogus, p . 3 8 : '... t h e Syrian Job of Edessa ... incorporated passages from Nemesius, without naming him, in his Ketaba de Simata ...'. See also p. 248 below. 23 For pseudo-Apollonius' and other Arabic versions of the DNH, a detailed study by Kh. Samir is now available: 'Les versions arabes de Nemesius de Horns', in M. Pavan and U. Cozzoli (eds.), L'eredita classica nelle lingue orientali (Roma 1986), 99-151. This matter has been recently dealt with by Samir in a report ('Nouvelle contribution a l'etude du Nemesius arabe') presented to the international seminar Testi medici greci in versioni orientali (Naples, Nov., 6th-8th, 1990), in which some interesting remarks about the Arabic philosophical lexicon of these versions were made. 228



Finally, an explicit quotation of Nemesius is reported in Mose's De paradiso (chap. XX), but this reference cannot be traced in DNH's current text24.
III. The New Fragments

A hitherto neglected aid to the reconstruction of the Syriac version of Nemesius is found in another psychological treatise, the De anima of Iwannls of Dara. Iwannls of Dara was a Monophysite bishop, perhaps belonging to the generation before Mose bar Kepha25. The only evidence as to his date occurs in a sentence in Bar Hebraeus' Chronicon Syriacum26, from which one can deduce that he was alive in the year 837, and was on good terms with the renowned historian Dionysius of Tell-Mahre27. Iwannls' main works have not been much studied yet (only one of them has been edited in toto28), although their titles have long been known29. However, as A. Voobus has shown30, Iwannls was a writer of no small importance for the history of Syriac culture and literature under the Abbasids31. The field with which he deals ranges from liturgy to theology and
Cf. A s s e m a n i , Bibliotbeca Orientalis, I I , 1 2 9 ; see also t h e L a t i n t r a n s lation by A. Maes [Masius] (Anversa 1569), according to its reprint in Migne, PG CXI, 481-608; 507D-508A. The Syriac text of this work is still unpublished. A partially abridged Italian version of chaps. 19-28, derived from the Latin one, is to be found in B. Chiesa, 'Gen. 2,15-3,24 nella piu antica esegesi giudeo-araba', Atti delta VI Settimana di Studi 'Sangue e antropologia nella teologia' (Roma 1989), 1079-95. 25 S e e A . B a u m s t a r k , Geschichte der syrischen Literatur ( B o n n 1922), 2 7 7 ; A . B a r s a u m , Histoire des sciences et de la litterature syriaque [in A r a b i c ] ( G l a n e / Losser [Holland] 1987), 343-44; cf. G. Graf, GCAL II, 233. 26 T h i s sentence is q u o t e d b y Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis, I I , 219; cf. also L e Q u i e n , Oriens Christianus, I I , cols 1429-30. 27 Barsaum, {Histoire, 343) places Iwannls' floruit about 860; R. Duval {La litterature syriaque [Paris 1907 = Amsterdam 1970]), at the beginning of the 9th century (p. 315). 28 It is De oblatione, edited by J. Sader (Louvain 1970) [CSCO, Scr. Syri CXXXII]). 29 See e.g. Bibliotbeca Orientalis, I I , 118-22. 30 'Important Manuscript Discoveries on Iwannls of Dara and his Literary Heritage', JAOS 96 (1976), 576-78, where a detailed list of the known works of this author is given. 31 Voobus, 'Important Manuscript', 576: 'He occupies a very important place in the history of intellectual culture in the 9th century in the lands of the Euphrates and Tigris'. 229

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biblical exegesis. His exegetical writings appear to be the chief source for the works of M6e32, who was widely known among Syrians and Arabs. According to the results of Voobus' study, the De anima is the only work of Iwannis mainly concerned with philosophical problems, such as the division of the faculties of the soul, the various processes of the senses and the intellect, and so on. From the fifth to the ninth centuries an extensive literature on these themes flourished among the Syrians33. Unfortunately, we are able to identify hardly any of its Greek sources. Thus the discovery in Iwannis' text of some passages directly taken from the DNH will be of great importance for the study of the relationship between Syriac and Greek thought. It is regrettable that the De anima is known now only from the fragments collected by an anonymous compiler in fols 133a154a of ms vat. syr. 14734. These fragments were translated into Italian (but not published) by Giuseppe Furlani in a 1928 article on 'La psicologia di Giovanni di Dara'35. In his translation, Furlani included some chapters (found on fols 15 4a-168b of the Vatican ms), devoted to psychological matters, but apparently not belonging to Iwannis' work36. However, Furlani tentatively ascribed them to Iwannis, chiefly on stylistic grounds.

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See A. Voobus, Discovery of the Exegetical Works of Mole bar Kephd: The Unearthing of Very Important Sources for the Exegesis and History of the New Testament Text (Stockholm 1973), 27 ff. For an up-to-date bibliography of Mose bar Kepha's exegetical works, see Chiesa, 'Gen. 2,15-3,24', 1076-77. 33 See a brief survey in G. Furlani, 'La psicologia di Ahudhemmeh', Atti delFAcc. delle Science di Torino 61 (1926), 837 fF. 34 However, the discovery of new witnesses of this writing was announced by Voobus in 'Important Manuscript Discoveries', 577 n. 13: they are Mosul, Orth. O ; Harvard, Har. 35; AtSaneh m . Barsaum, Histoire, 344, refers to the existence of another ms in the Boston Library, n. 3973 (seemingly containing the first four chapters only). This and the second of the above-listed mss are the same ms as n. 47 of M. H. Goshen-Gottstein's catalogue (Syriac Manuscripts in the Harvard College Library: A Catalogue, Harvard Semitic Studies 23; Missoula 1979, 56-57 [see also S. Brock's review in JSS 26 (1981), 317-21]): at fols. 48-533, this ms contains a part of the chapters (from 4th to 10th) of Iwannis' De anima. 35 RSO 11 (1926-1928), 254-79. 36 A c c o r d i n g t o t h e copyist, t h e excerpta o f t h e De anima e n d o n fol. 154a, w h e r e this c o l o p h o n is w r i t t e n : Shlem mimra d'al napld da'bid Imary Iwannis dDdra mdinta.




The longest passages hitherto identified of the Syriac version of the DNH occur in both the first and the second section of this part of the ms. This fact, indeed, escaped Furlani's attention37. Because these passages are fragments of an essentially literal version, their philological and linguistic examination will certainly lead not only to a deeper knowledge of the DNH's history and textual criticism, but also to a more exact definition of Syriac philosophical terminology. For this reason, the text of these fragments is transcribed below, together with the Greek original.
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IV. The Text SIGLA: G = ms vat. syr. 147; N = Nemesius, DNH, according to Morani's edition; [...] = words or letters to be deleted, and (...) = words or letters to be inserted, according to our conjectures. Words or letters resulting from an emendation of the manuscript text are underlined. We have suggested these tentative emendations in order to reconstruct the readings of the translation of the DNH, rather than to restore the text of Iwannls' work. Justification for the emendations will be found in the Notes on the Text following the transcription. Abbreviations have been written out in extenso, except en ( = id est) and the chronograms. We have added the seydme in accordance with the Greek text. Diacritical signs in the ms were not considered. Fragments 1-3 are ascribed by the compiler to the 3rd nimra of the first chapter of Iwannls' work: see fol. 135a, 10-11. 1. N 1,3 = G I35ai8-i3jbi: Tov av0pa)7rov ex ^vyrf, voepa<;
xai ad)(iaTO<; apiaxa

