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230

PART YWO:

WISDCW

Chapter Pay-Ing for

Four Pansophy

importance. is Vndertaking Pansophical mighty 'The of , then to have All greater For what can bee almost to have All If it were with the addition knowledge. in HQbner, it Joachim cited were perfection' also 1639, HP 30/4/12A. Ephemerides 4: 1
From

love

origins
first

of

the

Pansophic
letter

Project
to Hartlib, it

Moriaen's

surviving

is

evident

that deeply, project

when he arrived indeed to missionarily,

in

Amsterdam committed

he was to his the

already friend's vision

fund

and publicise whose most Moravian or

Pansophy, famous theologian 1 This

of

universal worked out

wisdom by the

formulation and scheme

was being pedagogue

Jan Amos Komensky,

Comenius.

is enormous. literature The 1 The secondary on Comenius is Milada Blekastad's biographical fullest account Umrisses Werk und Versuch Comenius: von Leben eines (Oslo des Jan Amos Komensky 1969), Schicksal and Prague, is its detailed title despite modest a and which his life based heavily work, of and account exhaustive (though uncritically) at times somewhat on and usefully Comenius's and autobiographical correspondence writings. Still written nearly are the many studies valuable a Die Padagogische particularly ago by Jan Kva6ala, century in Deutschland bis des Comenius des Reform zum Ausgange (Monumenta Germaniae P&udagogica Jahrhunderts XVII xvIX (Berlin, 1904)). 1903) The standard (Berlin,, and XXII HDC part 3 (342-464), English sources are Turnbull, Xnstauration Great to Samuel Webster, and 'Introduction' (Cambridge, Hartlib of Learning and the Advancement dismissive 1970), rather and Hugh Trevor-Roper's and 'Three Foreigners: The Philosophers of the anglocentric in Religion, the Reformation Revolution', Puritan and (on Hartlib, (London, 1967), 237-293 change Dury social impact in their England). Wilhelmus Comenius and and Some Aspects Comenius Rood's and the Low Countries: of in the Seventeenth the Life and Work of a Czech Exile

231

was the years of

main their his

preoccupation correspondence. commitment it was to

of

both

men in

the

first

few

Moriaen it in fervent

repeatedly and explicitly

expressed religious

terms:

dz ich nach Gottes auf das werck, schickung werck mich genommen vnd nun mehr mein ganzes besten [ ] ich hab davon mache zum gemeinen ... devotiret darzu vnd abgesondert gleichsam mich (no. 16)

Their

expectations quoted that,

were back

spectacularly to Hartlib the

high. latter's

Moriaen

approvingly conviction

der welt nichts nuzlichers seye angetragen nie dardurch die als worden als eben di werckh derselben Ecclesia Schulen. vnd vermittelst werden mundus reformirt sollen vnd respublica (no. knnen 67). is

Before

a detailed

account

given

of

the

project

and

Moriaen's

involvement

in

it,

some analysis

is

called

for

(Amsterdam, 1970) contains Century useful material on his in his the Netherlands and relations with the de stay in this later (discussed Geer family There are chapter). on more specific aspects vast numbers of articles of his in the journals history thought life, and publishing der Comeniusgesellschaft, Acta Comeniana and Monatshefte Comeniana et Historica. See also Dagmar Capkovd, Studia Escape from the Labyrinth', and his Ideals: ,'Comenius to his thought, SHUR, 75-92, and, on the background Johann Heinrich Alsted: Encyclopedism, Howard Hotson, in Germany (PhD Millenarianism and the Second Reformation in 'Philosophical 1991), oxford, thesis, summarised in Reformed Central Europe between Ramus and pedagogy background comenius: a survey of the continental of the Foreigners'", SHUR,, 29-50. A critical "Three and very in account of Comenius's concept of education stimulating Utopianism forms a major the context of his millenarian A Rational Millennium: Puritan of James Holstun's strand (New England Utopias of Seventeenth-Century and America 1987). York and Oxford,

232

of
to

what
be

it

was that
as in of

was being
epochal

promoted,
significance.

and how it

came

seen

such

Born

1592,

Comenius

studied

at

the

Reformed

academy traditional the late which cases

of

Herborn, University

before of

spending Heidelberg.

a year 2

at

the

more

Herborn

was among in in 3 In to most the the

many higher sixteenth

educational century

establishments

founded

by Reformed ethos of

German princes forged.

a new educational of the 'conversion' there

was being small

German states lack of

Reformed for the

religion new faith bent,

was a signal general them

enthusiasm and the through -

among the

populace,

leaders school, so.

on persuading and pulpit

saw education tool

academy As the

- as a powerful divisions definition, of for Reformed their within the


to

for

doing

confessional on clearer influx an evicted

within

Protestantism such rulers and their as well and

widened benefited

and took from

preachers from Empire,

educationalists posts as the


England.

beliefs the

in

Lutheran from

territories Switzerland,
stimulus

exodus
4

Netherlands

A further

Protestant

educational

reformers

of

all

stripes

was provided

by the

undisputed

Comenius, 23-48. He was at Herborn 2 Blekastad, from from 1613-14. 1611-13, Moriaen had almost at Heidelberg left by this Heidelberg time. certainly the illuminating Cf. 3 study of German higher education that forms the introduction to Howard period at this thesis Heinrich its Hotson$s Alsted: 'From on Johann included inception, the Second Reformation a prominent dimension and one which was developed educational with a degree (p. 23). of optimism and imagination' remarkable 17-20. see Hotson, 4 op. cit.,

233

success
traditional sixteenth

of

the

Jesuit

colleges,
founded

with
in the

their
latter observed

relatively
half to of the

curricula, century. 5

As J. A.

Poehmer

Hartlib,

Ich wundere mich offtmahl vber der Iesuiten industriam [ ) diese hetten fatalem sie wan ... inquisition der natur die so sehr sich in sein laen al den dominium angelegen 6 knnen. thun vill guts conscientias, Deploring projects, the follow nature'* Iesuites, it 7 out, the Dury lack of support bitt find for erly Hartlib's that 'If educational he was among & meanes such a to

observed they but would

him both in

worke of

wee are

dead

things

Howard educational departure of

Hotson tradition

argues - or, a crucial Hartlib

powerfully one should role in

that

the

Reformed say, the new

perhaps shaping

- played as of

thought in

Comenius, (Elbing),

and Dury outpost

(both of

educated the the Second

Elblag

the In

Eastern

Reformation). one of Johann Comenius's Heinrich

particular teachers at It

he stresses Herborn,

influence

of

the

encyclopedist that a an

Alsted. in Alsted's

should terms,

be emphasised was not merely

encyclopedia,

Dear, 'The Church See Peter 5 and the New Philosophy', in the Renaissance, Belief Culture Science, and Popular Pumfrey, Paolo L. Rossi Slawinski and Maurice ed. Stephen 119-139,133-4. 1991). (Manchester The and New York, (in Greek and Latin covered order) grammar and curriculum (including logic, ethics, mathematics optics rhetoric, The prominent physics and metaphysics. and astronomy)i in but was a novelty, other mathematics respects of place is very to the standard this university close curriculum. HP 59/10/7A. 1638, 25 March P6hmer to Hartlib, 6 1635, HP 3/4/37B. Dury to ?, 26 Nov. 7

234

comprehensive was not unified to work

list to

of

facts it

and references was, part of as the of his

(or word

at

least a was

supposed whole, out in the the

be):

implies, project of fashion work the It book of

and a major arrangement

Alsted's compendium

knowledge such that

a logical, student

coherent could always general source, Comenius

and harmonious through the known the to

proceed from to it

in

sequence, unknown not

progressing and from the

the

particular.

was

merely

a reference learning. while in

was a text

universal amanuensis Greek wisdom.

worked and the love

as Alsted's master of composed a

Herborn, his

poem lauding 8

student's

universal

Such knowledge was above something other all of to

was not

only

to 'Useful

be compendious, knowledge' circle should For simply faster all

it became and

be 'useful'. for

a catchphrase Reformation'

the

Hartlib It

'Second

thinkers.

not

be to it

misinterpreted be 'useful' would crops could ends. enable or build or

as mere utilitarianism. 'practical' to did not

knowledge

mean that or increase

people better

move around bridges they that

- though were it

such to an

things the right

be useful, It meant in

provided above the all

directed have

would

application daily life.

ethical

and religious came to

ordering be seen

of as the 33-

What increasingly in KK 11,234;

8 Reproduced 35.

see Blekastad,

Comenius,

235

empty, tradition practical individual. especial grow

abstract, were to

semantic

disputations

of

the that

scholastic was of of an might as gain in the a of not the

be replaced to the

by knowledge behaviour in

relevance 'Practical enthusiasm turnips,

and beliefs particular,

divinity, of both Alsted

and Hartlib, regarded private but

more

but

was emphatically lay expense from not of in the

'useful'. individual one mutual profit Creator to his profit which

'Usefulness' at the

another, social the glory

derived in turn

enhanced to

interaction, of the

redounded and perhaps

whose creatures

last

most should

important love

commandment one another as

was that

they

themselves. But for the it should be stressed grounded in that the if the growing rather vogue than and ethos, Like

a curriculum theoretical

practical

can be described feature not him, of the

as an important 'Second Reformation' exclusive. on a very

characteristic it was certainly before of

denominationally drew them

Alsted range

Comenius some of

disparate mutually hermetic of every

sources,

apparently

exclusive: mystics shade of

on Aristotelians as well Christian, After as rationalists, or the indeed loss

as well

as Ramists,

and thinkers non-Christian, of his library

confessional in the sack

allegiance-9

(London, Pansophiev Prodromus 1639), Comenius, 9 cf. by together by command of Hartlib, or translated either (London, Dilucidatio, Pansophicorum Conatuum the with (London, 'Let Schooles 1642): Reformation A of 1639), as

236

of

Leszno works his

in

1656, he most

he

himself to

singled recover Juan two Luis

out, in

as order

the to and Nor

authors proceed Tomasso was it

whose with

needed

work, the

Francis

Bacon, and that

Vives

Campanella10 only his among warmest

an Anglican Reformed in

Catholics. acceptance. the Lutheran of a quarter

he

found was

One of pastor an ideal of of his

admirers

Germany Andreae's occupies 11

Johann

Valentin

Andreae. which

depiction over

educational Utopian novel

system,

Christianopolis,

foreshadows

many

therefore be admitted and Arabians to even the Gentiles, furnish for us with such ornaments, the as they are able house (p. 33). beauty of this of God' to [Hartlib? ], 3 Aug. Comenius 10 1656, HP 7/99/1A: jacturam 'opus reparari erit eorum Authorum qvi mihi [ ] Verulamii intelligo, consulendi erunt & adhuc opera ... & Campanellm (1492-1540) L. Vivis, Vives omnia, etc'. humanist day and a scholars was one of the leading of his he particularly favourite pupil of Erasmus: concerned himself with education and foreshadowed many of the ideas Bacon and Comenius, such as pre-school of Alsted, education of women, the primacy education, of sense intellect, impressions the dignity over of the vernacular importance the learning all of rendering and above to life both practically See and ethically. applicable Vives (Cambridge, Watson, Foster 1913). on Education (1568-1639) Campanella Neocombined an idiosyncratic the Renaissance Platonism Art and a fascination with of impassioned Memory with championship of new experimental Firpo's see Luigi Xntroduction to Campanella, science. (tr. du Soleil Arnaud Tripet, Geneva, La Cit6 1972) for a incisive but life account of his and thought; succinct Yates, Giordano Bruno Frances and the Hermetic also (London, 1964) (London, Tradition and The Art of Memory Rossi, Clavis Universalis (Bologna, 1966), and Paolo On Campanella's 1983). reception among Comenians, see 'Sociabilitas. Mulsow, Zu einem Kontext der Martin im 17 Jahrhundert', Studia Bruniana Campanella-Rezeption 0. forthcoming. My thanks to Dr Mulsow et Campanelliana, for me with an advance copy of this supplying very On Bacon and Comenius, detailed study. and interesting see below.

Christianopolitanx 11 Reipublicae of the hundred 1619). short 51-78 are devoted exclusively

descriptio (Stra8burg, chapters of this work, ch. to describing the

237

Comeniusts education appreciation not before,

educational irrespective of the of the fact

ideas, of

such or

as universal social status, at

infant

gender that

learning of enquiry teaching and the

begins rather in

birth than

if the

encouragement received than wisdom, Latin,

inculcation vernacular through through

the of merely in for ideas

rather images words.

imparting than

and demonstrations Similar ideas Solis,


A number

rather are to

be found the

Campanella's
christianopolis. particularly reforms whose moriaen Heinrich claims Another he of the

Civitas
12 in

debatably
of German

inspiration

thinkers, were was pursuing Bodinus, whom Johann

Protestant same sort.

territories, Among later with order these

Elias and

influence visited, Bisterfeld, made

Comenius together in his Wolfgang

acknowledged, Alsted's to assess 'Art or Ratich,

son-in-law the of

spectacular Memory'. whose 13 method

for

image-based Ratke

such

was

earned

him

an encomium

from

the

great

natural

philosopher

Christianopolitan system, education while more general ideas throughout. Andrew are discussed educational translated De subventione a work of Vives on poor relief, Ludwig Vives der Armen von Versorgung as Johann pauperum, (Durlach, 1627). (1623, but written Civitas Solis Campanella, 12 c. 1602. ideas, 5 and 6. On Bodinus's Nos. 13 see W. Toischer, des Elias Bodinus', Mitteilungen "Die Didaktik der

fdr deutsche ErziehungsGesellschaft und Schulgeschichte It was his Bericht 209-229. IX (1899), von der HaturDidactica (Hamburg, oder Lehr-Kunst und Vernunfftmessigen the 1621) that gave Comenius the idea of composing his Didactica Czech version of magna (ODO 1,3). original tomnia The work bears the very proto-Comenian motto is facit ('Everything Ratio, Ordo et Modus' faciliora by Reason, Order and Method'). See also no. made easier 5, nn. 6 and 7.

238

and pedagogue
Lutheran). by by Ratke, Jungius 14

Joachim
A collection

Jungius
of report

(another
didactic on his bore ('All in

devout
writings own method the assembled drawn up 'Per

including and et and his

the friend

Helvich, omnia, 15 This

epigraph by

inductionem induction

experimentum experiment').

things turn is

a phrase

forcefully manifesto Learning ways life, of

reminiscent for educational In all

of

the

terms

used

in

Pacon's of

great

reform, these

The Advancement the relevant was not the stress to

(1605). making

works,

was on daily of is

education

practical, Pansophy

and compendious.

product it

any particular true that the

denominational particular

allegiance, of most (or remain

though the

circumstances provided the practice tended Utopian to

Reformed ground trying level

German principalities for to), of putting while theory, such ideas

fruitful at least at the

into they or of

elsewhere manifesto

fiction. theory to

The reformation the very notion only in to the all of

educational

was crucial could

Pansophy.

Universal that of the

knowledge was itself word, 16

be attained universal, ,'all things

by an education fullest people sense in all

teaching Just as

ways'.

to him of both Comenius On Ratke, and the reactions 14 Joachim G. E. Guhrauer, Jungius Jungius, see und sein and (Stuttgart 1850), 23-43. and TUbingen, Zeitalter

(Leipzig, nova quadruplex 15 Methodus institutionis 1617). 77. Cf. the subtitle of Schools, of 16 A Reformation 1657, but written Magna (Amsterdam, 1637the Didactica 'Universale to exhibit omnes omnia 8): the work claims

239

Bacon"s blazer all

Advancement for the and

of

Learning

was

intended the as

as

a trailof

'Instauratio knowledge,

Magna', and just

reformation Alsted's grew out

science

(supposedly) practical educational path to the

all-encompassing teaching work ultimate had as his course, was 17

Encyclopadia so all as of so

of

Comenius's many steps on the

conceived synthesis Prodromus of

Pansophy. Pansophix

Hartlib, (1639)

significantly, translated

A Reformation

Schooles

(1642).

It Comenius

was as a pedagogue first came to the

rather attention

than of

a Pansophist the European

that

intelligentsia. fame janua through linguarum (1631) with his

He achieved educational reserata long the (The before notion in exile of

considerable writings, Gateway

international principally of Languages the

Unlocked) associated Comenius Leszno, (Unity native Emperor teaching

he became popularly Pansophy. in the Polish in been by the the At this town Unitas out of time, of Fratrum their of of

was living he and his of Brethren)18

co-religionists having

driven occupying took

Bohemia Ferdinand Latin

and Moravia II. Here, at

forces charge

Comenius the Unity's

and music

'Gymnasium

('the docendi universal artificiuml art of teaching all to all things people'). Alsted, 91-158 on the genesis 17 See Hotson, of the Encyclopmdia. is also sometimes to, 18 This church referred the Bohemian Brethren as the Czech Brethren, confusingly, Brethren. or the Moravian

240

Illustrel, result paucity the of of

and the his

Janua

Linguarum in

came about response

as a direct to the of

teaching

activity, material

teaching methods the

and the

unimaginativeness at the Gymnasium.

teaching

he encountered work

From the merely principle part of

outset,

was designed It aimed to

as more than exemplify the

a language that the

course.

language

education

should rather of than

be an integral a separate should be of

broader and that

curriculum the teaching

discipline, and could 'things', irrelevant rules, profitably in their pupils

words the of

best not

be - effected alongside it.

through Instead phrases readily

teaching memorising

and uncomprehended might far more

and grammatical and far more - either context of

absorb

new structures or in

and terminology in the

own language an intrinsically course at 19 was to Herborn,

another interesting

following And this

and useful the ideals

course.

be,

true

to

Comenius and

had imbibed encyclopedic. others Comenius's publish time, it the

practical,

ethical,

at

the

school first Unity's

were draft press.

highly

impressed

with him to short success,

tentative on the work

and persuaded In a remarkably

achieved

a colossal

international

170-176 for Comenius, See Blekastad, 19 a fuller account the Janua, Blekastad the of and ethos which genesis of in the Alstedian 'eine describes sense as being (173). See also Comenius's Enzyklopddiel kleine own 144-6. SjA1vbiografi, account,

241

appearing
versions. found

the
20

same year
Comenius, a celebrated of Europe,

in
to

German,
his

French

and English
suddenly

own mild among

alarm, the

himself

figure

educationalists congratulations, interest. 21

bombarded and

with expressions of

eager

enquiries

Encouraged interest, his project

as well himself

as intimidated contemplating

by this

surge

of of

he found to

an extension and thoughts:

make it

still

more practical described his

compendious.

As he later

in if it I came to this point my thoughts: the words of a language seemed good that should through the guidance it be learnt of things, that things themselves be should were better the guidance through taught of words already that, That is, known. when by the help of my to distinguish Janua Linguarum youth had learnt it should from outside, thence become things to explore that which is within accustomed is in things, and to comprehend what each thing 22 its essence.
it Comenius, 200-203. As she argues, Blekastad, 20 the work's efficacy as a pedagogical certainly almost it to the majority that tool recommended of teachers, its than philosophical underpinning. rather fzaternae Continuatio, de Comenius, 21 admonitionis [ ] ad S. Maresium temperando zelo charitate ... was

translation by Agneta Lunggren English 1670), (Amsterdam, (ed. ), Comenius, Blekastad Sj&lvbiografi in Milada 145-147. This is Comenius's 1975), (Stockholm, most The section dealing important work. autobiographical in to England English his also exists visit with in R. F. Young, Comenius in England (oxford translation its 25-51. Despite 1932), London, somewhat mannered and is translation Young's far stylistically archaism, it is to Lunggren's, which painfully obvious was superior by However, Lunggren's a native speaker. checked never the whole text, is more literal and includes and is furnished notes. with excellent 147. Sjcilvbiografi, 22 Comenius,

242

Herein [...

lay

the

germ of in it

his all

'Pansophyl: necessary be excluded'.

'a things 23 Janua

general so that

book all

] exhibiting ignorance

shameful would Janua him,

would on the

Such a work Linguarum, before merely a as the

be called, Rerum or he found book of It

model of

of

the

Gateway what

Things.

Like been its

Alsted intended

had initially under

a school vision

developing

own momentum into

universal

learning. Linguarum and in about the idea a plan with that brought Comenius to Hartlib Rerum. work, in He to

was the

Janua

Hartlib's correspond was greatly urged

attention, with

1632 he began Moravian. of of the the 24

and subsidise by the him

enthused to

Janua

Comenius

send in

proposed draft

and was rewarded, manuscript.


Hartlib earlier, plans he less had of in the had 1628, secret involved

1637,

a rough

outline

moved full

to of

England zeal to

almost further

a decade the educational 'Antilial sought Quite how nothing it

quasi-Rosicrucian with in of Elblag, the world.

society which

been the

than

reformation

in England, 148 (cf. Young, Comenius SjAlvbiografi, 23 A Reformation See also 46-7. of Schooles, 31). to Hartlib, in 0. 26 Jan. 1638, See Comenius 24 Moravskd (1928), Matice LII Casopis 164; Odlozilik, by translation Blekastad, German Comenius, 255condensed in this letter that he and Hartlib Comenius 6. mentioned for Their first (a had been in touch years. six contact is from Hartlib letter with a financial contribution) in Sj&lvbiografi, but no exact is 149, date described given.

243

intended any clearly probably to start

to

bring

this

about,

or whether for is doing clear Part of

indeed so, that it

it will

had

formulated never be known,

programme but it

proposed

by reforming was to 25 perform

education. lettwas he founded England, to 'for

Hartlib's in this shortly of the

mission field. after Gentry Morality, in

sonderlichest in Chichester the Piety, Industry, first almost

The academy arrival this in Nation,

his of

Education Learning, not attempt

advance of his

and other

Exercises was surely mission, been

usual at

then

common schools', this have

accomplishing failure Comenius's a contribution instigator, an throughout populariser himself Comenius's strictly to his of act must

and its

immediate to 26 him. to time in and it of but in upon make as

a bitter

disappointment a fresh field, opportunity not this

programme in but his in

provided appointed the role

he was to

excel

subsequent other

career,

as a promoter He took

people's in in

schemes. the

as catalyst not only

development

ideas, practical

intellectual

terms.

in Antilia, Hartlib's Fridwald, Johann main contact 25 in Idas Feb. 1628 him 10 Antiliana to es on causa wrote das man institutionem beschloBen puerorum dahin vorauB fundament legen zu diesem mUstel. treiben vnd alB ein in the society, figure leading hoped another J. A. P6mer, in the subject before to Hartlib about person to speak tweill der H. hierinnen for left England, the latter (HP 27/34/IA). See prmstiret' sonderliches ettwas to Samuel Letters Hartlibl, 'John Hall's Review Turnbull, (1953), 4 221-33. New Series Studies English of

26

HDCI 16-19,36-39.

244

Perhaps publish Conatuum published had aroused to it the

his

most

important Comenius Prmludia

contribution had sent him 1637). preface, had not

was as

to the He

manuscript

Comenianorum it, so or so he

(Oxford, in that the he copies. to him was to

claimed

because had scribes

it

much the

interest requisite

enough enough, permission for copy gone letter without the of to

produce had to not do

Typically ask Comenius's shock

occurred this, and he it

a considerable received

Moravian a book press. of his January by

when

suddenly which Hartlib printing against

an unsolicited unaware had

himself told

he was in

quite the

As he 1638,

above-mentioned been undertaken he been

the and

had his will:

knowledge

had

asked, this

he would imperfect

never form.

have At

allowed

the

work

to

appear

in

the

same time,

however,

he was Hartlib if his

evidently for his

flattered interest ever

and encouraged: and support,

he thanked that

and observed it work would

Pansophy incitement. he could more

came to And since

light, the it

be due to the best

Hartlib's thing in also a

was out, it

do was to

rework form

and have Prodromus time with having

republished pansophim, Comenius's thus the set rest the of

satisfactory by Hartlib in motion, to in

as the this Hartlib

published authorisation, wheels life in

but 1639. Comenius produce

was to the book

spend of

his he

labouring

universal for his

wisdom part, Haak,

had proposed together with

this

sketch.

Hartlib friends such

like-minded

as Dury,

245

HQbner

and Moriaen, the 1630s his

devoted to

himself funds all

single-mindedly for to Comenius, his to great to goal

throughout disseminating of the about attracting 'great to

raising

work,

and above himself of to learning

Comenius instaurationt

England

supervise was

he believed

take

place

there.
*****

4: 2

The

Notion

of

Pansophy:

Beyond

Bacon

and

Alsted

Comenius

repeatedly

cited

Bacon

as

an

exemplar

and

inspiration an one of the to loss England that to the of three his in this be put adapt

to

him. authors

As has been he most in 1656. to for

mentioned# to

Bacon

was

wished Just Hartlib the

recover his

after visit

library 1641,27

before in

he wrote time

passionate

terms plans Hartlib of

was the into

great

Verulam's that in Book II

effect,

and even to

suggested James I to

Bacon's

supplication to indeed, influence

De Augmentis

Scientiarum

be addressed goes on the so far thought

Charles see the

1.28 Bacon 'Three he also hero.

Hugh Trevor-Roper, as the primary

as to of all

Foreigners' maintains

(Hartlib, they

Dury

and Comenius), misunderstood the thought of

though their the

completely describes

29

He avuncularly

in detail Described 27 to Hartlib, Comenius 28 at HP 7/84/lB-3B copies in HDC, 350.1 'Three Trevor-Roper, 29

in section 5 of this chapter. in two scribal 17 Feb. 1641, English and 7/84/6A-8A; summary Foreigners', passim.

246

Hartlibians somewhat knowledge, utility finished and in

(or frantic, with

Comenians) disordered a lowbrow

as

'vulgar assembling

Baconianisml: of scraps on might

30 of

Puritan that

emphasis the job

practical not be

a constant time for

worry the

Apocalypse:

had been Bacon"s great philosophical synthesis his 'experiments had been fragmented: of light' into inflamed transformed apocalyptic his 'experiments into of fruit' speculations, the uncontrolled elaboration of gadgets. it was Baconianism, Still, of a kind, and the 31 it the took country party seriously. men of This full range is of not the place to venture an analysis thought have
out that

of

the even

Bacon's

multi-faceted that
be pointed

and the put


fact

more various-interpretations
it. 32 But it should

been
the

upon
that

is very fond of this 30 Trevor-Roper expression: cf. 258 and 289; 'Introduction' Foreigners', to 'Three The Royal Society: Concept Purver, Margery and Creation 1967), (London, xv and xvi. is fThree 258. This line Foreigners', 31 of argument by Margery Purver, taken furthest who sees the Royal Baconianism society pure, genuine resurrected as having form of it propagated from the fragmented and trivialised She sets out to remove by the likes of Hartlib and Haak. from the Society's 'vulgar' by this stain pedigree they had any influence denying on its genesis at all: see Concept (London, her The Royal Society: and creation Part Two, chapter 4, 'The Royal Society 1967), especially 193-234. Webster's See "Pansophiall",, also and 'The Origins devastating of the book, essay review of the History 106-128. of Scence VI (1967), Royal Society', to Bacon's thought 32 Good introductions are Paolo (trans. Bacon: From Magic to Science Francis Sacha Rossi, Chicago, 1968), Francis and Lisa Jardine, Rabinovitch, (Cambridge, 1974). on his Bacon and the Art of Discourse influence the Hartlib on circle, see the works particular Instauration, Webster, Great Trevor-Roper, cited: already Purver, The Royal Foreigners', IThree and Margery be apparent, As will I Concept Society: and Creation. the analysis fundamentally disagree with of the latter His impact of rationalist two. on the exponents

247

many of Bacon

the

Hartlib not of

circle

took followed or no firm to

a lively him (or

interest their In

in

does

mean they him) slavishly is

conception Moriaen's Bacon him if at

uncritically. evidence

case, all,

there

he had read much store all the to a by

and nothing The only is

suggest of

he set him in

he had. letters Hartlib

mention than him of

surviving catalogue manuscripts: schrifften sein". 33

a less

ecstatic Bacon's

reaction extant

had sent

Ivnder werden

des Verulamij ohne zweiffel I would

nachgelaSenen viel suggest that treffliche that are there not sachen are so much

Furthermore, in the pansophic of or even

elements

programme views

misunderstandings adaptation of

Bacon's reaction

as conscious them. is that in

against here

What is least

particularly respect

relevant Baconian

at

important one of

inductivism Inductivism, to what the Bacon

was the by general, called

antithesis definition, requiring

Pansophic

universality. the particular in

proceeds long

from

and diligent

labour

in thought later seventeenth-century England scientific in Thomas Sprat's is vividly History conveyed of the (London, though this 1667), is much more a Royal Society than an analysis document of Bacon's reception of his Julian Martin's per se. but work and thought challenging 'Natural History (in my view) overstated Public and its Science, Culture in the Belief concerns', and Popular Paolo L. Rossi and Renaissance, ed. Stephen Pumfrey, (Manchester, Slawinsky 1991), 100-118, Maurice aligns to his political Bacon's philosophy natural more closely indeed, it to them. virtually subordinates concerns 33 No. 15, and see n. 1 there.

248

the

"inclosures more of the Bacon the claims

of

particularity, axioms. goal promises Pansophy: of as It

34 before is his true

proceeding that, in Natural as

to

establish speaking Histories, any of

general ultimate made of

preliminary universal

grandly

be history let and well once provided a such it be to let there forth, added such and set in light-giving experiments as and auxiliary will the very course present of interpretation have to be found out; themselves or will and the investigation and of all of nature sciences 35 be the work of a few years. will
Yet after all and and of the enthusiasm of his the in an his 'a few descriptions 'investigation years' sounds Bacon as a quest is of dataof here more to

collection nature oddly

experimentation, all sciences' almost presenting endless

perfunctory, when

anti-climax. method or

convincing be concluded, if it his is

never 36

'an is

progress Aubrey's while to In any trying the

proficience'. that Bacon

Even caught chicken

apocryphal, of cold tribute 37

story to man's for it such his

death a fitting

refrigerate devotion the to

experimental of the

minutiae. I the

case,

purposes

comparison Bacon as saw

am drawing achievement culmination

here, of of

is

irrelevant an overarching or as a

whether synthesis

a grand

programme

of the Proficience Human and Advancement of Learning 34 111,359. Works, and Divine,, Towards Preparative Bacon, aNatural and Experimental 35 252. (Parasceve),, IV, Works History 268. Advancement of Learning.. 36 (ed. ), Lives, ' chiefly 'Brief Clark Andrew 37 of between the set down by John Aubrey, Contemporaries, 1898), 1,75-6. 1669 and 1696 (Oxford, Years

249

distant case, slow, his

and not agenda

very for

interesting the

prospect. future

In

either a

foreseeable progress at

involved

meticulous

and cautious that was wholly of the

through with the

particularities intellectual

odds

climate

1630s. is an anonymous set out in

Among Hartlib's natural clearly preparatory Natural title, creatures supposed

papers

catalogue what is

of

and phenomena, to be a typological to something the

sequence, approaching a Baconian

no doubt Historyl

bearing

appealingly of well will natural

self-deprecatory thinges'. could be more can only once its an or to be 38

'An

imperfect History', higher

Enumeration however

No 'Natural aspire know, to

conducted, always rule

status.

There

and any

inductively not

established yet it Bacon, this,

accounted exception at least

a hypothesis to its it is

disproven: loses it

discovered

validity, argued,

universality. than

has been did

was more his

optimistic to attain 39 This

and genuinely to a standard met with the

expect absolute

method

ultimately claim, from

of

verification. considerable discussion unsatisfactory universal remarked 38 39

however, many of

scepticism here, to tool truths. in the

thinkers a highly

under

whom inductivism for uncovering for

seemed ultimate, instance,

absolute specifically

and

Comenius, Rrodromus that

Bacon's Jardine,

proposals, ops. cit.

though

HP 22/6/2A-5B, undated. See Purver and (especially)

250

laudable, Bacon's

were inductive

inadequate method

for

the

project

he had in

mind.

industry the of many men, continuall requireth is laborious, but not onely and so and ages, in the be to event and uncertaine seemeth also is it ] [ thereof of no great use, successe ... towards of Pansophy, our designe or advantage intended for the [ ... ] it is onely because but wee discovery of Nature, of the secrets drive of and aime at the whole universality 40 things. Inductivism bottom, tentatively can never in (by the this realm analysis of at least) starts its at the

raw data, to

and works more general This

way up rules that

and speculatively be more than

provisional. of ability it issue from of Bacon's to

will

seem to to others they took, set a

some an over-isimplification valid critique In is of either point discern their

ideas,

deliver view

what

promised. and that out to

case, at

was the here. the

Comenius

the

What Pansophy a pattern be

do was to the

outset might

whereby

lineaments and to the principles of

infinity (insofar

conceptualised, permitted) is the ordered. universe

grasp

as human capacity to which the universe that the that

according

This is

course

presupposes

a conviction is that sense

ordered, still

and my contention largely unformulated) and technology or that article

mounting the to

(though of that

explosion undermine

information conviction, that

was beginning of of faith,

was the
40

challenge

made the
Schooles,

reassurance
35.

Pansophy

A Reformation

of

251

seem so urgently reading confident reaffirm it of

necessary. texts is:

The question if these

raised people

by much are so

Pansophic of universal

harmony

and order,

why do they

insistently? so of knowledge available rate, of to thanks scientific in of print. the to scholar the was rapid

The amount increasing advances investigation Acceptance universe potentially himself the of did in at

an unprecedented technology and of both its

the

itself the

dissemination model of

Copernican-Galilean the notion

the and hence

away with knowable,

a bounded,

sub-lunary his life

sphere.

(Comenius refused to accept

throughout for

stubbornly ) were for in

evidence

heliocentricity.

Meanwhile, a hitherto and a

exploration unimagined hitherto

and microscopy wealth unimagined of subjects

revealing

investigation what

complexity

had previously Above all, was for

seemed simple the enormous it, for

and comprehensible increase the first in the time

organisms. output in of

literature impossible to

making

history, individual of

an educated broadly subjects of

and tolerably of the

wealthy current It

keep on all rise

abreast in the

state

knowledge consequent clear

known world. and the

was the

specialisation, drawn that led

increasingly between sense of

demarcations knowledge,

perforce to this

different losing

branches a grip

of

on the

252

totality, As Comenius

coherence put it

and fundamental in the Prodromus,

unity

of

Creation.

Good God! what vast volumes are compiled almost if they matter, which were laid of every that together, would raise such heapes, many be required to peruse would of years millions (so commonly that ] [ Hence them? comes ... into parcelling and tearing of learning used) their that men making choyce of this, peeces, take Art, or Science, no care so much, or that into looke to any of the rest. as is so? and who sees this Who knowes not that this distribution, that and sharing of not, from this Arts, proceeds and Sciences, is it That for the not possible supposition, the knowledge of them of one man to attaine wit 41 all?

J. V. Andrem, supporter sheer with, of

an acknowledged Comenius, of

inspiration

to distressed

and keen by the

was similarly

quantity

information (to cite

humankind another

was confronted

and lamented

Hartlib-sponsored

translation): Now in the worlds weaknesse, most humane to Learning, the masse are committed affairs is infinite, become which fills not the whereof as falsehood, so much with truth not so world 42 solidity as curiosity. much with

6. A Reformation of Schooles, 41 Andreae (trans. John Hall), Valentin Johann A Modell 42 (original Society, Latin Societas Christian of a imago, translation 1620, TUbingen London Christianae in by Turnbull Zeitschrift George fdr 1647), reprinted 151-161,155. 74 (1955), Philologie The deutsche in in single printed a copy preserved original, in two the Hartlib copies and manuscript WolfenbQttel 'Nam cum hoc Mundi senio omnia propemodum Papers reads: in immensum literis sintl qvarum concredita moles humanal falsitate, tAm & qv&m veritate non soliditate excrevit, (HP 55/19/5B). Orbem Vanitate adimplevit' qv&m

253

There

was,

for

some

Pansophists

at

least,

altogether

too

much 'curiosity' too

in

the

inductive on data

method and not by their looking

championed enough on the of the no

by Bacon: broader #right wrong detail

much emphasis vistas He was, the telescope.

and nobler method'. end of should

promised as it were, Bacon from the the

conception through that

had emphasised Natural of Histories,

be omitted prescribing

specifically

inclusion

the most ordinary, things such as it might be in writing to record [ ... 3 thought superfluous filthy [ ... ] things things mean, illiberal, [ ... ] and lastly, things trifling and childish in because they subtle are over seem which 41 themselves of no use.
At least one proponent of 'vulgar Baconianism' found this

concern to take:

for

'things

mean,

illiberal,

filthy'

too

vulgar

tyrannise the Creatures for To mangle etc over to trie experiments or to bee imploied so them as to weigh filthily about pisse etc as is a meere drudgery Verul. prescribes curiosity 44 it. for Impiety and no necessity and I is zeal

The

same

commentator, this criticism

who of

strongly

suspect excessive

HQbner'45 for

pursued

Bacon's

detail:
Towards Preparative 43 a Natural and Experimental IV, 258-9. What is under Works, discussion History, it is the description be stressed, here, perhaps should work of what the Natural Histories Bacon gave in this be, not the content Histories of the Natural he should hardly himself which produced, actually meet his own specifications. Eph 40, HP 30/4/54A. 44 is much the most frequently in Habner 45 cited source like half the the Ephemerides of 1639 and 40, something

254

if wee had a true History It is sufficient out of the meere outward shapes of every country Mechanical things and so of all etc. operations ( ... ] This several manners of working and their a smculum, as Verul. projects would not require 10. years but within come to a very great if it were set down by-every perfection 46 Country. There hurry, ingredient which in is this in a suggestion which the points of urgency, or least

at

of

up another missionary and that It is

important fervour is the with idea to of avoid

positively

Pansophy the

was preached, way of the Not all Lord. all

preparing

important were

over-generalisation. millenarians Comenius, views, overall point. determine this not, of but like that and not Alsted, does

Pansophists were hold

millenarians certainly did

Pansophists. millennarian his

not

mean everyone with

who supported particular not possible took It

programme

agreed

him on this argued, Hartlib it or is

As has already what stance and the necessary prophecy of culmination for time to

been either

to on was

Moriaen of HUbner.

subject, however, Biblical

same can be said to accept

any particular sense impended

exegesis that -

share of

a widespread human history homeland destructive and intellectual

some sort especially what history.

not the

men whose the most

was experiencing war in European

was at It

was a political

atmosphere and the are blunt,

him. The being opinion attributed entries its truculent of expression manner slightly original writings. with HUbner's consistent 46 Eph 40, HP 30/4/54B.