2. N 1,5-1,8 = G 13jbi-6: ex T O U 8e voepav XeyeaOou T T r^Jruj5rvi.ox..i

See 'La psicologia di Giovanni', 255-56; cf. Furlani, La psicologia di Abudbemmeh, 841, where he states: '... una terza divisione [scil. of faculties of the soul], della quale non so rintracciare la fonte, leggiamo nel f. 154a [of the Vatican ms]'. 231



5 XT) 4*UZ7) ^ &XXo<; aXXy) voepav aur/jv ETOITJCJEV T) TO voepov acp'eau-riji;


3. N 1,9-2,3 = G 1 3 5 b 6 - i 3 6 3 8 : zivkc, jxev a>v eaxi xal aXXvjv elvai

T7)V <|/UX''1V
X a

IIXCOTIVOI; Downloaded from at Humboldt-Universitaet zu Berlin on June 27, 2012


^* ^

o v T



5 i x xpicov TOV av6pa>7rov aruvecfxavat (iouXovxai xal (l11*/^? x a ^ VO'J Yjae xai 'A7roXtvapio<; 6 xyji; AaoSixeiat; xouxov yap xov OefxeXtov ir^c, tSia<; SO^YJI; xai xa Xou p p S 6 ( ) xaxa xo oixelov S6y(i.a 15 xtvec; SE OU Si<TxeiXav aXXa xyjt; oucia<;
7)y[JLOVlx6v XO VOEpOV

r6omo a>c^\xA<\^ rtfocnn o m

cnL.i A mL.i c^x.-va

20 'ApiaxoxEXyji; SE
XOV (XEV 8 u v a ( Z t VOUV

^..I ""-^W,""-'*'
rdluiL=>.A OOJ

auyxaxacTXEuaaSai xa> xov Se EVpyia OupaOsv 7)(

7Ct(Tt,EVai ^ ^ ^ ^

25 oux zic, xo slvat xai xrjv U7rap^iv xou av0pa)7iou ouvxeXouvxa aXX'

reVscn&x.T ,m V o l cni\^(o) ai^J^r^ p^lr^ r^lsuLsn f<xi\=.-\

xal 0capia<;
30 CTU(i.PaXX6(XV0V

youv oXiyoix; xcov av0pa)7rtov



NEMESIANA SYRIACA x a i (jtovoix; xoix; cptXoao<p7)<iavxa<; x6v EVEpysia vouv E/EIV 35 8ta|i(3aiouxat riXaxcov 8 E OU SOXEI XsyEtv xov av0pto7iov slvat xo auva(xcp6xEpov rdrSu 40 aXXa 4 /u X''l v <rco(jtaxi xotcoSs 4. N 55,9-10 = G 1 5 4 a : <J>avxaaxtx6v ji.ev ouv ! aXoyou Sia TWV ato0Y)T7)ptcov evepyouaa 5. N 55,11-12 = G 154a: Si eaxt 7ra0o<; aXoyou ^ X ^ ? TfQ aXo U7ro cpavxaaTOu TIVOI; yivojxevov 6. N 55,17-18 = G 1 5 4 a : ox; y a p EV xoT<; aiCT0y]TY)pioi<; eyytvexai 7ra0o<; oxav ataOavexai ouxa) x a i ev xrj

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7. N 68,6-9 =

G 154a:

xou SE 8iavo7)xixou EIOI yvixto<; fiEv at XE xai ai ouyxaxa0oei<; xai a7ro<puyai xai 6 Ei8ixco<; SE at XE VOYJOEK; xciv ovxcov xat at apsxat xai at
x a i ?&v XE^VCOV ot Xoyot


NEMESIANA SYRIACA 8. N 68,15-18 = G 154a:

T 6 &E fXVTJptOVEUXtXOV O"Xl (jLvy)[zy)<; x a t

atxtov xs xai xajxis'tov

ECTXl 8 E [i.VY)(J.VJ

s a)? cpavxaata E
a7TO xivoi;

xyji; xax'svspyEtav cpaivo[i.EV7)<;

ox; SE IlXaxcov
10 CTcoxTjpta aiaOyjoeax; xe


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xai 9. N 75,9-11 = G 154b:


Siaips'txat eiQ 8uo EI<; 7)Sova<; x a i Xu7Ta?




rj 7U0ufiia

auoxuyxavouCTa ot


io. N 76,6-10 = G 154b: Taiv

I en

a t fxev t o i <\)\J%IY.<X.'[

at 8E ocofxaxtxat ^ux^xai fisv at x^<;

5 )

d)? ai Tcepl xa (i.a67j(i.aTa xai TY]V 6stoptav auxai yap xai al xoiauxai
etoi XY)

10 CTcofiaxtxal Ss EICTIV

at fixa xoivcovtat; xou <ra)(jiaxoi; x a t X7)<; ^ U X ^ ytv6(i.Evai

xai 81a xouxo oco(i.axtxal xaXou[i.svat 15 ax; at 7ispl xkc, xpotpa? xai xa<; auvouata<;


NEMESIANA SYRIACA ii. N 76,10-12 = G 15531-3:



oux ocv eupoi xt<; iSia*; Y)8ova<; aXXa 7ia0Y) olov TO(xa? xai peuaeu; 5 xai xa? xaxa xpaatv 7rai6x7)xa<; 12. N 76,14-77,7 = G 15 5a3 ucp'exepov yap xai exepov yevo? etatv a)<; at <T7Tou8a'tat vjSoval xai at (pauXai 5 xai at fjtev ^ei8er<; at 8e aXyjOeTt; xat at (zev Tf\c, Stavoia^ fi.6v7)<; at 8e 10 xar'attrSirjatv xat auTcov 8e at (xev etcrt <puatxat at 8e ou xat T7) (xev 7)8ovY) T?) ev TCO Ttivetv 15 avrixetrat 7) ev ftp Stijyrjv XUTCT) rdA=cuia> r^ 8e xaxa Oecoptav ouSev Tauxa ouv 7ravxa Setxvuat
T7)V YjSoVYJV 6(jtCOVU(XOV Downloaded from at Humboldt-Universitaet zu Berlin on June 27, 2012

Tcov 8e ca)(xaTtxaiv 20 xaXoufjtevarv Y]8ov6iv at (i.ev etatv avayxaTat xat cpuatxat ax; at xpotpat at 25 rrji; ev8eta<; ava7rX7)ptoxtxal xai xa evSufiaxa avayxaTa at 8e cpuatxal (xev
OIJX avayxaTat 8e

w<; at xaxa cpuaiv 30 xai xaxa V6(JLOV jxt^eti; ai5xat yap et<; jxev XTJV 8ta(i.ov7)v xouTCavxot;yevout; auvxeXoucii Suvaxov 8e xai X^pU auxaiv

^ y rda> cv=u=o r^i\cuii\^ ^v .rw> CTUSQ Y



ai 8e OUTE avayxafai OUTE cpuaixai

6ic, 7) (X07) xai Y ) Xayvsia xai ai 7rXv)CT(xoval

40 OUTE yap tic,

TOU ysvoui; &>q 7) xaTa v6(zov auvouala

OUTE tic, auCTTaatv TT\C,
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aXXa xai 7rpoa{3Xa7iTouat.

45 T(p TOIVUV x a T a 0EOV (OVTl (JLOVa? [XETaSlCOXTEOV r ^ u i r^crArtfjaA A.-vrr. OCTJ

Ta<; <xvayxaia<; ajxa xai cpuaixat; 7)8ova<;


TIXUTOLC, TE xai TOC? cpuaixat; [JLEV oux avayxaia? 8s JXETITEOV


5 5 xai (XETpou xai xaipou xai TO7rou

^ aXXai? CpEUXTEOV r ^ l l l ^ s r^KilVur^ ^..1 ^Acn ^2>9
3 . H OCTJ.l

13. N 73,1-13 = G i j 6 a i - i 5 6 b 2 : Flspi TOU aXoyou

[XEpOU^ 7] EtoOU^ i ^ WQL\ ^ r*^\ \*^\ rg^ V

o xai 7ia07)Tixov xai opsxTixov xaXstTai 5 TIVE<; xaO'saur/jv Elvat XsyouCTi T7)v aXoytav (I)? aXoyov d'UYTiv oijcrav xai ou [i.poi; r/ji; Xoyoaji; 7rpcoTOv (JLV OTI xai xaG'sauTTjv io EV zoic, aXoyoii; ^cooit; ElipitTXETai ^ O U 8T]X0V

i ^ u z u ^r^.i OCTJ crL.k^rf th\o ai.JrurC r^i\cvL\s>s rdl r^^AAsa.i r^iuso cAo trAo

x a i ou |XEpo<; aXX7)<; E ! 0 ' 6 T I TCOV aTOTCCOTlXTOOV ECTTi

r^ixiMri'A I ^ J M S U C A O



15 T?)<; Xoyuajt; |xepo<; elvai TO aXoyov 'ApiaxoxeXY)!; Ss xal \iipoc, elvai Xsyei xal Suvafiiv 20 xal SiaipsT dc, Suo <b? ecpafiev xaXeixat SE xaura xoivaii; xal opsxxixov

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yap xa Qcoa
9 \ \ AS C \

cm X7jv x a o opfryjv 30 axxEt xivyjcriv xou SE aXoyou xo (xev ou 7iei0exai Xoyco

xo SE 7rtTCEi0ei; ECTXI Xoyco

r ^ c v l A s a rt\

,*> ^n am

7raXt.v Se xo E7ii7Tei0<; Xoyco 55 SiaipeTxai elc, Siio et<; x xo 7n0u(X7)xtx6v x a l x6 0u(x.i,x6v

ECTXI SE o p y a v a

xou fi.Ev 7U0u[ry)xixou 40 xou St'atcfO^crecot; xo ^ a p xou SE 0u(xixou Y ) xapSia

14. N 73,18-20 = G 1; ecm SE xal xauxa xa auaxaxixa vfjc, ^coco8ou<; oucftaq aveu yap xoiixcov oux Ecrxt
crucrx^vai XTJV ^corjv

15. N 74,3-9 = G i 5 6 b j - i 6 : xcov SE i^uxtxcov 7ia0cov opo<; ouxo<; TOX0O<; saxl xivrjoii; XT]C; 6pxxix% SuvajjLsco<; 5 aicrOyjxTj E7rl ^avxacrta






x a i aXXco^ TZOLQOC, s a x i XIVYJCTK; a X o y o i ; XT)<; J

8Cuiz6'kv)<\jiv xaXou vj xaxou TO 81 yEVlXOV ouxco<; o p ^ i) 7ra8o<; ecrrl XIVTJCTK; ev exEpai e exepou evepyeia Si eaxt
XIVYJCTK; SpacrrixY)

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Spaaxixov Se XEyexat 20 TO kZ, eauTou xivoujzevov

ouxax; o5v x a t 6 6U(JLO<;

.^.\&\&v> o u ocn.i ocn

eaxt xou 0u(j.oei8ou<;

In the following notes on the fragments edited above, we omit all the variants concerning the use of particles (isv, 8e, yap, youv etc., since they are not uniformly reproduced in Syriac texts 38 . 1. The only remarkable textual feature is the omission of apioxa (1. 2), common to G and the Latin translation of the D N H by Alfanus (1015-1085). 2. More interesting remarks can be made about fragment 2: the reading ... .i ,_.* A\7s (1. 1), besides showing a possible agreement with K (EX SE XOU), proves the Syriac translator was able to understand the causal sense of the first sentence: 'because of calling the soul "intelligent"...'. The phrase ^uiA rtfotn ri*\*> (1. 3) seems to be a translation of a|j.cfH(3oXtav'iypvTzc,.This reading was suggested by Morani in 197939, in order to avoid the difficult genitive locution EX XOU ... EXOVXO?, but it was later rejected in his critical edition of the DNH. Morani's conjecture was corroborated by the witness of
Cf. the observations of H. J. Drossaart Lulofs, in his edition of Nicolaus Damascenus, On the Philosophy of Aristotle, Fragments of the First Five Books translated from the Syriac ( L e i d e n 1969), 9 2 . 39 ' N o t e critiche al testo di N e m e s i o ' , Wiener Studien n.s. 13 (1979), 203-4. 238


Alfanus alone {ex eo quod ... dubitationem habent). Now this probably correct reading can be dated back to at least z 5 o years earlier. A good example of the translation technique adopted is the strictly literal rendering of 7raxpov (1. 4) by ^.ou r?\.rt, introducing the first part of a disjunctive-interrogative clause. This close rendering misled Furlani into translating this locution 'which of them' 40 . 3. The Syriac text needs some emendation: (1) Ar (1. 4) is to be omitted. (2) The manuscript reading m)e^ (1. 26) needs a n>an> before it: see the Greek text (xod TTJV uracpiv)41. (3) At 1. 29, the ms has oa^Soc^fcv.t, which we have corrected to auSoc^Ao. As in many other cases, it seems more reasonable to assume the omission of rvaw in the Syriac text, rather than the insertion of xou in the Greek. Perhaps this error, as well as the previous one, was already to be found in the Syriac version employed by Iwannls, for both are reproduced in an identical passage of Mose bar Kepha's De Anima*2. As we can see by comparing the Syriac text with its Greek source, the only significant variant is shown by the reading >'' (1. 29): this word translates cputrecov (as written in K), instead of cpumxcov (as in the edited text). Finally, the passage 3,31-41 was clearly altered, possibly by Iwannls, in order to abridge it. The Greek locution TO auvaiicpoTEpov was translated into Syriac by means of a simple transliteration, but its meaning was further explained with the words ,^ocn,H&\ X o t u i , 'union of both' (lines 38-39)43. 4. A quite remarkable feature of this fragment is the addition of the gloss rpic, XsyETai xal cuaQviaic, after 4*UX*)? 0- 2 ) : i* ^s common to G and K, as well as to the quotation of this passage in John of Damascus' Defide orthodoxa (PG XCIV, 933B8); where this gloss is placed after evEpyouaa. 6. It is worth noticing the insertion of r^<M^tfe\&v= nL.o<n ( = Eyyivexai XIVTJCK;) at 1. 5. It seems to us that this phrase was
' Q u a l e d i l o r o ' : see F u r l a n i , La pskologia di Giovanni, 258, 1. 27-8. F o r t h e c o r r e s p o n d e n c e y a t a = XXKO.^Q.C,, see G . F u r l a n i , ' L a logica d e l Libro dei Dialoghi di Severo bar Sakko, Atti 1st. Veneto di Sc. e Lett. 86 (1927), 344 n. 130 (referring to p. 321, last line). 42 For another possible interpretation of this concordance between Iwannls and Mole, see p. 245 below. 43 Similar gloss-insertions are to be found in Hunain's Arabic translation of Nemesius: see Morani, La tradi^ione manoscritta, 93.
41 40