255

that

provided to of

a constant guard against 25,

reminder the

to

all of

readers the foolish for shut

of

Scripture virgins

error not

Matthew the

who were arrival,

prepared and were conceivable,

the out Moriaen of in

moment of from did the which suggest required sure or they the not

Bridegroom's 47 the Jesus,

wedding. identify

Even if, Bridegroom 48 the

is as with

any manifestation religious Pansophy terms strongly part of the be

historical both that

intensely

he and HQbner they viewed

discussed it

as an essential be sure, they to

preparation. were sure, they they

We cannot what exactly it such

and cannot preparing But

were

for

when exactly sure

expected thought of

happen.

we can

be fairly upon them

preparation

incumbent

as a matter

some urgency. could of seem an uncomfortably from shall in for last the Daniel 'many 49

'Saeculum', long shall took time. run to Bacon's

therefore, choice

a motto

and fro, many of barely

and knowledge his admirers by him, in 'the to the

be increased, next generation increase

on for

a resonance knowledge in the

intended take refers place twice

this days'.

of

was to

Comenius with

Prodromus

same citation,

25: 12. Matthew 47 Two. See Chapter 48 Version. Luther, 12: 4, Authorised Daniel 49 different 'So interestingly, a completely gives reading: ber kommen [ie. diese drber Schrift] vnd viel werden that finden': I the am advised verstand grossen is the more literal (my thanks to the Version Authorised Classical University's Hebrew Sheffield of members Project). Dictionary

256

much those them,

more

obviously that well Bacon simply

millenarian the be, for last the the not

implications. days leisurely accomplishment were already time

50

For upon

convinced or might by were

spans of his research

envisaged programme

available.

The mere of the task than in

amassing hand:

of more

knowledge, fundamental, method

then,

was only more

part

and far for, the

urgent

the of to it the

inductive in such

allowed that a whole with

was the parts might

arrangement contribute than 'true however means, Creation, blueprint. Again,, Bacon, God's who, word' their

a fashion of

comprehension Hence the

that 'right

was more order',

sum.

obsession 51

Logickt.

and so forth. proponents the

The aim of disagree pattern heavenly

Pansophy, about governing architect's the

much its was to to

might divine to the

discern gain

access

this with (the exhorted

runs regard Bible)

directly to and the 'the

counter study book that of

to

the

spirit book of

of

'the God's

of

works'

(Nature), unwisely

men to

beware

'they 52

do not Indeed, this

mingle

these

things

together'.

A Reformation 50 4 and 29. of Schooles, Cf. Popkin, Force', 43-5, 'The Third on the importance of this influential for the Millenarian William passage Twisse, Conscience (1652) Resolved whose Doubting for was written by Hartlib. published and 'In Stephen Clucas, Search cf. 51 "True of the Logick": "Baconian eclecticism among the methodological SHUR, 51-74. reformers"', Works, Advancement 52 111,268. of Learning,

257

was precisely Hieronim against synod of

the

objection a lay

to elder

the of

Prmludia the

made by Fratrum, before for the the

Broniewski, which the Comenius Brethren the

Unitas

had to in

defend

himself But of too

1638 and 39.53 presumption leave of God out. Peter nothing of

pansophists, thinkers objection 1633) divine

dangerous to

many

was precisely to the it or

Comenius's (Rostock, to

Pansophia 'contained the

Lauremberg appertaining

was that wisdom

mysteries of

salvation' a title'.

and was 54 The in

consequently gravest the defect

'unworthy of

so sublime

contemporary studies of

education were eternity'. 'not 55

identified sufficiently The abound the

Prodromus to

was that the

subordinate agriculturalist strictly

scope

Gabriel

Plattes, self-help criticised of

whose works schemes for

in

utilitarian

common 'too meanes

56 was anonymously man, confident as if for the

because those

he was

improvement be the lesse

secondary to

men should

beholden

God and so

11, text See no. 53 and nn-1-3, and the literature cited Sj&lvbiografi, 151. there; also (Young, in England, 148-9 sj&lvbiografi, Comenius 54 3233). 6. A Reformation 55 of Schooles, A Treatise (London, Especially 56 of Husbandry 1638) and (London, Treasure A Discovery 1639), of Infinite the in question being the inexhaustible treasure wealth of The works nature. are aimed well-husbanded emphatically farmer than the large landowner rather at the ordinary (and pragmatic) in tone. practical Plattes and are very for by Hartlib but died in poverty. a time was supported See DNBI 410, own Legacie and Hartlib's of Husbandry 1651). (London,

258

inclines

to

Atheisme'.

57

It

was

an

error

that

was

becoming

alarmingly

common:

The greatest addresse philosophers should themselves and in a holy more to God in prayers finde life out more the and so they should then ever they have done. of Nature secrets Cie. Eg. wee see it in cartes glasses lenses] though his Descartes' parabolic bee never so punctual demonstrations yet it is is because doe that the God reason not will in if this humane little matter regarded as so it to And all. accomplish able were may wit is only wanting bee an obvious smal matter from his and other of purpose which God hides 58 eys. Another suspect portrayal word' and important diversion from Bacon, which of of his God's them learn to I

may well of the

be a conscious world, of whole God's of is that

modification to his 'book between

'book the aright,

works', knowledge added


pointing

which could the

comprehend read
mind. God's universe

we but of

them
-59

Comenius
fond is of

book
out,

Man's
made in

As he was Man of

Man was of is the the

image. but

a microcosm, The

not

only

God himself. to the and individual contains

universe because

comprehensible mind contains

individual of it, in

it,

God's

knowledge

miniature:

is the it but 39,30/4/18B; Eph remark not attributed 57 like HUbner to again. me sounds is This 39,30/4/26B. HQbner. almost Eph certainly 58 Sketch. see Biographical glasses', on Icartes Dilucidatio: 'My intent Comenianorum Conatuum 59 was to bookes Nature, God, Scripture those of and mans epitomize (Reformation 65); Panaugia, of Schooles, cf. Conscience' 130. 13; Pamp&-dia,

259

of the [Man] being the last accomplishment his Image the of absolute most and creation, in the himself onely creator, containing he things, why should other of all perfections the himselfe to habituate last not at things himselfe, and all of contemBlation 6 else? The slightly universality represents throes. In HObner's memorably surreal simile, hysterical in the the insistence writings of the on order, pansophists theory in its death pattern and

microcosm-macrocosm

being knowen due Truths out of their or things to an Elephant's Snout are like or order bee so The vse of them cannot proboscis. bee [sic] and fully perceived evidently as when together the Pansophia they which are linked 61 best performe. will

The sense unrelated this

of

this, of

I take data is

it,

is

that

a stray

and as seeing

piece

as redundant appeared time, only but useful of to that

and absurd Europeans just

'proboscis' for out

must the to

have

an elephant trunk integral grasped, turns

first be not

as the

but the

absolutely elephant is

once so

the

organic order'

context will

'due

illuminate relevance of

the all fragments of

interdependence

and mutual

27. Cf. Panorthosia, A Reformation 25: 60 of Schooles, in be Everything that must yourself, you I say as a image true and a of mankind portion of God and genuine individual if is Being For every Christ. an image of the human society I every C of member Universe ought also ... human society ( ] one as a whole, so that to represent ... do know know be what all wish or men or are or or or may ' do. or wish is There HP 30/4/10A. 39, Eph again no clear 61 is being but the style Hdbner that indication cited, and him. suggest overwhelmingly content

260

knowledge. point, called albeit the

Comenius

was to

make almost

exactly

the what

same he

more prosaically, 'syncretic' method of

when defining analysis:

in isolation, things to understand as men is learning (the do, minor part of a generally the harmony of but to understand process], things of all-the related and the proportions is factor the vital which brin pure and parts 69s light to men's minds. all-pervading The key
reminiscent Alsted. younger enough Comenius, had him But

was method.
of it the was

This

quotation
ideas increasingly had his his not of

is

strongly
and to far the

encyclopedic becoming that Alsted of

Keckermann apparent

generation in the

gone

nearly And

methodising he

compendium. former he

muc h as among others

respected in mind

teacher,

surely

when

complained

the bookes that that as yet in all ever I saw, I could never find any thing answerable unto the amplitude of things; or which would fetch in the whole universality its of them within whatsoever some Encyclopwdias, compasse: or have pretended Syntaxes, or books of Pansophy, 63 in their titles. to What was needed,
method that would

but
so

had never

been

attempted,

was a

the universall square and proportion principles that they might be the certain of things, to bound in that limits every-way-streaming that of things: so invincible, variety and its Truth might discover unchangeable harmony in all and proportionate universall, 64 things.
62 63 64 Pampwdia, 85. Comenius, A Reformation of Schooles, A Reformation of Schooles,

15. 15.

261

One anonymous cited Alsted

German correspondent as an exemplar providing of

of

Hartlib

actually writing, of a the sense

unmethodical description by lacking

incidentally of distress

a vivid

and confusion sense of

induced order:

predetermined

man nit wo man sie hin sachen weist vil Mue sie also entweder soll. referiren vnter dem koth, Vnntzer vieler zerstrewter ligen laen, Aphorismorum verborgen oder mitt ich wei nicht, Alstedio, wa vor narrischen farragines den artium et particulas systematum systematibus gemeinen Vngestalten subjungiren, ihme dan allein die confusion weiches seiner isic] Encyclopode gnugsam solt zue verstehen 5 haben. geben "Farragines seventh entitled Disciplines'), disciplines tobacco) anywhere Hotson,
of Alsted's

artium'

is book

a sarcastic of Alsted's

reference Encyclopmdia (lit.

to

the (1630), of

and last 'Farragines to

disciplinarumf which Alsted to not

'Parragoes all those (the his scheme agreed study

consigned Itabacologial fit into would

from - which else.

alchemy

of

he could

The correspondent that


system. with 'the

have

with

who argues
entire disillusion among

this
66 Alsted

represents
Hotson and of well the English in

a disintegration
summarises encyclopedic natural midthe

growing tradition philosophers

generation reached maturity

which

the

from a long HP 36/4/50A: tract 65 anonymous on but composed atheism, undated combatting c. 1638/9. 156. Alsted, Hotson, 66

262

seventeenth the trend

century',

67 though

as this to in

quotation England. of

suggests

was by no means exclusive writing in this

Another-commentator, of Pansophy to the but (though not

favour with a work had ever

the

notion

instance that that

particular might been seen in his ihn

reference contain writing, proposed doch


ihren example works, notions scribledt669

Comenius), greatest

observed confusion

nonetheless, solidly halten,


methodis'. growing

provided

the

author

treated wir

subjects hher

and thoroughly, als 1000 Alstedios


68 disillusion: HQbner too many or at

Iwollen mit

viel

allen
a good

vermeinten of he in this

provides of Alsted's

complained, them but I

had know

'no not

direction what

reality

of

random

Ironically, of in much of which Hartlib's

this

can now seem a very papers, is particularly There is

apt the

description Ephemerides

the

remark

recorded.

an unresolved the need its to

dichotomy

between

a genuine of raw order stray than fact that facts

appreciation

of

multifariousness discern Hartlib often precept the divine

and a passionate would with in reveal tireless applying must

coherence. and can

collected seem less that

zeal, Bacon's

meticulous is admitted

'whatever

be. drawn

from

67 68 69

147. Ibid., to [Hartlib? Anon. Eph 39,30/4/2A.

],

early

1638,

HP 59/10/20B.

263

grave But thus it due he

and was

credible generally

history

and

trustworthy in noting of his

reports'. sources,

70

assiduous with did) as it to

providing came order. (as it

himself never

a means

verification his come ' database across the all, would six

when in

assembling may be to to Hartlib 'vulgar not form the in to lid.

Maddening entries them unjust is to not

consecutive preceding would have not often down record widening with faith be

attributed attributed that His certainly

when at

entry it not was as has it

anyone

assume meant. and

himself

known nearly looks to us. of

whom he as in His silly, the

Baconianism' as trivial, it

shipwrecked are last-ditch

which

come

papers

fittingly attempt

incomplete to factual and reconcile knowledge the

a desperate scope in of

seventeenth-century harmonious

a symmetrical, universe.
*****

comprehensible

4: 3

'To

Leave

No Problem

Unsolvedf:

The

Nev

Mathematics

as a Model
The Ephemerides bullfinch, of 1656 if is Kuffler's to be

for

Pansophy
report in is the

believed,

birds is most one of the mos t Musical and that to bee taught any kind susceptible of melodies [ ] as Mr Morian hath found by or songs ... hath taught him Psalins who himself experience

70 Novum organum, IV, 169. Works,

second

book

of

aphorisms,

aphorism

29:

264

etc etc for which 71 Amsterdam. However much this (which attractive correspondents not report

hee hath

beene

famed

over

all

owes to

the

inventor's it of is

fertile a telling built is teach a

imagination and rather up by his certainly bullfinch making for

may be its image in of

entirety), the idea

Horiaen it to

England. that

Besides, tried

inconceivable tunes, with

Horiaen

psalm progress

and possibly the project. 72-

believed Moriaen's of on. explicitly that

he was enthusiasm

music,

and the have its

religious been

dimension touched to

enthusiasml bird to apply

already

To persuade divine of the

God-given provided in all to to

voice

melodies divine potential dominion God. Music mathematics seen the

would spark for over

have latent

a splendid created apply its things,

example

and the

humankind Nature73

divinely-appointed end of glorifying

the

specific

was regarded - which is

at

this

period not

as a branch to say it

of was On

emphatically or spark parent

as a merely contrary, the

abstract divine its

intellectual discernible discipline,

process. in music

extended

throughout

offering

Eph 56,29/5/89A. 71 in question have been those The tunes would probably 72 le Claude Jeune, Huguenot the composer which, supplied of Lobwasser German translations metrical with by Ambrosius in became the texts, Reformed the standard churches of of Moriaen a copy for supplied an unknown Germany: in in England, Haak, 1646 or 47 possibly correspondent ) 90 and 91 and notes. (see nos. 1: 26. Genesis, 73

265

unique idealised Andrew's course, arithmetic nothing

insights

into

the

lineaments

of

Creation. of J. V. of with

In

the

Pansophic Christianopolis, described for -, in

educational the chapters does geometry of grave our

programme mathematical 61 to not 63,

part begins

the

whoever to

know arithmetic teaches body tiny the which ball 'secret provide in

knows us to the of this

proceeds 'the

- which little

understand narrow little

pettiness of -, the

confines earth'

and the with

and concludes by revelation,

numbers', an the

comprehensible insight universe. proceed depicted love love of of into

only the

means by which course, music of the

God has measured Christianopolitans 64-66), which

From this directly to

(chapters

is

as a form music figures

spiritual in miniature,

sustenance. like in in

Moriaen's a microcosm, the purview figures his of the

mathematics, taking of learning It

and the place in at

expansion the time that

mathematics expansion anticipated. mathematics, numerical were not

turn

general that

he and Hartlib him of patterns fields of in

was harmony music, - though they those were that the

fascinated beauty these in today all

as in patterns

abstract his eyes

in

abstract, including 'scientific', area than that for 'in

applicable would

learning, the in least this

be considered to discern the the welt

and were in others.

simply

easier

Mathematics

provided to

reassurance universe,

there dieser

was an ordered irrenden

harmony

vnd verfUhrischen

266

[ ...

ist]

vn

extra

Mathesin (no. 6).

fast

nichts

sichers

vnd

gewies

vbergelaent

The music be believed out not to of in, exist,

of

the

spheres the their harmony

might in

no longer question charge

literally had turned - the by idea that an

since but

spheres

metaphorical

concept

universal Moriaen of

- was redeemable by the

mathematics. infinite verified subjects

was captivated

number principle, after

problems

can be solved this the

by a single model of for all

and saw in pansophic

the

reformation

learning:

Ich bin dieser sachen au der maen begierig meine tage gewest nun aber desto mehr weil all Ich mir 'vnd anderen possibilitatem Pansophi& kan, damit dardurch Ich berait einbilden wiedersprecher stumme vnd zweiffeler etliche gemacht habe (no. 10). glaubig It was this passion support John
his

that for Pell.


lifetime,

informed leading

his

interest

in

and

sustained pansophists,
During colossal was

the

mathematician

among the

own as

Pell

(1611-85)

enjoyed man he at to after 74 to the In

esteem

a mathematician. in at Sussex, Chichester, he was project still and Pell with possibly

As a young for

a schoolmaster academy Brief

a while

Hartlib's Aubrey's Hartlib due

though teaching moved to

according there to London. him and

Lives the

abandoned Hartlib and he Brief

course,

persuaded along 11,129.

follow Haak

capital, 74 Aubrey,

became, Lives

Dury,

HUbner,

267

an intimate His friends

of were

the

Pansophic eager to

group advance of making any

centred him, any but

on Hartlib. Pell was for his

temperamentally own promotion or from 'no as Aubrey suing Courtier' 75 or or

incapable of bringing

effort to

project he was what he

a conclusion. averse off,

more

kindly

put much

it, for

'naturally was worthy to worldly

stooping and 'a

most

shiftless

man as

affaires'. From opportunities

as

early in Dutch on the

as

1639,

Moriaen for many behalf ever have

was the

active

in

seeking

Netherlands among Pell's can the

mathematician, he was him the the fluent

who numbered in. His efforts in

languages earned caught by

one eye of in

mention

print

that

non-specialists: Aubrey's Brief

a passing Life of the

reference mathematician:

Haak

preserved

to his friends his [Pell] communicated in half Hatheseos Idea a sheet of excellent deal of repute, got him a great which paper, but no other both at home and abroad, special till learned Mr John Morian, a very advantage, Gentleman, that gave me notice and expert Professor Mathematical Hortensius, at that Amsterdam, wishing was deceased, our 76 Mr Pell friend might succeed. the had became but in fact

This that

reason

post died,

vacant that he

was had

not been

Hortensius77

called two

11,127 Lives The Brief and 129. Aubrey, 75 from to Aubrey Haak. from a memo are comments 'Idea 11,130. On the Lives Brief Aubrey, 76 see below. Matheseost, (1605-39), Hortensius mathematics Martinus 77 Illustre 1634. Athenmum the Amsterdam since at 1,1160-64.

first

professor See NNBW

268

to

Leiden

University,

though after his

in

the

event Moriaen

he did

die

almost Pell

immediately

move.

recommended

as an 'Architectus for Hortensius the English

Pansophim' to the

and an ideal burgomasters at The Hague,


urged produce to tirelessly concrete these regard in and

replacement Bourg,
Boswell. and

Cunrad William

and

and to
78

resident
Moriaen should lend a sign by that

Through his

Hartlib, that Pell to is held

fruitlessly of

evidence

talents 79 It was students

weight of the

recommendations. which the mathematics majority of

slight

traditional the the his Athenmum's post lapse

academics authorities after had vacant been for failure at took

seriously Hortensius's poorly years. publish bore gamble himself year. celebrated Moriaen Amsterdam fruit. of in This

considered departure,

letting since it was

lectures left

so four to last

attended, But in

80 and 1643,

indeed Pell's

despite

continuing lobbying 81 Pell to

anything, At moving person, he

Moriaen's Moriaen's to

persistent suggestion, in order offered considerable personally 82 he was Pell invited

the

Amsterdam and was duly

recommend

a probationary success: congratulated remained by the in the

completed G. J.

with Vossius

scholar on his until

recommendation. 1646, when

78 79 80 81 82

25,31,32,88. Nos. 48,71,85. Nos. No. 32. No. 88. No. 89.

'

269

Stadholder
at Breda.

Frederik

Henrijk

to

the

newly-founded

academy

Moriaen

was

one

of

Pell's

first

contacts

in

Amsterdam, settle to find in

and helped to his

the

shiftless

mathematician taking it

to

new surroundings, and, no doubt,

on himself him to The two years in 1652 thanks in

him

lodgings

introducing the city. Pell's to under Haak), life. for his 83 nine

new friends men remained the

and showing in close (he

him round contact

during returned

Netherlands

finally

England Cromwell,

and subsequently this friends the poor time for to

became

a diplomat from

a recommendation the rest of

and were Moriaen teaching himself who would allow deplored

Moriaen's

remuneration

he received hoped to he might attract

84 and always work, sufficiently him to devote in his

distinguish a patron to

print time

entirely

mathematical

research

and Pansophy. This anything which is was a vain at not all in hope. the Pell idea published mentioned work, hardly .1 by Aubrey, and which,

besides itself

a mathematical

from Unfortunately, 1643, the year no letters survive 83 (no. 89) from the whole Pell's and only one move, of in is his Amsterdam. It from this, stay of clear period that first Moriaen howevere was one of Pell's contacts, him letter from bearing Hartlib. he This a came as how Pell describes the post, was offered letter also inaugural his lecture, the of success and relates trying to find that Moriaen was permanent mentions for Pell. accommodation No. 94. 84

270

furthermore, initiative DNB severely entirely late 1630s failed but

seems

to

have

been

brought

out biographer

not

on Pell's in the

on Hartlib's. remarks, to early stars, HQbner 'Pell's justify 1640s, and his

As his

mathematical reputation'. Pell after was seen

performance 85 as But one in of it in of pansophical by HUbner's Hartlib on the

land rising

Pansophy's was he, Dury

Comenius most worthy of often

himself, cited

and

who were as

Hartlib's sponsorship work. alongside political for the His

publicity and Xdea Dury's method86 vision of likely of

material

recipients

producers

genuinely distributed and and

Mathematics on an

was

writings as

exegetical of

exemplar learning Rrodromus.

advertisement in

universal and

adumbrated

Comenius's

Rrwludia

Though
87 1638,, can modern sense

Pell's
fairly of an

idea,
be

which

Hartlib
as an

published
'ideal for in it

in
the

described

innovative

suggestion

262. DNB XLIVI 85 1 and 10. Dury's See nos. 86 work on Scriptural is discussed below. analysis to the manuscript title According 87 page in the Hartlib in 1634. (HP 14/1/6A), the Idea was written Papers it Turnbull may have been conceived suggests as early as 'a rude Hartlib draught sent 1630, when Pell of his (HDC1 88), though this does not necessarily Method' refer English For the complete text to the idea. and the date 1638, P. J. Wallis, 'An Early of see publication Manifesto Idea Mathematical of - John Pell's ', Durham Research Journal 18 (1967), 139-48. Mathematics, is borne dating in a out by Pell's Wallis's reference 1642 which be to anyone but cannot letter of October to you, to 'my letter to be which Hartlib you caused just this time four (Correspondance de years' published that is For evidence the addressee XI, 311). Mersenne indeed Hartlib, see below.

271

consists sponsored research time. akin in to

of

a set

of

concrete to improve have

proposals

for

a stateeducation at the sense, prior and to be and

programme - the a rather Comenius's of terms, out with the word

mathematical been understood

would

more elevated Oprmcognital. nature of

and philosophical 88 It means the in that For broad is in

conception abstract fleshed course learning ambitious mathematics three main

a discipline framework knowledge. the Pell ideal His

the

conceptual

more specific

the of an

of

suggesting in this

means toward field, pansophic

advancement also of

particular

depicted what argues of a

and distinctly could

and should first,

become. the

work

for

developments: mathematical foundation public at library of foster facilities three

compilation

comprehensive second, the

encyclopedia state expense

and bibliography; of 'all hath a universal those beene and bookes,

mathematical

containing sort that in the books It the past is truly the

instrument one and invented'189 provide the to

every

interest for

uninitiated

research of

expert;

and finally the for note, the as

writing of text is to

new text theory. strikes only with

comprehending the proposal

whole third this

mathematical book deal that not

pansophic

and present

term from Alsted's this 88 Comenius derived precursor it refers Keckermann: to Aristotle's Bartholommus learning depends that knowledge. all on prior assertion in Durham Idea of Mathematics, ed. P. J. Wallis, 89 Pell, 139-148,143. 18 (1967), Journal Research

272

mathematical whatsoever,

problems being

but

all

conceivable

problems

An instruction, shewing how any Mathematician take the paines, that may prepare will he may, though he be himselfe, so, as that instruments, bookes destitute of or utterly Probleme as exactly any Mathematicall resolve 90 by him. if had Library he a complete as This Haak: work the was distributed latter to sent Mersenne, the design around a copyl Europe by Hartlib with on to but the Descartes. at the and

together it one,

prodromus, Both scale thought of it.

who passed a worthy them

balked

What struck the Pell final himself to

as unfeasible vision would the of

was not, universal seeme size and

interestingly, method utterly expense after by his the (which

Pansophic foresaw but

'perhaps enormous

impossible of making the

most'91), library. Pell

proposed with

Mersenne, personally,

however, was won round advocate after the of

contact

arguments 92

and became received in 1638,93

a wholehearted a copy and it friend in soon excited

plan.

Moriaen

work's

publication sent was the people

him as much This, to be he

as anything thought, convince

him by his sort that of

London.

concrete

evidence

needed

workable

pansophic

schemes

could

144. Ibid., 90 145. Ibid., 91 to Haak, 1 Nov. 1639, Mersenne Correspondance 92 de to Mersenne, 580-584; VIIII Pell Mersenne 21 Nov. 1639 to Pell, Mersenne 622-630), (ibid., 10 Dec. 1639 (ibid., See also Wallis's 685-688). useful summary of the early Durham Research Journal of the Idea, 18 (1967), reception 145-7. No. 1. 93

273

and were copies works Harriott promoting It principle view novelty illuminating undergoing period. their 95 of of of

being the

produced. tract,

He was zealous

in

distributing other of Thomas of

and specifically bent, Oughtred, including for the

requested those

a mathematical and William Pansophy-94 was the that universal made it

same purpose

validity illustrative

of of

mathematical Pansophy. a relative in of an was Such a

mathematical at the time.

principles Jacob that the Klein very

was itself suggests concept at to

study a radical Numbers

number

transformation were coming than

precisely

this in

be seen

as concepts

own right, or

rather

merely

as a means of objects. This that he sees made

measuring as the possible Those Greek Greeks

counting shift

determinate in

crucial the

conceptualisation of stage modern of symbolic

development

algebra. in the ancient the

who see an infant mathematicians anachronistically, (that our words,, is,

algebra to to

are,,

according according 'the or

Klein, their which their

reading own our thought,

intentionality and also Euclidean

mode in intend

signify

objects-996).

presentation intends It always determinate of measurement, and it does


Thought and the Cambridge Mass.

is not symbolic. numbers or units

10 and 16. Nos. 94 Klein, Greek Mathematical Jacob 95 trans. Eva Brann, origin of Algebra, 1968. London 118. Ibid., 96

and

274

through Ogeneral detour a this any without Ogeneral magnitudeO. of a concept a or notionO the object [ ... ] It does not identify its the of means with represented it the does not replace and representation, with a determinateness object of an real it determinate, such as making of possibility instead by be of which, sign a expressed would illustrating oba'ect, *would a determinate 7 determinacy. possible signify Modern mathematics, with by contrast, Vieta, Stevin which Klein sees as

originating

and Descartes, as

its first to method and last turns attention its by determines It objects reflecting such. in become the which these objects way on 98 through a general method. accessible Consequently, shifts from the the of the focus of of in the mathematical given investigation to the

solution how,

problems sense,

consideration solved: concept of from of

abstract to the which

problems

are The

ontological

epistemological. makes such a shift

indeterminate possible conscious, Pell's heroes,

number is

intentionality given

seen

by Klein expression of

as first in the work

being of

formulated the earliest

one of

Klein's Vibte,

three or Vieta

founders

of

modern It

mathematics, such

Frangois a shift in of the

(1540-1603). that Pell

was just

intentionality impending

and Moriaen of

anticipated pansophic

establishment

a new,

epistemology.

97 are 98

123. Ibid. r Klein's. 123. Ibid.,

In

all

quotations

from

him,

the

italics

275

Pell figure foremost regularly for in

was the

not field.

alone 99

in

seeing

vieta

as one

an of

epochal the

Marin of

mersenne, who 1639 his

mathematicians with Haak and

France, in of

corresponded 140, was eager

Pell

and

a single-volume countryman and In

edition to be

great out, of and Leiden

sixteenthcommissioned to for from print manuscripts Pell some

century Abraham it. to 100

brought Elsevier

Bonaventura 1639 their later, appeal, forgotten they

published 101

an

appeal

complete years this

edition. without and

A letter of Pell

three mentions idea

indication says that

addressee, supposed the

had

been

letters to you told Mr Morian's till in they that the still continue only but also they looked upon me, desiring

us, not same mind, to know

him the foremost Mersenne 99 considered exponent of (Correspondance de Mersenne VIII, analysis mathematical to Jungius His work came as a revelation 581) and in his to him (Guhrauer, commitment mathematics confirmed his Whether 21-22). Jungius, achievement was quite as is Klein I am competent to argues not a point as epochal here. judge, What is important to and is not at issue is that it the argument was regarded as such by the likes Moriaen and Jungius, and for very much the of Pell, For Klein a more recent proposes. account of reasons 'Enseignement Borowczyk, Vieta, see Jacques et Diffusion de Frangois Nouvelle Vibte', Diffusion du de J'Alg&bre id6es des 2600-1770 (Festival et affrontement savoir (Montbrison, de Montbrison 1992) 1992), 287d. -Histoire 'Llintroduction and J. Lefebvre, 309, and L. Charbonneau de Frangois Vi&te: A l'art programme analytique et lfalgbbre Proceedings de nouvelle', of the m6thode for History Society and Philosophy Canadian of 1992. Mathematics,

100 n-8). 101 109.

The edition Facsimile in

finally

appeared

in

1646

(see

no.

68, facing

Correspondance

de Mersenne

VII,

276

how able of theirs. This Pell is into typical

or willing 102

I am to

further

that

design

of

Moriaen's something, however, in

frequent both advised for

attempts his

to

chivy

producing Pell, of Vieta's already

own and the he could but 'hear such

common good. of nothing

that in

manuscript and,

England

pieces

as are

printed'

equally

typically, be able question the to are

recommended provide obviously identification recipient of

other

mathematicians The Moria'en

who might letters clinches of in

notes-103 nos.

84 and 85, in Pell's closest the the

which

Correspondance

Hartlib

as

letter. friend the Adolf

Jungius's Hamburg Tassius,

and colleague professor

at

Gymnasium, was another

mathematics

Johann

correspondent progress a copy of of

who followed the Pansophic Idea from is project,

enthusiastically and he too Hartlib. uncertain certainly 104 (it received

the

Pell's work

Whether

he knew the

was by Pell but Pell's

was published

anonymously), else of

he was

as convinced

as anyone

de Mersenne Correspondance 102 XI, 308. The letter is in Robert Vaughan, The Protectorate given also Of Oliver (London, 1839) 111 347-54. Cromwell 308-311. Ibid., 103 to Tassius, Hartlib 10 August 1638, 104 Staatsund Hamburg, Universitfitsbibliothek sup. ep. 100,60-63; in transcript KK X, 32-36. edited Hartlib slightly said 'eine Idwam Conatuum, Mathematicorum he was sending andre [than Authoris J. L. Wolzogen], darvon ich andern eines judicium. dem ersten des H. vnparteyliches mit erwartel that is precisely this KK 1,, 36),, which (63r; given the the Idea is almost when Hartlib was distributing period it. to reference a certainly

277

credentials. Vieta edition, of

He too and method.

hoped likewise His

to

see

Pell the are

contribute transcendent preserved

to

the

stressed comments that

importance report from

in

Dury,

who wrote

Tassius

to elaborate the Analyticall Mr Pell entreated hath begun to shew but hath Method which Vieta if For hee & it wee have (sayth not perfected. in all is true Sciences) The true principles from once of Theory & the Method of proceeding infallibly to find Conclusions & principles made knowpe wee neede noe more for sufficiently that the resolution questions of all can bee they bee. For of what kind soever propounded & Cases in all sciences Questions are infinite in every thing but the Rules to find out truth 105 are few. This enthusiasm important with focus could perceived for to centrality of Vieta Pell and the and Moriaen Vieta is

him shared my argument clarity

by both here

because

exemplifies the new

particular not

how the problems for

new mathematics, but on method To quote

on individual as a model

as such, Klein

be seen time:

Pansophy.

one last

'general this In Vieta's analytic' symbolic for the first time of number appears concept for this ( ... ] The condition whole development is the transformation of the ancient concept of its into transfer and a new conceptual arithmos The thoroughgoing dimension. modification of the means and aims of ancient science which is best characterized involves by a phrase this the ultimate [ ... ] in which Vieta expresses the problem proper, of his 'analytical problem, 'Analytical to itself by art appropriates art': the proud problem of p.Toblems, right which is: TO LEAVE NO PROBLEM UNSOLVED (1fastuosum, [ ... ] iure ars Analytice problemarum problema
105 Dury to Hartlib, 13 September 1639, HP 9/1/95B.

278

Quod est, adrobat sibi 106 SOLVEREI).


This less is precisely the in Problemel. by Moriaen, enquiring wiBen als is des to into ob ultimate Pell's It soon how sich

NULLUM NON PROBLEMA

goal Idea: was after far

proclaimed to 'resolve too -

(a any

little

portentously)

Mathematicall this the ,'Ich weit (no. putting it faith same would time Idea, wolte erstrecke 2). his be That

cited

verbatim a copy of

receiving Pell's method Pellii non himself If is he was, where means knowledge. to the to

when gerne

extended: so

Mons. Nullum Pell

Logistica soluerel of surely of the would

Vietm was

problema capable then leap attain It Cheney

say,,

Idea

practice? and this

possible in all Dury to to other

comes end in as 107

apply

analogous of

branches in

be

possible, culpeper,

insisted

a letter

produce

a treatise

showing

the universall the thoughts, method of ordering to finde out by our own industry any truth as unknown, yet and to resolve any question which in nature may be proposed as the object of a 108 rationall meditation. the in the

Again, Revelling thought

contrast concrete rather

with and

Bacon the

is

instructive. Bacon clearly

specific,

mathematics

a bore:

For it to the delight

in the nature being of the mind extreme prejudice of knowledge, in the spacious liberty of

of to

man,

Klein, 185, quoting 106 Vieta, op. cit., In artem Xsagoge, 1591; the capitalisation is Vieta's. analyticen on Culpeper, Six, 107 see chapter 5, and Chapter section I and 3. Seven, sections 6 Jan. 1642, Young, Comenius in England, 108 74.

279 in a champagne region, the of particularity; knowledge were other all that to satisfy appetite. Tassius was it be was (assuming not a matter of subject,

generalities, in the inclosures Mathematics of fields goodliest to Moriaen, Dury

as

and the

not

109

But him

and

Dury of

quoted

accurately),

mathematics

'spacious method' not

generalities', such as might

a paradigm in any

'right theology

applied

excepted. This of Imethodt and in Moriaen's the the to

application even is

extent mathematics

which of about

it the his

was

novel,

revolutionary, in

period, own

exemplified as he

mild

boast in

abilities lesson,

a mathematics he could and

teacher: teach

a fifteen

minute tolerably calculate he did

claimed, in of to

anyone to being first that

competent any not power

addition any teach

multiplication the but that secret from

number, by rote mean

attempt 110 This wasting students tables den

principles. teachers making

can an

only

traditional amount of like 'fast time basic niemand on

were their

extraordinary powers by

learn little

rote, that

multiplication weit vber

wonder and to that

Cubum komment was to advise them. once

Moriaen's powers ideas, yet it

breakthrough instead is of

them Like it

calculate many bright seen,

memorising obvious to

staggeringly claimed

has

been

Moriaen

have

caused

widespread

astonishment

109 110

Advancement Bacon, No. 10.

of

Learning,

WOrkS

111,359-360.

280

with that results the

the the

success application both far

of

his of

'method'. proper

His method

real would

point produce reliably

was

more

easily of totality

and far memory. of

more

than

uttermost not but to to

exertions cram the

Pansophy knowledge a way of student of

similarly into a single at the

aimed head,

establish would the

a method, enable natural only the

looking to all draw

universe, conclusions

which from

infinite just of

symmetry the basic of

things,

as a mathematician multiplication infinity:

using

principles numbers into

can extend

a pattern

I say,, we would have such a booke compiled, instead be the alone, of all, which should Spense, and Storehouse Learning of Universall 'Wisdome C... ] by reading whereof, should of its by reason spring up in mens minds, own accord, distinct and perpetuall of the cleare, things [ ... ] that coherence of all so all things Naturall, which may be known (whether morall, or Artificiall, or even Metaphysicall) like may be delivered unto Mathematical demonstrations, with such evidence and that there certainty, for may be no roome left 111 doubt to arise. any

A Reformation 25. Similarly 111 of Schooles, on p. 51: in the delivery things, 'Neither though of these do true, wee presuppose [ I but any thing evidently we ... is that rather, we deduce one thing premonstrate out of from the first continually, principles another of Metaphysickes, untill we come to the last, and least differences of Things: and this with such evidence of truth, of the Mathematicians as the propositions have, so is a necessity there to the last that of yeelding as well for first, the the to continuall, and nowhere as demonstration interrupted truth., of their Cf. also Comenian tract in Moriaen's of a lost quotation or letter 24. no.