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interpolated to stress the parallelism between the two Greek sentences: as perception causes a passion in the senses, so intellection causes a motion** in the soul. The etymological rendering of oxav (ors + av45) by ... .t rtsa confirms the literal translation technique, although the conditional force assumed by av + conjunctive in Greek is not expressed at all 4<\ 7. Some textual remarks need to be made about this fragment: (1) Many words extant in the Greek text were omitted, perhaps by Iwannis himself, such as yevixux; (AEV at 1. 2 (this omission may be a copyist's error, for yevixco<; fiiv is picked up at 1. 5 by eiSix&c; 81)47, xai aTOxpuyat (1. 4), xai ai aperai (1. 6), and 01 Xoyoi (1. 8). (2) G and a part of the direct tradition agree on three variants: T5J<; 7rpae(o<;, added to opjAoci at 1. 4 (as in K); the reading i8ixoi<; for EI8IXCO<; (1. 5), this latter being common to all the most ancient Greek mss, FI excluded 48 ; and VOTJTCOV instead of ovxcov (1. 6), the antiquity and wide diffusion of which in the stemma is now confirmed by Iwannis' witness. In fact, this variant is shared not only by K, A [ms Munich, gr. 562], and by the Armenian and Arabic versions, but also by the indirect witnesses of Maximus the Confessor (7th century), John of Damascus, and pseudoApollonius 49 . (3) The addition of the word 'prophecies' (r^&\cu=i) in the Syriac text suggests a reference to the following lines of the D N H (68,9-11), dealing with the relationship between the intellective faculty and oneiromancy. In these lines, the latter is described as the only effective way of foreseeing the future, according to the view expressed by the Pythagoreans and the Hebrews. 8. Besides the dittography of ,cnoJr^.f< ndiricna^ (lines 4-5), two variants in Iwannis' text are to be noticed: (1) The first is the omission of the Aristotle's name at 1. 5. It must be pointed out that almost the whole tradition of the

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The opinion that the soul is moved is expressed in the D N H some lines

f u r t h e r o n (5 5,20: ... x a i 7tav 0 T I S u v a r a i xtvelv TTJV ^ " X V ) 45 In our fragments, 5v was never translated: see e.g. 11.2. 46 For this meaning of orav, see Liddell-Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon, s.v.: 'Adv. of Time, whenever, with a conditional force, so as nearly to eav'. 47 However, John of Damascus omits both these expressions: see PG XCIV 937C1 ff. 48 This reading may come from a polygenetical error due to itacism; it was also to be found in the Greek apograph of Nemesius' fragments in the Sirr al-haliqa: see 583,1 [''illata-l-fahm hdssatan]. 49 Cf. ibid.:fa-huwafahmu-l-mafhum.



DNH offers here the reading 'Qpiyevji; (defended by Jaeger and Verbeke) 50 . Iwannls, too, might have read this name in his copy. If so, the omission of the name was likely to be due to ideological reasons, because of the early condemnation of Origen as a heretic 51 . Because of this omission, the introduction of the quotation from Plato at 1. 9 was slightly changed ('Plato, however, says about it that ,..' 5 2 ). (2) Another variant is the presence of the reading ^ocntaa.-xo kurtfjcov^, 'and that we generally think (of it)', in place of xai VOY)<TE(O<; (1. 11), as in the Greek original. The Syriac text seems to allude to D N H 68,21-22 (toixe Se VO7)<TIV Xeyetv 6 IlXaTtov iv TOUTOK; ou rqv xuptax; VOTJCIV ...). 9. As one can see, the Syriac translator avoids the ellipticity of the corresponding Greek sentence, by adding (g|i)-n-nr<r7[t*T-.v ] (1. 7). 10. At lines 11-12, a noteworthy agreement in the textual tradition should be pointed out: the inversion rf\c, <Jwx?j<; xai xou ca)[i.aTO<; is shared by G, K and John of Damascus, as well as by the Greek text behind pseudo-Apollonius 53 . 11. The insertion of o before rtfiio.i (1. 4) now makes intelligible a passage, which looked corrupt to Furlani (p. 271). 12. The Syriac text needs only the deletion of o before p^z rtl (1. 16). This was already implicit in Furlani's version. Without this
T h e witness of Sirr al-haliqa, 583,11 [Origanis] brings n e w evidence t o this general agreement. 51 T h e definitive c o n d e m n a t i o n o f O r i g e n as h e t e r o d o x was p r o n o u n c e d by Justinian in his edict o f 543 (cf. P G L X X X V I , 945-990), b u t the reading of his w o r k s was already forbidden at t h e beginning of t h e 5th century: see G. Fritz, ' O r i g e n i s m e ' , in D T C X I / 2 , 1572 a n d 1578. A n allusion t o this censoring can be found also in the Compendious History of Dynasties (Ta'rih muhtasar al-duwal) by G r e g o r i u s Bar-Hebraeus (1220-1286), t h e r e n o w n e d M o n o p h y s i t e bishop a n d writer (see 2nd ed. by A. SalihanI [Beirut 1983], 142,17-143,1): ' ( T h e E m p r e s s Eudoxia) took with h e r 29 bishops a m o n g the o p p o n e n t s of J o h n C h r y s o s t o m : they m e t in Chalcedon, anathematized him a n d deprived h i m of his office, o n t h e pretext that h e h a d n o t c o n d e m n e d the study o f t h e b o o k s o f the heretic Origenes [Qriganis almuhalif]'. W e can find 'ideological' alterations and censorings concerning O r i g e n in t h e textual tradition of E u s e b i u s ' 'ExxXnjaiacmxr) 'IcrropEa: see G . Pasquali, Storia delta tradi^ione e critica del testo (2nd ed. Firenze 1952 [ =

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1988]), 138 n. 3. However, damnationes against him and his followers, among the Syrians (cf. e.g. Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis, II, 33) did not prevent scholars from reading and employing his exegetical works.
John of Damascus does not name either Aristotle (or Origen) or Plato: see 937D1-4. 53 See Sirr al-haliqa, 6 0 5 , 9 - 1 0 : al-nafs wa-l-g'asad.



emendation, the words > i t<\ would be joined (wrongly) to the following period. The only variant in the Syriac text compared with Morani's edition is the omission of xauxa oOv ... 6(jifa)vu[i.ov at lines 17-18. At 1. 37, the word rtfincvni^ (as written in the ms) has been emended into rCho-iv\, 'greed, lust', in accordance with the Greek text (Xayveia)54. Furlani's translation is not correct, for he reads this word i ^ ^ o i a i ^ and misinterprets the expression as 'haughtiness and courage' 55 . Finally, another of Furlani's oversights: while translating lines 29-30, he reads r^Dcuoao instead of ^ a i o u o , and writes: 'the joinings that occur in the nature and in the hypostasis'; but the true sense of this sentence is 'the joinings [i.e. coitions] according to nature and law' (cf. the Greek text). 13. We have corrected the text of 1. 19, as written in the ms (r^V..-)), into rcdujo. Moreover, the Syriac text omits some phrases still extant in the Greek, such as co^aXoyov tyuxfy a t ^ 7> xal StatpeT &<; ecpajjiev (11. 20-21) and 81'odaQrjGzox; (I.40). At lines 3334, the falling away by homoioteleuton of TO Se kniizeiQeQ ... kiznzz&ic, X6yo> has reversed the sense of this passage, so that it means that the part of the soul 'disobeying' reason embraces 'desire' and 'anger', manifestly contradicting the Platonic teachings here expounded. There are two agreements in possible error between G and the direct tradition of the D N H (in this case, ms K again): the addition ofTOXQYJTIXOVafter xoivco? (1. 23), and the reading levxat, (instead of a r m ) , possibly implied by the Syriac word ^ J (1. 30). 15. At 1. 21, the textus traditus (c^i&a>.i) is to be emended (re'fcxsujo), for the former makes nonsense of the passage (according to Furlani's translation, it would mean that 'the action of anger is the angry') 56 . G, K and John of Damascus are in agreement once more, all interpolating ^youv xoivov after yevixov at 1. 13; G agrees with H and John on reading 6p(exai instead of opi^ovxoa (1. 14), and, finally, with Alfanus, John and the Armenian version in inserting after ouxo<; (1. 2).
We owe this suggestion to Dr. S. Brock. See his translation, 272,10-11: Talterigia e il coraggio'. 56 'L'azione dell'ira e l'adirato': 273,2. Changes between dalat and waw seem to be rather easy, particularly in serta mss: see e.g. Mingana, Book of Treasures [trans.], passim.
55 54