281

Dury to produce to

too,

seeking

an

epistemological of Scriptural This Hartlib

tool

with

which

a foolproof mathematics

method as

analysis, he described sent Dury of rem Moriaen

turned in in his

a paradigm. which This

Analysis in

Demonstrativa, March to is 1639.112 the

manuscript

method

explicitly mathematics: quamlibet any thing

compared it a priori from too

infallible [ ... method

procedures ] demonstrandi of

'Methodus ('a

cognitol

demonstrating

a prior

knowledge'),

and

I vse is to Method the end of this which it [the wisdom of Scripture] apprehend is infallibly. that / Soe that demonstratively demonstrat be to thinge able every shal a man to be certainly he doth true apprehend a which infallibili (from things et noto priori infallibly known] till he come and previously to the first principle of infallibility which by a continuall for that noe man can deny, the of apprehentions concatenation orderly is ledd by infallible degrees vnderstandinge to another it from one intellectual till obiect in together them all vp one summe soe gather it the whole, that can all at once apprehend the parts distinctly thereof & and all in theire conionctly severall relations each to and each to the makeinge vp of the whole, other the manner and I can not compare of proceedinge then to an arithmeticall better addition or wherein one summe beinge multiplication added to another maketh vp the third and many summes into beinge or numbers added one, make vp a is in this totall summe, soe it greate method intellectuall of apprehendinge obiects one is to make vp a third added to another obiect is common to both which and many obiects are to make a totall or summed vp together reckoned

in no. 10. 112 Moriaen acknowledged receipt The Analysis of a compilation from consists of extracts to Joseph St Amand of November and December 1637 letters in another (HP 1/4/19A-22B), elaborated and is further to him of 26 February 1640 (HP 1/4/lA-8B). letter intended to have it published, but whether moriaen he in (see Chapter did so remains fact Two, section 1). unclear

282

summe and intellectuall

conclusion generall ]113 matters[. Pell

of

some

Just

as Vieta

and

maintained

that

the

application problem for the

of unsolved, exegesis

right

method

to

mathematics the It

would

leave

no

so Dury of

thought

same could

be done musings crisis when Dury of 1635,

Scripture. resolution

seems these of a personal at inherent a time

had their of faith

genesis at least

as the four of

years

earlier, the

almost natural could

despaired language: at one time

resolving himself,

ambiguities Hartlib in

'Dury

' wrote

in any thing, finde almost no certainties though 4ee was able to discourse as largely of Yet solidly and as any other. any thing hee knew nothing, till hee demonstratively himself to the Scriptures betooke and lighted interpreting infallible the way of upon 114 them. Dury apparently with claimed this to have confuted the of Descartes' French certain 'being is almost into

scepticism philosopher knowledge, brought certainly the Analysis to

method: the

though

denied Dury

possibility to his guns left idea but work that the

such

stuck

and Descartes, oft. 115 This

many absurdities, the germ of the

later ideas the

developed and the clear

Demonstrativa, in this later

language

used

bear

imprint

HP 1/4/20A. 113 in transcript HP 29/3/14A; HDC, 167. 35j Cf. Eph 114 40-42. Popkins 'The Third Force', argues Popkin, it the that millenarian writings was of persuasively to Dury the way out of first Mede that suggested joseph labyrinth. his Eph 35, HP 29/3/14A. 115

283

of Dury

the

Comenian the Dury language

Praeludia Analysis. with could the be at to he

Hartlib The assurance interpreted least so of the

had

just

published analogy that absolute it had

when

wrote

mathematical he needed with long as

provided human universal guarantee inspiration. than

a merely and the divine further obvious

certainty, unique And had

Scripture pushed

an originally analogy he rather the correlate the -

Comenius that to

done.

Though language

foresaw not in it

objection directly mathematical significantly, in method:

natural

does reality

extra-linguistic language by does,

same not,

way

that

he but

denied by an

argument,

assertion

of

faith

be done But here you will say howe can this in obiects and demonstratively aswell intellectuall I numbers? as in arithmeticall the one can be done answere you that will be yf the right obiects as the other aswell to the minde, and yf the right represented be the made vse of. summinge vp same, of method businesse For I in this must doe as in theire demonstrative Mathematicians sciences to be vse to doe, I must take a postulatum vnto me, vpon which the whole or granted given Nowe will rest, of these demonstrations grounde is a thinge Postulatum. this which I suppose noe that denye, vizt yf the man will rationall truely the simple can apprehend vnderstandinge yf those and that axiomes of a discourse, be rightly apprehended, axiomes truely simple the compound which ioyned that together, in the vnderstandinge from the same resulteth be false; one Postulatum vpon this cannot (which yf neede were might be proved by a demonstration Mathematicall of lynes and the whole demonstrability figures) relyeth of Method-116 Analyticall this
116 Dury, Analysis Demonstrativa, HP 1/4/20A-B.

284

Dury, *s method unambiguous method' met with to axioms, arrive

of

breaking then

Scripture recomposing at the text's

down it by true his

into 'right

simple

and infallibly warm Dury's to in as first

meaning habitual

Moriaen's about appealed so unusual

approval, irenical him in this of had

despite projects. work

scepticism especially eschewal, particular return method

What was no doubt of and true the the

Dury, they

consideration been and doctrine. elaborated, to

doctrines instead that to

principles all

a single 'And he

would-transcend agreed to religion, that

wholeheartedly be applied

mathematical the

principle scepticism of

could

despite like

misguided

rationalists

Descartes:

dan beg vielen gehet der glaub nicht auer den gleuben men dati augen vnd ob sie woll Mathematicam so glauben sie doch certitudinem in das methodum relig. man einen solchen nicht in finden Theologia sonderlich aber scientijs knne vnder welchen auch Mr des vnd practisiren ist (no. 10). Cartes It one of has to the be said of to that Dury's illustrate of the with the mathematical system. the concision quoted almost Dury as a and is it not at

merits here iteration

I have insistent,

some length defensive wanted series though sense received to of

mathematical sense of

analogy. Scripture solutions, is also

represent equations

literal

incontrovertible say that there

he did accessible

go on to only

a deeper

to to

Ithe'Spirituall discerne Spirituall

man who hath things

vnderstanding

285

Spiritually, discerned literal.

117 ',, through 118

that

spiritual and

sense

can

only

be of the

a precise

unambiguous

grasp

The attraction could the be single 'compelled'

of by

such

a view

was that

if

assent of

'mathematical' true meaning be done passive of

demonstration Scripture, at a

unambiguous disputation It is

religious stroke.

could

away with form of

a strikingly

analysis:

is to be vsed in this Method Prudency the only to a spirituall to bringe a mans vnderstandinge the sense Captivitie vnder of the Letter is ledd the vnderstandinge Soe that and ] as an eye that becometh passive[: wholly in is passive meerely somethinge seeketh it that the reflecteth vpon, obiects respect'of in be the respect vnderstandinge of soe must 119 the words of sacred scripture.

This

distinctly

echoes

the

mathematical the passive

analogies assent to

of

the

ludia, nV-20 F., mathematical Panaugia Consultatio:

and foreshadows demonstration (universal Light),

recommended the second

by Comenius part of the

in

HP 1/4/3A. Ibid., 117 to equate desire This with mathematical natural 118 is highly of the period's language symptomatic struggle in the face to absolute certainties of an to cling its increasing and found perhaps of relativity, awareness in Cave Beck's such as schemes expression extreme most basically language which consisted for of universal a in to the 'equivalents' code numerical a given ascribing See Vivian Salmon, The languages given word. of a all in Seventeenth-Century England Language Study of including See also 176-190. 1979), no. 139, (Amsterdam, for Goubart's David proposal a similar of outline an scheme. HP 1/4/21B. 119

286

designed by have been so well The ways of light is there that vague God's nothing about skill them. to such They have been made to conform that them laws everything about can unchanging be proved certainty. mathematical with light the intellectual By the same theory of be governed by unchanging can rightly wisdom in the process laws so that of of method is left teaching vague nothing and and learning but everythin operates 720 with uncertain precision. mathematical If you will eyes, you use your thing can be as I do and there 121 between us. see the same no difference

Such was the men to realise comenius his see, they

vision: they

the

laws

of

method to

would

teach would

and once were all

had learned at the the would

see they

looking stressed he predicted within

same thing. irenical lead to nature the of

too-repeatedly which schism the

Pansophy, of all of

healing conversion All the

Christianity 122

and the

infidels.

academic

and doctrinal would lie

disputes the

would Ramist, with would

fall the the

away,

Aristotelian with the self-evident could all the

down with the Christian;

Galenist Calvinist, to the

Paracelsian, the

Lutheran all

Jew with truth assent

assent

as meekly to

and dispassionately mathematical

as they

a demonstrable

trans. A. M. O. Dobbie, Shipton 120 Panaugia, on Stour 101, p. 71. 1987, ch. 11, para. 42, p. 99. Ibid., para. 121 ch-15, 26. It is typical Reformation of Schooles, 122 of that, with universality obsession Comenius's unlike so he to settle for the was not prepared chiliasts, many just he the Jews: to 'reform' (ie. wanted of conversion the entire intellectually world. colonise)

287

equation. to

In

fact,

people

did

not -

always

assent for

meekly

mathematical controversy squaring only had lacking of end, of First,

demonstrations with of meant not fully the

witness

instance the latter's

Pell's supposed

Longomontanus circle123 at least the -

about but one right that, of

presumably, disputants that was

that

the method. All

grasped

was that the

a proper, and

incontrovertible doubt be the filled stage and division with set had in its to for be wilful It the of the image Covenant to was a the the Second would

exposition be at an

method, earth Lord124

would and that and

knowledge Coming. definitively blindness task

the

however, worked out to

method mankind it

persuaded

consider to nothing

impartially. less than Ark this

Comenius

compared of the

construction in the it

Tabernacle 125 Moriaen

of

the

wilderness. to himself:

adapted

apply

zue dem werk des heiligthumbs nicht allein Bezaliel und Aholiab erfordert werden sondern Ienige auch die so herbeg schaffen was zur 126 ist (no. 1). von nothen arbeit himself the yet no the as

He saw fashioned humbler material

not

as

one

of but

craftsmen someone of it.

who called

actually to the the

sanctuary, less

necessary necessary

task for

fetching

resources

See no. 29 123 11: Isaiah, 124 (Reformation of Reformation 125 Cf. Exodus 126

and notes. 9, a citation Schooles, 26). of Schooles, 31: 1-6.

also 24.

used

by

Comenius

288

4: 4

The

Collection

in

the

Netherlands

It people Hartlib probably evident the latter

may have through first

been

in

the

course

of the

his

quest

for that

whom to

distribute contact of

Praeludia Moriaen, or to Haak.

made personal recommendation first

with Dury letter

on the from his

It

is that

surviving fairly to

Hartlib

had been relating have

bombarding the project.

him with

enquiries of his

and publicity response Rulice Church shortly the must (Rulitius), at

The warmth Together in the with English

been

gratifying.

Johann

who was a preacher when Moriaen to in the the arrived

Amsterdam

and moved soon the became

afterwards agent its for

127 German, Moriaen Netherlands for

principal and all

Hartlib

network the

multifarious Comenius. experience of

activities,

particularly

collection His previous exiles, career, a role. access the

relief

work

for

the his

Palatine previous for given network years recur those of to such him

and the must His to

contacts

he had made during an ideal candidate

have years

made him in

Frankfurt clandestine Church, Hartlib, of

and Cologne information the

had

the

largely

of his

German Reformed with

and in

early

correspondence unspecified notably to

references information (agent) in 1635 and 31); cf. in

largely

sources a 'ComiBarius'

cities,

in November the English He joined church 127 to the German on 4 Dec. 1639 (no. transferred Dutch Calvinists, 181. O. P. Grell,

289

Frankfurt, distributed May and months

and

one

Budmus sent of and of 1641,

in

Cologne, him by

through Hartlib. 128 spent account there.

whom he Between some three

literature September in Cologne is given

he

and

Odilia but no

Frankfurt, their

whatsoever

activities

129

This occupation appearance were publish enable material through to send to

collection since of the the

had been early

Hartlib's - well goals,

principal before the said,, to and to

1630s Its

Praeludia.

as has been

relieve his him

Comenius's to supply

personal him with Hartlib 1633,

circumstances, amanuenses also Comenius supplied thanked for works and Austin to the

works, to visit

England. project: collaborator copies of in

forthe his then

him,

Jan Jonston, (unspecified) student complained

promising by Friars Austin

manuscript In 1634,

130 Bacon. protegd Friars collection against remarked such rivalry different 128 129 130 131 2311.
132

a Bohemian Jan that Sictor, Hartlib exiles.

in

London,

consistory for this that is

was organising 131 Quite since what

a private Sictor had

Bohemian unclear: were

perhaps, Bohemians this is

he specifically organise of the

there

who could an example between

collections which

better, Grell

suggests groups,,

existed

the the

refugee

132 or

perhaps

he doubted

Nos. 1,12,13,14. Nos. 63 and 64. to Hartlib, Jonston Ecclesim Hessels,


Grell, 203.

Aug. 1633, HP 44/1/2A. Archivum, Londino-Bataviae

III,

no.

290

probity Grell obtaining Comenius added make

of

such

privately 'Hartlib's pounds sounds for

administered claim the that

relief he was

work. only of it a work should Hartlib that

As

remarks, a few hardly

publication for though it that true to it as his

by be did

credible', word is related in general, were certain as

we only such

have

Sictor's 133 ends It

a claim. was for

probably directly but small that of one

Hartlib's

collection rather whether apparently extended as Turnbull than the

Comenius doubtful

the sums

exiles involved

is

Hartlib ambitions (presumably,

suggested beyond the

and

publication the

book

suggests,

Praeludia134).

Sictor's Hartlib Berg the (or late

accusation

was levelled exile, Johann in

jointly Christoph at

against Berger least whose von since ideas

and a Moravian de Berg), 135 1620s. much attention his designs

who had been Von Berg from for

England

was an inventor Hartlib and his

aroused particularly for lifting

associates, a device 136

a perpetuum for

mobile,

weights

and another

draining

mines.

in incident his the Turnbull 203. Grell, account of 133 it (HDC, 35). Hartlib's word for takes alleged HDC, 35, n. 4. 134 by von Berg at HP 71/12/IA-7B A petition says he has 135 is undated five this but for Britain years; been in Great departure to the before Berg's from Continent be von must in 1634. in the Ephemerides, Innumerable references of esp. 136 Webster, Great Xnstauration, See also 1634 and 1635. 'Samuel Hartlib's connection and Turnbull, 218,358-9, I'Musaeum Minervaell,, Kynaston-'s Notes Francis Sir and with On 1 Jan. 1640 he and Caspar 33-7. 197 (1952), Queries inventor favourite Hartlib's other at this Kalthof,

period,

signed

an agreement

to

share

all

their

291

Hartlib for von

was, Berg

in

fact,

publicly in that the that

engaged form would collection of

in

raising in his his

support his

himself

investment preclude for

inventions, collaborating countrymen.

137 not

on a separate

Von Berg whether to say. or not

promptly

set

off of

for the

the charge

Netherlands it is

on account

impossible 30 Bohemian' Though seems

He was there to it be sent

by 2 November, 138 bearing 'ad Bohemum'. 'the ie. 'to the 139 it

shillings - not, Comenius likely

should was in

be noted, fact

Bohemians'. not Bohemian,

Moravian,

he is

the

beneficiary went viel

meant. on to

The same report, in IH Berger bewuster te sache,

unidentified salutat.

informant Sagt er habe

versuchet

discoveries by Hartlib, under a vow of secrecy, witnessed John Pym was Haak and HUbner (HP 48/4/lA-B). keen to use his draining in the particularly machine mines around Coventry. There is an account 137 of von Berg's woes, and a plea investment, in the form of an open through for assistance 'to all [ ... ] to whome by Mr Hartlibfs letter meanes the & reading (n. d., of this present shalbe seeing offered' to the Lord Mayor and HP 71/12/lA-7B), and a petition 'a large testimony Aldermen of London, acknowledging of bounty' their received some three years previously, and (n. d., HP 8/63/25A-B), for another hoping probably put instigation into (the petition English at Hartlib's that itself did not understand von Berg still states the language). 2 Nov. 1634, HP 11/1/10A. 138 Anon. to to Hartlib, Von in the Berg had obviously spent time and made contacts before, General him a Netherlands as the States granted in Jan. 1629 and for a for a perpetual motion mill patent in Oct. 1633 (Doorman, device hoisting G295 aand G323, pp. 130 and 133). from the Hague, 6 Nov. 1634, HP 139 Anon. to Hartlib, 11/1/11A.

292

aber might

noch

wenig be but over to

ausgerichtet. the it promotion s.ounds organise without of vivitne? still Writing him, very

#140 of

This von

'known own

matter'

simply

Berg's as though

inventions, had gone

much

von in

Berg

another much inquiring Ubi alive? from the et

collection success. in quid 1641, agit?, [is he] two

the

Netherlands, himself Bergerus Christoph he doing? was

albeit aware

Comenius 'Christoph ('Is and our what later, is

noster Berger 1)141

Where Hague

years

Dury

reported

that

von Berg's 142

assets

had been have

frozen, been one of

presumably
Hartlib's anonymous advocacy Pruvost

by creditors.
less successful

He seems to

collaborators. later inventors into warned Hugh discredit Hartlib L'Amy if

Another that and they his Pierre failed Le to

correspondent of would the French bring him

live

up to

their

promises,

citing

von

Berg

as a

precedent:
der herr Bergern, gedencke wie es Ihne mit dem perpetuo dergleichen nobili vnd anderen Ihn an seinen gangen: sachen welche anderen fast nutzlicheren viel expeditionibus gantz Ihn gantz keinen verhindert vortheil, dahingegen aber grossen schaden vnd 143 vngelegenheit gebracht. mit

From this the papers.

point

on there

is

no further

mention

of

him

in

140 141 142 143

1634, HP 11/1/10A. 2 Nov. to Hartlib, Comenius 17 Feb. 1641, HP 7/84/8A. 13 August 1643, Dury to Hartlib, HP 2/10/12A. 1647, HP 59/9/8B. April

293

Similar personally 1641 papers, and

efforts and the

by

Hartlib of

on behalf his work among

of

Comenius until

promotion

continued his surviving from

are but

partially the extent

documented of (apart and hitherto the Streso, the the

144

contribution from the

the case

Netherlands of was the de

and Geer

Germany family), have

spectacular through which

network

it

organised,

been

underestimated. Reformed a student and was had later the church sceptical, but to minister benefited in

moriaen The from

approached Caspar charity to in the won him

newly-arrived who as

Hague, the

of

Austin

Friars, donations Streso

commissioned the exiles

distribute

from initially

Anhalt-145 cause round was and of the Georg does the net

was with

suspecting Moriaen prinicipal He was approach though followed played for listing away', 144 Acta 145 nos. 146 147 by keen his this up.

tainted

Socinianism, him in as The as the Hague. Danzig

established collection as far

organiser to cast

146 and there,

afield who was

friend suggestion 147

Sommer, not

preacher been leading

seem

to of

have the

Further and provided of Moriaen 'The

confirmation Rulice by in the the sheet

role

Moriaen is

Continental in Hartlib's Booke first

campaign hand given as

Comenius

recipients in which

New Comenian twice,

features

'Contributions See M. Greengrass, forthcoming. Comeniana, (who spells him Strezzo), Grell 2569 and 2654. No. 9. 9 and 16. Nos.

for 180;

Comenius', Hessels III,

294

recipient his

of

five

copies,

then that

doubtless -

in

response he Rulice,

to

repeated the the from

statements better148

the

more publicity with

received fifty, margin Streso Moriaen, cologne

- as co-recipient, consignment almost

of

largest the total five

single of

by a considerable

300 distributed*149 and more by to Budmus in

was sent who also for

copies

by Hartlib his

sent

some of

copies 150

further

distribution. on the less resident to directly in

He was constantly or people of who might an Arab

look-out

for

new recruits the cause. On

promote Amsterdam, an Arabic As so often was somewhat never

hearing he might

Moriaen version in the

hoped of

be employed Janua

produce

Comenius's Hartlib the

Linguarum-151 the enthusiasm (whose

circle,

premature:

man in

question only

name is

revealed) version Moriaen

understood of
148

Arabic

and Hebrew, 152

and no Hebrew daunted,

the

Janua
nos.

had appeared.
1.4,11.

Nothing

Eg.

the recipient I am almost HP 23/13/1B. 149 certain of is 'Morian', is in Hartlib's but the list five copies is handwriting. 'Morian It certainly et worst very (HDC, 343) suggests fifty. ' who received Turnbull Rulit. is probably the Conatuum the work in question that its (1637) Comenianorum prmludia or possibly second (1639). Prodromus Moriaen's pansophiae edition, of a number of copies of the Prodromus acknowledgement him been to by had Rulice (no. 14,12 May passed on which to suggest the latter. Hartlib's 1639) would seem rather however, to list refer may, an earler consignment undated in the letters. Von Prmludias not mentioned surviving of on the list, as recipient Berg also features of one copy. Nos. 13 and 18. 150

151 No. 10. 152 The anonymous Arab had come to Amsterdam hoping teaching living Arabic, apparently under the a make

to

295

promptly He hoped his master,

suggested to persuade Prince 154 allay

that the Gyorgy

Rittangel diplomat Rak6czi is no

should Bisterfeld of

produce to

one.

153

encourage to

Transylvania, he fears did of friend request would open to reveal attacks

contribute, tried to

though the

there

evidence

so. the J. A. for it

He

entirely at

justifiable Hamburg, to Jungius's Hartlib's Hartlib Tassius himself to

mathematics Tassius, his to opinion the world that

professor if of at he

responded work, laying Moriaen

Comenius's large, 155 with West little and from

by

controversialists. (though from from the two again Dutch

repeatedly coax

tried

success) East India (to old

contributions 156 A visit had or friends the 1639 An by Mr

companies.

diplomats been

Cologne by

whom Moriaen colleagues to publicise in

presumably there) cause. arranged Exhortation Comenius,

recommended another been of the has Worke since

provided 157

opportunity mentioned, a petition of

As has publication for which

Moriaen entitled

Education

Intended trace.

vanished

without

158

he would find impression supply a plentiful of Hebrewstudents. speaking 'Rittungall that No. 13 (assuming means Rittangel: 153 2, 13, Two, 6). no. chapter and n. section see 154 No. 9. it is possible letter: but see n. 16 to that No-17; 155 than Jungius it was Tanckmar rather whom Moriaen was to reassure. trying Nos. 10,14,38,43,51. 156 157 No. 34. in is Two, 1. It Chapter 21, section No. not see 158 list of Hartlib's publications Wing, nor in Turnbull's nowhere else in the (HDCf 88-109), and is mentioned papers. surviving

296

In 24 March directly waiting something charitable


the same

more concrete

terms,

Moriaen

could

report which needs

that he sent while to a in


his

by

1639 he had raised to for Comenius more to to cover

200 Imperials, his immediate This is

159 in. come E50,160 to


on

equivalent sum for Hartlib


from

approaching contribution
year in and passed England.

a substantial person.
to them, the on the as

a single
6d.

C42 7s.

Comenius therefore, E100

collection Hartlib anonymous programme annual Hartlib both

161 had

Between

Moriaen

raised whose

almost advice

which

an

correspondent Hartlib had for appear and

funding adequate 162 on to

canvassed a reasonably to have for

proposed frugal this

provision would Moriaen

scholar. suggestion since

passed

Comenius

comment,

Moriaen

was

initially Ieden Gott auff die

confident ein mittel himself E200 or, sufficient

that lib:

Izue

2 oder

3 collaboratoribus werden wir wills later considered E100 a long-

hundert woll

geschdzt (no. hear 9) that

finden' to

and could Comenius this However,

declare either year,

pleased at for

a pinch, his

precisely

sum, the

163 needs.

10 and 11. Nos. 159 but the pound generally fluctuated, Exchange rates 160 between 4 4k Imperials to the and something over equated correspondence. and Hartlib's of Moriaen's period 'Collections for Greengrass, HP 26/23/1A-8B; cf. 161 comenius'. in transcript Greengrass, 26/23/1A-8B; HP 162 is tract for The Comenius'. but 'collections undated in late the be 1630s. to Turnbull placed gives obviously to HDC, unsympathetic unduly summary, an me seems what 347-8. No. 23. 163

297

term

goal

was not

simply

to but

see Comenius to provide both

himself for him and and to complete like his

tolerably his family,

comfortable, to the employ peace this

amanuenses

and assistants, he needed to

guarantee Pansophy. Hartlib's, contributions, signatories the

and leisure in mind, in

With

Moriaen's not just

strategy, one-off the the

was to but to

gather

subscriptions support not

committing over a period,

regular This,

longer to

better-164 but

surprisingly, 1639, having

proved

harder for

achieve, over eight

on 14 August

campaigned

months,

he triumphantly

reported

lob nun mehr den anfang das Ich Gott der hab. vnderschrifft vnd mir nun fort an allein Es ist succes guten einbilde. mir recht saur hab. worden ehe Ichs lob so weit Gott gebracht ist. das es vberwunden der gebe ferner seine (no. 22). genade

And as Moriaen thus if been less broken,

had anticipated, the subscription than the

once

the

ice

had

progressed for

steadily, the next

impressively years, until

he had hoped, of

three

support

Comenius

was singlethe quest

handedly biggest for

undertaken catch of

by Lodewijk Moriaen's (or,

de Geer, indeed, 1640,

easily Hartlib's)

patronage. support (the

By the from German,

end of four

Moriaen

had enlisted of 165

regular Amsterdam

the

Reformed French

Churches and English).

Dutch,

No. 1. 164 from the news that This appears Idiese 165 kirche sich hattl (no. lezten 46,5 vnderschrieben November 1640). am he means by 'diesel, it is not clear which church though have been most closely he would himself presumably

298

Unfortunately, promised securing March or 40

no collected, Imperials

statistics apart from the

are from

available Moriaen's

for

the

sums of in

mention consistory in for

Amsterdam 50

166 1640,, and by that

sending

a further E25, earmarked

Imperials especially

mid-July

167 1640,, HQbner, mention this

raising

13 January 'Mr Morian small rather 169

1641.168 sent Libr.

Hartlib's 41 in

accounts 1641,

also

though a personal

relatively

sum probably than the lent family proceeds 100 on

represents from his out

contribution collection. pocket This eyes funds sent for last at for 100

He also

Imperials 23 December out, as

of

his

own

Comenius's piece of to family

1641.170 in Moriaen's plea who for had

generosity be superfluous, had also

turned

least, his

Comenius's de Geer, the full until dismissing

reached

Imperials apparently seems letter Cyprian listed of is his not

independently. found to of have a use been

However, for the

Comeniuses the debt

200, 1648. his

as In

settled 1647 the not

Comenius's assistant grounds on account

11 September one he could especially of

Kinner, that debts,

wide afford to

assortment to pay

of Kinner

Moriaen,

whom he

involved Rulice with the German, of which his friend was but in any case the implication is clearly then preacher, had already themselves. the others committed that all No. 38. 166 No. 43. 167 No. 52. 168 This and a record HP 23/12/2B. of the E25 for 169 the only surprisingly, rather are, HUbner (HP 23/7B) in Hartlib's Moriaen surviving accounts. of mentions No. 71. 170

299

owed

100

Imperials. notes, [ to ... I

171 'Hem! Solve away vis tu the

(An

unimpressed mihi

Kinner salarium

added jam

the

marginal meritum? you Settle receipt benefited six years, want

detrahere tua salary '. ) 3 February loan of the debita I

ipsemet' have already finally

'Huh!

do

take debts the

earned? reported Comenius had than

your of

yourself! on

Moriaen

money an

1648.172 for reasons him during rather

from which

interest-free may be cooler one

more Moriaen

why the

became

perceptibly

towards

1640s.

Comenius Moriaen

was not,

however,

the

sole

beneficiary. himself be badly needed criticism sketches - that

was keenly of

aware such

- as was Comenius could hardly

an enterprise accomplished competent if of

magnitude and that

by one man, assistance produce of take

Comenius constructive

informed and anything It

he was to his Temple out,

more than would

alluring also,

173 Wisdom. more than that such

he repeatedly to persuade at its

pointed sceptical all

alluring an edifice of his

sketches

spirits

was feasible supervising views chimed

and that

Comenius In these

was capable respects,

construction.

HP 1/35/3B. 171 is possible, that It this No. 96. of course, 172 different later debt of and repayment a not represents in it the but surviving correspondence, seems a mentioned (given that the is likelier deal sum mentioned good that this the the Moriaen had was money same) exactly forwarded at the end of 1641. Pansophy', in the described Or 'Temple of Christian 173 is an Reformation 64-84. It of Schooles, Dilucidatio: Comenius's proposed of account education allegorical the in the temple based the of structure on vision system of Ezekiel.

300

closely of and for

with

those

of

Joachim admirers Moriaen

HQbner, and had and engaged between

who severest such

was

at critics,

once

one 174

Comeniusts it the is little

greatest wonder man's him

a high

regard and was

young to see

intelligence than and anyone Comenius

perspicuity, as Comeniusts them would

keener assistant.

HQbner

convince programme. take

all 175

doubters

of

the

viability out,

of

their

reform did him,

(As things a post, since of his

turned

HUbner

never of to

up such

de Geer outspoken allegiance. in the

disapproved refusal )

probably himself viewed

on account to

commit was

any doctrinal

Comenius

as first

among equals and Moriaen

pansophical to reminding too: for he was HUbner and, Hartlib

undertaking, that there

was given scholars

were

other to

needy see

particularly above all,

keen Pell, of

funds

provided would

who he hoped the Dutch

be a direct

beneficiary

collection:

hoffe das mit nechstem [Ich] zum anfang etwas in guter devotion werde damit Dn Pell remittirn bleibe bekomme seinen vnd nicht erhalten vrsach Ihme angeborenen Mathematischen wie es scheint zue dempfen vnd anderwerts gaist vielleicht sein aigen herz vnd gemuth zue auch wieder (no. 6). stellen Indeed, proceeds of Moriaen the stressed so frequently should not go to that the

collection

Comenius

There 174 are excellent accounts of the relations in Kva'C"ala, HQbner and Comenius HGP 11,51-9, between and der Didactica die Schicksale Magna', Ifiber HCG 8 (1899), 129-144. No. 24. 175

301

alone needed point. because because exiled arousing for the

that

it

seems

fair or at for his

to

conjecture

he

thought on partly and of this

Hartlib

persuading, Comenius of of Unity the sack the his of

least good Janua

encouraging, publicity, linguarum as senior

made fame of

no partly the

doubt

representative Brethren, of

role a community other

remarkably

adept

at

sympathy of their

Protestant and their them

denominations persecution through doctrinal urged might the see to in by

the

country alienating

Habsburgs or so they

without political words

quibbles almost think

partisanship. that while money collection distribution the for

Yet

Moriaen

many were

contributors Comenius,

donating of the

administrators it that a more

should

discreetly was effected:

equitable

ist [ ... ] was hin viel man so mglich so mste in einen gemeinen einkommen mchte vnd wieder der sachen Beutell samblen vnd nach notturft das die ins gemein anwenden. zuelaen vnd nicht H Comenio leuthe von hau aus Ihre subsidia zueordnen sonst wei man nicht woran selbsten Nahmen gehet vnd weil es vnder seinen man ist 116 bekommen vnd andere nichts. so wrd Er alles What both was not to the the men were for were firmly agreed His on was that duties his his in Leszno

place

Comenius. regarded

as minister West far more but

Brethren admirers

by many of from enough

European important

as a distraction work, worthy

pansophic

themselves

Cf. also no. 35 (6 December 1639. No. 32,26 176 in rechte 'wan diB werkh mit der zeit 1640): February in die so mOsten soll, werden subsidia gebracht ordnung kommen auff Cassa wenigsten eine zum. rechnung oder eine 1 dispensirt dann werden. auB vnd von

302

not

fit

to

occupy

the

time

and

intellectual in 1637:

resources

of

a Comenius.

As HUbner

lamented

dass ich Ungerne, Vernehme sehr Von H Comenio Pansophischen jetzo Von seinen gantz er so ist, dass werk wan er abgerissen Meditationibus bald ein ander so wird schwerlich ubergibt, der kommen, wetleffige solche auff wider 177 wirdt. gerathen gedankhen
There kept a is on also a distinct As von et sense Berg that notedt and an eye though was 'very et bee needed to be had et

Comenius. pate he was very not others by such good

Comenius Expedit sicke persuaded prone, be et

'searching

vniversall 'very et

Laborious', changeable. therfore and many

also credulous to be

Inconstant easy 178 to

and Moriaen

alone'. to allow

He was to the

feared, subsidiary and,

himself as

sideof which

tracked school rendered audience message. familiar on. As

labours worse still, eyes the to

writing tracts potential of all as to too

text-books him and 179 partisan thus This

polemic of his

in

the

compromised concern among 1661, was

universality become an

his

refrain late that as

Comenius's Hartlib is of 180 could

supporters complain

time John by from

went

Winthrop particular main

'Mr

Comenius

continualy

diverted & others gravest

Controversies Work'.

Socinians Moriaen's

his as

Pansophical

concern

to Hartlib, 22 March HUbner 1637, HGP 11 78. 177 Eph 34, HP 29/2/13A. 178 11,63,64. Eg. nos. 179 Correspondence R. C. Winthrop, Haak, of Hartlib, i8o Oldenburg, and others of the Founders of the Royal Governor Winthrop with of Connecticut, 1661-1672 society, 1878), 10. (Boston,

303

regards

the

Comenian by his

tendency to

to

wander

down blind

alleys mobile. least

was aroused This as early obsessively Moriaen considered interest in ruled it

efforts

invent

a perpetuum on at

was a subject as 1632, to the out and to very the

Comenius which end of possibility

had worked

he kept his life. of

returning 181 Not that or informed in

such

a thing his mobile

unimportant. the Drebbel-Kuffler

on the

contrary,

perpetuum

pfalz-Neuburg

has already study his time

been mentioned, of in the

and he himself This was

had made a practical presumably his that letters they of at during reveal were

same problem. or NUrnberg,

Cologne his

though than

no more

about 182

experiments in

unsuccessful.

L. E. Harris, maintains but moving 183 that

his term to own

account was not,

Drebbel's the time,

apparatus, taken that

the

literally, would long keep time. for

was used of This its

mean merely accord true of for

something

an exceptionally and the

may be profit

Drebbel

Kufflers,

whom the

motive

important was a more or philosophic latter their

spur delight

to

invention (which is Their a goal

than not to deny

philanthropy

them a measure of the concern


this

qualities). customers,
by devising

primary which
that

was to satisfy
would

in

case

be achieved

a motion

Blekastad, Comenius, 219-221; 657. Kumpera, 181 Idas Ich aber mehr vermuthe March 1639: No. 11,31 182 das geschicht werde, geluckhen als dz es Ihm miBluckhen in gleichmaBigen einer erfahrung cf. sachet; auB aigener 39. 34 and nos. also The Two Netherlanders, L. E. Harris, ch. 13 (149-159). 183

304

approached themselves. about,

more

nearly

to

the and

eternal Moriaen to

than were have

the

customers

What

Comenius indeed

talking been continue a until drawn time, in notion on the in is

however, which, of time. which

does

appear

mechanism the by that entirely application atmospheric depended again, motion distinction, an external, as end Harris,

barring

accidents, important was not

would

An equally he claims which

distinction at itself relies as the

drawn

between of

a machine its of own some

maintains and one which such

accord external (which use of

force he

variation

pressure on) or the

believes

Drebbel's But perpetual such a of only

chemical of

reactions. Comenius's did the force draw

Blekastad's makes and was

account plain, quite and to the

theory

Comenius clear inexhaustible problem: that

application was the

cosmic solution

possible

daran Theorie, Er arbeitete eigenen nach seiner irdische dieser Antrieb Kraft dass keine da alles Irdische knne, Maschine sein Art Auf eine uns unbekannte sei. unbestndig die 'Dunst' kosmischen den oder er wollte Kugeln von verschiedener Strahlung auf drei berfhren, Metall um Grsse und verschiedenem bewegt', die Sterne 'die Kraft welche an 164 anzuknpfen.

As so often intrinsic and the to

in

the

schemes notion were

of

the of

group

as, the

indeed, practical

is

the

very

Pansophy

metaphysical

inextricably

connected.

184

Blekastad,

Comenjus,

303.

305

The promoting) about most words) One of 1652 the of

Ephemerides speculations uses them to

are

full by

of a wide

excited range of

(and

often

self-

inventors could in impart so be put,

which

a perpetuum (though obviously sustain was that

mobile not but

assuming it would

many energy.

that the

not

only

most to

imaginative foresee

William

Potter,

who

in

claimed

be taken away in by it the vse of Horses will to Coaches, The ships wagons etc. references with any wind as swift as any shal be driven A Fort shal be caried Gale. along the swift [ ... ] manner of execution seas and doe all Whole Townes shal bee made a floating vpon the Some thousands of swords shal bee wilded seas. by it to cut slash manner of ways and to all destroy whole Armies. Instruments All shal be made manner of Musical it. by to harmonically play most throughout the By it may be made to flye 185 aire. Moriaen, provided used great to the solve rather motion the of more were problem the realisticallys perfectly of regular, recognised it could that, be a What was

establishing of of the

longitudes, 186 day. longitude with

bugbear

cartographers

was preventing the which celestial the motion of lack to of

the

establishment accurate relative different

exact

a sufficiently the in

chronometer of at there given sea

establish phenomena

timings places

level. be no serve as

If

was perpetual its running

and regular, down,

could

question just 185 186 such

and hence

it'would at least

as

an infallible HP 28/2/38B.

chronometer.

But

Eph 52, No. 37.

306

important application of all the his

to

Comenius was the

as any such idea of

potential with most capable significantly,

practical the harmony tenet of

connecting the is

cosmos thought,

and demonstrating that the humankind (and,

basic of

comprehending motus universalis

universal was used Comenius surely

the with motus say

term

interchangeably did not

perpetuus). the implication as,

Though is in

expressly God created

so,

that

since

the

Universe machine, 'little Pansophy connected other-187 der

effect,

a gigantic to

perpetual this his every

motion in vision part of the of is every

man should world'. to

be able

replicate compared in which

He explicitly mobile to it,

a perpetuum

with

and conducive puts

the

operation als

As Blekastad eines
188

'Schon war
believed be made,

Bestdtigung

Richtigkeit

Weltsystems
too, could and of about the

es von grsster
that it if a truly serve, to

Wichtigkeit'. successful by analogy,

Moriaen,

demonstration like the Vieta's truth

would

Pell's

universal He was

algebra, more failure into

demonstrate concerned, would appear

Pansophy. the whole

however, to bring

converse: pansophic

a public scheme

disrepute.