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It is worth noticing that the lines 7-9 of the Syriac text almost literally correspond to a sentence inserted by K after xaxou (1. 6): Y ) (i.ev UTOXYJIJIK; TOU xaXou TTJV bu0u|juav XIVET, TJ Bk TOU xaxou UTTOXTJ^K; TTJV (J^UXV- Indeed, Iwannls reports a more correct text, for he reads TOV 6U|AOV (r^^=>i.) instead of TTJV (JJUXTJV (John of Damascus' text, too, has this reading)57, so that, now, the passage acquires a coherent meaning: 'the opinion of good drives to desire, that of evil to anger' 58 .
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VI. Some Tentative Conclusions a. IWANNIS' WORK: ITS SOURCES AND FATE

Many problems arise from the analysis of Iwannls' work, chiefly regarding its relationship to that of Nemesius. We have seen that the authorship of the last section of the ms, from fol. 154a onwards, is all but reliably proved. However, as a result of our findings, the attribution of this section to Iwannls, first proposed by Furlani, seems supported by new evidence. In both sections, quotations from the same work, seemingly according to the same translation, are to be found. Their apparent disagreement, as far as the division of soul is concerned, does not prevent us from thinking of a common authorship, for in the DNH, too, different classifications of the parts of the soul are given. The problem of attribution can be solved otherwise. In the Vatican ms, the following sentence can be read, introducing Iwannls' extracts59:

'We begin to write selected words from the known book of Mar Iwannls of Dara, first of all from his Book of the Soul...'.

See 941A2-3. A similar view was expressed by Iwannls in another passage of his work: see fol. 14288-9: (Barnala) star men regta la qane tabta, madia hemta la metnqem men biita ('[The man], without desire, does not acquire the good, and without anger, does not punish the evil'). 59 S e e t h e V a t i c a n m s , fol. 13382-5; cf. F u r l a n i , ' L a p s i c o l o g i a d i Giovanni', 258.



By adding a simple sejdme to the Syriac ktdbd id? a, the reading ktabe tdte results, so that the source from which the compiler allegedly took the collected extracts would be Iwannls' 'known books', embracing various works besides the De anima. However, both this and other questions can be given afinalanswer only by the publication of the complete text of the De anima. Such an edition will certainly provide evidence for a better definition of Iwannls' knowledge of the DNH. It will be useful for the possible identification of other Greek sources of his work as well a hitherto wholly neglected matter. So far, we have been able to discover one such source: it is Gregory of Nyssa's De opificio hominis (see below, Appendix I). Moreover, the division of the 'five intellecting parts of soul' (intelligence, thought, opinion, sense, and imagination), explained by Iwannls in fols ijob-i5 2b of the Vatican ms, has some correspondences in Greek patristic writings. This division was traced back to Ammonius by Furlani60. However, it was one that gained a considerable currency among Greek authors, so that one can find it in the above-mentioned Defideorthodoxa of John of Damascus (cf. PG XCIV 942C-943A = Kotter, PTS12, 89), as well as in late Byzantine scholastic compilations, such as Nicephorus Blemmides' 'Em-TOfT/) Aoyixrj (13th cent.) (cf. PG CXLIIyizDff.). As to Syriac sources of Iwannls' De anima, two have been already pointed out by scholars. A much used writing in Iwannls' work is the Speech on Man's Composition by the Monophysite bishop Ahudemmeh (d. 5 y5)61. This book was published by F. Nau62 and translated into Italian by Furlani63. Furlani did indeed refer to the existence of Ahudemmeh's quotations in Iwannls64, but he did not indicate exactly these correspondences. The passages taken by Iwannls from Ahudemmeh's work [ = A] are as follows (according to Furlani's paragraph numeration):

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60 See Lapsicologia di Ahudhemmeb, 837 a n d 840; cf. A m m o n i u s , Commentary in De Int., ed. Busse ( C A G I V ; Berlin 1897), 5, 4. 61 O n A h u d e m m e h and his ecclesiastical office in the Jacobite church, see L e Q u i e n , Oriens Christianus, I I , 1533; cf- A s s e m a n i , Bibliotheca Orientalis,

II, 441 and 448.

62 63 64

Patrologia Orientalis, I I I (1909), 97-115. See La psicologia di Ahudbemmeh, 808-15. Ibid., 819-20.



A 14-15 = G 14737-10; A 20-35 = G 147310-14936; A 37-41 = G 14936-14^9;

A 43-48 = G I49b9-i5oa4; A 51 [beginning only] = G 15034-6; A 64-66 = G 15036-9; A 69-71 = G A 73-74 = G According to Barsaum65, Iwannls' De anima has drawn heavily on another Syriac work on psychology, the Great Treatise on the
Human Soul according to the Scholarchs' Opinions by Yuhanna alDownloaded from at Humboldt-Universitaet zu Berlin on June 27, 2012

Atarbi al-'Amudl (d. 738). Finally, one must reckon Iwannls' De anima among the sources of Mose bar Kepha's De anima. This being so, we have a good opportunity to check the relationship between these two works. As pointed out by Kraus66, in chap. 30 of Mose's treatise there is a passage which is apparently based on chap. 1 of the DNH. In reality, it is simply a paraphrase of the passage from the DNH as reported in Iwannls' De anima (published above, frag. 3)67. This extract shows in Mose's text the same errors and changes as in Iwannls', and so provides proof that there is a relationship between these two authors. There are other closely similar passages in Mose's and Iwannls' works. Mose's views about the identity of intellect, soul and spirit, based on the above-mentioned extract from the DNH, are substantially the same as those of Iwannls at the same place68. And Iwannls' discussion concerning the location of the intellect in the human body is clearly echoed in a passage of Mose's devoted to the place occupied by the soul69. In Mose's text, as in Iwannls', the different opinions of those who place the soul in the heart or in the brain are reported. All these opinions are rejected by asserting that the soul is located in the whole body. Nevertheless, this assertion appears to be very unusual among Syriac authors.
B a r s a u m , Histoire, 315. K r a u s , op. tit., 340. 67 See Braun's translation, lines 10-16, p. 98 (f. 64b of the ms). The agreement of these lines with a passage in Iwannls' writing was already noticed by Braun himself (n. 2, where the Syriac text of this passage is given). 68 Cf. Braun's trans., 98-9, with Furlani, ' L a psicologia di G i o v a n n i ' , 259. I n t h e D N H n o p e n d a n t t o these considerations can be traced. 69 Cf. Braun's trans., 96-7, with Furlani, 'La psicologia di G i o v a n n i ' , 216.
66 65



One can find opposing views, for example, in Job of Edessa (the soul is in the brain) and Theodorus bar Koni (the soul is in the heart)70. By way of contrast, none of these theories locating the soul in a particular organ can be found in the DNH.