189

24. Reformation 187 of Schooles, Comenius, 304. Blekastad, 188 der Pansophim 'wie di werkh No. 11: 189 So wird solte wan es gelucken machen wird denselben sto viel einen greren geben vmbschlgt'.

ein gro es doch wan es

Credit

307

It itself that

was not, that

then,

the

study

of

perpetual His the the

motion argument was

Moriaen study of

thought

misguided. until

such

should learning

be deferred had furnished needed to case

forthcoming and

reformation experimental successfully. parabolic pointless testing would bringing trying it to

materials it

conditions Just lenses, activity

undertake of

as in dreaming in the

the

Descartes' theories an adequate meantime, his as it was a means of Comenius talents were, to

up plausible absence In in of the

them be far that

experimentally. better employed

directing He was, of Solomon's

reformation the built.


*****

about. products

display been

House before

had even

4: 5

Comenius, 's Visits

to

England

and the

Netherlands

Comeniusts Hartlib years190 invitation

visit

to England to bring

in

1641 - an event about for five

had been striving his and -

subse4uent

move to Sweden at the amply however, business was

of Lodewijk

de Geer are already extant that accounts, the whole

191 documented. properly brings

None of the out the fact

a protracted agendas. It

saga of misunderstandings is almost impossible

and conflicting how far

to ascertain

190 HDC, 342. Sj&lvbiografil 149-165, HDCj 342-370 191 See especially 299-339. Further Comenius, Blekastad, accounts by and in in English translation himself given are Comenius young, Comenius in England.

308

Comenius was later casting

appreciated him he 'for miles in. did, the merely But on his of anticipated an such wife his

the

centrality hardly he was of the seems God', sake

of have being

the

role

Hartlib as to of over private he would any a he

He can that glory for it

believed, asked voyage days'

claimed

undertake, thousand

a sea of

a few unlikely

conversation-192 have embarked for

equally without or for

a venture and family

making the if in

provision administration seriously and

future he had

ecclesiastical settling

duties indefinitely

England of less he was than

overseeing and

altogether all incline genuinely any

epochal which to is the

transformation clearly view that was what it no

education Hartlib responding summons summons on

science, I he

expected. to without to. in what

believed idea

a divine was a

having

clear

arriving

England

in

September

1641,

he

promptly

formed

the of

mistaken Parliament. of

impression

that

he had been he later

summoned by order gave for this

The grounds which he was never shown a copy the

assumption, that

disabused, preached year

were before

he had been

of

a sermon

Parliament which

on 17 November concluded the with members

previous of

by John

Gauden,

warm praise

comenius

and Dury

and exhorted

192 fuller

SjAlvbiografir quotation

152 below.

(Young,

Comenius

in

England,

41);

309 it to consider, the whether were not worthy State to of this and Church name and honour invite these to give them men to you [ ... and] to goe on and aid and encouragement publike all tend so happy works, which perfect so much to 193 truth the advancing of and peace.

If

it

was not

Hartlib

himself

who told he evidently the things

Comenius did that

he had nothing to

been correct

summoned by Parliament, the notion. One of about the

particularly Parliament have

impressed had ordered pointed in the

Comenius it to of to

sermon

was that

be printed: this

no one seems to was fairly fast-day

out case

him that

common practice sermons. As

Parliamentary recalled the

Comenius

himself

business:

' said I, lye have acted with more lFriends, in that than ye have concealed candour caution [the supposed parliamentary these things Had I been apprised of them summons) from me. have I should I know not whether beforehand, to be been of such a mind as to suffer myself into forward [ ... ] brought so great a theatre I beg of you ( ... ]: let us alone among But this for the few be known to one another ourselves days that we have, for I must be returning., They answered that was impossible my return For the King was gone into Scotland this year. for the coronation of the Queen: Parliament was the King's For me return until adjourned 194 hearing. this was grievous

The Love of Truth A Sermon John Gauden, and Peace: 193 the Honovrable Hovse of Commons Assembled before Preached (London, 29.1640 1641), Novemb. 40-41. in Parliament in the the first publicly made claim Comenius in the dedication Again to ODO (1657). introduction of he stated that he had been invited (1668) the Via lucis discussions for on the propagation 'by public authority' the (adding He this Gospel. the on account expanded of in the the from Continuatio sermon) quotation (Sj&lvbiografi, (1669) fraternm 152-3; cf. -, admonitionis in England, 39-41,52,60). Comenius Young, (Young, in Comenus 153 England, 41). Sjdlvbiografi, 194

310

Trevor-Roper's unfamiliar what told with

assertion Comenius's Parliament is less than

that work,

Gauden and was

was merely to

probably parroting had been a

Pym and him to of

other say, the

men close just. 195

Hartlib had 3 March

Gauden and on 196 is

recipient he from donated Dury

'new

Comenian

Bookel

1641

E5 to which a more it

Hartlib's seems

Comenius altogether

fund. likely

A letter to Gauden

suggests written for that the

than time

passing Dury was 1641), yow of for do

acquaintance. preparing it to

obviously leave his to Amsterdam thanks to

at

the (c.

England 'of most yr

January accord Court out eares

expresses pleased

owne

were

recommend

honorable to for the set 'My

Parlament England tingle Meanwhile, the at

my negotiation'. moment the the weather which I

He intended permitted, heare advise should certainly Roper further It points of the be

Newes

Parliament'. addressee of vppon intimate there with that is

Hartlib

would as Gauden to was Trevorany what

Dury's in of no

recommendations 197

'thought not an out,

my worke'. the circle,

and, of his

as

evidence after allies what

having arrival. him to as

connection be

them his less

Comenius's proposed he was

may well and

Pym or more or

preacher

knew

going

say.

262. Foreigners', Three 195 (the donation is also HP 23/13/1A and 23/10A 196 noted at 23/12/2B). in an undated The letter HP 6/4/159A. survives 197 only it is it is to not certain copy, so unaddressed and but he is the obvious HDC, 219. candidate: Gauden, cf.

311

That

does

not

mean,

however,

that

he was

mouthing

prepared There impact. advising of Dury

script

on a subject

he knew nothing that Gauden's

about. had an note promotion and safe and Duksbecome told

can be no doubt version inclined might

sermon

The printed that anyone

included to find

a marginal the easie,

undertake 'a faire,

and Comenius adresses of Mr. to

way of fidelity place one of him,,

them both, [sic], Cheney allies

opened whose Culpeper, in

by the house

Industry is in

Hartlibe 198 firmest

in

London'.

who was to

Hartlib's

Parliament,

later

in that hower I often-rejoyce readinge of meere occasionall brought Gods prouidence sermon) & hathe synce & acquaintance, bringe me to the acquaintance
But Trevor-Roper's report that as

in wch (by a Dr Gaudens me to your dothe still by it 199 of others.


of the sermon

a result

Hartlib

was 'approached' in the

and

'told "the

to

invite

both of in

Dury

and Comenius is pure

name of 200

Parliament had allies to these

England"I Parliament and it or

speculation. keen to

Hartlib Comenius

who were may well otherwise,

attract

shores, deliberately

be that

he misrepresented summons,

this, but

as an official

there

is

no

43. The Love of Truth 19a and Peace, to Hartlib, Dec. 1645, HP 13/11OA-B. Culpeper 199 Trevor-Roper 'Three Foreigners', 262. to 200 omits the approaching for who did and gives no source suggest is It his a paraphrase perhaps quotation. of Young's fraternw: translation admonitionis 'on of the Continuatio learnt length [ ]I London the truth: had I at entering ... (Young, been summoned by command of Parliament' Comenius in England, 39).

312

evidence inconceivable,

anyone

told but

him neither

to

do is it

so.

It verifiable.

is

not

Something
Hartlib's the extra too the

must

have

happened,

however,
take on in

to

make
1641 that suggest -

oft-repeated urgency much convening up for and

invitation sense of to

June

divine resist. Parliament

imperative I would in Laud

proved that 1640, and the

Comenius of by of of the the

Long

November in December and the

followed execution prospect

impeachment the

of

Strafford Parliamentary

following support the with confront Dury in for

May,

apparent educational Hartlib, allies, with the

reform probably that the

schemes, after time of

persuaded

ever-optimistic Pym and Parliament England as a his

consultation was ripe to

appearance

Comenius

and

providential and Moriaen falling maintain printing, labours. far

fait in the

accompli. way of of the

The best private projected

efforts

of

Hartlib were

subscriptions E500 a year assistants the plus products and Dury engaged

short

to funds of not in within its for

Comenius binding

and some four and distributing

their just

Once Parliament worthy but

saw Comenius causes otherwise

as hypothetical foreign grasp, countries, a physical

as a golden in set would for

opportunity free at not of

presence to it

England to work

other on a at voting worthy

commitments practical the modest

and ready programme,

once balk

surely a work

sum necessary

so manifestly

313

and little

beneficial. confused

No matter about the

if

Comenius of

himself cause and

was

sequence

effect,

provided This the group

the

divinely

appointed of the the is, at

goal

was attained. presented of by

was the

purpose after

petition reconvening the first 201

immediately

Parliament

on 20 October opportunity particular of

1641 - that after Comenius's Parliament

possible It was hoped overhaul as a a to describe in And in

arrival. would fund

that

a complete it

some educational of experimental lucis'

establishment, and pansophic as Comenius during the wars his

recasting learning, set visit of to out to

centre

'Collegium the for Via

such

Luci.: , written while, and the it must until civil have

England. Irish such indeed Anglican The plan visionary

a brief

outbreak put paid plan

the all

rebellion notions, fruit. Chelsea doubtless

seemed the to

would the 202 of this

bear

Parliament College to for

proposed just

earmark a project. as head

such

was

install or the

Comenius at least

new establishment, it. would At a stroke,

as a prominent of step Comenius's forward

member of maintenance

problem

be solved,

and a major

taken

in

the

Englands Remebrance or, 201 an Humble for in the High Court to the Committee Religion Presented (London, in 1642): Webster, Parliament Samuel extracts of 90-97. of Learning, Hartlib and the Advancement

ihankfulnesse,

Great Xnstauration, 49,71,221; See Webster, 202 154-5 and n. 42; Blekastad, Comenius, sjAlvbiografi 315.

313-

314

reformation into

of

schooling of the

that world.

in

time

would

spill

over

a reformation

Moriaen, that

however,

while transfer

he fully of

agreed to

with

Hartlib

a semi-permanent was devoutly about what to should

Comenius had very him of

north-west

Europe ideas there. from

be wished,

different once the established collection the idea of to

be done with backer

Though private

an enthusiastic

individuals, Comenius onto

he never the public

held stage the

with in

thrusting secure subject, Comenius to devote told

an attempt

state

funding.

Throughout stressed of his all

discussions the aim must

on the be for

he repeatedly to be relieved to

that

distractions

and allowed As he reported

himself

meditations. Cunrad,

having

Burgomaster

Meinem bedunckhen nach aber wrde es der sein wan Er an gemeinen Sache frderlicher einem einsamen vnd etwas abgelegenen als vnd dem zuelauff vnderworffenen volkreichen (no. 14). sich enthielte ortt But Comenius had his own agenda his too, one accounts, or and and, as

understandably which were of

played composed his

down in principally work. the

biographical

as descriptions He was, of first

defences foremost, Blekastad

pansophic of

a minister puts it,

Unity

Brethren

in der 'keiner Kirche, Mitglied einer sich ihr [ ] Wortfhrer angehrtlp selber und ... [ ] Reprsentant. Seine bedeutender Arbeit ... diesen der Pansophie Umstnden unter musste

an mit

315

grsster verbunden Comenius Brethren exiles. other who in

Verantwortung sein - oder

fr die gesamte Unitt 203 werden. aufgegeben by the seniors of the for to two the

was given to This go to work of

a commission England to

promote

a collection assigned

had originally Unity, Daniel

been

members

the

Vetter

and Jan Felin, in the

1641 were

engaged

on a similar replaced

collection them Comenius as the later

Netherlands, community's implied a pretext his very that to

204 but

Comenius to

ambassador this free plan him

England.

was agreed from 205 does it his This

by the

elders

merely duties for

as

ecclesiastical does not very strike well to

pansophic convincing,

mission. nor claim

me as with his in Unity But in in any

accord

simultaneous England the case, his for

that

he only

expected

stay

a few days. of it Chelsea

What interest College or in not,

had the London?

reformation whether official personal fervent

was a pretext and while for him

fund-raising was undoubtedly prospect of

was a

mission, appeal admirers his

there in the

strong such

meeting

as Hartlib, with them,

HQbner,

Haak and Dury well aware

and discussing

work

he was also

154. 302, SjAlvbiografi, Comenius, cf. 203 64,65,66,67 Cf. and 71 and annotations. nos. 204 in England, Comenius 152 (Young, 39). Sj&lvbiografi, 205 in fact the fundraising did mention not Comenius mission the in Bishops this saying work, merely agreed at all the co-rector he should go and that and pro-rector that in in him the in for Leszno his school at stood who know the for his real reason not should absence ie. the summons from Hartlib. The official departure, in Hessels is mentioned III, fundraising mission nos. Comenius, 302-3, the Blekastad, draws 2607 and 2673. inference.

316

that

these

were

seasoned

and

effective the Hartlib figures the

organisers money and in the they Haak relief It that is

of had in

charitable provided particular operation evident depended individual through the Austin the for

collections. Comenius had for enough not so been refugees now that much on

Besides himself, prominent from the the as

Palatinate. of

success

operation skills of gained members of public of any

organisational on a royal of the the in the

fund-raisers political Friars behind this doubted. the

sanction senior

influence church cause and of

marshalling Palatine Leszno in

opinion But much

Protestants. 1641 is very

whether to be

was

evident

The is harder

motivation to was pinpoint. issued, probably to England. in him

behind His through in 206

de

Geer's of

invitation accommodation Rulice, as

to

Sweden and

offer Hotton

funding summer on his then gather whom he evidence for the

and just

in

late was

1641, way

September, The near of Dutch

Comenius was eager men, is

entrepreneur and pious There de very Geer much

resident about hoped exactly group,

FinspAng, a group

Stockholm, and 207

to among no

learned feature. and function

Comenius what but such

would form

envisaged in vogue

societies

were

letter the Latin from Hotton HDC, 356; 206 on which is at HP 9/7/2A-B. his bases De Geer's account Turnbull is reproduced (19 Oct. 1641) in the letter of invitation to Comeniusl SjAlvbiografi, 267. appendix HDC, 355-6. No. 64, and cf. 207

317

at of

the the

time. nobility: 'Orden

Patronage typical der

of

them

tended are Prince and

to

be

the Moritz of Anna

province of Anhalt's Sophia

examples

Prince Ludwig

Hessen's

TemperanzI,

'Fruchtbringende von at

Gesellschaft',

Princess

Schwarzburg-Rudolfstadt's the same and to time that de Geer

'Tugendliche was casting was

Gesellschaftf; around doing of role a for his

pious utmost

learned interest

company, Duke

J. V.

Andrew the

August in

Younger

Braunschweig-WolfenbUttel for his projected citizen in of 1641 for would 'Societas since for the 1627,

fulfilling Christianal. was to ennobled Sweden The seal

a similar 208 as

De Geer, Baron of

Swedish Finspdng loans such besides a devout (throughout set aside

services war have another he was

(principally inauguration his works performing his profits was firmly of at all he his were new of status, as

money

effort). set the of the

a society

on

constituting Calvinist, his for that

good in of

which,

assiduous per cent

career, charity). de Geer, to his

ten

Moriaen, out of God, not him to the

however, sheer

convinced heart from simply and

goodness nothing

devotion for to of either the in

expected even his

Comenius wished

himself, enable

conversation: laying by as the Moriaen might be

continue envisaged

foundations Hartlib, deemed

reformation Sweden or

and

elsewhere, and his

best

by

Comenius

himself

collaborators.

208

See

Chapter

One,

section

3.

318

The Hartlib's Comenius's is this:

kindest reply behalf, delighted to

description to de is as the Geer, polite he is

that

can

be

given

of on Its gist

ostensibly prevarication. by in his the

at'least 209

invitation, he has to not

Comenius's travelled the to compel least. are not Moravian mention him These overly to so

commitments far exiles his to see, whose advanced where

friends with he is and for the

England obligations

together cause years210 he is

to

plead of

there, privacy, at

need time from

remain excuses,

being Hartlib,

especially

coming

convincing.

Hartlib's strikingly doubt two of men, with the there

account

of

Comenius's own.

situation there

contrasts can be no between felt later, he gave as a up 211 it the


at

Comenius's

Though

genuine were

friendship certainly

and affection tines

the he

when Comenius Some years

was being upset rather

pushed

around in

by Hartlib.

by a lapse ponderously ass at is the

Hartlib's jesting

correspondence, depiction of himself

recalcitrant shouting If not there exactly

and Hartlib beast because dose of to

as a driver doing

who had given

so had no effect. in this, and in

a healthy

self-mockery Hartlib either,

is

complimentary

to de Geer, 4 October 1641, draft Hartlib 209 version in HDC, 356-7. English paraphrase HP 7/46/lA-2B, far from young by Comenius was forty-nine, 210 had led than and standards, a less seventeenth-century in he though fact had another existence, sheltered before him. years twenty-nine 25 May 1646, to Hartlib, HP 7/73/1A. Comenius 211

319

years First, for

1637-41, he

the

driver the

had Rrmludia

been

shouting

his bothering by

loudest. to Moriaen, off might for ask

published

without then him is

Comenius's and if say

authorisation, he pestered account into he it.

(seconded into accurate, Finally, him at once setting

Hotton England: almost persuaded glare express

others)

Comenius's bullied him to him come, attention, He later

one

212

having to the to - and it full his

exposed in told direct

of

public wishes.

contradiction bluntly

Hartlib

must

have

hurt:

be one man who has brought hindrance there If in to the pansophic study, you are he, friend, in do had to to do I me what allowing not into but dragging forth me so broad a peace, light, and setting me in the midst of such 213 crowds. great

Effectively, was not himself

Hartlib prepared had just to put

was telling go through him through.

de Geer any of the

that

Comenius Hartlib

things

Comenius divine God. It

was highly

suggestible of

to

the

idea the

of will of

imperatives, was a side obvious, in the

terrified of his

contravening that later

character

became to and his

particularly reputation,

and particularly business of the

damaging composition

(Young, Sj&lvbiografi, 151-2 See especially Comenius 212 38-39), in England, and see below. from to Hartlib, Comenius's self-quotation a letter 213 in England, Comenius 157 (Young, 49). Cf. Sj&lvbiografi, 25 May 1646, HP 7/73/lA-6B, to Hartlib, Comenius and 21 Jana Amosa Komensk6ho Patera, Korrespondence 1647, Jan. 1892), (Prague, no. 107 (pp. 126-9).

320

eventual Tenebris. Christoph 214 1620s. topical Friedrich and the the Unity

publication Comenius Kotter These

of

the

prophetic collecting

book

Lux

in of

had begun

the in

visions the

and Christina were overtly with

Poniatovskd political the the

and explicitly restoration of of Bohemia of

prophecies V of overthrow placed the

dealing Palatinate, of the

liberation In 1633,

Habsburgs.

a synod material. been

a ban on such the fact

controversial the his ban had not collection in Unity, the

Nonetheless, lifted, years this Drabik bring of in with evil

despite

Comenius later time with from

supplemented a new set another of

some twenty same vein, Mikulds should three took bodies place debated by

visions the

member of

(Drabicius), them to press. under

who was insistent The publication the title inner the Lux in

Comenius of all

prophecy, 1657, after

Tenebris,

a long whether

struggle might the

as Comenius not

himself spirits grounds to

visions out of the

be inspired of fraud

(he had ruled that none

possibility

on the enough Drabik's

visionaries

was educated In the end, him

perpetrate insistence

one so convincingly). that the

same God who had sent

by upbringing, by was a Lutheran 214 Kotter a tanner by nationality. He learned to write trade and a Silesian his revelations down. for the specific purpose of setting in him his visions 1625 and translated from Comenius met Poniatowska, Czech the same year. the German into began experiencing daughter of a Reformed minister, in the having 1627, been of seventeen, at age visions into from Bohemia to Leszno. like Comenius, driven, exile to produce a Latin version Comenius proceeded of both her Kotter's. and prophecies

321

the was There to

visions more can than be

demanded

also

that

they

should could

be

published

Comenius's no of doubt the that

scepticism there was

withstand. motive part the son with of of of the

a political was

the

timing

publication, the bid III, to

which replace

propaganda deceased narrowly Protestant at But least this an is

drive Emperor and

behind Ferdinand

recently had a Sweden, France. to or

whose

only him,

fortuitously such as

predeceased Carolus such a genuine and as

emperor

Gustavus Louis religious political to act it in was XIV

anti-Habsburg not to deny

impulse

Comenius', were issuing Comenius

for

whom religious If

considerations the not world for goes so far by

indivisible. self-fulfilling to obstruct

God chose prophecies, him. 215

Wilhelmus

Rood

as to
publish

say
his

that

Drabik

'urged
but

Comenius
it was

with
not

threats
Drabik,

to
whom

visions"216

God,

Comenius

was afraid

to of Visit

contradict. the to Lux in England tenebris is that controversy if Drabik (for to can

The relevance the much earlier of

be accused

morally

blackmailing

Comenius

whatever

leading For a detailed account of the circumstances 215 its the to and aftermath, publication see Blekastad, up however, tends, Blekastad 573-584. to play Comenius, the work aroused, down the extent of the disapproval totally Comenius's takes value unfeasible at face and (as his Hartlib indeed with correspondence abundantly the that claim published mendacious work was proves) for figures, intended and responsible a few selected only in be to her appear what would own voice, remarks and b6sen ] [ Geistern these Visionen von 'Dass stammen, , ... (578). ist unwahrscheinlich' Comenius 170. Rood, and the Low Countries, 216

322

motives), persuading England than

Hartlib him to

employed visit this

very

similar

pressures That the visit

in to

island.

has generally tenebris, commentators, own account Hartlib played

received both from does of the

so much better contemporaries alter this

a press and fact. clear mission: how

Lux in

subsequent Comenius's shrewdly

not event

makes very of divine

on his

sense

to to Amsterdam, London, he now me invited now (yea to Stettin to Hamburg or Danzig, even or he would his if I wished); come there with I was But it friends. not be, because could by the the to tied character my place of now 217 in in last had At 1641 I undertaken. office letters three I received the month of July, in the same tenor but him (written from in which by three different dispatched routes), to him at once, he insisted and on my coming is for it "Come, come, he concluded: thus come: the glory not lon 7 er with of God: deliberate 2 8 do? blood. ' I What could flesh and

At lynchpin worked

this of out

stage the before with

at

least, purpose eyes.

Hartlib

saw Comenius was being his would For the right with life, be the him,

as a

divine his the the right

he thought Throughout England

he was

much taken launching comenius 1641 the considerable

idea Third

that

pad of was the right

Reformation. England

man,

place,

and

time, effort,

and having succeeded

finally, in

establishing him.

him there,

he was extremely

reluctant

to

relinquish

Ie. the headmastership 217 151-2 218 Sj&lvbiografi, 38-39).

in Leszno. of the school (Young, Comenius in England,

323
0

Moriaen, distance, Hartlib even

thanks

perhaps have

to

the

perspective

lent than

by

seems to the way the it

discerned in

more clearly England

situation

was developing, principal to claim any

though

was Hartlib subject. or

who was his This is for not

informant particular thought. the civil

on the subtlety His wars Laud

insight on the the

Moriaen's

political on the line: eve of

comments follow

developments Puritan are King

standard supporters the

Strafford, the piece,

and their

the

villains him into

of a

who have quarrel

misguided with

and led on

factitious

Parliament

based

misunderstandings foresaw that in more clearly would

and misrepresentations. than become. Hartlib was just

What he how severe such matters

quarrel distinctly

He interpreted terms:

apocalyptic

Wir knnen an vn selbsten abnehmen wie den herzen beg Euch zue muth ist [... ) fur guten vn angenehm wird sein erst zue hren was das 7 Siegeln Buch mit an den tag bringen werde vnd iedweders das ein der machen vn die gedanckhen 7 Siegel ein besonder wee bedeuten vnd dem den kopff bringen oder anderen auff einen werde (no. 47 10 December 1640). in and things though for

But that

whereas with

Hartlib Strafford convened Moriaen a destin;

mid-1641 Laud out

seems of the

to

have way

believed the turn favoured Long for

and

Parliament the better, as

had he

taken had

a decisive initially remained

England sceptical.

ation

Comenius

324

Moriaen October 1641,

learned and

of wrote

the to

invitation Hartlib the

to

Sweden day

on

same

endorsing

the

plan

wholeheartedly. probably might that sprang

219

The few mild a sense hopes the the earlier, the that

reservations Hartlib's by the after

expressed feelings suggestion all, for

from or his

be hurt, London

disappointed, location more

was not

ideal far

he followed of

them with cited about

emphatic more funding himself support a for by

commendation well-judged the English

de Geer

and with for

scepticism Parliament.

prospects to Comenius in

Writing

week later,
the Swedish

he was totally
plan. 220

unequivocal

his

When he discovered he made no attempt roundly proposal, wilfully. observed, that Hartlib to

what disguise

Hartlib's his

response annoyance, misinterpreted he had done he

had been, declaring the so

had completely implying deutlich that

and heavily 'Ich with hab Ia

geschrieben',

unconcealed

exasperation,

da ohne ambtsgeschffte das Er [Comenius) oder hinderung sein soll allein zue geselschafft vnd Rath mit genugsamer gelegenheit ansprach conatibus vnd allein einzig obzueliegen seinen (no. 67). Rulice terms: felt the same, and wrote in almost identical

der H hatt uns gantzlich nit recht verstanden: in der welt H de Geer begehrt nichts von H. biweilen Comenio nur allein mit-ihm zu [ ... ] H. Comenius solte conversiren. alda 219 220 No. No. 64. 65.

325

vnterhalt gutten vnkosten ander seine vnd otium

haben, gelegenheit recht zu correspondiren andern mit zu perficiren2h meditationes

ohn

Moriaen chapter,

also

had,

as was mentioned experience bestow of the

in

the

previous de Geer

personal to bit

generosity

was prepared Though Comenius world about every

on a cause

he deemed worthy. that in to the support cause of

as convinced undertake

as Hartlib work less

was to

missionary deal

reformation, the potential for of this.

he was a good of England to

optimistic the necessary urged this

supply

conditions acceptance stage


also earth noch wo es

on 18 November, plan, which

he again HUbner of

de Geer's as a likely
222 this

(who at it)

was seen
approved. fashion nicht Gott

beneficiary
in sehe sie

by then
down-tosachen vnd sorge

He observed time, da 'Ich Ich

somewhat die gern

more

Englische hette, das es

an dem ortt nicht

genadigklich

verhutet

noch

blutige

kpffe By this

kosten time, the

mchte'. Irish Rebellion had broken rather out, than But for
23

in and

the

end it argument

was political that receiving


from

circumstance the

persuasive Hartlib
positive

determined donations

outcome.

was still
response

and hoping
as late as

Parliament;

223 1641,,

to Hartlib, 17 Oct. Rulice 221 in HDC, 357. summarised No. 69. 222 But compare HDC, 360-361. 223 that 1641, Dec. 19 promising of in Leszno the Brethren petition Sweden (SjAlvbiografi, to visit ri a cool Dury, who had met with

HP 23/9A-B,

letter Dury's to de Geer he and Hartlib would to grant leave Comenius 268-9). Nevertheless, from the Lutheran aception

326

December decision. have the to

Moriaen 224

was

still spring

nagging of state 1642

him

to

come Hartlib

to

a must in move

By the that was settled, insist

even

realised near future was to

major

subsidy hope, his return and friends as

from

England

a forlorn though he should 225

Comenius's in soon England as

Sweden

continued circumstances

permitted.

En route travelling supporters however, climax. but more for

to

Sweden, the

Comenius

spent visiting

a month friends was, an antihimself, much run to. and

round there

Netherlands 1642).

(June-July at least, liked

The event of

Moriaen

something to lodge

He would

have

Comenius to provide could

de Geer's luxurious to

son Laurens accommodation see the

was on hand than

Moriaen

The crush personal precluded. that all

Pansophist of it

was so great and intimacy

that was Moriaen

conversation Perhaps this bore

any depth

was some consolation to is their the success of

to his the 226

witness but there of

propaganda let-down to work in with

drive, his

no mistaking meeting.

sense

of

accounts

He was set Moriaen theory, he had for 48). in

Budmus examining

(who had evidently Comenius's the latter's of perpetual

joined

Amsterdam) the very in

motion

part

of

all

undertakings the prospects in

Sweden, was sceptical clergy there. comenius 224 No. 71. 155 (Young, 225 Sj&lvbiografi, 226 Nos. 82 and 83.

Comenius

England,

327

always found it

expressed even had less

the

greatest satisfactory entirely

scepticism than neglected and Moriaen modellen' A few months

about, he had to

and

he

anticipated. any

Comenius experimental scathing were ailing declared which (no. who he 84). claimed but

almost

provide openly and

demonstration, about the to was Iliederliche improve dead, heartily 'wenig he on. and

was he

Budmus the Moriaen for muth,

expected Budmus himself

later,

a somewhat of vnd met

jaundiced motion, mehr

sick zeit had

perpetual nicht viel other of to in

now had

Moreover, the could

some

investigators

successful find nothing so subject place

invention useful

a perpetuum do with it. The

mobile

metaphysical speculations this letter. would known, loose device dead

dimension on In be either talk can friend by only the its

prominent is is

Moriaen's

earlier from

conspicuously redoubled if his own work

absent concern in the that field or

Comenius became through of mind the his

discredited through his

his

publications The very to

associates. served and his to

thought Moriaen's hopes of

have Budaus

call

frustrated

comenius.

The Swedish Moriaen's settled distraction scholars, in

project

too

failed

utterly

to

live

up to

expectations. comfort other secure

He'had

envisaged free

Comenius from any of

and tranquility, than in the stimulating

conversation

de Geer's

disinterested

munificencel!

328

supported his Janua

by able Rerum, the thing in

assistants not producing itself. Sweden,

and labouring sketches In the event, taken ruler of

diligently Pansophy Comenius up with Chancellor and Dury's Bishop

at any spent

more but only two

months such the Lutheran

largely

meeting

dignitaries oxenstierna, ally the

as the teenage irenicist

effective

Queen Christina, Johannes

old of

Matthiw,

Strengnds. oxenstierna Comenius views in came out against de Geer's on the of grounds plan that to keep his and his age on

Sweden,

ostensibly

on the

fundamental of Last

goodness

human nature a golden lead to

particular earth with before the

brand the

chiliasm, Judgment, Lutheran

envisaging would clergy: birthplace,

ructions he time religious for in

established Elblag,

instead at climate this of

suggested under

Hartlib's

Swedish would work but

occupation, provide There

where

the

tolerance him to this, certainly crucial

a more congenial may have principal been interest agent Sweden. in

atmosphere some truth

in. 227

Oxenstierna's in having

was almost an area Moriaen's a letter from suggestion of

an informed importance of this, to

strategic report de Geer, Swedish

second-hand Lodewijk that costs,, Cf. 227 de Geer, the is

summarising Oxenstierna's bear

and of state

alleged some of

should bald

Comenius's in marked to

exceptionally

and non-committal,

Coinenius, no. 86; Blekastad, 1642 (SjAlvbiografi, 14 Sept.

350; Oxenstierna 271-2).

329

contrast original The remains changed at in such the

to

his

passionate 228

arguments

in

favour

of

the

plan.

nature unknown, his an mind overt

of but

Comenius's in the state

undertakings event funding to a nation suspicion, there, either or

to

Oxenstierna

Oxenstierna Comenius whose to and balked

about

commitment viewed exiled reluctantly up the with to his plan

intentions say it the was de

Baltic by his

were own

with brethren

least, Geer advice

who, and

having given took Comenius

followed for charge Imperials same still

Oxenstierna's society, He and the about he could than

a learned upon

nonetheless provided agreed Unity half easily Hartlib, (though and also

whole 1000

himself. annually,

moreover of the Brethren. thousand spare'230 and the

donate 229 pounds This

the

annual only

sum to to

amounts had larger said

a year

Moriaen a far had

but

represents himself, of assistants

income adequate a problem),

Comenius funding that official had

considered remained claim

meant in his

Comenius

could

a measure

of

success

fundraising

mission. de he

Where however, his public 228 229 23o

Moriaen in the

completely of the the

misjudged return

Geer, on of be to

was

matter

expected

investment. collections, No. 86. SjAlvbiografi, No. 67.

One of

often-invoked troublesome

advantages they might

however

164.

330

organise, organised recipient's simply honesty) however Geer

was that body, work had to in trust

the

contributors, lay

not

being claim over

an to the

could

no proprietorial no control

and exercise the

it: (and

they

organisers' their money.

judgment Private matter, than with

the

use of were to

patrons, and here Moriaen de had as

generous, out His

a different exceptional

turned

be less

imagined. the work latter in the

(purely

verbal) recalled

contract it,

Comenius, him to for to of, was

much later first place

231 committed materials of

on educational the sort

Sweden.

This

was precisely drudgery Hartlib

commitment so chary risk

sub-pansophic while being Swedish in that his if Moriaen run.

had been

had strongly Why de Geer

insisted suddenly which is his not

no such became

so interested been

in

educational original

reform, invitation, to in have

had not clear:

mentioned he felt

perhaps society

he was not himself nation;

learned way in

he would of his

distinguish adopted Comenius's Hartlibians. made. Moriaen this contract.

another

the never

eyes

perhaps in

he had simply quite the such reason, exalted the

seen as the was

mission

terms

Whatever

commitment

seems to Like

have

been

completely associated

unaware with

of the to

many others

business, 231

he was surprised 164.

and deeply

disappointed

Sj&lvbiografi,

331

find

that

Comenius

continued always his

to

busy

himself that

with the high might

schoolbooks. expectations not be met:

He had he and

nursed

a fear were

collaborators

raising

Wir haben bihero von Ihme [Comenius] viel hoffnung vn selbsten vnd andern geruhmt grose lieb wolte mir von herzen gemacht, sein wan wir in vnserem ruhm vnd hoffnung nicht zue schanden (no. 31,5 Dee. 1639). wrden

During

his

first to

year keep
not

in

Elblag,

Comenius to
232

asked

his in order

associates
that he

correspondence
be distracted.

a minimum
Having

might

waited

eagerly retirement,

to

see what Moriaen

fruits found

might his

be borne

of

this realised:

worst

suspicions

Ianuam vnd vnd hre Ich das Er nur seine Vestibulum revidirt vnd auff einen andern haben soll, gebracht welches schlaag ob es zwar doch das ein gut werkh sein mchte so ists darauff Ienige nicht man so lang gewartet vnd hoffnung den leuthen Ich hoffe Ia es gemacht/ dabej sein sonst mste man werde was anderes schmen das [ ... ) nun nichts sich fast anders schuhl sachen herau kommen solten als solche (no. 88) This in the marked the end of Moriaen's In the But part this active involvement

pansophic to the

project.

was because, was extent, faith on in of his it

thanks

de Geers, solved.

funding to

problem

substantially reflected Moriaen's willingness,


232 No. 87.

a much larger a loss ability, or The very of

a deep part to in

disappointment, Comenius's the

perhaps notion

fulfil

task.

332

Pansophy mentioned Hartlib Amsterdam, so; as will

seems him copies 233 be

to in of but

have May his there

lost as

its

appeal. in

Comenius a position off his the to send in done

1646 works is later, in

being as they

came of

press

no

evidence there with again from is

having to all many doubt at

argued was were

reason at

whether date. later

Moriaen His by an hopes

touch raised report

Hartlib somewhat Magnus Catholica, was number as the for

that

years of the good.

encouraging work faith on of the the

Hesenthaler 234 gone of the but for

Comenius's passionate There to is

Consultatio late drop point on, again 'thirties in

a very from it

striking this

the and in

references word

Comenius

pansophia, correspondence.

never

occurs

surviving

A decade

and

a half

later,

in

1656,

Comenius

finally

settled Geer, Moriaen Though contact easier least

in

Amsterdam,

under for

the the little left have

patronage rest of

of his to for

Laurens life. this

de

and remained evinced

there

singularly time

response Amsterdam

event.

he had by this between than ever

Arnhem, deal at at the on

them would before did not.

been made a great so wished. to

had they

Moriaen

manifestly of 1657,

on a visit indeed to spend briefly the his

Amsterdam meet

beginning the street,

he did

Comenius the however

and arranged day with him.

whole mind,

of

following
233 234

He changed
25 May

(or

comenius No. 114,

to Hartlib, 1650. July

1646,

HP 7/73/3A.

333

so and

he

later

told was

Hartlib), eager to

because return he went of to

a chill Arnhem. back

was

setting of It was in

in

Odilia his that taken the

Instead

keeping be to cite said be

appointment, the lightly. and danger

235 home. snowbound for a man as whose of snub.

should not 1657 for he had one to

becoming

Nevertheless, his wife's with the defining as

weather an

wishes someone

grounds cause his

breaking earlier existence

appointment as be

regarded must

purpose

very

seen

a conspicuous

The notion
no means disillusion Comenius's personal attempts goals of vanished was

of

universal
from

wisdom

itself,

however,
His but it. by with His

by

Moriaen's the ideal for is

outlook. itself realising dominated the

not

with

particular history to attain after by method'

scheme 1642 other and

a series pansophic

of

means universal

crucial harmony.

'right

235

No.

152,

text

and

n. 19.

334

Chapter -*Ora et-Laboral: Science

Five and Spirituality

in aurum convertere aliud metallum, sive cum 'Qui scit in januam habet Naturam' lucro, apertam lucro, sive sine into transmute how to knows gold, another metal ('Whoever into has an open gateway or without, with profit whether by Heinrich Sendivogius, Michael cited Nature') to Hartlib, 26 August 1647, HP 45/1/34B. letter Appelius, 5: 1 The four the grand -*Philosophia years ExperijuentalisP following reformation the collapse feature a with of 30 of

and a half for

design gap in and his 1642

a Pansophic surviving

striking Hartlib October disillusion

Moriaen's associates. his

correspondence the letter and of Hartlib) be found of

Between

expressing at the course

disappointment of events, letters unknown) contrast copy could 3

and that (all are with to to

2 May and

1 1647,, only one copy

three

holograph (addressee papers (in

extract

among Hartlib's seventy-one previous loss of four material

a total from

holographs years). from 2

and six This the

extracts simply It is

the the

be due to striking,

archive.

86 and 92. Nos. 1 1643), 89 (2 June 1644) 91 (7 Feb. 88 (15 Oct. 2 Nos. (holographs), 1646). There and no. 90 (6 Nov. 1647) also in letters to two Van (UBA Assche Amsterdam N65g, survive 1644). November and N65h, 9 May 1643, is certain that there losses from were substantial it 3 to Worthington, See Hartlib 2 Nov. 1661, the archive. 'distraction 11,67, Diary on the Worthington or books he had many and manuscripts of embezzlement' for friend to unnamed safekeeping, an and 6 entrusted ibid., 107, 1662, of more through on the loss Feb. a fire he was living his house. While in his with son in Axe Wartensky friend Samuel to find his was alarmed Yard, 'a prey to plunder by all' his were that possessions to Hartlib, 23 July (Iomnium rapinael exposita - Wartensky

335

however, these Hartlib's comment letters law, that

that years is other in of

the

dearth by

of

letters

from of Apart it

Moriaen

during to him by

matched

a dearth

reference from is only

correspondents. from Comenius,

a single in the

a letter Heinrich he is

Appelius, at

Dury's all. 4 that but that It reflect

devoted Appelius Moriaen as will the likely,

brother-inwas and be Hartlib below

mentioned the

obviously were it is still

under in

impression contact, letters not. indeed any

regular his were does or at

shown

precisely they gap

give

strongest therefore, of relations, rather in

indication that this

seems

a period of

estrangement, the bitter wake of the

rate

a cooling and

Pansophic

debacle

Moriaen's

reaction.

Moriaen, with more

who at

the

end of

the than

1630s what

awaited

nothing

excited to

anticipation

he generally ie. the different


by 10

referred prospective
guise February in

as Comenius's Janua Rerum,


of

'Metaphysical, appears
1647 on.

in

a markedly
write

the 1648:

letters

He could

liebhaber bin woll und eher ein groer metaphysicarum et metaphysicorum verfechter wie Ich aber darnach ad scientias gewest, kommen, sind mir die et usuales reales
Other papers were almost 1661,, HP 32/3/40A). certainly his the from death. after collection abstracted to Hartlib, 25 may 1646, HP 7/73/3A, Comenius 4 stating Comenius's Moriaen send Hartlib that would new from Amsterdam; Chapter Four, cf. section publications below. by Appelius are discussed Mentions

5.

336 inutiles

speculationes 97).

stinkend

worden

(no.

The

concept

of

Iscientias

usuales'

'useful

knowledge' whole that the it point

discussed was of Comenian be utterly of the

in

the

previous

chapter. of

The course, as

metaphysics distinct scholastic

had been, from what

should

was seen from

empty

semantics

variety, 'monstrous 5 and should

what

Bacon

described

as the and barking

Schoolmen's questionst, with 'things'.

disputations with it in ideas the or

deal

not put

words

but

As Comenius fraternm,

Continuatio

admonitionis

it does not matter which language we speak (whether rude or cultured), since we are all but sounding brass and tinkling nought cymbals (I mean the husks so long as words not things be in not the kernels of meanings) of words, 6 our mouths. There to is an element rerum' ambiguity is the of deliberate oxymoron in referring is 'The or are also a

a Ijanua

as a 'metaphysics'. in book the the the title, gateway Both the literaly to

There

deliberate of Things':

Gateway are the

things,

things

themselves the

gateway? beyond not

senses physical,

intended. be

'Metaphysics', attained physical, through not but

realm

was to the

by abstraction, on the contrary

by bypassing the

through study of

physical,

a detailed

practical

nature.

Works, 111,287. of Learning, 5 The Advancement 148 (cf. Sj&lvbiografi, Young, Comenius 6 Comenius' 31). England,

in

337

But faith

here, in

believe,

Moriaen reformed, its

expresses pansophic claims,

a loss concept

of of in the to

even

Comenius's which, down deal in less new the new

metaphysics, event sound more bogged a good like

whatever verbal like friend

remained

formulations. Comenius, Robert and Boyle, college' it hath

He begins a good with in deal his

Hartlib's for

enthusiasm that use'. 'values 7

'philosophical but 'use' as of to that becomes of the

London to seen

no knowledge, the application Here, the in the though term sense

a tendency had morality has by been

Previously, as ethics. disappeared, its

knowledge personal dimension something modern

primarily social means

and no to

closer 'applied

'application', science'.

term

This change in

is

not

to

suggest outlook to

that at

there

was a sudden between a mystic

sea1642

Moriaen's that

some point

and 1647, Pansophist

he went

bed one night

and woke up a rational

empiricist.

on the

22 Oct. 1646, Works, ed. 7 Boyle to Isaac Marcombes, (1744 edition) 1,20. The identity 'new Birch of this to elsewhere by Boyle as college', referred philosophical has been much debated: College', for a the 'Invisible Great Xnstauration, 57see Webster, summary of opinions, worsley: Engineering for universal 67, and 'Benjamin to from the Invisible the College Navigation Act', reform it was an Webster's that own suggestion SHUR 213-235. informal scientists association of younger centred on Ranelagh, Worsley and Katherine Boyle, and possibly the Boate brothers, John Sadler, including Robert Child the to Winthrop, though John me seems most plausible, and is there Webster no more than out points as for but anyone's evidence membership circumstantial Boyle's.

338

contrary, of tack in

what the

seems on the subject analysis rather this matter to

face of

of the

it

a complete correspondence

change

proves change letters primarily

on closer of emphasis

be a logical a volte in

development: face. Though deal

a the

than

written in

after practical whereas

hiatus

the

1640s

experiments those scheme before and the through underlying there letters letters to is next to

and technological are mainly given of of the over

innovations, to the

Pansophical

dissemination the them to Hartlib, medium is the

knowledge written

and understanding word, the ethos

same. about is the

Moreover, subject from the in the

though earlier of

nothing it

evident in and his not

handful that at in

Van Assche

preserved

Amsterdam iatrochemist second to draw

Moriaen least

was a practising as early 8 It as 1634, is

alchemist ie. during warning

spell

Cologne.

a salutary from

over-confident

inferences

fragmentary

documentation. possible
Moriaen-Hartlib

reason

for

the

change
is that

of
it

emphasis
was

in

the

correspondence

Hartlib,

rather

than

Moriaen,

who had turned

raore whole-heartedly

10 March 1634 (not 8 March 8 UBA N65a, as the UBA (Serrarius, Van Der Wall 661) and state, catalogue is the Gothic 8 written which at 900 to the misreading is largely letter the to given one): over modern describing preparations, mostly chemical of a medicinal indicate Moriaen does It where not was at the nature. is discussed in letters Chemistry also time of writing. 1636 and 17 Jan. 1637 (UBA N65c from Cologne of 6 Sept. and N65d).

339

to

the

practical during with herr sich too had

and

experimental period.

as

opposed

to

the his own

theoretical disillusion Idas mein

this

Having Moriaen

declared went on to

metaphysics, [Hartlib] verliebet certainly in chemical the which his and in ist

add, & Though

Philosophia nicht zue

experimentali wundern'. in 9 frealial,

mechanica Hartlib and

been

interested physical

particularly his history

and

experiments, chart subjects of more a

throughout personal increasingly abstruse Though actions experimental of God's the and

life, in

Ephemerides over mind, the at

distinctly years the such expense

occupied philosophical religious studies

theological underlying the of the driving

speculations. all force, his detailed the abstract Book. and

motivation remained

investigation Works', aspects gradually of his by fully the

'creatures', the 10 more Such

ousted thought. isolated appreciated Ephemerides cases from

analogical cannot context, through two be

a development out if of one reads But

demonstrated and can whole be of

examples only in near

the

sequence. the opposite to

admittedly

extreme ends There of is

chronological the trend.

the nothing

diaries from

may serve the latter

illustrate

years

Iverliebet' 9 It is unclear is here a past whether indicative: the sense could be or a present participle 'that in love with fallen you [have] either experimental in love with or 'that you are falling philosophy' philosophy'. experimental 10 For a detailed case study of the conscious excision in Hartlib's later treatments of analogy of a given 'Samuel Hartlib Raylor, see Timothy subject, and the Culture commonwealth of Bees', and Cultivation, 91-129.

340

remotely

like

this

of

1639

under

the

heading

MS

Theological: Answered by Mr Gawdin to my Lady A Question the Essence or Being of all Barrington, whether things and only considered purely created and abstract as metaphisically substantially from accidental and mutable qualityes separat true (which being is in everything formes real in it is being most necessary while and one and I say this pure and precise to bee) whether bee of the very essence or Being of God beiny 1 etc. Nor is there,
with

conversely,
the report in

anything
1656 of

in

the

early

years

to

compare

Rushworth's

in dining know to my roome undertakings optical in is the done Charing Crosse or at what all by meanes of the Chimney with Strand some 12 cost. extraordinary The branch increasingly 1640s to of 'philosophia Hartlib's or, rather, experimentalis' interest what 13 at this from Allen For that the came late

dominate

on was chemistry 'the rarely of Chemical

G. Debus

has dubbed or alchemy,

Philosophy'. itself it was,

chemistry, as a

depicted

period

mere branch understanding of 'the Creation. key to

knowledge: and regaining Debus aptly

rather, over its

a means of the very fabric

dominion describes

goal

as finding of

a truly

Christian

interpretation

to the question, Gauden's dated HP 30/4/27A. reply 11 in in is full the papers, 1637, HP June preserved 16 is the same Gauden whose Love of This 26/14/lA-15B. Dury and Comenius to Truth and Peace recommended (see Chapter Four, 5). section Parliament HP 29/5/77B. 12 Philosophy: The Chemical G. Debus, Paracelsian Allen 13 in the Sixteeenth Medicine and Seventeenth Science and ), New York (2 vols. 1977. Centuries

341

nature.,

14

But

the the

emphasis purpose of Its many though it mired

was that

always

on more

than was

just

understanding: control ambitious to, those and

understanding were no less

manipulation. and in

aims

than, of

respects its to

strikingly means many were of and his very

similar

Pansophy, Comenius, remained

different. supporters, an age. increasingly He fell

seemed in and one

original into old

didactics belligerently

declined eccentric

crotchety out his most in 'My ]I with patron loyal sorrow Father beginne

collaborator de Geer15

after and

another, even for to Hartlib & shall his

exasperating closest instance, in 1658 and

Laurens supporters. than in to Law in

Figulus, anger, likewise our that wrote

more that [ ... come to

is

withering

decaying neuer

feare and

Pansophia,

perfection"16

his vehement desire, for Change of the wished things, to see the Antichrist fall, & of all in his Kingdome triumphing Christ & reigning his Spirit cannot ouer the whole world, permitt to bee qviete: for his Pansophica & likewise & labours, the like [sic) which lye upon his in well dayly. I beleeue, his considering these things & his age also, nature, are irremediable, & there bee no helpe for will him, but hee thus must bring his bones into the 17 graue. Philosophy I, xi. 14 The Chemical 15 Cf. HDCI 382-413 on Comenius and his assistants, Rood, Comenius and the Low Countries, Kinner; especially 77-87, relations on strained with Lodewijk, and no. 118 de Laurens Geer. the of annoyance on to Hartlib, 19 July 1658, HP 9/17/11A; 16 Figulus Peter Figulus. Letters to Samuel Hartlib, Blekastad, 216. to Hartlib, 2 Aug. 1658, HP 9/17/15B; 17 Figulus Figulus Letters, 219. Blekastad,

342

Hartlib increasingly universal fervently

was

only to

one the

of

many

in

the

circle to that

who

turned the so

chemical and

philosophy enlightenment Comenius's

supply had

reformation been expected

from

labours.

The difficulty make sense First, jump to wholly entirety closely Alchemy to such there of

for

the

modern is

scholar essentially the

attempting twofold. imaginative that in its are

to

alchemical is the

texts of

problem

making of this

a world-view alien -a

and habits which

thought thesis

problem to to

attempts related developed an extent texts

address. first,

The second is linguistic

problem, and semantic. jargon also what of the is now

the

a highly that are, not

specialised only the

technical Latin written but in the

vernacular a dead material it is

effectively, at least

language. intended a language to

Moreover, for that

in

case

publication even at the only

or time to

public

distribution,

was expressly a select minority

designed of initiates. It revealed, ensure only years time, to of of

be comprehensible

was a commonplace if that those diligent course, that at the all, only

that in

arcana veiled,

were symbolic would

to

be terms, to

mysteries

disclosed

be accessible through the

who had proved

themselves study. writer rare

worthy

and unprofitable this his left (or, every in

Even at open to the

countercharge

cases,

her)

veiled

343

symbolism vacuity alchemical furthermore, later or

in

fact

concealed The was make

not

profound developed intricate,

knowledge to express

but

lies. theory to

symbolism extremely life was

and for made the to

especially very of little agreement on of to the finer the

difficult attempt was symbolic basic

student, it.

there

standardise and remains

A measure

established,

discernible applied But to when to it into only or behind the an

today, some came

nomenclature substances. were that prone was

more

detail, or esoteric access oral

writers symbolism through tradition literary are no on or to

launch

a private to those

accessible contact

with

personal the

still-thriving often in

intentions Jonson's

self-consciously The Alchemist is one George word

fagade. exaggeration. transmutation, mystically':

lampoons Here, speaking for

instance, 'not

Starkey doubtfully

is our body when it In this our work, our Diana is mixed the water, for is called then with all is whitened, the Moon, for Laton and the Woman beares hath in the for rule, our Diana a wood, first dayes it is of the Stone, our body after In this whitened grows vegitably. wood, are at the last found two Doves, for the end of about three the soul weeks, of the Mercury ascends, the soul Gold, these with of the disolved are infolded in the everlasting for armes of Venus, in this the confection season tincted are all these Doves are with a pure green colour, in seven times, for is seven circulated they and then dead, perfection, are left for

344

they then

then black

rise like

and to

move no more, bill18 a Crowes

our

Body

is

By the clear. identified is

standards 'Diana'

of (or

the 'the

day,

this

is

indeed

relatively be and 'Venus' cannot they be

Moon') 'water' the

can confidently is mercury mercury

as silver, The into 'souls' modern

the of

copper.

and gold since

translated are supposed

chemical of what

terminology are in fact

extracts But

elementary details decidedly some of with in the (what to may the as

substances. quantities unhelpful. symbolism reference Ephemerides the out this doves for of

when it

comes to the

such account

crucial is time,

and temperatures, And even proved to this is to

experts It that sint yet

at is the

the

baffling. passage 'Quid which himself

doubtless question

posed: be]?

Columbm Dianm Mr Clodius the is

Diana perfecting 19

seek of

the

in

understanding

mystery'. To cap it

all,

a common strategy that a previous Starkey writings a figure, this itself Art'. in

was to work the

declare

openly deliberate that which did in

in

one work falsehoods.

contained same piece 'some false, or not is warned things we a

his

previous without

he had implied are 20 utterly Whether as sincere

taken onely to

which such

conceal should

declaration

be seen

a moot
Edward

'Sir George Riplye's Starkey, 18 ', in Chymical, Medicinal Unfolded, 19-47,20 Addresses, and 42. Eph 51,, HP 28/2/24B. 19 'Sir George Riplye's Epistle 20

Epistle to King and Chyrurgicall Unfolded',

20.

345

point. enormous perish and rather which the

Besides potential with sundry, clubby must know, the there

genuine for discoverer is

concern either nor more of

that good or

knowledge evil

of

such neither

should to

become than

available a suspicion and to

all a

often

of

atmosphere been very they of for

passwords

code-names who were in the few turn genuine things that dissolve so ihm more in

have or

gratifying were the

those

supposed deal

latter for

providing initiates. amusing Hartprecht bladder ist er

a good

entertainment instance, alchemist. found

Polemani than

a misinformed thought the he hierin von farben had

Hearing Stone would

Philosopher's IdarUber

stones, billig

hertzlich wert, die whether anything to with the als

gelachet, welcher er

ausslachens zu to urtheilen, wonder

unterstehet gesehen'. texts anyone, puzzle solution, reader. were or 21

nimmermehr of all these to

One begins intended were not to

some at

communicate analogous of author clues at

rather entirely

a crossword no feasible of every

consisting a joke

by

the

expense

However, writings is

the

wilful

obscurity greatest

of

many alchemical obstacle Still to more

by no means the them as scientific

understanding pernicious obscurity


21 Poleman

texts. is the

and impenetrable (from


to

unintentional of even the most

our
Hartlib,

point

of

view)

17 Oct.

1659,

HP 60/4/171B.

346

private knowledge could

writings,

resulting

from of chose,

the

limitations

of

and consequently when they what is being In quite

vocabulary. write doing. that two the fact to


study

Alchemists quite 22 plainly But even the and in a

and did,

objectively these given or cases, word

about it is

they

were

obvious to

much of

time

applied such

different confusion that draw


of

substances is the the


J. R. Glauber, war wie firmly much alchemical den es die

operations. merely of the

cases, the

quite

innocent, methods
distinction. maintains Chemikern moderne agreeing

reflecting. day were

analytical

inadequate
in his

Kurt that 'Die

Gugel,

geschraubte

Symbolsprache

Zeit so verstndlich, genau seiner . 23 isti. But while Formel uns heute it is important to remember that

instance letters to Worsley the of Moriaen See for 22 in 2, Seven, Otto Sperling's Chapter or section cited laurum his Glauber's on potabilef experiments of account in Ad Cldment 1658, to Glauber, 9 Feb. (Sperling and 'Briefwechsel J. R. Glauber zwischen J. W. S. Johnsson, und 210-233f 221-230. Janus 29 (1925), Cf. Sperling', Otto 'Newton's Clavis Key', isis Newman, as Starkey's William 564-74, p. 569. esp. 78 (1987), Glauber 1604-70: Rudolph Leben und Johann K. F. Gugel, 23 illustrate his To 1955). 39. (Wdrzburgf point, Werk (so a later from Goethe's Faust takes an example Gugel though a very good one, admittedly of pasticher the than thing proper), rather and writing alchemical 'Da ward ein roter Leu, / Freier, ein khner Otranslates' Und beide dann mit Bad der Lilie vermhlt/ Im lauen ins Brautgemach Aus Flammenfeuer/ einem andere offnem junge bunten darauf Farben/ Die / Erschien mit geqult. im Glas' + Salmiak as lQuecksilberoxyd Knigin = Sulbimat be This Wasser'. + well may what Goethe Ammoniak + is to it hardly that Iroter but suggest reasonable meant, as precise a definition as Leul can be seen as yielding Bad' and lim lauen or Imit oxide), offnem 1HgO1 (mercury indications precise very not of the are Flammenfeuerl required. temperatures

347

writing audience

was not it as

nearly

as obscure today,

to

its

intended this is an in

may appear Lack of

I think

overstatement. weighing related the best

standardisation, and inability to meant

imprecision distinguish that even

and measuring, but will discrete in the

materials world,

all

with was

considerable faces with scientific the

confusion

possible. of whatever

The same problem age confronted

historians of their

writings

predecessors. Hence applying quantity moriaen, labours, the bewilderment the frequently expressed to the same results. that

precisely of for the

same operation produced

same material in

different of his that

instance, with

an account

alchemical

reported

some puzzlement

lex eadem prorsus materia eadem Stannj novemdecimm partes semel libris, alias ex centum abierunt 24 in 12,, argentum. mutatw sunt,

via prmparata, in Argentum, 27. librm, 16.

('at one time, of the same materials in the same way, nineteen parts of to silver, times turned 271b other into or 16, or 12, were transmuted the same, 'silver' to the

prepared the tin was out of 100, silver'). in the

Evidently fact words since unable possible 24 Moriaen exactly 'tin'

either the and

material or

or

operation understanding

was

not of

Moriaen's was go not on but the

same reports

as by

ours, people is lay.

but

we have to make as to to

nothing our where Worsley,

distinctions, exactly such

only

conjecture

discrepancies 1651, HP 9/16/1A.

27 Jan.

348

Hence 1653:

too

claims

such

as

this

from

the

Ephemerides

of

that he The 2d of March Starkey came and told his Experiment to make Luna had now perfected it did vndergoe the trials fixa, all and that i. to Gold the Goldsmith e. silver equivalent of but the colour, nothing which could wantinng 25 be added. easily
Whatever since since it) took it he was it Starkey answered was what to as be to red had to produced, no that other gold would it term (or was in not his gold. However, and

vocabulary, approaching is what he

assured his

something that the

method The what

produce, only done.

account he had and is

leaves in the only can fact

scantiest Between the

evidence deliberate

herrings there deductions 'really' the they

linguistic very be limited as to ground what the on

circumscriptions, which 'adepts' translated we turn in more to confident were into what

made their

doing, language were

and of

processes chemistry. be doing, published correspondence, and But why, if

modern to

assumed terms,

general and invaluable

ideological above all insights their

their

writings, supply inhabited.

private into the

mental

world

they

A somewhat the in way which

more negotiable language, in

linguistic

obstacle scientific It is not

is

particularly the interim.

language,
25 Eph

has developed
53,, HP 28/2/54A.

so

349

much ludus

the and

totally lapis The

obsolete that greatest cases more are

terms the source where

such

as

alcahest, can lies remained

azoth, easily in the current be

problem: of

these

learned. far but more been

confusion have to totally here rather there to with is

numerous applied Though

terms or

narrowly

different with the a the

things. ideas details brief and

my principal of the

concern

ideals their

alchemists practice,

than

of and

laboratory

follows

generalised and

introduction terminology

alchemical a view to minimising

presuppositions confusion.

The implications 'chemist' detail art to and below. describe origin after 'alchemist' other

of

contemporary will used were coined be dealt

usage with

of in

the

terms

more of the of

terms

by practitioners 'Spagyrist' by Paracelsus Egyptian -a

themselves possibly the

word - or sage of

uncertain 'Hermetic', Hermes

totally supposedly

mythical

Trismegistus, of corpus the

a contemporary (Emerald

Moses The

and author Hermetic Greek but in

Tabula

Smagdarina fact the written second

Table).

was in in to

by semi-Christianised or third of century Christianity with for to their AD,,

neo-Platonists appeared supposedly on chemical that the

what these

be vivid ancient

pre-echoes texts,

combined confirmed granted fact been

emphasis readers at least

symbolism,

many Adam, or

pristine part of it,

knowledge had in

a good

preserved

350

and

was

accessible study. allegiance and

through Other to

the

twin

paths terms,

of

piety

and more were

experimental specific "Paracelsiant

popular

denoting

individual 26

practitioners,

'Helmontiant.

A Paracelsian seventeenth-century 'principles', Here of more than terms the to specific to wit

tenet

central is

to that

the of

understanding the three 'mercury'. modern

of

chemistry 'salt',

'sulphur' confusion cause with

and the

anywhere, is apt to

sense

these at

bewilderment. found terms to the

Indeed, it as used to

even

time,

alchemists

frequently these refer

necessary denote

distinguish substances 'Common'

between or salt, different to

underlying were

'principles'. each of

sulphur

and mercury of

them made up of salt, meant, (or in

admixtures and mercury. more or less

'philosophical' 'principle' the Aristotelian indivisible

sulphur theory, the

The term the same as the is as

modern) of

term which

'element: all matter

basic,

substances fire (or,

compounded.

Taking

more

generally,

heat)

(1493-1541), Paracelsus 26 From Theophrastus arguably the founder of chemical medicine, and Jan Baptista van (1579-1644), the most widely Helmont probably respected half of his century, of the first who revised chemist or indeed wholly Paracelsian rejected a great many strictly firmly to the same remaining committed while notions directed by pious experiment of practical course general See Walter Pagel, personal revelation. and meditation to Philosophical An Xntroduction in Medicine Paracelsus: (Basel 1958), the Era of the Renaissance and New York, Van Helmont: Reformer of Science and and Joan Baptista (Cambridge, New York, London, New Rochelle, Medicine 1982). Melbourne and Sidney,

351

the

most

thorough parts,

means of the

separating defined

matter as

into 'sulphur' or 'salt' time

its

component whatever 'mercury' incombustible were far those less

Spagyrists

was resolved whatever solid who argued of a revolution (earth, made out and
'fire'

by combustion emerged residue. (with as liquid, 27

into

flame

gas, the there

as

and as the

Even at

some justice) the

that

this

was

against fire be, to

Aristotelian than it was roughly to

'elements' generally 'earth'


subsumed

air, to

and water) 'salt'

corresponding while
indeed,

'mercury'
and

'water',
28 And,

'sulphur'
many chemical

fairt.

writers, happy to

including use both

Paracelsus sets 'water' or at of

himself,

seem to more or

have less

been

terminology in particular

interchangeably: used There debate which assent universal particular element, as a synonym, was, in not the

was frequently for scope combustion to. 'mercury'. for as to

least

a metaphor, considerable of

surprisingly, case they theory of

many products be ascribed 'principles'

category to the

should of the

Nor was by any means in was only one

among the

Spagyrists. the idea

Van Helmont that going there

came up with water;

and many,

without

so far,

' and 27 For a more detailed account of the 'principles, interpretations individual of them, see A. G. variant Alchemy and the New Philosophy, Debus, Chemistryf chapter 7. The Sceptical (London, Chymist 28 The whole of Boyle's around a debate about the relative 1661), revolves merits Paracelsian Aristotelian the and concepts of the of found both Boyle himself division of matter. unsatisfactory.

352

considered the prima

all materia

three that

principles made up

to all

be variant things.

forms

of

The more perfectly a given Metals substance, therefore, the

fused

the

principles that

were substance

within was. seen

more perfect more than of

and gold exalted their

any other, and to

were break the

as particularly them dowm. into

forms component goals.

matter,

parts This which were.

was one of proved, served But

alchemists' very difficult

principal to these they do,

naturally, only to confirm firmly

a fact

how 'noble' convinced 'principles': 'salt of

substances

many were into

had indeed hence such

separated apparently

metals

their terms as

meaningless of gold'

lead'

(sal

saturni), and in these that the

'mercury 'sulphur texts. for of

antimony, (sulphurus

(mercux-ius solis) It importance falcahest' which is

antimonii) recur this

theory to

accounts supposed (The word

the

enormous solvent appears to be

ascribed (or

universal itself )

alkahest). coinage

a pseudo-Arabic claimed sincerity accepted probably other with that the

by Paracelsus. conviction this. while it is

Van Helmont

greatest

and apparent Since even Boyle he was

he had possessed good faith

Van Helmont's mistaken

suspecting little thing matter to

on many points, utterly was that one would

wonder was down to

chemists

were

persuaded having be in

the broken

possible. its

The idea parts,

component

a position

353

reassemble to with the find the

it

as one chose, doing so. Stone Clodius, they

or

at

least

be in

a position alcahest met with chemists

a way of

Some identified itself, though

the this that

Philosopher's of if

disapproval mistake the

who maintained not the

Igrosly between [ ... rockt. lapis chemist' the ]a 29

vnderstand of the have

difference Lapis vpon this or

preparation of Chymists

Alcahest split

and the themselves

World

The Philosopher's.

Stone

(lapis word,

philosophorum which no 'true - was

philosO'phicum) would or have

- another supposed

code actually the

was a stone elemental

method

substance in

by which form.

soup

would with

be reconstituted these (literally Paracelsil universal matter or Metals inanimate, like dates gives Johann patron terms is

exalted still 'game'), HelmontiiI

Closely cipher

connected fludus' as Iludus a

the

more bizarre often

meaning or fludus

specified which would

provide into 30 not in This 'Bruce as the idea T.

medicine

by transmuting bodily were

diseased corruptions. seen growing

healthy

by dissolving themselves but

generally

as organic (though least to far

substances more

earth

vegetables back at

slowly). times.

Hellenistic of

Moran

a fascinating Popp Moritz 'proved' of

account the

how in to the

1618 the delight

alchemist of his from

theory

Hessen

by growing

crystalflowers

29 Eph 52, HP 28/2/30A. it may have been boracite suggests 30 Partington (History borate 11,226). of Chemistry magnesium

or

354

lead. the or

31 idea

A contemporary can be of found Mettals' to in

(and 'A by

open-ended) Discourse Gerard

discussion about the the Medicinal in

of Essence

Existence

Malyne,

(unpaginated) Chyrurgical Comenius took

Appendix Addresses it entirely

the

Chymical, had

and 1655.32

Hartlib for

published

granted:

if one wishes to distinguish Man's end and the him with other means to his end by comparing one will not concentrate upon his creatures, to metals of likeness or stones points or is (inasmuch he born and grows and as animals but upon feeds and moves and uses his senses) 33 his points of excellence. Even Boyle 'Sceptical account metals, formation not, of to (or at least his fictional thought matter, the earth, 34 persona, the most the plausible

Chymist' the origin it

Carneades) of mineral in

including citing the

be that of

grew

stalactites commit indeed,

as an, example. himself asserted help He also in of to the that the

(Boyle-did that things are but that it was which

however, and,

belief 'those Fire it

animate, Chymists inanimate minerals

produce Bodies'. altered

by the 35) in

thought the course

probable of their

nature

development,

though

he characteristically

warned being time, and

that

the growth. or increment of Minerals long a work of excessively usually

World The Alchemical 130-131. of the German Court, 31 Medicinal Addresses Chymical, and Chyrurgical 32 made to (London, Esquire 1655). Hartlib Samuel (1657), trans. A. M. O. Dobbie (Shipton Panegersia 33 on 10. 1990), stour, Chymist, 356-367. The Sceptical Boyle, 34 423. Chymist, Sceptical 35

355 in the bowels the most part for perform'd the Earth, I must we cannot where see it, instead of Experiments make use, on this 36 of Observations. occasion,

of

Many less transmutation since toward their


trying act it, as 'Die

cautious of

spirits metals the they in


not in

took

such

natural ind God, highest

growth assumed

and that

as axiomatic, creation reached of the

Nature,

being

aspired stage

always of were
but put to

perfection, development
to do was

gold.
to

What the
Nature process. jhre Metallen nit 37 of zu

alchemists
by magic,

pervert

catalysts Natur vnd solte

a natural allzeit geringe Natur k6nnen?,

As Glauber zur nicht kommen/ was Thus, a gold the for 'seed' and

sucht die

Kinder seynd hUlff

perfection perfect. vnd husbandry instance, in the

zubringen/ Warumb dieselbe of matter,

man der

verbessern and gives of

Alchemy

especially a method and to of

metals.

Glauber 'earth' it with

'planting' of its

copper

regulus stimulate

antimony growth:

'watering,

saltpetre

ist da Goldt Samens/ eines alhier anstatt vnd Antim. das [Kupfer]l vnd Regul. aber an statt darau das [Gold] der Erden/ sich nehret vnnd des Regenvnd der Salpeter anstat vermehret/ dadurch da Erdtreich befechtet/ wassers/ vnd Ie lnger fruchtbahr gemacht wirdt. nun da in diesem Erdtreich liegt/ [Gold] ynd wchset/ je mehr es zuwachses darau stehet38 Though that 36 37 38 a more metal ancient as being astrologically-based born of the astral tradition 'seeds'

saw each

Chymist, 356. Sceptical IV Novi Philosophic! Furni Mundi Continuatio Miraculi

(Amsterdam,, (Amsterdam,

1650), 1657),

37. 67.

356

with

which

each

'planet, accepted

impregnated even

the

earth

was by no its

means universally implications their thought to were if bear at from copper;

among the

Spagyrists, to influence It is were the tin; mercury

deep-rooted only in this at mind

and continued level.

a subconscious that only

essential distinguished 'planets': Venus, (the

seven

metals to

period,

corresponding from from

seven from

Saturn from in

came lead; iron;

Jupiter,

Mars,

Mercury, of

one hangover

modern from full

English the

chemistry's silver, the system and from Copernican did

astrological the Sun, gold.

pedigree); Among its of dent the

Moon,

adherents, the solar

reorganisation nothing to

model

of

this of it the

astrological nature of the

and microcosmical metals: on the contrary, to

interpretation the centrality the

acccorded

sun served of gold that in other

rather the

confirm of their

privileged matter, from it

position and to confirm

hierarchy drew Even

created life

metals it.

and aspired more for

to

develop the

into Latin

among those astrological synonyms metals ingrained that seven

who were symbols

sceptical, the 'planets'

names and as

were for the century.

used

and shorthand well habit, into together

respectively the eighteenth with or mystic the

corresponding This belief did fact were

until

deeply-rooted probably are in

was a magic the

number, that there

much to rather known

retard more than

realisation metals. as bismuth,

seven such

Though

other

metals and zinc,

and named,

antimony

357

these metals,

were

taken

to

be 'imperfect', yet grown into the of

'immature' true

or

'half'

which Especially

had not since

39 ones. of a as

Paracelsus, aspect

notion

medicinal important transformation turning rhetoric there is

and a spiritual as the of into

alchemy

was quite and party trick

mere physical created gold. proclaimed, matter,

manipulation the least mere the

of

things regularly every

So at

alchemists' many cases

and in it

a great

reason

to

believe

was sincere. as nothing The prospect had its else of

Paracelsus but leine

himself bereiterin to

had defined der wealth arzneil.

alchemy 40

unlimited-access and could of

doubtless rationalised

attractions, the case

be reassuringly

in as -

any presumptively that such the

profitable wealth would

enterprise be devoted became

by the to pious ends.

thought in

German, of

word directed

'Goldmachert by serious personal

a widely-used at profit. was his those who One

term

abuse

alchemists material of Glauber

envisaged of Moriaen's

nothing

beyond

sternest streak:

criticisms

mercenary

dings Es gefelt mir auch nicht aller das er eben hohen Persohnen Glaubern den mitheilen rare Wissenschaft will, dergleichen kstliche pflegen sachen

an solche die doch nur

Glauber, 77. Link, Cf. 39 Werke, Sudhoff (Berlin, Paracelsus, 40 ed. Karl 1922Heinrich 38, cit. Schippergesp VIII, tStrukturen 33) und berlieferungen', Alchimistischer in Emil Prozesse Ploss Ideologie Alchimia: (Munich, und Technologie al., et. 108 67-118p 1970)

358 ihrer 122).

gemeiniglich misbrauchen

zu (no.

wollust

und

geitz

zu

To sell greater significant exalted substance outside become to this so

genuine sin than not and

arcana to for sell its

to

Epicure him false

mammon was ones. worth, on God in but which Gold but earth,

an

even was the most

monetary substance by

as

incorruptible abundantly

the just since substance the operation in

supplied Eden so (Genesis

Havilah, had

2: 11-12), To be able if to

scarce.

raise costs to

another of the

sublime high financial as

state, to entail

even

the loss regain

were merely Nature.

a net was to

transmuter over

terms,

dominion

The idea the while became the possibility remaining

of

an unprofitable of free of the of thing the

transmutation, and the adept's material 41

proving prowess greed, According to

taint

of

something

an alchemical

topos.

1649 Ephemerides, iron into Mr Boyle hath a Recipe how to turne is there but to bee gotten by it. nothing gold in Yet it is worth the best consideration to the Experiment of Iron reference and 42 in Mr Boyle's discovered Antimony Letter.

Gabriel (London,

Plattes' 1639)

Discovery included

of a whole

Subterraneall chapter

Treasure (chapter nine)

IWherein

is

shewed,

how true

and perfect

gold

may bee

41 See the epigraph 42 Eph 49,28/1/35A: and Worsley.

to this chapter. the informants

are

Boyle

himself

359

made by Art doubt the

with truth

losse of

to

the

workman'.

'If suggested, of

any one the he 43 may

Alchimy, triall;

' Plattes but

be satisfied shall Glauber (1656), point pay for

by this his

instead

gaine

learning, same claim in

by going in Miraculi

away with Mundi

lossel. Continuatio

made the and again Moriaen

De Medicina it worth

Universali drawing to

(1657), Hartlib's

thought

attention:
in diesem tractat [De Medicina Er bekent das di sein Universali] aurum potabile nicht den [mercurium] sondern auch alle allein andere in transmutire gutt goltt oder metallen gradire darzue unntig ohne nuz und also zue aber die mgligkeit als allein und gebrauchen zue beweisen, wie auch die medicinam warheit (no. 164). Universalem zue bewehren als

The human being regenerate dominion natural Pansophy, revelations the It book aimed of to in over science it the all or

who could

do this

appeared intended, was far having more than Exactly the of his three word, like a

form the

God originally earth. Alchemy

a 'natural itself the

philosophy'. equally the book with book of the the

concerned of his God in works,

world:

and the the first,

human soul. second, and

elucidate third. much about quite of

master

transmute It that,

the says

the

preconceptions such ideas could

of

our

own day

until

recently, science
of

be dismissed superstition--42.

by historians
43 A Discovery

and ideas

as mere
Treasure,

Subterraneall

360

or

plain

daftness, of 'minor' who canon, evinced on the

at

least

so

long

as

they

remained

the

province in

thinkers. have their blank threshold since

When they been accepted has

become into not

manifest the

individuals

progressivist infrequently supposedly 'enlightened' better. Boyle was

acceptance

incomprehension. of are for a 'modern', to

Figures 'rational', have known that 'Even such intake that of as

methodology Margery not Purver, from

expected instance,

regrets aberrations'

immune the

occasional that Mary an

entertaining coffee induces

suggestion 44

excessive considers

palsy.

Hesse

So long as we select science as our subjectforward-looking we are bound to write matter, in the limited history we regard sense that as important what we recognise as our own having some historical continuity rationality, 45 our own science. with No such word given assent to have of is dismissal the Bible is is made of at least the assumption that true. not with every That actual position habit not

figuratively treated if

almost at at

universally least the with time. faith

then held

respect, Faith is

as a viable a mental by the if

easily in the

broken, lore of faith in

and the their in

invested

alchemists at all less of

subject scripture.

was scarcely A striking numerous

than this

their occurs

example diatribes

one of

Poleman's

Society: Concept The Royal 84. and Creation, 44 in the History 'Reasons Mary Hesse, and Evaluation 45 of in the History Perspectives Changing Science', of Teich Young, London 1973, and Robert Science, ed. Mikulds 127-147,141.