The significance of the newly found, fragmentary version for the textual criticism of the DNH is certainly worth discussing. As is well known, a correct evaluation of the oriental translations of Greek texts is a far from easy task. A successful conjectural reading on the part of the translator can easily be misunderstood as an ancient (and good) manuscript reading. In particular, this error occurs when only late Greek mss are extant. As a matter of fact, the oldest Greek mss are often contemporary with SeuTEpo? eXX7)vi<jfjt.6<; (9th cent.), or even posterior to it. According to Morani, the misunderstanding is well-known to scholars studying the Arabic version of Hunain ibn Ishaq and his son71. However, such mistakes are less likely to be made in the case of the present Syriac translation, since it is a very literal version. Three different collocations in the textual history of the DNH can be conceived for the collected fragments. The fragments may have been: (1) directly translated from the Greek; (2) taken from an independent version; or (3) taken from the Syriac version known to the Armenian translators. The first hypothesis should be rejected in the light of the internal errors one can detect in the Syriac tradition. These errors have been pointed out in the Notes on the Text. Some of them might have been already extant in the ms from which Iwannls took his extracts of the DNH. In any case, it is unlikely that Iwannls knew Greek. The second hypothesis is more likely. If it is the case, then one can assume that the Greek ms underlying the Syriac translation was related to K, as well as to the copy employed by John of Damascus. This would account for the fact that these text-

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See Job of Edessa, in Mingana, Book of Treasures, 32obn-i2 (where rtiha napidnaya, 'soul spirit* is concerned), trans, p. 43, and Theodorus bar Koni, Liber Scboliorum, ed. Addai Scher [CSCO, Scr. Syri LXV-LXVI], I, 27,5-13: cf. Furlani, La pskologia di Abudhemmeb, 843. 71 See Morani, La tradi^ione manoscritta, 94-5. 246



witnesses contain the same brief interpolations. One of these interpolations (see notes to frag. 15) appears to reflect a better text in G and in John than in K. Thus, G is to be credited with a higher place than K in the line of descent from the common archetype72. A significant connection with K is shown also by the few remarkable variants found by Morani in Mose bar Kepha's extracts73. As to the age of the fragmentary translation, according to S. Brock74, it cannot be dated back, for stylistic reasons, earlier than the seventh century. Lastly, the identity of the 'Armenian' Syriac version with the fragmentary one could only be demonstrated by a deep investigation of the whole work of Iwannls. If the identity could be proved, then the role of the Syriac translation in the stemma would have to be challenged. The evidence given by Morani is, in fact, too weak to separate this translation from the remaining branches of the tradition. One of the arguments used by Morani is the existence in the Syriac text of a possibly correct reading, ^omxov as against mx6r)Tixov in the greater part of the mss (see DNH, ed. Morani, 27, n). As a matter of fact, the former is witnessed also by three other mss, and can be regarded as lectio facilior, for it appears also in Aristotle, De anima 413aff75.It is worth noticing that the roots of the verbs hss (to suffer, ntxayew) and hy' (to live, TJV) are very similar when written in Syriac characters, and so confusion could easily be accounted for. In short, this reading could have been
M o r a n i supposes K o r its direct ancestor t o be the result of c o n t a m i n a tion with very old mss. N o d o u b t , there are g o o d reasons for accepting this, because D N H ' s tradition is certainly a contaminated o n e . But we m u s t r e m e m b e r that a 'horizontal t r a n s m i s s i o n ' t h e o r y can be a facile expedient, an expedient which allows o n e t o reduce t o a desired o r d e r all the textual p h e n o m e n a (such as the presence of c o m m o n readings in o t h e r w i s e u n r e lated mss), which cannot be justified otherwise. F o r a discussion of contamination as a text-critical p r o b l e m , with a c o n v i n c i n g example, see M . Martelli, 'Considerazioni i n t o r n o alia contaminazione nella tradizione dei

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testi v o l g a r i ' , in La critica del testo: Problem/ di metodo ed esperien^e di lavoro. Atti del Convegno di Lecce 22-26 ottobre 1984 ( R o m a 1985), 127-49. 73 See M o r a n i , La tradizione manoscritta, 100. 74 Personal communication (in a letter dated 25 th Oct. 1990). We take the opportunity of giving Dr. Sebastian Brock (The Oriental Institute, Oxford) our thanks for this and other suggestions about our study of Iwannls' text. 75 It was substituted for qpimx6v in ms D [Dresden, Publ. Libr., Da 57] (cf. DNH, 72,5). For a discussion of these readings, cf. Morani, La tradi\ione manoscritta, 205.



easily introduced into the text by a copyist, perhaps from a marginal gloss. A second argument is the omission of an interpolation existing in all the witnesses (see DNH, ed. Morani 70, 7). This omission is not an error, and cannot, therefore, have any disjunctive force. In its turn, the common interpolation in the rest of the tradition has only conjunctive force, so that, according to a well-known editorial rule76, it cannot be employed for the definition of the stemma

An examination of the paraphrase of the DHN in the Sirr alhaliqa would be no less important. The Greek text hidden behind these excerpta nemesiana appears to be very early, for the Sirr's recension B, in which the excerpta were included, dates back to the age of the Caliph al-Ma'miin (813-8 3 3)78. These excerpta could prove helpful for the study of Nemesius' Syriac translations too. As pointed out earlier, the DNH is not the common source of the strictly similar passages in pseudo-Apollonius' Sirr and in Job of Edessa's Book of Treasures. However, according to Kraus, this source is to be placed in a Syriac milieu, perhaps in the pre-Islamic age. The paraphrase of Nemesius' is an excursus inserted into the short chapter of the Sirr devoted to the soul, which, in its turn, is preceded by an account of the reasons for man's 'standing up' 80 . It is worth noticing that, in this very context, Job says that the problem of the existence and nature of the soul has already been
dealt with in a book of his On the Soul (Ktdbd ... d'al napsa)^.
See e . g . D ' A . S. Avalle, Principi di critica testuale ( 2 n d e d . , P a d o v a 1978), 47-5O77 On these problems, cf. the observations of R. Browning, in his review of M o r a n i , La tradisyone manoscritta, The Classical Review 32 (1982), 149-51. 78 U . Weisser, Buch iiber das Geheimnis, 24-25 [ G e r m a n section]. M . Ullmann's desire for a 'synoptic' publication of all N e m e s i u s ' Arabic translations, expressed in his review o f Weisser's w o r k {journal for the History of Arabic Science 4 [1980], 9 1 : 'Vielleicht ware es jedoch g u t gewesen, wenn diese N e m e s i o s - U b e r s e t z u n g in einfcr gesonderten Publication synoptisch mit der zweiten arabischen Nemesios-Obersetzung ediert worden ware'), has been partially fulfilled by Kh. Samir ('Les versions arabes', 114-39). 79 T h i s fact was noticed b y U . Weisser t o o , so correcting a widespread misunderstanding of Kraus' observations about the relationship between these works: see her Das 'Buch iiber das Geheimnis der Schopfung' von PseudoApollonius von Tyana (Berlin-New Y o r k 1980), 58 n. 24. 80 See ed. Weisser, 395-99 [Arabic text]. 81 See M i n g a n a ' s trans., 9 4 ; Syriac text, 3 5 2 ^ 5 - 2 2 ; cf. ibid., p . xxii.