361

against intention his wilful alchemical Holy 'wicked

Glauber. of visiting

Informing Glauber's he of

Hartlib

that

he

had and the

no inspecting latter's

laboratory compared writings'

Igauckelspiell, perversions tradition

explicitly the 'wise heretical his 'just

of

the of

with

mis interpretations wrath' at the

Scripture, man':

expressing

in vnd allezeit bcher [haben seine mir) sehr dass ich ckel gar ein grossen missgefallen, bekommenp dafr vnd [ ... ] kaum ein paragraphum ich ber kan, lesen dass darin den verkehrten ein gerechten zorn man nicht concipire, weil er der weisen vnd speciosb so trotziglich drhet viel grwlicher schrifften vnd zwacket, die ktzer allergreiligsten vnd rgesten als die Heilige Schrifft verkehren; vnd verleitet bse man die dieser einfaltigen vnd vnwissenden irr grewliche solche wege, auf auf welchen sie kommen knnen. zur warheit Mit was nimmermehr ich wohl fr gewissen solte solchen 46 besuchen? verfhrer muthwilligen

As with dispute indeed conviction the true as to as to

Scripture, how to what

there interpret

was scope the the in

for

endless texts the that and this is what and

canonical canon, both but cases

constituted profound once

was equally canon said,

properly

established truth. If the

interpreted, silly, it is

was incontrovertible no sillier in the in case the of

case the

of Bible,

Tabula and virtually

Smagdax, ina

than

to Hartlib, Poleman 12 Sept. 46 1659, Scripture with comes over analogy even the same word, 'Schriftent, German since human writings and holy writ.

HP 60/10/2A. more strongly both covers

The in

362

everyone

in

early

seventeenth-century

Europe

must

be

deemed silly. Enlightenment of practical was to be sought by the twofold divine of such route

experiment This parallels

guided the

by personal twin

revelation. 'third force' of with

emphasis

theologians faith through

as B6hme on the works (which

practical is not to be

expression confused relationship plate at

justification with God.

by works) The classic

and a personal emblem of this is the

the

end of

Heinrich

Khunrath's 1609), an altar apparatus showing in of

Amphitheatrum an adept laboratory, and that

sapientim kneeling surrounded of scientific

aeternae (Hanover, at prayer at once before by the

his

religion and

experiment. laboratory

'Laboratoriuml and house for the of prayer,

foratoriuml, There of they

were

one.

was no question, between to the

'chemical

philosophers', revelation:

choosing amounted

divine

and experimental

same thing.
*****

5: 2

Chemistry

versus

Alchemy?

Alchemy as it read

had of

course

had its the fable

detractors of Midas it
cited

for might in

as long be

had been as a satire


Yeoman's

practised: on it.
Tale,

Chaucer
a cautionary

parodied
fable

the

Canon's

approvingly,,

if

rather

vaguely,

by Hartlib's

friend

363

Gabriel classic Sebastian Idas his

Plattes example Franck's BschiB

in in

his

Caveat is

for

Alchemists. The a place Donne of

47

The

English Narrenschiff der

Jonson's had and account Copernicus

Alchemist. of in honour Ignatius for

groBe Conclave his

Alchimey',

gives higher at of the

a hilarious claim right over hand (all founder with that of the the that by of

Paracelsus and Machiavelli to down Donne that is to the by has

arguing to a seat

Satan are the

for beaten

services hands

detriment Ignatius a great like be

mankind the fun ie.

three of

Loyola, deal of like, in the suitably

Jesuits). doctrine of a disease and

Paracelsian remedy

cures sought

source

disease, the

that

noxious art,

substances, become

treated He has

alchemist's boast that

medicines.

Paracelsus

all poysons are so disposed whereas almost and by nature, that they offend conditioned some of the senses, discerned and so are easily and it to passe, I brought that that avoided, treacherous quality of theirs might bee bee given and so they might safely removed,

Medicinal Chymical, Addresses, 47 and Chyrurgical 81-83 is described 'This 82). Cheat in old (83 misnumbered in his ' observes Canterbury Tale, Chawcer, Plattes, and the counterfeit having by saying summarised concludes 'was earnest the cheater the dupe to teach that with him but what bargain they Art, his for made I have forgotten, is twenty it I read Chawcers book'. years since The in Elias features Tale Yeomanfs Ashmole's Canon-'s (1652; Britannicum Chemicum facsimile Theatrum introduction by A. G. Debus, with an London, reproduction I think, not, having. as a result 1967,227-256), of its for in the tract, been mistaken but alchemical a genuine Caveat: as Plattes' a warning not against same spirit false but (see below). se against alchemists per alchemy

364

without office Hartlib's meaning satire quacks science critics# was friend was. and of

suspicion, as strongly. death Kreu8ner But none of it

and 48

yet

performe

their

at

the

hands just

of

Moriaen's pertinent sets

wellDonne's against art these charlatans For his objective or the

shows these pillories

how

lampoons

fraudsters chemical fact to the

a genuine For all were

investigation. that some alchemists the whole

the

sufficient indeed, is barely himself

discredit principle

discipline. against question all of

Donne, accused truth puts

charge and the

new-fangledness, enters into by Paracelsus dispute for the into

consideration. of hidebound Copernicus having troubled that of not for years. being had

He unashamedly intellectual in the same brains by

camp

conservativism breath calling satisfactory derided, which causing as

satirising for

men's been

into

a theory

perfectly is point for on

thousands

Copernicus wrong tell -a but

interestingly, Donne, unrest. like Bacon, He has

reserved Ignatius

judgment Loyola

Copernicus,

detracts from the dignity this of your from your learning, and derogates right and to this (Hell], title that of comminge place those be may very opinions of yours well 49 true.

Donne, 48 21 1969), original). Ibid., 49

Ignatius (Donne's 17.

his Conclave, own translation

ed. of

T. S. Healy his Latin

(Oxord,

365

What is per se,

mocked which

in is

these depicted there

works

is

chemical exclusive of

investigation province of

as the is no hint

quacks between

and gulls: a rational

distinguishing aspect of it.

and a superstitious of the

Chemical were keenly

practitioners aware of such

seventeenth and repeatedly of of

century defended dupes and every was

charges

themselves charlatans serious the fear

against is writer of

them.

The denunciation in the For the works

a major on the

theme subject. with

almost there for

one thing,

being

tarred

same brush; for the

another, in of

there

was a strong patronage to to the


for

incentive cast

alchemist probity

search-of other

aspersions 50
in

on the

aspirants
tCaveat

same funding.
Alchemists'

Plattes

the

Chymical,

Medicinal catalogue discrediting be adepts cheats itself, the

and Chyrurgical of alchemical alchemy the time

Addresses confidence

is tricks,

essentially aimed serious to the the

a not at

itself

but

at of

sparing learning

would-

and expense Far from at

recognise philosophy

hard

way.

rejecting end of

Plattes

announced Parliament

the

tract

that my

he

had petitioned ability to

'that

I may demonstrate of England

do the

Common-wealth

some service,

by reforming
Bruce Cf. 5o German Court: the Circle of Beiheft Archiv

husbandry

and medicine
of the Medicine Sudhoffs

T. Moran, The Alchemical World Occult Philosophy and Chemical Moritz (1572-1632), of Hessen 29, Stuttgart 1991, passim.

in

366

the the to Art lastly, of shew and if I may have a Mettals, transmutation of in the City like to that Laboratory, of Venice, by reason that they of secrecy, are sure where in, is to he can unless enter suffered no man there, being to remain be contented surely he be brought for, till forth to go to provided 51 to be buried. the Church

He had evidently the loss-making of

concluded method of

that

with

further

refinement, in his

transmutation Treasure this could

described

Discovery profitable. emphasising whole, record in of

Subterraneall He also the asserted

be rendered

possibility, to the State as a is no

potential tract

benefits Macaria in fact

his

Utopian

(1645). made such

There

Plattes' later

having told befor ought lack

a petition, never made

and Hartlib

Winthrop the

that

'Platts of the

any demonstration of the Lapis for

Parliament 52 This

possibility

I know'. of

probably, rather than lack rule of of

however, will. thumb secrets his metal There aber seine gibt

reflects Moriaen

opportunity

offered

a simpler fraudsters:

and more general anyone selling his since

for for

detecting

money was manifestly were genuine, his

a charlatan, ability of to

if

methods would was, Laboris

produce

precious

make money a matter however, socium, a handy

complete clause:

indifference. 'Sucht vnd Er kan der kosten

get-out in ins

[a companion allein nicht

the

work]

wienschafft Ihm genug

werkh auff

stellen, seine

wan Er ihn

das werckh

chymical, 51 Hartlib 52 to replying 1659).

Medicinal to Winthrop, Winthropts

Addresses, 87. and Chyrurgical 16 March 1660, HP 7/7/2B, (16 Dec. at HP 32/1/4A query

367

machen

1&st'

(no.

10).

Alchemical

expense

accounts

were

seldom

modest. Contracts relating distinct sold his to alchemical In to funding the fall into the less

at

least

two simply

categories. secret

one case but potential

'adept'

a wealthier however,

enlightened patrons such terms were

patron. themselves the

More often, practising

alchemists, to plain finance, be cast trafficking while

and in rather in remaining document to in

instances of research

proposals agreements question less chemist

tended than of blatant. Friedrich

information, crucial, is a letter

and the became from Clodius, obliterated


reading of

rather the

One such

Kretschmar53 whose

Hartlib, carefully
Turnbull's

Dury

and a fourth from the

name has been I agree with

manuscript.
54

Brereton.

in the service Kretschmar was a diplomat 53 of Elector ('the Great') of Brandenburg, and was in Friedrich in 1657-8, to release Cromwell the petitioning England by an official for the funds charitable collection raised (copy of the petition exiles at HP Bohemian and Polish the Austin Friars Consistory for 54/35A), and approaching (Hessels, for them III, 3441, further nos. assistance in London he made the acquaintance While 3445). of friends, Hartlib and seems to have been involved and his (Webster, 'Chemical College' Great Clodius's with 302). Tnstauration, , 1659, HP 26/64/1A-4B; August Turnbull, 22 July/1 cf. 54 Andrems Societas Christiana', Valentin 'Johann deutsche fr Philologie 73 (1954)1 407-4311 Zeitschrift (1631-1679) Brereton William 53. was a founder 414 n. from third the Society 1664 Royal Lord and of member Pell He had studied under at Breda and was Brereton. it he Hartlib the to was circle; who purchased close their death. See James owner's after papers Hartlib's (ed. ) The Diary and Correspondence of John Crossley 1847), 212-13, I (Manchester, and the Worthington to SHUR, 4-7. 'Introduction'

368

The gist Having previous have the been

of

the

proposed

deal

was as follows. and abandoned (who, however, knowledge stranded laboratory entreaties of a method and and his to for quantity eventually pages of point God by his did not

shamelessly

betrayed

associatel wisdom to

Hartprecht55 use his ill-gotten

correctly), destitutel large family.

Kretschmar barely able

had been to his the gold support

left his

However, with of

desperate discovery from often After

had been extracting of silver

rewarded a grain which, all the

an (unspecified) enough, a couple would of

repeated metal. this,

transmute pious

outbursts

about a very

he abruptly contract for the a full process friends or

came to in five

the

by proposing numbered of of 1) the

businesslike In return in

clauses.

revelation and the would from never to

both method

materials it,

involved Hartlib either

effecting to provide sie

and his

undertake a sponsor to set it impart down (or

E600,

themselves wehrt achteng', 3) to

"den the lklar his

dieser to

warheit unworthy

2) never

knowledge

people, 4) of they on his

und deutlich' heirs should of

on paper, he be dead)

inform

Kretschmar or

any refinement might behalf,

development discover#

the to

process sell

subsequently for a small

and 5)

Hartprecht, Fortitudino Johannes an alchemist 55 of some had Michael Sendivogius studied under who and renown, filius himself Sendivogii. In 1660, he published styled Sudum Philosophicum. Glauber, denunciation See J. of a I (Glasgow, Chemica Bibliotheca 1906), 338-41 Ferguson, and 368-70.

369

commission, had just


The clich6s. ending swindled Hartprecht. have as found with by

a large prepared.
document Such one the And the was is

quantity

of

a cure

for

the

plague

he

a treasure-trove to both as was pool

of knowledge to said anyone was right

alchemical were have he forever

agreements side other, it or

claiming

been had been to by

Kretschmar that what in its the

rarely

claimed

Stone a first to

itself: step cover

normally direction, but

offered, not pointing more typical was no-one yet

here,

profitable towards is the

enough great aura of future

own

costs 56 Still

achievements. piety should addressees, broke) and those the who and

intense Hartlib three

secrecy the

(Kretschmar letter to

most but

insistent the other

show

a stipulation insistence might use it

Hartlib on keeping for -

characteristically the mystery hidden purposes. bedevils

from

improper that real sales on offer so

Clause any modern behind once the as to

3 is

the

standard at

undertaking the was a

attempt such

reconstructing This of the who the

chemical pitch and

details which at

processes. the value

enhanced proposed fit say most

goods had -

flattered selected necessarily Kretschmar's was

recipients, of the

been which

specially is not

trustees that

arcanum was of

effect piece to reveal

mere

calculation. audience-targetting Bruce 56 Alchemical

successful promise

an

extra

a new The

T. Moran cites World of the

many similar German Court.

examples

in

370

medicine would one of Boyle best the it that cure

based

on the

same materials Hartlib for the

which

he was certain taking

bladder

stones. remedies most used'.

was already stone,

Kretschmar's 'is certainly

and told the to

excellent, 57

and absolutely relating presumably

ever

I have

The passage in what is

new cure

has been

underlined

Hartlib's

own hand.

The business proposal sarcastic statistics: quantity prepared' as having cost to of was at reply

sense least to it

tempering in

the the

mysticism witheringly 58

in

this

matched composed

by Clodius.

He demanded by a given

exactly silver;

how much gold was it (note of 'common'

was yielded or the

'expensively term was accepted it

silver

how readily distinct the left-over

a number reconstitute extracted? plague is did not really that for

meanings); silver bear sell?

how much did after the costs is the gold

had been any of

And who would medicine for all fail his to

should

the

What

interesting Clodius Kretschmar not to

wariness doubt

and scepticism, that he affected

a moment seem to had produced impressed gold.

Indeed, fact.

be particularly

by the

to Boyle, 7 Jan. 1658, Boyle, Hartlib Works,, Vj,, 99. 57 in this letter Clodius's hand and a fair draft A 58 of both to the original undated, are appended copy, scribal letter, HP 26/64/5A-7B. Turnbull Kretschmar states leine that bewilderingly Abschrift befindet rather sich in Hartlibs Johann Morians den Briefen Papieren, bei und habent VJ-Vkonnte jener Andrems Societas es verfaSt it is but 414 not located n-53), Christiana', among the papers, letters within and the hand of the Moriaen's is unmistakeably Clodiusts. draft

371

Den mein H wir sindt [ knten nicht wir ... bringen, aber goldes die vnkosten es oder

dz alhie nicht so vnwissend, ] au einer Vntze ein wenig hier entweder es zahlet nicht gehet nicht an im groen.

He could

himself

by such but helt

a method

offer Meinen

a fair Herrn

return dz man muste

on

investment, E100 a davor sein gewiBlich weil


More poleman. Hartlib Poleman, months archetypal his

Iversichere

dz sein davor

weg sehr

profitable

er

6001b

begehret'.
was the judgment injunctions of over of the the Joachim to proposal following as of the having the Idz 59 in bought 'Haubtsecrecy, to few

damning Despite

still all the

of

strict a copy

had who spoke

obviously in several

sent

letters

contemptuously false alchemist,

Kretschmar him

accusing

'goltmacherische Glauber zischen Poleman, itself, of His and and and

taschenspielerey' warning solchen more he than too Hartlib listigen Plattes, was an he for

from against

betruger' liebliche Not that

einer any

schlangen'. disbelieved ardent expressed charlatans tricks

alchemy practitioner. frequently Kretschmar ,Izur

which contempt

which was

vitriolically Glauber, der whose mehr

such redounded

as

conjuring als

groBen

schmach 60

k6niglichen

kunst,

der

wahren

Chymial.

HP 60/4/56B-57A, 59 1659-Aug. HP 6o/4/58A-B, 6o to yet another here Liebhart.

12

Sept.

1659,

and

HP 60/10/lA,

15

19 Sept. German

1659. alchemist

is referring Poleman in Amsterdam,

372

The Chymial alchemy, both of

standard was but to

strategy distinguish the go is of

of not true the for

the

defenders

of

*die and the

wahre

between philosopher name of

chemistry and either

between

false, or

whom might There the usage

under a need the with

chemist

alchemist. study and of their

a detailed 'alchemy' to

philological and 'chemistry' what how the could I on Hartlib same but chymia: thing. the the article, shall the those

words a view their in

derivatives there developed was and

establishing and of

difference usages century. alone offer extensive Papers. The precise

between altered account for an and

usages, the of course this

An exhaustive furnish here material some pointers

development but based in the

entire suggestions, material

thesis,

chemical/alchemical Etymologically, origin in both of the they term is

amount is

to

the

disputed, the Greek

derivation 'all in

cases is

from the art of

'alchemy' the fact

merely that by the way

Arabic reached

definite

reflecting from were There it had Ancient its can

Western'Europe the Arabs Ages. the the, century two

Greece

Africa, in by the the

where Middle end of

principal be little

practitioners doubt to still that

become in the

possible manner

distinguish current science, or magic to say if today,

between seeing as

terms as and a

chemistry, 'falsel

'true'

and

'rational' myth (That is

alchemy not such

'superstitious'

outright' a distinction the vehemence was

charlatanism. universally

not On the

accepted.

contrary,

373

with J. C.

which Adelung it the

alchemy in the

was

derided

by

rationalists is in evidence

such of

as how

following to be

century taken

seriously during

continued 'Age on of

many not

quarters waste

Reason'. who have barely

One does is already made

ammunition such the the

an opponent could and it was

dead. at the to

61)

But

no of

distinction century, time of

been

beginning be made by

beginning in 1662.

Hartlib's

death

In

the

following

examples, (in

the this added of

two

words

appear following

to

be used, without paragraphs, use of bold

distinction

and the to citations

emphasis type).

has been The author tract against

by the and inveighed

one anonymous papers of

undated in the

alchemical same breath and Kozack

among Hartlib's the

'common herd

alchemists' sophronius 'ignorant surgeons'163 be,,

'pseudo-philosophical in his Liber lying just said

chemists'. mocked

62 at

Spagyricae alchemists that of a true

apothecaries, having

and presumptuous physician 64 The must

among other

things,

a master

alchemy.

der Geschichte Narrheit Adelungs menschlichen 61 Cf. 'The Paracelsians Debus, 1785), passim. in (Leibzig, France: A Renaissance Tradition in the Eighteenth-Century Ambix 28 (1981), 36-54; Age of Enlightenment', reproduced Chemistry, 14 Alchemy of and the New chapter as in the history studies of science philosophy: and Reprints, (Variorum London, 1987). medicine 'Chemici 1 vulgoll Philosophastril alchemistarum 62 ... (Hp 18/12/11B). 'Ignari mendaces temerarij pharmacop&i, alchimist&, 63 (HP 25/20/7A). chyrurgil Medicin&, Physical 'Famulantur Botanica, autem 64 Alchimistica Chyrurgical Pharmaceutica; Anatomical omnes

374

American learned sophists, once earns that starkey to the

alchemist knowledge 67 with the of the had

George of the

Starkey65 66 of

contrasted Ideceivers student and soon

the and who afterward operations

'half-

alchemy, true of and

faithful

'at

acquires the are title beyond himself art the of

name

chemist, 68 the

Philosopher'. reach identified 70 the ', den of

learning

'common as

chemists'. the 'true having jeering distinguish Buben oder the of

69 key had to

mercury Glauber

alchemy'. of

recalled rabble to

suffer 'Alchimistv wahre falschen of the

jibes

ignorant who failed

Alchimist! von

'die

Alchimia

Landtlduferischen 71 carry In none of this

Alchymisten'. term 'alchemy'

does

choice

a greater

suggestion

mysticism,

esotericism

or

magic,

either

approvingly

or

tenetur has artes titulum cognoscere qvisqvis ambit (HP 25/20/6B). Medici' Latin tract The untitled and unascribed 65 at HP is a complete copy of Starkey's Metallorum 18/7/1A-20B which his Metamorphosis, was later published under in 'Philalethes' the Mus&-um,. collection pseudonym , 1678), Reformatum (Frankfurt, Hermeticum et Amplificatum 'Prophecy Newman, See William 743-774. and Alchemy: The Philalethest, Ambix 37 part Origin 3 (Nov. of Eiranmus identification for 97-115, 1990), of Philalethes: as Starkey. dispendium (et 'Nihil 66 enim. prmter nummorum et & semidocta Alchymim (HP 18/7/1B; temporis) sciential 743). Musmum Hermeticum, (qvia plurimi Alcymiam etenim repriuntur, 67 -*Non deceptores hxc perinde) tractantes, sophistm) aut (HP 18/7/2A-B; arguiturl falsitates aut ineptim Mus&-um, 745). I induit; 'Chymistae [----]prot nomen actutim inus 68 mox (HP 18/7/1B; titulam vendicat' Musaeum, ,744). Philosophi (HP 18/7/4A; 'Chymici Musaeum; -748). vulgares' 69 (Artis Alchymim) 1 (HP, veram clavem, 1,8/7/17B; 70 ... Mus&-um, 770). tribus lapidibus ignium De Glauber, 71 secretorum 6-7. 1667), (Amsterdam

375

pejoratively. interchangeably, distinction this today. period, Herwig in to it

Much of almost be drawn is not

the

time

the

two If in

terms there the that

were is

used a of

synonymously. between the them

writings is drawn

distinction of

Buntz the

speaks seventeenth

a 'Trennung century, of but the

von Alchimie the work is a 72 he

und Chemiel cites book

as a ground-breaking by Andreas There are, does to to Libavius however, seem to quite

example entitled

latter

'Alchemial where it is

(1597).

many instances be made, what that though

a often is

distinction difficult intended proclaimed alchemy, magic'.


Glauber's Alchymiste 'I think

deduce be.

distinction list of

One self-promoting the author the had 'many

experiments in chemistry,

that medicine,

things

mechanical

arts

and natural Hartlib


oderHe later et. able'to judge added,

73

Heinrich
furnaces, [ ... those

Appelius,
remarked sie skill

informing
leinem sehr in will wolt.

about

Chymico 74

] dienen that matters have

chymicall be best

alchymisticall

'Die Buntz, Alchimie Herwig europaische 72 vom 13. bis in Ploss Jahrhundert', 18. Alchimia: et al., zum 119-210,194. und Technologie, rdeologie . Alchymicis, 'In Chymicis, Medicinfi, Mechanicis 73 , "' Naturali, habeol Magia (HP 1/33/106A-B)i plurima artibus, is tract IN. Reneri, entitled Professoris The undated Experimental. is perhaps This Ultrajectini, Cyprien became Oosterga, who ab professor Regneri at Utrecht'in de Mersenne Correspondance X, 203), though it 1641 (cf. the initial N comes from., is not clear where It'could be a mistake. simply to Hartlib, 5 Sept. 1644, Appelius HP, 45/l/13A. 74

376

of that

his

(Glauber's) one Dr Fogarty

inventions,. had acquired

75

Hartlib 'all the ] They

heard MS. are and inveigle sometimes of all

in

1652

Hugens in

[probably Latin

Constantijn several 76 out use of Volums Dury of to

Hujgens) Medicinal spoke people, doe which when of 'as they

...

Chymical ploys to

Alchymicall. information Alchimists secrets

Chimists would pretend

or the 77

dive to

into havel.

nature

others

Some of feature Dury's of in

this

may be mere

tautology, writing in

a common enough general (and of or

seventeenth-century particular). designed in 'your Tubus But

tautology to

was a rhetorical clarify or unfamiliar to add

stylistic-device terms weight perceived language: (as to

either or

Telescopium') enhance off his the or

a discourse authority it

and to by showing

writer's her command of I synonyms or and do not

characteristically that unduly obvious are

juxtaposes distinct

near-synonyms look or sound if

etymologically

similar. cognates of

The effect are this used.

becomes Tautology placing is side

transparent not

an adequate of these is

explanation two terms

repeated, in

by side

as though in all particular the

Opposition. which of suggestsla usage to

There distinction described 75 76 77

one document with is again

compatible above: it

types from

a letter 1647, 1655,

Appelius

Appelius Eph 52, Dury to

to Hartlib, HP 28/2/27B. (Worsley? ],

26 Aug. 25 Aug.

HP 45/1/33B. HP 4/3/121A.

377

Hartlib, a friend Benjamin to

and is of

a personal

assessment but

of

what

advantages

Hartlib's

(unnamed might inclined with this

almost expect the

certainly from ideal a visit Appelius

Worsley78) Though his remarks

reasonably to favour caveat:

Glauber.

prefaced

knowes how I doubt not but the Gentleman dangerous difficult, fickel, et chargable is Chymia especially Alchinia [ ... 3 matter Chymia egregia promittit, et prmstat, sed non Condimenta sunt omnium. temporum nec personarum, Coronam non Vestem. dat non Alimenta, things, (Chemistry promises and delivers great times and all but they are not fox, all People; it gives but not the substance, the spices the ] [ ... I Alchimia crown but not the clothes. [alchemy has so far been adhuc est difficilior I not to make the yet intend more difficult]: impetus friend hic Coryphmus naturalis afraid: impulse is the zi uspiam est (a natural est, 79 here if anywhere]. leader Appelius's general field 'difficult, of it, but it terms implication not from here is are hardly that within crystal alchemy it. [ie. the yolk It clear, is is but the

surely but et the

a distinct the most part providing an,, forms. to

chemistry

dangerous is also than

chargable core,

expensive]' of it,

sustenance understanding just the

rather of

mere

flavouring to

through outward

essences 'Natural of fruit' just opening visit

as opposed Histories' that would

as Bacon's 'experiments Man's

were

a preparative again make were

once

Nature

servant; to the

as Comenius's of the to the 1647 'Janua

didactics

preparative

Re'rum-1, the see -Oct.

and his 78 On Worsley Seven. Chapter to Hartlib, 79 Appelius O. s. ), HP 45/1/27A.

Netherlands, (dated27,

6 Nov.

378

gateway

to

real

things; all

just

as Pell's

Xdea of mathematical study would solve

Mathematics

proposed for

preliminary the

as a preparative all mathematical of

grasping

method

that

problems were the of

whatsoever; a preparative

so the to

theoretical

aspects its core,

chemistry alchemy,

penetrating of All were mere student created

spiritual the 'Soul but

understanding of not is the all world'. chemists the

matter

and mastery were

alchemists alchemists. and the

chemists,

The distinction practitioner of or Nature's 'adept',

between between

passive dominion the over

understanding her of it. spirit. a newly

forms

and active were

The chemist discovered

was as it the

cartographer colonised

country;

alchemist

*****

5: 3

The

Key

to

Creation

The seventeenth its its they Like in practitioners infancy, looked

century

was alchemy's of nurturing

Indian

summer. in

had no sense a tprelude to

a science

chemistry'; culmination theory

80 on, the of-all

contrary,, knowledge.

to

the

imminent

Pansophy, which

alchemical

presupposed

a universe'

everything at of the the

was interconnected, same period represented

and. itsanother dyingi

resurgence convulsion 8o John Alchemy,

microcosm-macrocosm

theory.

Read, Prelude Literature Its

to Chemistry: An Outline. of (London, and Relationships

19'36)',.

379

The to the learn time

Chymicall more as about

Gentleman' the effect

Cheney of 'cold',

Culpeper8l

wished at

understood measurable a lack of manifest of his to refer the of

a potentially to heat

definable rather and than

and

quality latter, of in time naturelf

opposite on

simply

the

'putrefaction' a 'multiplying' fertility. known interests

'multiplying would

spirit itself the

which Given of is the

increased and the

terminology and

Culpeper much

correspondent, the transmutation

Worsley, and process

this

likelier of metals

to to an

multiplication in hit the on literal the idea

than

agricultural explicit reflection about

sense. through

Culpeper a

was

having

on macrocosm-microcosm

analogies:

that I acknowledge alsoe'a spring and not*but in [sic: well as our lithe presumably an autumn for Ilitle'] world error as in the a scribal is if that desire but to my wee desire great summer, wee must pass through see a fruitful into for if wee looke the winter quarters, find to be a naturall winter shall wee nature 82 in fruitfullnes suMMer. cause of the The mystical-alchemical also out highly to define influential God himself obviously he claimed, each with theosophy on many of as, of of these of Jacob thinkers, a chemical exalted 'Quell-Geister' quality: given in the Chapter 1647, HP nature). or sour, Bbhme, set

effectively, a highly seven

reaction

(though

God consisted, source spirits,

a different Culpeper n. d. but is

of account 81 A fuller 1. Seven, section to Worsley, 82 Culpeper 13/223A.

probably

late

380

the which gave

sweet,

the

bitter, the other were, it

heat, first and an

love, six. affected

sound All

and seven

the

'corpus'

comprehended birth in, 83 to as each it

constantly one chain was not of

or and

'qualified'

another reaction. himself alchemical idiosyncratic is

eternal be

infinite out, the

B6hmej

should alchemist, (especially of God, he

pointed though

a practising literature account

influence on his the Universe as by to

Paracelsus) Creation so and

unmistakeable. to have

Nor analysed

was

presumptuous this and fashion irrefutable God had alchemical deepest of the

purport experiment. for all

God in a single of such

He claimed his knowledge But with is his

source told him

matters: of the

personally. and language Nature chemical

association into

theories mysteries aspirations of

insight highly

God and of the

symptomatic

philosophers. itself separating Culpeper by

Creation process, initial the Chaos.

was

seen out

many discrete to

as

an

alchemical', of an the

into

elements 'such

sought

produce

excitation the

of

the

Spirit

of

nature

as that'it-may' the waters'. 84 It

(as

iIn

beginning) that

moove in to practise exemplified

and upon alchemy in

followed idea

was to

emulate to

God Hartlib
, 85these

an

strikingly

a tract

sent

im Auffgang, S&mtliche Aurora, oder Horgenr6the 83 (StUttgart, Peuckert, '1955), I, ed. Ernst Schriften B6hme's have drastically edited account 132.1 of I 'Quell-Geistert, which make no pretence of seven in detail. any understanding ), 9 May 1648, to [Worsley? HP 13/218B. Culpeper 84

381

from

Hamburg, and

85 which others for or

he

passed comment,

on

to

Moriaen,

J. F. a miraculous

Schlezer rspiritus would crop dieses Genesi this for

advertising wassert the

mercuriiI preserve seeds

Ophilosophisches frost, and cure des increase all Universal

which yield Ivnd of ist welcher sure, much a

from

three die primo

thousandfold Quinta Auff Essentia

diseases, Geistes,

dem Wasser claim of in

geschwebet0.86 vitro revelation Moriaen

To be was too

remarkable Hartlib's it

correspondents. as undemonstrated h6her

characteristically Isehe seine suggested albeit exaggerated. water' of the the 87 being wol dz

criticised des Authoris

speculation: gehet als he value,

Philosophia Butj was equally

Erfahrung'. discovery claims Schlezer merely

typically, not without

probably it were the

made

for

preposterously 'philosophical Vrinmi). 88

suspected ammonia

('Spiritus

Another

commentator, to the virtually

who remains

anonymous,

objected of

more the

sternly

blasphemous

implication

claims:

expresse der geist zu sagen, essentiam,

im text dz derselbe stehet, geist sey Gottes ist gewesen, ein absurdum aber dz ein chymicus wolle eine quintam den Spiritum DEI machen. 89

The tract HP 63/14/23A-24A, undated. by 85 was sent 1653. Lange on 14 October Joachim The author's HP 63/14/23A. name is not'given, but 86 he to Schlezer 72-year-old was Hamburger a according (HP 63/14/26A). known as fStapulal No. 134. 87 HP 63/14/26A. 88 HP 63/14/33A, n. d. 89

382

But Hartlib not of

the

fact

remains

that

the

claim opinions

was on the

made it. world

and This in

that science a grain

seriously only saw but and heaven

canvassed set in out to

analyse flower.

sand

a wild

Underlying that all Creation

this

animistic

view with

was the

conviction

was imbued

a materially defined universalis' nitre'. as Ispiritus and the 90 to As determine

identifiable mundi", like. ever, just there scientific experiments illustrating philosophy but an ally. it what lanima

life-force, mundif, called difficult

variously Ispiritus it if

Paracelsus is very

an 'aerial not

impossible terms, if,

was understood

by these as to of the their period

indeed, but of the

was any consensus literature aiming the to

definition, is full

practical spirit,

isolate which

and analyse the

this

way in

new experimental not -a time as a challenge of even assume overstate. spirit salt of an

was seen 'Salt'

by the in

alchemists

particular at the

term

greater importance Robert of life

ambiguity it would

as used

- came to to material volatile was

be virtually

impossible the

Fludd from

thought wheat as

he had isolated 'a pure

and divine

wondrous #convinced

properties'91 that the vital

and J. B. Van Helmont spirit must

be saltlike

and

G. Debus, Chemistry, nitrel, see Allen go on the 'aerial 1550-2700 (Variorum Alchemy and the New Philosophy, London 1987), ch. 9, 'The Paracelsian Reprints, Aerial Nitrel. Robert ch. 10,253; Fludd, 91 Debus, op. cit., Key, ed. Debus (New York, 1979). philosophical

383

aerial for salt

in

nature'. were

92

Perhaps

the

most

spectacular of the J-R.

claims

made by the provide

colourful the focus

figure for

Glauber, chapter.

who will

following

-'Salt-* writing. macrocosm

is

the

dominant authors

theme

in

much of the it

Glauber's microcosm-

' Like-most theory

who accepted embraced

Glauber and odd, in setting

wholeheartedly by side in cheese

he saw nothing recipes for a salt to turn

down side to kill

preparation base metals

maggots gold, for

and another laurum

into

preparing

potabilet

and

'philosophic too drawn in

dung'

(1philosophischer almost in the

93 Mist, r). -He same breath, and from

was typical conclusions

combining, laboratory the

from

experiment two as to ),

Scriptural

exegesis He pointed

and seeing out of that the

complementary. his disciples that as salt just other

Christ earth'

referred (Mark above

'the is

salt divinely

9: 49-50. all other

proving substances above Christ value all

privileged were so far

as the

disciples

divinely as to

chosen speak 95 that it of Its

94 men, and went as lein lauter

himself

Gottlicher

Saltz'. proved itself, the sun,

as a fertiliser the it miraculous in

and preservative spark of life with

contained associating

Glauber's

mind

likewise

is ibid., the blithe It 256. worth noting 92 Debus, cointensely in this of materialism world-view and existence mysticism. religious (Amsterdam, 1657), Continuatio 85. Mundi Miraculi 93 (Amsterdam, 1658), 14. Salium Natura De 94 115. 95 Ibid.,

384

great

fructifier, making it

and with superior

the

first

divine to

act the

of four

Creation, Aristotelian

and anterior

elements:

ist SYMbolum. Eternitatis, Das Saltz ein ... Wasser/ noch Erden weder im Fewer/ Lufft/ weiln wirdt/ sondern oder geringert alles alteriret bewaret. [ ... ] eine lange Zeit vor verderben ist bey der Sch6pfung GOttes das Das Saltz Fiat gewesen, vnd ausz dem Fiat sind erste 96 die Elementa hernach entstanden. Hard been salt air in as it 'let may be to there imagine God's first went words on to having explain how

be salt', from the

Glauber sun's (which, fire

emanating into sunny the

passes

down through is far saltier of In short, the

sea water

he claimed, into the as it vnd

climes97)

and thence and fecundating fruchtbarkeit/ Sonnen/ 98 die

interstices goes.

earth, ,'Komt das

animating also alle

Nahrung

vom Saltze/ dem

Saltz

von der aller

Sonne von GOtt

Sch6pffer This clear echo

dingen'.

identification in Moriaen's

of

sunlight

with of his

'salt' optical

finds

descriptions

experiments: hab ich gleichwoll Von den brenn glszern auch di gesehen, wan man ein klein gestoenen an der Sonne damit anstecket antimonium so hinweg und verliert Er stark rauchet gleichwoll an seinem gewicht sondern wird schwerer nichts das dan freylich dardurchf das ein bewei ist das sal natur& der Sonnen stralen hinein (no. 183). bringen und damit impraegniren
96 97 gs Ibid., Ibid., Ibid., 43-44. 10-11. 117.

385

The conclusion The nature of

is light

not

as wild

as it the

may at great

first

sound. of

was one of science,

mysteries

seventeenth-century tending inclined small towards to atoms, the ie.

and many leading Gassendi of

thinkers and Newton, extremely of with makes sunlight an the it

atomism, view that

including it

was composed substance, Taken

was a material nature.

albeit

exceptionally premise altogether consists


The practice strikingly life-spirit, fragmentary admitted) and July in

rarefied the

together this

of

Paracelsian to

'principles', expect of to salt.


on

reasonable at least

find

that

partially
of such

influence of the similar one fashion the

convictions is illustrated aiming by at Moriaen

the in

laboratory two the

alchemists experiments described (and course the IV of

to in

isolate somewhat as he

second three

hand, letters

frankly April by 100

of

between independently, Wohlfahrt,

1658,99 in Part the

other, Des

apparently Teutschlands Both by use

Glauber published

following a raw

year. material

versions

involved it with to by [ Moriaen ... ] in

Imagnetising' sunlight attract as Isal and from naturml

impregnating of the 'magnet' described lein [Wasser]

the the

subsequent night and by air

something as

Glauber

(to (most Clodius), 183 fully) 177 189 (both Nos. and 99 is The to in nos. process also referred 180 to Hartlib). and 181. in Glauberus Concentratus Reproduced oder Kern der loo (Leipzig Schrifften 1715), and Breslau, Glauberischen 465-466.