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Unfortunately, this work is now lost. If its contents were identical to those of the excerpt a nemesiana in pseudo-Apollonius, then the existence of a common source could be inferred, which might constitute a different branch of the Syriac tradition of the DNH. Weisser's opinion that these excerpta are a later insertion into the work82 does not preclude this possibility. Both Job's and pseudoApollonius' writings were composed nearly in the same age and milieu (al-Ma'mun's Baghdad). Thus the supposition that the same materials were employed by both the Syriac philosopher and the Arabic compiler (by what means, we do not know) seems quite reasonable. A worthwhile conclusion from this brief essay would be an invitation to scholars to undertake a wider search for quotations of the DNH and for evidence of its influence in Syriac literature. This is a much-neglected but very promising field. One could compare the abundant material collected by Samir in his study of the fate of Nemesius' work amongst Arabic authors. Appendix I. Gregory of Nyssa's De opificio hominis in Iwdnnis of Ddrd's De anima Gregory of Nyssa's De opificio hominis, written in 379, was a major source of inspiration for Nemesius, and for biblical exegetes and philosophers in the medieval age as well, on the difficult problem of the creation of man83. The Greek text of this work was reprinted in Patrologia Graeca, vol. XLIV, 123-256. A critical edition by H. Horner is being prepared as the fourth volume of the series Gregori Nysseni Opera published by Brill. A complete Syriac
82 Buch iiber das Geheimnis, 6 5 : a c c o r d i n g t o Weisser, t h e t e r m i n o l o g i c a l difference between the excerpta and the text of Sirr al-haliqa is quite remarkable. 83 For the possible knowledge of this work by medieval Jewish exegetes, see G. Sermoneta, 'II neo-platonismo nel pensiero dei nuclei ebraici stanziati nell'Occidente Latino (Riflessioni sul 'Commento al Libro della Creazione' di Rabbi Sabbetai Donnolo)', in Gli Ebrei nell'Alto Medio Evo, Settimane di studio del Centro italiano di studi sulFAlto Medio Evo XXVI (Spoleto 1980), 867-98 n. 50 and 912-13 n. 74 (in the West) and B. Chiesa, Creazione e caduta dell'uomo nell'esegesi giudeo-araba medievale (Brescia 1989), 66 n. 53 and 70 n. 22 (in the East). For its employment in the 'definitions' literature, see G. Furlani, "II libro delle Definizioni e Divisioni' di Michele l'lnterprete', Atti Ace. Na%. Lincei, Mem. Sc. Mor. VI, 2 (1926), 185-86 and 193. Gregory's writing is also quoted three times in M65e bar Kepha's De paradiso: cf. PG CXI 486C1-2, 514D11 ff., 516A9 ff.

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version84, recently studied85, is found in ms vat. syr. 106, together with translations of other works by Gregory 86 . Now a new witness of this wide-spread use of the work can be added. In Iwannls' De anima, some brief extracts from chaps 12 and 15 of the De opificio hominis are inserted, as the following comparison shows: 1. PG 156C6 = G

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TWV \iopLoiq Tiai otofxauxou;




Ivspysiav d>v 01 fiiv ev xapSia TO Y)YE(i.ovtxov elvai xi6evxai ot 8k TW eyxetpaXtp xov vouv 2. PG 156C13-158A1 =
7ta><; T7)V (XECyyjV TOG TZOLVTOC,


GO^LO-TOC, iiiiyzw x&pocv au-ajv <o<; rJji; 7TpoaipeTixy)<; XIVYJCTEOX; EX TOU (ziaou
xai OUTCOI; zlc zlc, sve svepyeiav

r^k\cu^.\^\^n r^ivs^-so

See Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis, I I I / 1 , 21-22; B a u m s t a r k , Geschichte, 79 n . 7 ; H . L a n g e r b e c k , Gregorii Njsseni Opera V I , lxi ff. (cf. M . G e e r a r d , C/avw Patrum Graecorum, I I , n . 3154). Cf. in particular M . F . G . P a r m e n t i e r , 'Syriac Translations o f G r e g o r y o f Nyssa', Orienta/ia Lovaniensia Periodica 20 (1989): for t h e De opificio hominis, see p p . 164-66, w h e r e a detailed list o f t h e hitherto known fragments of its Syriac version is given. 85 Cf. T. Clementoni, M. R. Del Deo and F. Grassi, 'La versione siriaca del "De opificio hominis" di Gregorio di Nissa', Studi e ricerche sulFOriente cristiano 5 (1982), 81-101; 157-71; 6 (1983), 39-56; 181-95; 7 (1984), 25-50; 191-206. In this essay, an Italian version of the De opificio hominis, chaps. 9-11 and 13-14 (according to the Syriac translation), is published, provided with a philological commentary. For a brief account of some characteristic features of this Syriac translation, see 5 (1982), 81-87. 86 See H . W i c h e r B r o w n , in Catalogus translationum et commentariorum, V ( W a s h i n g t o n 1984), s.v. Gregorius Nyssenus, 1-250: 2 1 ; cf. Bibliotheca Oriental's, I, P- 569. 250


NEMESIANA SYRIACA K a l (xapxupiov 7roteTTai TOU Xoyou TT]V XuTCY)pav r e xai TOU SiaOeaiv U av0pd>7TOu a o n SoxeT 7rtoc; x a Toiauxa 7ta07)
' TO fiipoc; TOUTO

01 * TOV iyxEcpaXov a<pipouvT<; Tto Xoyiafito toCT7Tp axpo7roXiv ( ~ 156D7-11)

SE x a i OUTOI

< n i KuiiA.i ^AcAi

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_.^usi9o CTA

TO 7rapayCT0ai TOU xaOsoTCOTO!; Ttov xxaxto[iivtov xcnq, (jLYjviyyat; x a i TO ev ayvoia TOU 7rp7i:ovTO(;
ZOUC, EV (XE07) Xi

r^^x..T ,tr> ^C^CTIMCVSJ.A r^ixLu 1A=>.T ^ c u c n . i

3. PG 158D1-3 = G 14039-10:
O u (JL7)V (XTCOSEL^IV 7TOtOU(i.aL TaUTTjV TOU T07uxaT<; TICTI. 7TEpi,ypacpaT<;

T7]V aod)(XaTOV


4 . P G 160D6-8 = G 140312-14: T6v Se vouv 6(ji.oTi(Jito<;


xaTa TOV acppaaTov avaxpaaEtoi; Xoyov


5. P G 160D12-13 = G 140314-17: v i xapStai;

xai vEtppoix; 6 0EO<; tOCTTE X'-A-) ^ r ^ S J\ps

TO voepov xaTaxXeiouaiv

NEMESIANA SYRIACA 6. P G 162A7-9 = ' H yap vorjTT) <puai<; OUTE Tau; xsvtoaEoiv k


aapxo<; E^a)6eiTa

7. P G 162B3-9 = '
OUTCJ xai 6 vou? Si'oXou TOD opyavou xai xaTaXXrjXcoi; Tal<; EVEpysian; xa06 TOcpuxsv

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Trpo(ia7rT6(i.vo(; ZT\ (AIV


T6Jv x a T a a <fdai TO oixstov EVYjpyyjasv E7ri SE TWV aaOEVouvTtov Ss^aaOai


i v\i*w. \

^..i ^Acno

a7ipaxTO<; TE
x a i avEVpy7jTO<; E[ZEIV

(cf. 160B9-15)

8. PG 177B4-C6 = G I4ob7-i4iaio
aXX OTl O U / l (XEpl TlVl T(OV EV TJfi.'lV 6 VOUi;

x a i 81a 7ravTa)v ECTTIV

OUTE E^wOev TTpiXa(J.f OUTE EVSOGEV XpaTOUfiEVOi; T a u T a y a p E7Ti xaScov >1 aXXcov Tivtov Xeyerai ' H SE TOU VOU 7rpo<; TO xoivcovia a<ppaaTov TE