386

welchem verborgen'. distillation fluid night,

[Wasser] 101

die This

allgemeine substance or

Lebens-Speise was then of exposed over or purified the

der

[Luft] by

(Moriaen)

evaporation remained

superfluous by of in to the in sun

(Glauber), purified days

and what again, in

again a period

and so forth, version, the

some thirty Glauber's. Moriaen, and the 'die been


f iX,,

Moriaen's at

a hundred according of both

What remained a 'liquor' moon, or in

end was, sperm

containing Glauber's

the

account

a 'salt,

which had

astralisch

lebendig-machende greifflich/

Sonnen-Strahlent corporalisch und

made Isichtlich/
102

Moriaen menstruum'103 it

called but

his

liquor

Idas because

Universale Hartlib indication with seeds it; clearly would of regard what

- perhaps - gave

as self-evident it the to

no clearer was to

he thought howeverl points the

was or mention

what of

be done

solar purpose,

and lunar the

an alchemical planets of

sun and moon being respectively. on this point: to he a great was

ruling

gold more

and silver forthcoming (though

Glauber his say

was marginally

preparation what to of for)

was a medicine and it could

he neglected metals (but us is of what

transmute

forgot cry jol 102 103

mention but

how). no very

What comes down to clear definition

Eureka

Glauberus Ibid. No. 180.

Concentratus,

465.

387

supposed

to

have

been

found.

That is to

it

struck not four

a chord only times

in by the

contemporary fact within that

minds, Moriaen

however, returned

evidenced subject Hartlib's passages

the at

three

months, underlining or having

obviously relevant scribal

urging, in the

but

by Hartlib's manuscripts made of about there elicited Hartlib

copies in

and translations touch with of Boyle which

104 them.

He was certainly of in Moriaen's the

a later is

version

experiment,

now no trace a lively to send

surviving Poleman,

105 papers#, and who asked as possible:

reaction him full

from details

as soon

de Fur die ex MS Morianis communicata bedancke Mundi Spiritu Ich mich Concentrandu in [ ... 1 es saget aber H Morian gar herzlich Andern Description Er habe dem H. dieser vnter durch weisse entdecket, eine vor diesem [ 1 dz wasser Kiesel-steine der Calcinirte ... bitte ] als [ Ich solchen luft zu fangen ... 106 vnd ehestes zu vbersenden. aufzusuchen

This the

(assuming more

Hartlib

did

as he was asked) of in information Arnhem Poleman via

was one of within Hartlib the in

circuitous network,

exchanges from in Moriaen Amsterdam. feel

Hartlib London but him

to

Poleman did with

knew Moriaen, to approach

presumably directly

not

intimate for such

enough privileged

a request

information. translation Latin German and copy of the relevant 104 HP 60/4/214A-B. 177 at no. of parts 5 April 'Concerning to 1659: Boyle, the Hartlib 105 the sun-beams, and condensing instrument I of catching large from Mr Morian' (Works account a of promise have a VIF 117). Dec. 5 1659, HP 60/4/159A. to Hartlib, poleman 106

388

Close
Glauber's Moriaen's

comparison
account with

of

the

two

experiments
like left

leaves
a rewrite out. 107 of

looking certain

suspiciously crucial details

Glauber material;

totally Moriaen

omitted

to

define

the

nature

of

his

raw his flint

somewhat obtained

more helPfully by grinding

described a type Moriaen initially said of

as a coarse or pebble108 in

powder to

be found that air

by the what

Rhine.

was quite

explicit attracted thing, the but residue

stating the

his

'magnet' Glauber start

from did

was 'salt'; and bafflingly as the

no such to

suddenly

referring

after

evaporation remarked without but they his that

'salt'.

Similarly, drew the these off

Glauber superfluous magnet seeds more

abruptly liquid

evaporation the 'seeds'

affecting gave no hint

had attracted, were or where with aiming a modern

as to

what

had come from; solar and lunar not at very

Moriaen spermata.

was far Moriaen at complete

specific

was clearly least to

(albeit reader) report.

successfully, a much more

giving This is

and comprehensible

only

to

be expected,

since
whereas

Moriaen
Glauber

was writing
was aiming

a private
at the

letter
general

to a friend
public, and

The point cannot be proved 107 one way or the other documentary further but I do not think evidence, without that Glauber it out of the question based his version, information on acknowledgment, him by given without Since Moriaen to have devised made no claim Moriaen. or the himself, I can see no experiment conducted even if it that for supposing was he who had-it from grounds he would have concealed the fact from Hartlib. Glauber the term consistently In Latin passages, 108 used is in the German, 'Kie3lingel. isilices',

389

whatever published tantalisingly hints, to

they not

may have precise

claimed, scientific

alchemists descriptions veiled public or

generally but

and deliberately a view the Glauber, copies not

incomplete edification potential as

with

so much to of

arousing

interest indeed, of his

well-heeled was in the

patrons. presentation figures.

habit

of to

sending such

new publications

109

As with shall either or what ever what they

most be able Glauber were

alchemical to say with

recipes, exactitude thought

it

is

unlikely

we

and certainty they were doing

and Moriaen doing for role in the of fact. help

Such accounts they give in

remain

valuable,

however, the the

conceptualising period controlled science, in which test,

practical of in

experiment hypothesis modern let technical is and

at

methodology

as understood been

empirical alone accepted may

had barely

formulated, the

as standard. be, what does

However emerge

obscure quite

details

clearly

an unconscious to evaluate phenomena fact that

ambivalence theories

between and the

the

use of theories

phenomena to

use of confusion

interpret by the

a methodological such of theories

compounded directly

were or

often

derived faith.

from Glauber

articles and they

religious found
Link,

quasi-religious they were


103-4.

Moriaen
log See

what

looking

for

because

Glauber,

390

defined expecting like what

their to

results find. in the

in

terms

of

what

they

were

By the example

same token, cited of above, gold

many an alchemist, concluded because what his the that

Starkey

he had produced by respected inspiration It like refute

was a form authority that gold to

he was to be

assured divine produce. pagans and to Scripture Christian explain thinkers to

and/or was what dismiss

he took method theories or study pious

would of

was one thing Galen

and Aristotle

as ignorant but the

misguided of true

them by experiment, insights could data. achieved only This laziness their

and the meditation experimental of

through to not

serve is or habits

illuminate to accuse

and these merely by

intellectual to understand in historical


and directly

dishonesty, of thought

attempt

placing
The philosophers Hartlib any

them
letters

context.
of the German associated century, the claims far of from natural with showing

documents or indirectly

in increased

the

mid-seventeenth scepticism and about at times their least

alchemy,

manifest enthusiasm. many social, Thirty alchemy of their cases

a mounting Uprooted plunged

near-hysterical home relative economic they reconciled and promised countries poverty turmoil found the in evidence rewards of and by of in the the

from into at

political, Years' War

religious and of with its

and aftermath, that demands

a system senses

thought the

391

the

Reformed

faith

to

which There

they was,

clung in their

with

almost no Bacon and

desperate antithesis the mystic

tenacity. between

minds, of

the

pragmatic of of

rationalism and they

Paracelsianism the development which work.

B6hme,

actively and only and the but time

encouraged experimental contribute growth of

new technology thought of could

science, to the their

they

The revival were though of not

alchemy parallel was in wholly

new science intertwined:

merely

inextricably to sound the

empiricism it is

death-knell to date. but speak in

alchemy, of

anachronistic two of at the this past, the

terms Bacon

a conflict

between

the

Francis might

thought

he was speaking as having that ]

equally when in

be seen

predicted

future,

1605 he acknowledged

is this to due: that ( ... right alchemy surely to make gold hath brought the search and stir to light number of good and fruitful a great inventions for the and experiments, as well disclosing of nature as for the use of man's life, 1.110

Bacon, Francis 110 111,289. Works

The

Advancement

of

Learning,

I;

in

392

Chapter
e Study in hgeventeenth-Centu Glauber

six

Moriaen.

and the

tEr ist ein Mensch voller in verstand und wienschafften Ia so [sehr? ] da Er gleichsam re medico-chimica darinnen und nicht veriret wei welches sich er am ersten ins werkh furnehmen oder richten to sollt - Moriaen 27 August 1647, HP 37/121A (no. Hartlib, 93). 6: 1 the Seventeenth Robert Boyle-*?

-'Paracelsus

of

Century,

or

fGerman

of Moriaen

all

the

many 'Chemical in the the

Philosophers' the course of

with his

whom

became associated with alchemy,

long closest detailed Johann to

involvement him

one personally and most countryman is

and on whom he sent was his Glauber that highly

longest

reports Rudolf accepted significant

controversial 1 It

(1604-1670). Glauber

now generally most day, of his historically though work still

was among the chemists of value his

practical of the

assessments

scientific

J. Adelung, C. Geschichte der Glauberp see On 1 (Leipzig, 1785) IIp Narrheit 161-192; H. Menschlichen der Chemie (Braunschweig, Beitrge zur Geschichte Kopp, F. Gugel, Kurt Johann Rudolph Glauber: 160-163; 1869)t (Wrzburg, 1604-1670 1955); Erich Werk Pietsch, und Leben Der Mensch, Glauber: Werk und seine Rudolph sein Ojohann Abhandlungen Museum 24 Deutsches und Berichte Zeit', J. R. Partington, 1956,, 1-64; 1, Munich Heft A (1956), (London, II 1961), 341-361; Chemistry NDB VII of History by Katherine the in Ahonen summary excellent and 437-8, the fullest Far away 419-23. and and most V, DSB date life to Glauber's of and work, account objective between pure carefully myth, plausible distinguishing is Arnulf fact, Link, Johann verifiable and speculation Leben (doctoral Werk 1604-1670: Glauber und Rudolph 1993); this Heidelberg, also gives an dissertation, indebted I am deeply to Dr. Link bibliography. excellent his is thesis, copy of a with which not me for supplying in England. obtainable

393

vary

considerably.

Because

of

Moriaen's

personal with value. lost of to the man, his

friendship comments some hint scholars,

and practical on Glauber of the what is are

collaboration of particular irrevocably component of which to

They later

supply

most

essential in the

oral context

alchemical and even

communication, manuscript Though many details obscure. available writings These typically mostly Christoph
Glauber polemical where element fell and Fahrner's of truth

published

material numerous of

was intended monographs personal of

be understood. been remain hitherto written,

on him have history information

Glauber, 's

The principal on his life

source has been

his

own autobiographical form which of are his evidence. scattered work, in were by whom

- a notoriously autobiographical disorganised written in

unreliable fragments, fashion to

throughout accusations and proteg6


thus

response

published with
highly in had at the least to

Fahrner,
out in

an assistant
1654*2 and appear

They'are particularly to

defensive, charges in them,

cases an

have

Glauber'did

not

scruple

See section 2 autobiographical VerthAdigung

(Mainz, 1655); Johann Rud: Glaubers Ehrabschneidung Oder Ehren-Rettung Gegen Christoff Zweyte Apologia, LUgen vnd Ehrabschneidung ] unmenschliche [ Farnern ... 1656), Glauberus Ridivivus [sic] (Frankfurt am Main, Glauberi 1656)1 and Joh. Rudlophl Testimonium (Amsterdam, 1657). There are, however, (Amsterdam, Veritatis in a great many other works, asides biographical Lapidibus tribus Xgnium De secretorum especially 1667). (Amsterdam,

3 of this Glauber's chapter. principal Glauberi Apologia works are J-R. Oder Ugen Farners Gegen Christoff vnd

394

doctor source almost

the

facts

in

order

to

refute

them.

The other about him,

main

has been contemporary all of which were hence

publications by personal partisan the in

written equally

enemies

such

as Fahrner Hartlib's Moriaen, data 1640s

and are

and unreliable. from biographical for of the informal

papers,

especially of lacunae

letters the

supply

a number

so far

available They

on Glauberl are also

particularly a rich source work,

and 1650s.

contemporary the whole

comment gamut from

on the

man and his approval and frank chapter will

covering

enthusiastic scepticism This

through bafflement present to Hartlib of the a to

interested outraged considerable supplement archive reception from Hartlib agendas, defences, sheer Glauber printed are to

comment, condemnation. body the of

new biographical accounts,

evidence on the analysis

extant

and draw

provide of his

a more work in

sophisticated his own age than the of letters

can be gleaned preserved by

sources.

Though

by no means free are they of

partisanship denunciations is supplied

and personal or by the of

neither

public balance

and a measure of sources

variety also

and opinions. interesting of

The case and wellHartlib's subject

provides example network of

a very the

documented information individual.

workings to

as applied

a given

or

395

Glauber's modelled the

life of des

and work

were

both he has 3 forebear in

consciously been described as as

on those

Paracelsus: 17.

'Paracelsus

Jahrhunderti. as his

He wandered before his fifties. though of

restlessly settling Like for

through good

Europe in the

finally

Netherlands in the

Paracelsus, case

he wrote this

vernacular,

in

Glauber's linguistic received of the

was as much a consequence as of wisdom, in principle. as Boyle

limitation academic spagyrists of

He despised was to always complain so He

though

general, of the

he was not non-'academic' observation

sceptical laid great

doctrines

variety. and physical

emphasis

on exact

experiment, expertise, matters. Like controversial continued excessive What both that to

and displayed particularly in

exceptional technological

practical and agricultural

Paracelsus, figure be the

he was a spectacularly during object in his of the lifetime, both uncritical since on, and has praise his and

vilification camps have

centuries agreed

death. is

generally of to

however,

an evaluative of -a is whether question wholly

judgment he is which,

Glauber

depends

on the or a

question chemist chapter,

be seen

as an alchemist in the

as was argued 4 Adelung

previous him a

anachronistic.

thought

der Geschichte Pharmazeutischen Schneidere Wolfgang 3 130, Link, 1972), Glauber, 8. (Weinheim, cit. Chemie summary of assessments of Glauber 4 For an extensive to time 8-13. see Link, his ours, op. cit., from own

396

complete

charlatan,

but by most

he is of his

seen more

far

more biographers.

sympathetically Pietsch calls

recent der

him for

leinen Gugel

ErgrUnder twurde 5 er

chemischen der VAter agrees of precise der

Technologiel; deutschen with

zu einem

Chemie in

Uberhaupt'. seeing

Jan V.

Golinski

Pietsch

Glauber terminology,

as a pioneer 6 but been him as 'a J. R. very

and lucid while practical untidy, praising general


Paul

scientific

Partington, skilled

acknowledging chemist', verbose himself

him to criticises

have

'an

extremely 'too of fond mankind of in

and often and posing in

obscure

author',

as a benefactor 7

and Germany
Walden,

particular'.
other hand,

on the

goes

so

far

as

to

call

him

'den

deutschen as calling as the

Robert

Boyle'.

8 the

This English in

is

about Racine.

as

illuminating Both

Shakespeare leading

can be seen

exponents

their was already but

respective about in

countries

and generations was born) respect of they the

(Glauber

23 when Boyle every Boyle other

same discipline, diametrical a thorough

almost

were with

opposites.

was an aristocrat

is in this an honourable exception own work Link's integrated a much more view of presenting respect, it philosophy and relating natural more fully Glauber's of thought. currents to contemporary 69. 51; Gugel, 5 Pietsch, in the Scientific Revolution: Problems 'Chemistry of 6 Reappraisals of the language and communication', Revolutionj ed. David C. Lindberg and Robert Scientific 1990), 367-396. (Cambridge, Westman s. 11,349,343. Chemistry History of 7A in (ed. Bugge ), GUnther Buch Das der Glauber Entry on 8 (Weinheim, first 1974; I 1929), 153. Chemiker pub. groBen

397

classical enabled science funding.

education, him to without devote being

a man of his time

independent and energy by the in, the

means which to his beloved of class in if his not and

distracted origins were facts with

problem artisan

Glauber's

he was largely autobiographical outright inverted

self-taught, writings snobbery:

he stressed pride

truculent

da ich niemahlen das gern/ Ich gestehe auff drauff Hohen Schulen gewesen/ auch niemahlen ich vieleicht begehrt/ wann solches geschehen/ der Natur/ Erkntnus so ich zu solcher (ohne Rum zu melden) ietzunder besitze/ kommen were: Reuhet mich also gantz nimmermehr ich da die Hand in die von Jugend auff nicht/ die verborgene Kohlen gestecket/ vnd dardurch der Natur erfahren habe. Heimligkeiten Ich habe auch suche niemand zu vertreiben/ darnach Herren getrachtet grosser niemahlen lieber Brodt sondern viel zu essen/ solches durch mein eigen Hand/ neben Betrachtung dieses (ALTERIUS NON SIT QUI SUUS ESSE POTEST) Spruchs 9 Ehrlich zu erwerben.
The motto ('let him belong to no one else who can

belong

to

himself') Glauber of the

is

taken

directly expected to

from

Paracelsus, with his

10 any

a reference knowledge Chemistry living, partly distaste

would

have

a reader recognise. earned

chemical trade

tradition by which both and

was'the partly

Glauber publicly (for all

by teaching, employment fine

and privately, his declared patronage

by seeking for eating

gentlemen's

bread)

Wolfahrt (Amsterdam, Teutschlands I DeB Glauber, 9 1656)p 80. famous the most portrait above It of him, appears jo (1538)l in Pagel, Hirschvogel reproduction Augustin 28. Paracelsus,

by

398

from of

men of

rank,

and partly

by marketing

a whole

range

products,

principally mead and wine medicines.

distillation made from

ovens various

and other fruits, and

equipment, patent

chemical Boyle"s

thought

was exceptionally first

systematic clearly to

and

consequent: and practise experimental and tradition, the word

he was among the a method verification, of what is of

formulate and authority (though implying The

consistent rejecting now called at

scepticism all prior

empiricism the time,

had other if

connotations not outright only the

random insistence the

guesswork

quackery). evidence new, alchemical of

on trusting of nature',

the, senses, been and

flight

was nothing in-medieval in (in about the than his

having

commonplace become followers, What is idea even

already more

writing and his

strident

Paracelsus earlier Boyle central a mere is

especially revolutionary

work) that tenet

Glauber. he followed-the of his tag. His

through

it made and method rather

scientific style (though indeed, criticism is

rhetorical

incomparably at times hardly

more less

organised verbose) coarseness Chymist.

and sophisticated than is 11 Glauber's: singled out for

Glauber's in Boyle's in

frequent

Sceptical

'Preface the Introductory' complaining of those ii instead hath been done trail of arguing, as Late of who Boyle adds the marginal Chymists', by divers in Print in H. their F. books 1G. and and others, and against note (Sceptical Chymist, A5v), thinly disguised a another' one

399

Glauber's spectacularly didact's Gugel

thought unorganised,

and writing,

by contrast, practical

were autoAs

and he had the of theory

defensive points out,

contempt although

and method. his as

he described certificate)

profession

(on his he never Amsterdam were this

second

marriage to

lapothecariust, from the

attempted Collegium

gain

a qualification as practising to 12 do. reflects of Gugel

Medicum, required but it

apothecaries considers same

theoretically surprising, of

probably

the

disapproval establishments English There His is father

monopolies that

and mistrust the

academic of so many 13

characterised to the

attitude of

iatrochemists no documentary was a barber, him to of natural

College about is

Physicians. his education. clear the what

evidence 14 and it philosophy, brain,

not

first

attracted combination practical perhaps taken it, in

though

a quick

lively ambition Thanks substantial and indeed offered

imagination, are the in keen themselves interest out on

dexterity explanation chemistry,

and strong enough. and the

to

sums laid the Emperor

by many German princes 15 few professions to

himself,

such

potential

rewards

Fahrner, Glauber, J. P. Hartprecht, and allusion who (see below). Glauber against wrote also 13. Glauber, 12 Gugel, 'English Medical Reformers Webster of the Puritan 13 cf. to background the "Society A Revolution: of Chymical 16-41; Ambix 14 (1967)t also The Great Physitians"', 250-256. Xnstauration, 65. Ridivivus, 14 Glauberus true but rather II, of Rudolf 15 This was especially II. It has been alleged that less so of Ferdinand

400

for

a gifted of

man without investigator

formal of nature.

training

or

private

means

as that

Boyle, 's thorough all to tradition take nothing

scepticism wisdom until

led

him

to

be chary

of

and received on trust verified. ostensibly his by the scepticism Schools,

from

whatever

source, seen it of in

he had himself like the

experimentally iatrochemists, fact reserved

Glauber, held for the

majority but

same opinion, authorities in 'der the aller

the

sanctioned writers, vnd

investing

Hermetic gel&hrteste 16 and as blind He to unravel in

particularly

Van Helmont, bey

erfahrneste all'his of it in the

Philosophus hero Paracelsus, in his the

seinen a faith

lebezeiten', every cows. bit

above as that

Schoolmen of terms well-nigh

their mission

sacred

portrayed and state Paracelsus's into routes which of

as part plain often

on earth

mysteries impenetrable

embedded

pronouncements, by the parallel His such in his

he had gained meditation in later

unique

insight

and practical years what at least,

experiment. ran to to

methodologyf procedures

as solving

he took

be anagrams

Ferdinand's in himself with was associated court Glauber but this Link 13-14) (Gugel, exposes as 1625-6 (Link, 18). the On conjecture patronage unsubstantiated William B. Ashworth 'The Jr. see German princes, of 1 'Patronage Bruce T. Moran, circlell and and Habsburg in Universities, Academies Courts, and Institutions: in Bruce 1550-17501, T. Moran overview: an Germany; Science, Technology and Institutions: (ed. ), Patronage 1500-1750 (Boydell, Court the European at Medicine and 169-183. 137-167 and 1991),
16 De Tribus Lapidibus, 4.

401

forebear's approach prophetic advance, these of

work, the

in

a manner

distinctly

akin

to

the to the in

chiliasts of the

who applied Bible in in the order

numerology to date

books and his

history of scripture. a

belief

transcendent as theirs evolved

truth in

texts Finally,

was almost while methodology today, Glauber

as fervent thought

Boyle's

towards still

scientific practised the his practical

recognisable in for his which alkalis and fruit of spa waters and mystical labours to of the the old

and indeed age turned now best

away from known -

chemistry on acids, fertilisers effect contemplative his earlier

he is

observations of

and salts, wines, his

his studies instead of

production the to

therapeutic a wholly

- and turned approach, and

depicting mechanical into metals only the

as a superficial true earth, transcendent the spirit experiment. thought could

preliminary secret fires universal

insights of

transmutation which The from serve the as a to though

and the after

animating practical scientific transcendent through previous years a rather

he gained

abandoning of Glauber's to

development merely paradigm 'alchemy' utter

practical of the

the

progression in his the last

'chemistry' chapter, of practical and

suggested in

the

rejection

experimentation idiosyncratic

makes his case.

extreme

402

6: 2 Between of his youth the

Heyday

in

the

Netherlands Wanderjahre in c. 1640,

still

almost move to Court

totally the

obscure

and his a time

Netherlands to

Glauber Georg II

was for of this post

Apothecary in Giessen the

Landgrave He

Hessen-Darmstadt, position remains

and Marburg. 17 it is that 1641.18 come to years his to settle visit. an Why he certain he

occupied left the

by 1635 at entirely by 1640, for

latest. but

unknown, it

he was in married was his untimely earlier servant-19 Amsterdam, He cited wife in

Amsterdam

was there

Helena second end,

Cornelisdottir marriage, according the to

on 20 January first having

This

Glauber, his wife

some two in bed with

when he surprised He had not, but two spite had merely

he claimed, been grounds making for

intended

in

a business taking

compelling of the

on another and cautionary Dutch

previous ill,

unfortunate

experience: food:

he had fallen

and he disliked

bin [ ... ] nach Hollandt wegen einiger da selbsten verreist/ aber wegen geschfften der Lufft Kranck worden/ verenderung vnd weilen ich die Hollandische Kost nicht Dings aller
27. Glauber, Link, 17 29-31; Gugel, Glauber, Glauber, 16. Link, 18 is rather 50 and 65. Ridivivus, Glauber Glauberus 19 details, his the Isind saying of second wife, about vague ich diese ehe gewest/ Iahr nach der ersten verlauffen 2 (Glauberus Ridivivus, 65); this whether Geheurat' means the first its marriage or two years after two years after it indeed (if is was officially annulled) not annulment him bigamy, Fahrner accused of adultery and which clear. but with denied, lack a suspicious he of course of evidence. verifiable

403

ich knnen/ nothwendig vertragen (desto besser wartung Eehestant 20 begeben mussen. An additional by the almost wedding, It friends fact exactly

mich wieder zu haben)

in

and more convincing--incentive that the seven couple's months 21 first after child, the date

is Anna, of

suggested was born

the

on 29 September. may well with have

been It

at is

this the

time first

that time

Glauber both

made

Moriaen. in the

men were

demonstrably with

same place, in

and as two chemistry, it to for

German emigrds is hardly

a pronounced they

interest should have

surprising They to

become known by 1642, year after

one another. on returning

were'certainly in

acquainted September mentioned


not seen

Amsterdam

that to

two that
time. but

months' on account
22 This it is

absence,
of his this first

Moriaen
he had

Van Assche
for the some man,

Glauber of well. point house, to some

surviving he at or that already some lodger

mention knew unspecified in his him

makes to long

obvious Glauber a guest likely between

According spent 23 at and least it 'a

Moriaen, time' very period marriage. as

seems of and the his

thisrefers arrival

Glauber's

in'Amsterdam

65. Ridivivus, Glauberus 2o have been these dates both Though 21 (Dirk 1949 biographers since Glauber's in Jaarboek Amsterdam', Glauber IJ. R. (1949), 1-6). 43 none of Amstelodamum inference. obvious 1642. Sept. 23 N65f, UBA 22

to available Wittop Koning, van het Genootschap them has drawn the

23

No.

91:

Ihab

Ihn

lang

bey mir

im hauB gehabtl.

404

On 9 May 1643, had the in moved into

Moriaen

told in

Van

Assche 24

that This

Glauber was on

a new house 25 and De Tribus is

Amsterdam. the which (ie. house

Elandsgracht, Glauber's from had gave with in

doubtless

house the an

described had

Lapidibus, der expressly account of It with groBe vnd of of Kunst' to

chemist alchemist),

bought who had

a 'Liebhaber it built a grand the

a laboratory. he set

Glauber up ins large here

the

establishment etwaS he claimed,

intention.

performing

Rechtes six

grosse stone

Alchimial

featured, mighty Oefens grosse

outbuildings klein vnd klein

chimneys,

fallerhandt vnterschiedliche (number Among

BlaBbdlget and

and

a staff 26

unspecified) the visitors were from to

labourers

apprentices.

this

impressive-sounding who received Dury's instruction future

public in brother-in-

laboratory metallurgy law Heinrich

Moriaen, Glauber,

27

and

Appelius. to

In assumed about

a letter his friend from

Hartlib in London

of

7 June

1644,

Appelius have heard all

would

already

Glauber

Moriaen: Glauber128 halte aber, sachen schon kan er sich am

furni Philosophici Militates noui jetzt ich haben, geschickt wolte der H wird von H Morian selbiger berichtet sein, wo nicht gnugsam 24 25 26 32-3. 27 28 work. UBA N65g. 31. Glauber, Link, De Tribus Glauber,

Lapidibus,

9; 1644, and

cf.

Link,

Glauber,

Nov. to Van Assche, moriaen identification for See below

UBA N65h. description

of

this

405

gewissesten ohne zweifel Apparently, three weeks

bey ihm erkundigen mehr davon bewust Appelius he sent

[ ... ] dann ihm 29 als mir. for some two ofen't again that seind
not

however, later, at vnd


wohl

was wrong, a copy of

or

'Glauberi

presumably Morian,
mit ihm

Hartlib's Medici/

request, die
30 But

mentioning was von


either

IH

andere

ihm haben,
Hartlib did

zufrieden'.

follow Moriaen Moriaen

up the for did

suggestion two

of

directing to

his three then. that

enquiries years, 31 there between This

to or lends

another not

and a half replying the until

bother to

considerable lapse dates. in

weight Moriaen's

conjecture with

was a these far

relations point on,

Hartlib

From this most took source


tract new

however, figure Appelius in

Glauber the

became

and away the and'Moriaen principal


The Glauber's preserved Philosophici eigenschafften

discussed over of from

correspondence,

as Hartlib's German chemist.


advertisement Appeliusts 'Furni der hand, Noui for is

information
by Appelius

on the
was an in

sent

laboratory. Hartlib's

A copy, papers, oder sonderbaren

among

entitled

Utilitates eines

Beschreibung new

erfundenen

to Hartlib, 28 May/7 June 1644, HP 45/1/6A. 29 Appelius (or if July 1644 2 is using Appelius June possibly 22 30 HP 45/l/8A. old Style), in the Hartlib first mention of Glauber 31 Moriaen's in is 91,7 Feb. 1647, in no. obviously written archive but to to questions, not necessarily specific reply is definitely to Hartlib The which next, Hartlib. and to *was length H supply mein some at sonsten out sets is begehret', Glauberi H wiBen Aug. zu no. 93,27 wegen 1647.

406

Philosophischen gedruckt printed and it bey version is not his it

distillir Broer of IanB. this

ofens

...

ZU Amsterdam No copies to have of of the

Ao 16431.32 pamphlet in any seem

survived, Glauber. by by

mentioned first is

bibliography recorded known 1 to

Pre-dating three him, years, and is

previously the earliest as Appendix

publication piece this of writing

presented

chapter.

In (1646-9), throughout whatsoever worked. terms, could

contrast the

to work

the that the

later was to

Furni

novi

Philosophici name no indication or how it vague products mentioned his from It for it a it

make Glauber's gives

Europe, of

advertisement furnace

how the it

was constructed in deliberately and the is of

instead, the yield. that in amount processes

describes, it could that later

perform only

The fact Glauber's De Tribus of

one oven

suggests laboratory certain be,

description

Lapidibus

had benefited embellishment. one oven research: was at least

retrospective Glauber for his that

may public is clear

however,

that

was using private there

displays from oven

and others

Appeliusts in the

report

one other with an

house. to to 'der visit

The advertisement warheit Glauber to them: vnd

concludes kunst

invitation liebhabern' operations

spagyrischen the [der

and have Isoll er

furnace's Ofen ... ] dem

revealed

had Hartlib Latin translation 63/14/48A-49B HP a 32 * there two for of which circulation, are manuscript made 25/22/lA-4B). (HP 16/8/1A-4B and copies

407

liebhaber the visitor

[ ...

) nicht

gewegert

sein'.

Not, fee.

at

least,

if was more 33

came armed with 30 Imperials to

a suitable furnaces 'ein however, are

Appelius and their

charged basic

see both this

operations: specialised

he thought processes,

leidlich had to revealed

gelt'. be paid in clear

The more for

separately. in of

The sums involved a later letter,

detail that

by Appelius the-charge deal. detailed seventeenth

34 and make it

30 Imperials. them, list these of the

was very documents marvels chemical feature of the

much a budget-class supply on display laboratory. the list is that quite in a a mid-

Between price

century

public striking speaking

A particularly Glauber fire-*, become prices was already probably one of quoted his

of

*secret acid, in later

philosophic which was to The

some highly deepest

corrosive obsessions were what

years. friend35

by Appelius paid -a

he and his

had themselves

fact

of

some significance,

since

to Hartlib, 7 June 1644, Appelius HP 45/1/6A: 33 'man [seine Sachen] leidlich kriegt wol vmb ein sie gelt von 1644, HP 45/1/12A: ihm,,; 13 Aug. 'Glauberus hath his to my Docteur, furnaces communicated et to met. The de la Bod Sylvius, doctor may have been Francis with whom Appelius was familiar at this The charge period. of 30 is specified in Appelius's footnote Imperials to his copy (HP Glauber's 63/14/49B). advertisement of to Hartlib, 6 Nov. 47, HP 45/l/37A-B. Appelius 34 interested to add notes Hartlib enough was of these to his figures copy of the original advertisement: see 1. Appendix this Appelius friend 35 says no more about than that he have It doctor. been the physician may well a was and de le Frangois Bod ('Sylviust) (1614-1672), alchemist was friendly whom Appelius at the time. on Sylvius, with History Partington, 11,281-89. of Chemistry see

408

Appelius with claims the

made not deal.

the

least tends or of at the

mention to verify

of

being

dissatisfied

This

that

Glauber's so to two them

were

genuine, chemists Deliberately is, it is

least

appeared

experienced in person.

day who had though

investigated Glauber's

vague not mere

much of

terminology publicitThe Imperials, eager profitable what total

attention-grabbing

fee about his

mentioned E100. business E100, years

by Had

Appelius Glauber

is had

420 many such

or

customers, one

would it

have

been

a very is an also as or it seems

indeed: a few

may be had was

remembered, considered

Comenius annual the

earlier Glauber his

adequate selling medicines, preserving there were

income. of

doubtless such for

products pesticides, food and

laboratory,

preparations drink, able scale overheads later and and for the

purifying But run to of

like. to

fewboth on and this the

willing the must

expenditure curiosity, The chemist als

satisfaction have the vnd been

their

considerable. as

himself viel

described au8gebens/ Glauber, life senses

enterprise weinig health hardly and of smell dargegen was

,1nichts

geldt Moreover,

einkommenst-36 precarious surprising ranked first

whose is taste

throughout given that the

his the

(which of

among

analytical

apparatus

mid-17th-

36

De Tribus

Lapidibus,

10.

409

century and 1644,

chemistry), Amsterdam

repeatedly air

complained with

that him. reported 3 wochen an

the

damp

noxious Appelius,

disagreed from will reisen,

On 22 July that von

writing Chymicus hinauff

Amsterdam, erst vber vnd sich 37

,'Glauberus hinnen bequemen den ort

der Rein

einen

zu wohnen

niedersetzen'.

All movements dwelt at

that in

has previously the Netherlands in Utrecht the

been is

known

of

Glauber's Amsterdam This incoherent he

that

besides

some point is drawn

and Arnhem. truculently

information Glauberus

from

Ridivivus:

Lufft da-ich zu Amsterdam/ aber die Feuchte knnen/ vnd eine gesundere wohl vertragen nicht ist Lufft vnd Arnheim gesucht/ zu Vtrecht wahr Nahrung [ ... ] habe mich wieder vmb besserer mussen/ aber nach Amsterdam setzen willen zu Leyden gewohnet wie du [Fahrner] niemahlen ich hette daselbsten vnd auffschneitest/ wan Leyden wa wehre es dan gewesen/ gewohnt/ besser vor mich gewesen wehr al ein anderer haben daselbsten Orth/ wer wurde mich verdacht 38 zu wohnen?
Information establish greater Glauber vehemence inevitably the in Hartlib's chronology thanks Moriaen which papers of to and these the make it possible with about the very to much

movements regular news Though a stay he

accuracy, sent with by

Appelius. denied that

Glauber the suspicion

in had

Leiden been there

arouses

to Hartlib, HP 45/1/9A. 37 Appelius does the Rhine not since odd, rather Amsterdam. 65-6. Ridivivus, 38 Glauberus

The phrase run through

is

410

and had reason their suggest


Utrecht briefly before probably none moves. Both Amsterdam of the Pietsch the of

to of

conceal

the

fact, of such the


was the

the

absence tends

from to

reports

any mention fact telling


and least 41

a stay 39
in of

he was in
in from August March

truth.
back end

He moved to

1644,40 to to at

Amsterdam August to 1647

decamping between this sheds

Arnhem.

He returned 1648.42 the reasons

Amsterdam

May and any

August on

Unfortunately, for all these

light

and

Gugel

conclude Glauber

that returned This of is

after to the

leaving service

first of

time,

court

Hessen-Darmstadt. to cite the siege

because by invading

Glauber troops

appears from

Marburg on

Hesse-Kassel,

which

occurred

2 November

takes Glauber Even Gugel, who generally 39 at his word, that fact Glauber of matter at some point a as states (Glauber, in Leiden 17). lived to Hartlib, 22 July 1644, HP 45/1/9A, Appelius 40 in to depart three he planned weeks, and 5 Sept. stating he had arrived there. HP 45/1/13A, saying 1644, that See below, he and no. 93 (27 Aug. ) stating 41 the following to day. Appelius off set also planned imminent departure his (to Hartlib, on 26 Aug. mentioned HP 45/1/33A): in Amsterdam Worsley in late When Benjamin arrived 42 Glauber 1648, was obviously Feb. not there as he was by Worsley (no. 98), but with post communicating letter (HP 45/1/39B) indicates of 2 August Appelius's they contact that were in personal Glauber's and mentions the move from meaning Iverhdusung', probably Arnhem to is there Since no mention of him in Moriaen's Amsterdam. though 99), he knew Hartlib letter to of 28 May 1648 (no. in interested the progress deeply be of Worsley's it likely Glauber, the seems with move had not contacts details For Worsley's happened. of visit and yet Chapter Glauber, seven, see 1 and with sections contacts 2..

411

1645, Link

as his points of
his

reason

for

leaving does is not

this

employment. Glauber's with


in

But

as

43 this out. the


first

add up. together


Writing

account
tale of

episode
wife's

jumbled
adultery.

the
1656,

lurid
he

declared

that

ich vor etlichen Iahren [ie. before vnd Zwanzig in [ ... ] bin 1636] zu Giesen ein Weib genohmen Hoff-Reich Apotecken die Frstliche selbe zu [ ] nachdem worden erfordert aber versehen ... Hessen Darmbstadt Cassel/ Hessen mit einen Kriegs Macht Krieg mit vnd Marpurg anfangen/ ist verendert alles vnd wer nehmen wollen/ in hatt/ salvirt sich sicherung wie ich gekonnt den dan also von dannen mich nach Franckfurt Hern Rein herunter nach Bon zu meinem Gndigen ] begeben/ II [= Georg of Hessen-Darmstadt? vnd Weib von Giesen/ in wehrender obgedachtes zeit in bey meinem damaligen Kammer/ meiner einmal in Ehebruch [ ] bin Diener erdappt nach ... darnach Iahr fall vbers erst nach solchem 44 ] [emphasis [ Hollandt verreist added]. ... The passage a year thus seems to place the first siege move three and of to Marburg the

(1645)

before (1640).

Glauber's Link

Netherlands explanations. at war since

suggests

possible had the was 1645. and dieser aus 45 Or by been

Hessen-Darmstadt 1618, to and it is

Hesse-Kassel that by Glauber siege of

conceivable

military indeed Glauber's far the

threat merely

Marburg not

mentioned the been actual at

a threat,

memory most likely, die fr

may have it

fault. Glauber

Thirdly mit

may be Grnde

IdaB fr

Darstellung den 43 44 45 Diensten

wahren den

sein

Ausscheiden wolltet,

Landgrafen

verschleiern

29-30. Glauber, Ridivivus, Glauberus 30. Glauber, Link,

65.