T7)v auvaepEiav
OUTE EVTO<; o u a a


(OUXE yap ey>tpaxTxai

acofxaxi xo aawfiaxov)
OUXE exXO? 7Tpi}(OUCTa

(ou yap 7TpiXa(i.pavi xi xa aawfxaxa) aXXa xaxa xiva xporcov XE xal axaxavorjxov
6 VOUt; XT) <pUCTl >'-'\ i^iOOl O<73

x a l 7rpoaa7Tx6(i.VO(;

xal Iv auxyj xal nzpi auxyjv QzopzitCLi OUXE yxa07j[XEVO(;

OUXE TCp!,7lXU(T(T6(JlVO(;

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,cnal^. ^^K> a^ c\l

aXXa he, oux




xaxa xov e[p(i.6v

re'^cvLuoa vy.r^ evl :

xal 6 vou<; Vpy6<; yivExai Et 8E xt xauxyjv et xax'exeTvo xax'e

xal T % 8Lavoia<; Y J XIVTJCTK;

re'ocn <<i\=i^a r^iocn am

The 'quotation technique' employed by Iwannis in the aboveedited fragments is very similar to that used in the excerpta from Nemesius. More or less long passages are reported, taken from various places in his source. Some of them are abridged, but voluntary omissions by Iwannis cannot be easily distinguished from those already existing in his Vorlage. However, as a rule, Gregory's text is literally quoted (see in particular frags, i and 8)87. Indeed, this version has nothing to do with the translation in ms vat. syr. 106: compare, e.g., the first fragment of the former with the corresponding passage of the latter, reproduced here below (fol.

Iwannis of Dara's knowledge of Gregorius' works is well-known. A long passage from Gregorius' De anima et resurrectione is quoted by Iwannis
in De resurrectione, book 4, chap. 24: see Bibliotheca Orientalis, III/i, p. 22.




'Let all the vain speech be silent, of those who, according to a vacuous opinion, confine the action perceived by means of the intellect within the parts of body. Some of them place under the control of the heart the rule of all that is in man. Others, on the contrary, say that, in man, the intellect resides in the brain'.

As we can see from these lines, the Vatican version is a free, sometimes paraphrastic one88. This feature, according to scholars89, is typical of the first age of Syriac literature (jth-6th cent.). The literal and careful translation quoted by Iwannls almost a verbum de verbo rendering may be dated back to the 7th-8th centuries90.
Appendix II. Greek-Syriac-Arabic Glossary of Philosophical Terms

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The Syriac terms of this glossary are taken from the fragments of the DNH's Syriac version edited here. The Arabic ones are those employed in the translation commonly ascribed to Hunain ibn Ishaq (or to his son). The latter is to be found in at least three mss91. We have consulted a photostatic copy, available in the Universita Cattolica di Milano, of the ms kept in Cairo, Coptic Patriarchal Library, Graf 561 (= Simaika 363), theol. 224, fols. 2a-io5a92. The items are listed according to the alphabetical order of the Greek words. References to our
88 This can be verified by comparing the complete translation of the two chapters quoted by Iwannls: see fols. 49vb43-j irc2o in the Vatican ms for chapter 12 [< fragms. 1-7], and fols. 54raio-j 5^33 for 15 (numbered in the ms the 16th) [<fragm. 8]. 89 See in particular the fundamental study of S. Brock, 'Towards a History of Syriac Translation Technique', in III Symposium Sjriacum: Orientalia Christiana Analecta 221 (Roma 1983), 1-15. Cf. also 'Aspects of Translation Technique in Antiquity', in Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 20 (Durham [N.C.] 1979), 69-87. 90 A characteristic work, dating back to this period, is the wholly literal Syriac translation of the first part of Aristotle's Organon (Categoriae, De Interpretatione and Analytica Priora) by Gregory Bishop of the Arabs (d. 724). It was published by G. Furlani in Atti R. Ace. Nav^. dei Lincei, Mem. Sc. mor., VI, vol. 5 (1933-1935) and vol. 6 (1937); cf. G. Furlani, 'La versione e il commento di Giorgio delle Nazioni all'organo aristotelico', Studi italiani di filologia classica, n.s. 3 (1923), 305-33. 91 See Samir, 'Les versions arabes', 110-11. 92 On this ms and its reproduction, see Morani, LM tradi^ione manoscritta, 90 fF. We were allowed to read this reproduction through the good offices of Dr. Paolo Branca (Universita Cattolica di Milano).



edition have been added. We were not always able to find the corresponding Arabic term. However, gaps due to the illegibility of the ms employed have been pointed out.


(6.3) = (8,7) = (4.4) =

(12,6) =
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aXoyo<; (4,2) =
avayxaicx; (12,21) = ava(i.v7)(Tca(; (8,2) = avTixeixai. (12,15) = aper/j (12,51) = v) (12,27) = (13,14) =

yevoc; (12,2) =

(3,29) = r^i^-.x. = [cannot be read].

(7,1) = Siavoia (12,7) = Soy^a (3,14) = 86^a (3,12) = SpatTTtXOV (15,19) = (3,21) = (12,33)

el8o<;(i3,2) = EvSeTa (12,25) = evepyeia (3,23) = r^i\cu.vaa>> = J; E V V O Y J C T T ) (6,6) = (9,1) = (12,36) = (7,7) = P^iria-.V. = J* J


NEMESIANA SYRIACA riiiri (12,8) = eupiaxexai (13,11) =

H (3,18) =
YjSoVY) ( 9 , 3 ) = r^k\OrjJCTJ = Si!.

Geoopta (3,29) = L.ior<r^ = [cannot be read];
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ta (10,7) = O V (12,37) = y]^ (15,22) = 6c, (15,21) = 0upa0ev e7ieiCTtevai (3,23-24) =

xa6'auT7]v (10,5) = chio i h i = xaipo? (12,55) = rdi=i = cJ>; xa-ra Oecopiav (12,16) = (; (1,3) = (12,25) = xoivcovia (10,11) = xoivwc (12,23) = xpaai? (11,5) = xptoii; (7,2) =

yj (13,8) = Xoyo<; (12,32) = (9,3) = r^lMii. = Sil.

(10,6) = (13,2) = (12,5 5) = (8,2) =

(8,4) =
(i.V7)(JLOVUTlXOV ( 8 , l ) =



N a (2,6) =
V6TJOI<; (7,5) = c^W.v. VO(i.O<; (12,30) = (12,42) = (2,4) =

= JLJl


opyavov (12,38) = .^^evi^ior^ = ill; opexxixov (12,23) = O? (13,4) = (12,26) = PM (7.4) = niAre^. = J-.; opo? (15,1) = re^sscujiv = (a form of the verb Jb-); (3,17) = (14,2) =
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TcaOvjTixo? (13,3) =
TOX6O<; (5,1) = r*



7TpOXO7T7J (3,28) = (12,54) =

(12,3) =
auvafxcpoxepov (3,38)
(TUVCTT<XVai ( 3 , 6 ) =

(7,3) =
(3,22) =

(3,27) =


(12,43) = r-za*cua = ^ly (ms f (14,2) = rCx^uazn = i.^i. (ms (1,2) = r ^ i ^ 6<; (10,3) =



ioc, (13,12) = (7,8) = TO elvai Xcd 7} (m<XpZ,lC, (3,25-26) TO voepov (3,19)

TOTCOI; (12,56) =

= =
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TpO7TO<; (12,54)


ia (5,1)
cpavxaaia (15,5)

= .7)V7] (8,6) =

ov (4,1) =
(5,3) = cpaGXoc; (12,4) =

(2,8) =

YJI; (12,5)