412

As will piece of

be shown below, deliberate


and Pietsch

this

would

not in

make it his

the

only

misinformation
also both

autobiography.
Glauber was back

Gugel

assume

in

Amsterdam

by 1646, Furni referred that be in sent to - or

on the novi to 46

grounds philosophici

that I

his

first

major

published tinctura appeared necessary He could either

works, (often there to have direct

and De auri

as De auro It to was not, have

potabili), however, printed Utrecht, associate being


1646, Appelius

year.

Amsterdam or brought printer in


I

works

there.

them

over

from old

the to

- Moriaen's Amsterdam,
out by

Hans Fabel
obvious shortly

friends
Book by

Moriaen

an

candidate. to be followed

was

September 47

De Auri

tinctura.

told that

Dury

that

'the

Author to write

protesteth nothing fallacie,

by his but what not a turn yet to early

friends, hee hath, what of in he hath phrase Amsterdam he

hee intendeth daily or

and yet observed strongly to

can doe without lighted upon that in settle

by chance"48 Glauber person. there

suggesting protesting way to

was not According again in

do the

Moriaen, February

was on his

Auro Potabili Tinctura (Amsterdam, Vero De Auri sive 46 form title De Auri Tinctura the short avoids 1646): later de the Tractatus Medicina with confusion Potabili (Amsterdam, Auro Vero 1657). sive universali, 1646, to ?, 13 Sept. HP 45/l/25A. De Auri Appelius 47 therefore, as Partington states was not, Tinctura 11,344), Glauber's first (History of chemistry, been narrowly having by Furni proceeded work, published I. novi

48

Appelius

to

Dury,

16 Oct.

1646,

HP 45/1/28A.

413

1647. -49 accords statement a lapse It Moriaen's resumed, Glauber

Appelius well that of with

reported this;

his Moriaen's

arrival

in

March, 50 which later

own considerably May probably

he had arrived 51

in

represents

memory. just

was at regular and it were

this

juncture,

it with his

seems, Hartlib relations to

that was with give lengthy

correspondence is obvious close. about experience. that

now very details

He was able Glauber's Though various only in

and accurate based Furni able that 52 8). (ieto

furnaces, part One of he was of Four the ovens

on personal Novi to give to

Philosophici detailed

had appeared and accurate in to Part of parts set

print,

accounts Two to up the in

were

be described he planned in

(1647oven' and

Indeed, the

'second his

one described for the is this it lodgings the

Two)

own house medicines, 53

use

it

production

chemical as to effect. not only in of

though actually

there put

no firm proposal

evidence into that his

whether

he

moreover, the odilia chemist were

emerges at

had Moriaen

given

house Of two

Amsterdam, Glauber's

he and

godparents

No. 9149 Appelius 50 45/1/38A. No. 93. 51 No. 93. 52 No. 91. 53

to

Hartlib,

23 March/2

April

1647,

HP

414

children.

54

This

bears of both

witness men,

to since

the

remarkable Glauber It is was, barely the more was

latitudinarianism nominally conceivable irrelevant that his found with most and he was allegiances himself people convincing really no quite bones of in at least, Moriaen charges

a Roman was later

Catholic. of against of set to this.

unaware laid in

One of him by

Fahrner altering

a hypocrite to at suit the

matters

religion, of

whatever time and This

circumstances himself of

he

ingratiate one

influence. and bold about coherent

elicited

Glauber's a fine religion. Lutheran

refutations, of non-sectarian

indeed

defence having nor

He made and

attended about having

Catholic, had some

Calvinist

churches, Catholic

of he

his

children had, seeing Catholic, he

baptised said, either but

and

others

Evangelical: was more

simply as

done

whichever valid.

convenient, himself a

equally out

He considered the Lord

pointed

that

Orthen Kompt alle autrucklich sagt/ an vielen ihr die vnd beladen muheseelig seit/ zu mir/ ich will Vnd ist Christus euch erquicken/ etc. fr die Catholische/ fr alle vnd nicht allein Arminianische Luterische/ etc. sondern auch fr Turcken Iuden/ vnd Heyden vollkomlich alle 55 ihnen den Himmel vnd erworben. gestorben/ If Glauber hardly really have had been published playing the Vicar of Bray, he

would

a declaration

so calculated

the to be take I sense of no. 91: 'hab C... ] Mit This 54 ihme der 2 Kinder tauffe hauBfrau auB gehoben' meiner the it that Moriaens themselves were means unless baptisms. unofficial conducting 79. Ridivivus, 55 Glauberus

415

to

offend

all

the

established more like

Christian

orthodoxies, or very any a much of

which

makes him or

sound at

a Behmenist thinker

Collegiant, Moriaen's

any rate than

a free

own stamp,

a kow-tower'to

denominational The evident however, friend. Glauber's follow Laterp his this

authority. closeness of their relationship admirer of did his on or not,

make Moriaen Already inability experiments inconstancy to at

an uncritical this to stage

he was commenting on a given a definite would

concentrate through of to

subject conclusion.

purpose

be a source he always 'Ihm

of

continual-annoyance that Natur feature habit of Glauber ein of

Moriaen,

though

stressed in der One

was genuinely liecht inconstancy, uprooting returning after

talented auffgangen

and that ist' (no.

zimblich that

179).

as Moriaen himself to his

saw it, and setting instead. arrival his leave

was his off It in the and for was

constantly but then

Germany, in 1650,

Amsterdam first took

a full that for his

decade

Netherlands, departed

Glauber native
*****

finally country.

6: 3 as 1644, homeland.

Flight Glauber

into

Germiny hankering move to intended to Utrecht to go to

As early return that to year, his

had been his he had

Reporting that

Appelius

stated

416

Germany

but

was prevented

by the

continuing

state

of

56 war.
intended

Again

when he moved to Arnhem in


first leg of a journey

1647,

it

was

as the

home:

in higher, Germ;any, & set up he would faine goe their maintaine such workes whereby he might [ ... ) so that hee his family most liberally is [le. for] only waiting onely peace expects in Germany for this Country agrees not with his 57 nature. This his is one of the reasons. to Glauber in himself 1650: that later gave for to

eventual

return

Germany after most

he wished

see his

homeland 58 that for to

again Even his this his

peace

had been biographers and that collapse Moriaen's the the

established. have real assumed reason

sympathetic an excuse

was merely

departure his

was a financial 59 it However, was in almost claimed in fact

and a bid

escape

creditors. suggests problems Glauber of his

and Appelius's truth, the albeit immediate in the

evidence financial impulse. selling

were also

certainly he was his of the

cheated laboratory furnishings, campaign perhaps

house

Amsterdam, sold year 60 as part legal This from

equipment and that to reclaim for

being it his his

wrongfully took

him a two possessions. to

lawful return

accounts

Amsterdam

Arnhem

to Hartlib, Appelius 56 to Hartlib, Appelius 57 in no. report Moriaen's identical. Ridivivus, Glauberus 58 Ridivivus,

5 Sept. 1644 HP 45/1/13A. 26 Aug. 1647F HP 45/1/33A. is almost 93 (27 Aug. 1647) 70.

'Diese 19: Glauber, Gugel, Eg. 59 Mann gerne verziehen! leidgeprdften


60 Glauberus 12.

Besch6nigung '

sei

dem

417

in

1648 and the

fact

that

instead intended until

of

proceeding not, years in

to the the

Germany event, signing It whether that of

as he initially leave of the the

he did two

Netherlands of

after

Peace

Westphalia. been move in has, that possible the to

has not Glauber 1651.

previously made his The latter grounds in

establish of 1650 or been was

spring

reasonably Glauber's But or thath

enough,

favoured, baptised place Worsley hee thinks planned


so he

on the in

son Alexander Moriaen's 1650. letters

Amsterdam

1651.61 in March

the

move squarely that

April

He told all He (or


had go to

on 4 March to initially
told Moriaen), the 63 on previous However, north-east

Glauber

now finished to leave.

doe heerel to

and was preparing as far


or

go only
to

as the
Wesel.

Rhineland
62 Brun to and of the for time by by in way the of Lower end

Duisburg that

reported Cologne. plunged Saxony, April. 64

year he to

he was his the

planning plans heart by

soon

changed in

Bremen, him in off south

where

Moriaen

thought there he set

settled 65 but some time, living

of

He was-still reasons months, to

july, again this

unexplained next two

heading

Frankfurt

Wertheim,

where

he was

7 October

Koning, Wittop 61 24; Link, Glauber, No. 107. 62 Brun to Hartlib, 63 No. 113. 64 No. 114. 65

'Glauber Glauber, 13 June

in Amsterdam', 35. 1649,

2;

Gugel,

HP 39/2/9B.

418

1650,66 or that barely letters constantly wanted circuit extremes. an attempt on to the

though

still

considering Glauber's was without was plans. homeland of

a move account a piece, the of 67

back this which of and

to

Frankfurt

NUrnberg. whole journey even it

implies would Moriaen's starts, have such a to is of be

credible to prove revised to see his be

evidence of fits

a matter

He may well again, but

genuinely to for plan scenic bizarre one or hand

would

taking

a preference motivation for on

routes route and

A likelier to shake off

the the

creditors hopes of

repeatedly opportunities Glauber Amsterdam court he was had safe case

frustrated on the

employment

business

other. that, escape Fahrner alone that by the reason boat journey to his far from creditors (very to plausibly) check that found Bremen, together. doubt Glauber's reveal at the that latest, for the 70 it from 68

also in for secret

claimed to as on

sneaking and

out

of

a pending charged, the route he

debt, gone his to the Link 69 Bremen

merely for them

ahead and him of no

family, follow rest sees But in

having to

was,

summoned they the in

where Even word

completed cautious, this matter.

Moriaen's September was still

letters 1650 in

Glauber-left whereas Helena

Glauber

Amsterdam

66 67 68 69 70

No. 118. Ridivivus, Glauberus 67. Ibid., 35. Glauber, Link, No. 118.

67-8.

419

baptism and the but

of

her

son the

following did the

year. join is him

When and how she is not fiction. known,

children

eventually version of possible this

Glauber's There are

story reasons

pure

two with that for

why Glauber The first wife off is

should to gloss

have over mother for

bothered the to fact fend

invention. a pregnant and fend of

he left herself, better part

and nursing the If, creditors, that lies is, the

at

least

the

a year.

Helena second already draw for son. reveal place.


not in

was pregnant likely in this reason. book, to nine

when he left: Having Glauber fact at that least

and herein to

admitted doubtless

one cuckolding not seen birth does wish his of not took did
it odds is

did

to wife 'his'

attention a good

the

he had not before the

months

The available when in If


fact he

evidence

unfortunately Glauber's January,


until child's

1651 Alexander in was early

baptism

it

and if
early father, April

Glauber
1650, but explain the

leave was

Amsterdam indeed the This

possible are not

favourable. apparently marriage, have cast

would

also remark,

help in her if

Glauber's his would any first not children

gratuitous that his 71 in first The wife led spite

the

story he had

of

of off

treachery they perhaps This

wife comment than

had

living. to the

was first.

more piece a year

relevant of

second has

the to be

disinformation

Gugel

consistently

71

Glauberus

Ridivivus,

52.

420

out until

in

his his

datings final

of return have

Glauber's to left

movements in until

from

this

point he

Amsterdam Bremen

1656, after

since

assumes Alexander's In

he cannot birth. Wertheim,

he rented laboratorium

a large [ ...

house

and set

up a

new loffentlich metallorum mine, this


the

I transmutationem about It to
72 must

publice nature that


universal for these

zu docirn', of which is

and set not clear.

exploiting was also at

the

juncture
fabled

he started
solvent, new projects,

claiming
alcahest. which was had funden 118).

have
The have

discovered
initial

funding represented the prince

a considerable whose ein darob patronage

outlay, Glauber

presumably attracted: vnd mit

down 'hatt einem

to

sonsten fursten

Bergwerkh verglichent

daselbsten (no.

This Sch6nborn, Mainz though associated specifically whom he the

was

almost

certainly and Archbishop

Johann of to been the

Philipp the west that

Von City of

Elector hundred not

Imperial of

(some it

kilometres previously

Wertheim), Glauber was Glauber from for (if I to

has with

known on

him

this

early. Johann

13 June as his in 73

1651, patron,

mentioned expected of ascribing to

Philipp

an unspecified an unspecified no. 122 to

advantage secret. Moriaen)

exchange Moriaen

revelation in

am right post No.

took

Glauber

72 73

script 122.

no.

118

(7

Oct.

1650).

421

mean a privilege after from was the wine lees.


und einen which he

for patent

his for

books, his

but

it of this

may be what extracting in


wie

he was tartar

process

He later
Wahrhafftige guten

described

his
man au soll According for the den

Grndliche Weinhefen (1654),, to this

Beschreibung [ the ...

Weinstein to

] extrahiren 74

dedicated he

Elector. a privilege

dedication, from Johann

received in

process

Philipp

1652.75

Faced
took on two these

with

this

large
as to

and diverse

work-load,

Glauber
76 apparently to the to

students was some sent of

apprentices-cum-assistants. Holstein on business, or

One of to

display there.

Glauber's supposed but

products to failed was some deliver to

processes some

court Moriaen

He was way

alcahest Glauber treachery

on his

back,

do

so. of

immediately involved. a highly developed Glauber children 77

concluded He was,

there probably nature,

sort

with which

some in later

justification, years neurosis bribing in gangs his at

of

suspicious into started to reveal

something imagining his

approaching his secrets, enemies or

full-blown to be

lurking

dedication the translation of and the English An 74 is to be found book the at HP 55/17/lA-4B. of beginning 'I have attended yr submissively 55/17/4A: HP 75 for the space 2 yeares, for favour of yr gratious leave Electorall Priveledge imparting or of a gratious drawe the tartar molestation out I without might that Electorall favour did The yr which the wynelees, from (20 March 1654). vnto' consent and permitt gratioUS1Y their basing 20; Gugel, accounts 35-6; on Link, 76 122. 68; no. Ridivivus, cf. Glauberus No. 122. 77

422

street allowing

corners for

in the

the wild

hope

of

killing

78 him. habitual Glauber's speed

Even in outbursts, and quite

overstatements polemic, some of at great

seventeenth-century evidently written or

dictated

extemporaneously, unhinged. against assistant of with the

sound

genuinely impressive who at

and alarmingly is the diatribe worked as one

Particularly one Anton Nissen, for

some point

and copyist students master Fahrner. into the in

GlauberJ79 In

and was perhaps he fell with out the

question.

any case himself

the

and later A propos following:

associated nothing,

detested launches

Glauber

abruptly

hastu du Gottloser Vogel/ Nissen ANtoni mir da du leidts angethan/ genug al das nicht jenige/ gegen so du bey mir gesehen/ alles ohne mein wissen vnd andern versprechen/ dich Verkaufft/ zu meinem schaden zu willen/ Feinden zu den andern von den einen meinen ja thun/ zu gar nach Leib schaden vnd gemacht [ ] fahr hin den Leben getrachtet nur an ... dein bsen Mrderischen Galgen all zu/ mit 80 Gesellschaft vnd Bruderschafft.

Despite seemed Elector, This the

the

quarrels placed

with in

his

apprentices, in favour

Glauber with the

comfortably his mine too, the

Wertheim, laboratory was. soon

and public howevert

flourishing. to sold Schreck, Lapidibus, is a good be disrupted, it to who passim. deal a as

situation owner of

house

he was renting apt name of

returning

soldier

by the

Ridivivus 78 Glauberus 102. Glauber, 79 Link, Ridivivus, 80 Giauberus in the same vein. more

and De Tribus 92,95.

There

423

promptly relatively sphere of

evicted nearby influence to wine

him.

Glauber

moved this within himself

time the more

to

the

Kitzingen

- still

Elector's

devoted and enterprises of tartar practice,

exclusively improving Here later

his

manufacturing from for accepting wine which only

and lees. (or 81 so he

and extracting

he also claimed)

had a medical

he made no charge, which in

voluntary poor. 82

donations He remained another parts Miraculum (1654) of

he distributed Kitzingen for

among the some three in June

local

years, and 83

producing publishing part 1 of

daughter, 2 and 3 of Mundi and the

Johanna, Operis

1653, (1652),

Mineralis part 1 of

(1653). GrUndliche

Pharmacopoea

Spagyx'ica Beschreibung Gugel gift well but if to for the

und wahrhafftige

1654 mentioned this last

above. work as Glauber's that parting him goes,

describes Elector

and the This first what

district may be true

had treated as it

some years. it so is the

as far of

of

many examples to be of this

Glauber's to

offering him. torrent

as a gift The explicit of

had ceased behind

any use

motivation was to

and the the

ensuing of

publications

forestall

attempts

Glauber, 36-7. Link, Gugell Glauber, 43,, cf. No. and 81 late but 1652/early 1653, the dates move Gugel 21. leave the to June 1651 (no. decided had at end of Glauber his his yet about mind again changing and after 122), initially to have been Hanau was destination, which next had to Mainz), by (both arrived closer much Frankfurt or (no. 123). 1651 September 8 48. Ridivivus, Glauberus 82 the before by April 1651 had move, 1 appeared Part 83 121). (see no.

424

his what

estranged

assistant from

Christoph Glauber
soon took secrecy. duped and had then him

Fahrner as his
after on

to

pass

off

he had learned
Glauber had in met

own work.
his as arrival a trainee later to do so. to vinegar him wan du no mir other glauben in had work reveal in and

Fahrner and of

Kitzingen assistant, claimed the

mid-1651, a vow

him 84

under that

Fahrner promising to on

Glauber

had Stone he

by

Philosophers' maintained schnaps and than wine

refusing Fahrner

Glauber on his

taken tartar and welchem beyde

only

production, improvement, Imit [ ... ] wir

extraction, promised stuck al

making secrets

these,

gehalten-hAttest kurtzen never welchen This report that [hdtten] offered ich 'in nicht does

vnsere k6nnent: StUck oder

Kinder he

reichlich Metallicis habe

versorgen ein guth

zu weisen/ wollen'. 85

zeugen

konnen

not

chime not had

very only

well claimed it

with to

Moriaen's understand in is had

earlier

Glauber but

transmutation must faithful be doubted

taught

publicly report Glauber

Wertheim. an told entirely him -

It

whether

Moriaen's of what

representation

or

of the agreement are in some doubt. 84 The exact details (1656) in his Ehrenrettung he cited a contract Fahrner half his entire drawn up offering had himself worldly it is but this surety, not certain as was possessions 22-5, See Gugel, Link, 39-42, for and ratified. ever difficulty (p. in Gugel's 25) fuller accounts. in doing Glauber Kitzingen this was what at understanding by the foregoing reanalysis of the time is resolved chronology. 15. Ridivivus, 85 Glauberus

425

indeed faithful Glauber

whether

what

Glauber of

had told what

him was an entirely was doing. offering the the transmutation most to sacred be made the of If

representation really to this was, the

Glauber stated, in of

as Moriaen general public

instruction metals, alchemical available world paradise likelier public results explaining supposed (to which itself

represents taboo. The

a breaking 'great work' or not

was not at least

to

all

and sundry,

until

had been

transmuted

into

a terrestrial It as in seems his earlier the

by direct that what

divine Glauber in

intervention. was doing,

laboratory of his the results

Amsterdam, to the

was demonstrating public rather and that art of than these

methods methods

themselves, the in

now included laid claim

transmutation Novi

he had not

Furni

utilitates).
Gugel believed selbst selbst gelungen'. own to hat sei in [ asserts the ... somewhat possibility ] wiederholt eine However, solche while prowess charge precisely Wertheim defensively of transmutation, hingewiesen, that though 'Glauber ihm he

darauf

nie 86

alchimistische Glauber when it did suited -,

Verwandlung indeed him he deny as his here,

transmutational make Fahrner's claimed of the

appear the

absurd opposite.

also Not only other in

repeatedly the account

laboratory,

but

in

86

Gugel,

Glauber,

8.

426

reports claims into

from

1657 and 1659, that the

Moriaen

passed turn

on unequivocal base metals himself

by Glauber gold: 87 in

he could case,

indeed indeed,

latter

Moriaen

believed

he had seen to

him do so. not even only did Glauber treatments failures withold were they had

According his alchemical

Fahrner,

secrets, Glauber were the

his that of

wine any

valueless. encountered What truth impossible almost

countered result either

Fahrner's account it

incompetence. is now largely sides are

there to

was in

determine.

The polemics

on both

exclusively

ad hominem accused matters, Fahrner uxoricide. of 88

and obviously Glauber of

wildly being a time-

exaggerated. server Glauber facial in

Fahrner religious

an adulterer everything from

and a bigamist; inadequate

accused hair to

Whatever clear the also, to do that secrets as

the Fahrner he had

full did

facts indeed

behind set

the about

dispute, selling Whether former since claiming

it some he

is of

learned

from incited

Glauber. other but charge,

Glauber is not

claimed, not

employees

likewise did offered made

verifiable, the main

Fahrner only than was a that

himself he had

deny his

knowledge it seems

to certain

far

fewer the

people

Glauber

out,

accusation

1657), translation and a Latin No. 164 (5 Oct. 87 of 20 July 1659, to Hartlib, copies letter at HP 16/1/15A16B and 17A-18B. 74,49,501 Ridivivus, 21 and 52 Glauberus 88 respectively.

427

substantially moved him to account from is

true. go to

89 press

This with

treachery, all for his the picture the elsewhere. art for it

Glauber knowledge. fact of

claimed, The far

the

more convincing an over-sanctified

that, Glauber

painting it

himself, motivation enjoy could would all at not

frankly he laid the profit

contradicts claim of to his

purely If himself, public,

philanthropic he was not he said, that to he

least

ensure,

by making

Fahrner

do so either:

da gantze Invention Menschliche durch welche bey Geschlacht/ ergetzlichkeit vnd labe/ groe ich werden/ Alten erlangen welches vnd Krancken gethan/ wan es der Gottloser nicht vielleicht durch Vntreu Lgen vnd Farner seine nicht hette/ Schmeheschrifften/ von mir augetrieben Lohn bekommen wie Iudas Farner einen aber wirdt 90 Ischariot.

Starting

with

the

GrUndliche in

und wahrhafftige some detail the process even to

Beschreibung, Glauber confide following of what stated to

exposing

he had originally works all flooded

contractually from to steal his pen

agreed in to 91 the

Fahrner, years,

purporting to

make a gift for himself.

mankind

Fahrner at least

had tried found this

Moriaen credible,

self-projection the quarrel

entirely reflected

and though

he thought

41, esp. n. 1681 citing Glauber's APOlogia 89 See Link, Ehrenrettung (1656). 19-30, 44. and Fahrner's (1655), 99. Ridivivus, go Glauberus four works explicitly Besides writing against 91 his subsequent Glauber all peppered publications Fahrner, him denunciations on attacks and of parenthetical with Ldgen'. his 'Farnerischen

428

badly world

on both in

parties,

he believed,

it

would to

benefit publish.
but

the 92

general

by encouraging
left Kitzingen publishing in the

Glauber,
is

When Glauber probably wahrhafftige grounds his had for soon after

uncertain, und as

it

was

GrUndliche 1654. local

Beschreibung leaving and to ich under use that the violence

He gave distillers, of their

his envious of

success resolved daS in

influence against mit m6chte/ an ein move einen [ ...

own produce, tweilen ich dan

him:

gesehen/ p6itzen getrachtet it was

leichtlich kommen meinigen during health, and

hauffen ] habe Orth he ich zu

Trunckenen

action die

sicher that in by

bringen'. another from to Boyle:

93

perhaps to to his

this

suffered letter latter

setback Moriaen

reported mentioned

a lost the

Hartlib

that he Mr. Horian again of Glauber, writes fall from a waggon, hath had a very dangerous if the fever blood, and prevail much spitting for his life; which I pray upon him he fears for giving God may be yet continued many good to the studiers hints 64 at least of nature and arts. He then spent to some time leave, in Frankfurt for am Main, fear of which being he

was forced

he claimed,

No. 152. 92 71. Ridivivus, Glauberus 93 15 May 1654, Boyle, to Boyle, Works VI, 91. Hartlib 94 is what Hartlib misleading: meant was The punctuation if life his Glauber that was spared,, would give surely if full to the students least, revelations, not hints at the Gugel gives misleading arts. and of nature incident in Amsterdam this that occurred impression after 27). 1660 (Glauber,

429

murdered thohen cologne.

by Fahrner's fdrstlichen 96 In of this

cronies. Personent instance,

95

Next,

he worked in

for near

as an assayer Moriaen's

mines

letters

provide which in

confirmation have previously

Glauber's been the that

own published only by evidence 'hohen

statements, for his stay

Cologne, Glauber correlating Glauber mid-1655; moving another Hartlib's back this into time to

and suggest meant the

fUrstlichen Link

Personent by

Elector

himself.

concludes, that

Fahrner's spent about

and Glauber's a year however, in

accounts, from

Frankfurt,

mid-1654 brink of

to

Moriaen, Cologne

said

he was on the This

in

October period

1654.97 of shed Glauber's

remains life, on which He comes in 1656,

very

obscure

papers focus for

otherwise with his

no new light. to Amsterdam

return

good.
*****

6: 4

Last

Years

in

Amsterdam in

In

Glauberus

Ridivivus,

published

1656,

Glauber

declared statement kept that -

- somewhat elsewhere was to

paradoxically in the

in

view that

of

his he

same book Fahrner's

one reason intentions

moving

escape

murderous

Glauberus 95 4. Glauberus 96 No. 141: 97 kommen Clln

RidiViVus,

105,

and

see

Link#

Glauber,

43-

82; cf. RidivivUs, no. 141. tages fr 'Er dann erstes seine mu zu dem Churfrsten'.

person

nach

430

zu Amsterdam vnd wohne nun bin ich allhier der Keysers Grafft/ Ort/ an einem bekanten in keinem Winckel/ hastu [Fahrner] oder ein so komb hieher etwas zu sagen/ vnd anderer [slc] vnd antwort es/ werde dir redt geben.
Here he continued aurum claimed also working potabile, he unn6tig und warheit could on with transmute zue his celebrated which all according metals, als 164). and

auff vnd thun 98

much to Moriaen ohne die was

discussed he nuz now und

laber allein It

darzue zue

gebrauchen (no. medicine. with profitable convert

moglichkeit alsop more

beweisen'

importantly, apparently Potentially

a universal successfully, even invented proudest sulphate, used in more

He also a salt based a salt

experimented, fertiliser-99 method into he salt

were common Isal this though

claimed petre, This salt' 100

to

have his

to

and

achievement, known medicine, are of the in rather to

mirabile'. 'Glauber's claims dramatic. had already that made It

is and it

sodium still its

day the

as

for is

by possibly to

discoverer the basis discovered

more he for he

alcahest 1650,101

claimed

have

affirmed

[ 1 solvirt von welcher radicaler ... ich solution ein gro wunderbahren 102 knde.

die Metallen nicht allein mein sal mirabile ja die kohlen Beine und steine alle sondern kein durch corrosiv sonsten zue solvirn, welche
Buch machen

98 99 100 101 102

Ridivivus, Glauberus 169 and 174. Nos. No. 162. No. 118 * De Natura Glauber,,

11-12.

Salium,

94.

431

The excitement illustrated hurried once to

engendered by Moriaen's

by such pouncing

ideas on this

is

well passage it after at a

inspection Hartlib. for 103

of

the

work

and communicating

Plans were to

Moriaen being in

to

visit

Glauber, after the

or

vice

versa, return

constantly Netherlands

renewed 1656, the in

latter's

the

but

were ill

repeatedly health, or by bad that

frustrated weather. Glauber quite where the 104

by one or Indeed, mit

other's July 1658,

Moriaen

reported though

#will unclear: Moriaen

gewalt

aus Amsterdam', to him move once

why is Arnhem, from

he planned had found appears to

again

to

a Igelegenheitt, of

which accommodation

context than

mean an offer 105 The letter

rather short

employment. but in

is

disappointingly came of the

on detail,

any case

nothing

proposal.
Glauber at least by was 1659 part managed of 1659 evidently he had yet and soon again part to to thriving set private. in 106 told up once a new Moriaen the summer Another Hartlib: and more, for

laboratory, finally autumn visitor

public two in visits

Amsterdam this. who

order was

inspect

that

summer

Kretschmar,

103 out 104 105 106

J. R. Partington also singles No. 182. (A History of Chemistry for quotation 182. 156,169,174p Nos. No. 188. four. Two, section See Chapter

the passage 11,355).

432

Laboratorium & Secretum Herrn Glaubers publicum ist freunde angangen, und sind viel nun hier der gute alte be: ihm, insonderheit H joh Morian von Arnheimb; mit welchem ich etliche logiret [ ] be: V H. gewesen zusammen mahl ... im hause, Glaubern und wird vielleicht, selber H. ein mehrers, Meinem hochgeehrten al ich, 107 dingen berschreiben. von H. Glaubers Both described French Chevalier who, Glauber in scholar himself and his in a letter to new laboratory from the were travelling Bautru, Sorbibre, scientific chemist and

some detail

Samuel. de Sorbibre dated out, 13 July

Monsieur

de Sbgre, points

1660.108 in

as Gugel

was no novice both passage

matters, his

was greatly After contempt Parendar le visions (I ... serve

impressed a long for Iles

by the

equipment.

expressing l'Alkaest, le

haughty le

rationalist Zenda, J'Ylech, autres d6bitent' fraternity Glauber:

Panac6es,

l'Archaec, le

1'Enspagoycum, Turban, 1'Ens et ses

Nostoch, et nous and his absolve les

Trarame,

Tagastricum, confrbres Van Helmont to

que Van Helmont and the up to other us'),

visions

109 he was careful

je ne prdtends Monsieur, Par tout ce discours, Glauber, offencer ny aucun de ceux qui point comme luy la main A la paste, mettent ausquels je voudrois donner courage [ ... ] Ii plustost to Hartlib, Duryl Clodius Kretschmar 107 1 and Brereton, Aug. 1659, HP 26/64/3B. lettres de Mr. de Sorbibre In Relations, et discours jo8 (Paris, 1660), diverses matibres curieuses and rather sur in 'Drie P. J. Blok, Brieven van Samuel accessibly more in den Toestand Holland 16601, van over Sorbibre het Nededeelingen Historische van en Bijdragen 1-89; 22 (1901), to Glauber passage relating Genootschap 74-89. 'Drie Brieven 79. Blok, van Samuel Sorbibref, 109

433

est sans doute noble de tous

le

plus

excellent

ou le

plus

to do I intend Sir, (By none of this speech, him, insult Glauber, nor any of those who, like the hand to their work, and whom I should set is He the most undoubtedly encourage. rather them'all)*110 the noblest of or excellent Indeed, Sorbibre, inclined so well-appointed for to all think in his was Glauber's scepticism have about 11 mastered it laboratory alchemy, the and his in in such was of that

he must order to

secret large fine

transmutation family (eight But fSon


of

maintain time)

children is parut

by this

style. account: age to


ten

there

a telling

detail ('we

Sorbibre's his
least

Age nous

de 66 ans'
111 In fact,

thought
he was at

be

about

66 years').

years

younger

than

that.

112

The years

of handling were taking way

assorted their toll,

poisonous

and corrosive health

materials

and Glauber's Serrarius very


for he

was soon to give him in in February

completely. 'found
life rest

visited sick,

1662 and way for


of the

him yet
thoug of his not life.

though
health. bedridden.

a recovering
For much to

perfect was

tI13

According

another

travelling
visited him

French
in

scholart
he Ine

Balthasar
travaille

de Monconys?
plus, & n1a

who
point

1663,

110 ill

Ibid., Ibid.,

80-81. 81.

that Glauber Gugel statesmysteriously was lum 6-8 112 than Sorbibre The exact date of supposed. Jahre jUnger' is it known, but not visit was evidently Sorbibre's some 1660, so Glauber have been over July cannot time before 56. to 3 Feb. Hartlib, 1662, HP 7/98/1B. serrarius 113

434

de fourneauxt In

('no

longer what

works, remained

and has of his

no ovens'). library of his and

114

1668 he offered for sale, which

laboratory

producing 'nun [ ... mehr

a catalogue aber

books

and equipment, ldnger billiges that since It von

man dehren

nicht gegen ein

n6then

hat/

] den begehrenden 115 It appears of

Uberlassen Monconys the

werden'. the

from

this decline,

overstated

extent sixteen however, entirely

Glauber's

catalogue

includes certain, him almost work. he managed released

ovens that from

and stills. Glauber's further

does

seem fairly prevented laboratory

health practical

Nonetheless, before a very produce his being trying finally

in

his

last what

eight must in the

years,, have become 1670, of to

from

and dispiriting eleven terms percent these of bulk 116 are of But of his than of works

existence besides of total

March

a further In forty

catalogue this though

effects.

numbers of all his

titles output,

represents should in and that

it

be said terms

short

single-volume for only a they

works, half

content they

account still

proportion.

represent and though earlier

significant received less

section attention

work, his

have on ii

productions de H. Monconys

Balthasar 114 1695), (Paris,

de Monconys, Les Voyages 353, dated 28 Aug. 1663.

Concentratus.. Laboratorium Glauberus oder 115 (Amsterdam, 1668). Glauberianum 99, n. 358. Glauber, Link Link, Cf. the 116 assesses decade last his 19 percent as representing of of output in terms of number of pages. the total

435

the

grounds

that

they

are in

less

'scientific', the

they development

are of

of his

considerable thought,

interest as he turned himself to

assessing from with practical operation, to could

perforce instead

practical

experiment speculation. as a instead probably a hazelnut the of to greatest

and consoled He took superficial, the 'secret of than 117

mystical

denouncing

experiment and to lauding

mechanical fire'

he claimed which

have

discovered, in in pieces

an acid shell furnace. fanciful

some form, could

do more fire

be done

by ordinary too in various

He indulged

etymology his

and mystical long-standing

anagrammisation conviction,

demonstrate arrived constituted decided, at

originally salt and in lost 'Sol', the to he original, fallen

by experimental the essence of from

practice, life. the

that 'Salt

both

derived

same word language, and directly

divinely-inspired Man, their them in which

pre-Babelian words perfectly

signified between

objects.

Furthermore, Alpha
little was to

the

only

difference

was A and 0,
There can be work

118 and Omega.


doubt some that extent figuratively Glauber's at least when rejection a case in De of

of sour

laboratory grapes. De Tribus

He was

speaking

13-15. Cf. Link, Glauber, Salium, 118Signatura De 118 discussion-of Glauber's fuller various notions for a 122, in the discernible not only physical 'signatures' of in the but to words things and symbols used makeup of them. denote

117

Lapidibus,

19.

436

TrIbus 'Historia Alchimia Igifftiger his of to

Lapidibus von nach

(1668) dem gifftigen sich

he

provided StQrtz/ but too

a cautionary welchen in literal One of his die case gemeine a of

schlepptIp119 was the the all

StUrtz' years in fire' bed

consequence the not surely had for been the best advantages even

many his get

laboratory. was that with the it:

'secret out of that

adept 120 this, out of it

did is he bed

need

to

work Glauber of

pertinent physically

when

wrote

incapable

getting

part of his his

of

seven old

or

eight not

years. a wholly

Nonetheless, new departure not be too in in of than his

these

musings

age were collapse,

following lightly thought Novi

physical

and should

dismissed. from the very

Such ideas first, reveal

had had a place from the the 'secret promise fire rather

Furni the lost

utilitates philosopherst, with before him

to

and had gained technical to with

weight Long he

as his

expertise give

increased.

he was forced himself world', of itself. was not work, became salts, 121

up practical

experiments, the

was busying , soul of the

isolating

and analysing the microcosmic

interpreting and offering This 'mystical' from, let

'signatures' Creation thought practical latter 119 120 121

chemical aspect alone

accounts of his to,

of

separate and only

opposed from it

his

became divorced for 9. 19. him. Like

when the the

impossible

so many of

Lapidibus, De Tribus Lapidibus, De Tribus Five. See Chapter

437

figures circle, or even

associated Glauber a 'father', on guiding from

with has been of

or

promoted

by Hartlib

and his

widely

praised science, onto most

as a precursor, but was in utterly influential for in the fact

modern

intent divergent scientific latter

human enquiry those that (such century.


*****

paths enduringly opted

the

thinkers half of the

as Boyle)

6: 5

Glauber-*s

Reception

in

the

Hartlib

Circle

The most add to more the

valuable

supplement history view of also of

the

Hartlib is

Papers a broader to the

can and the

individual

Glauber

contextualised work.

contemporary reveal of his

reaction

man and his international equipment,


Glauber's began to

They

much about writings deal to and

dissemination which
first acquire of when

Hartlib
public

did

a great
in in 1643,

promote.
first

laboratory

Amsterdam with This the was his by under

a reputation Furni Hartlib, Novi after reformation of Light began of

publication the time

Utilitates. the of in to failure

precisely plan to

of

launch

a pansophic

learning England turn as he

establishing directorship-of wholeheartedly achieving latched promoting

a College Comenius, to universal onto this. Glauber's The the

the

more a means immediately means mention of of of

study illumination, work earliest

nature and

as

a possible surviving

438

Glauber

in

his

papers the

is Furni

in

Appelius's Utilitates, to

letter

of

7 June it is

1644 mentioning obvious broached Appelius earlier.

Novi

122 but that

was returning

a subject

had been

Several among Hartlib's possessed appeared of Furni all,

extracts papers, or his

of

Glauber's

works

are must

to have

be found

123 but

Hartlib the

almost'all, lifetime.

Glauberian sent

works him

that Part I

during Novi 124

- Appelius and probably the subsequent

Philosophici Moriaen Mineralis, Apologia books. sent

De Auri parts of Furni

!rinctura. Novi, Salium, other prost

Operis

De Medicina against 125 until directly

Universali, ' as well to that by the to

De Natura as send copies

and the unspecified der

Fahrner,,

He also

promised

Seefahrenten, been 126 sent

he discovered to England

had already publisher. a complete

From 1658 onward of Glauber's

he was trying publications,

assemble to send

collection

to Hartlib, 7 June 1644, HP 45/1/6A. Appelius 122 the German and Latin Besides versions Novi of Furni 123 discussed, there already Utilitates are: a copy of the (1651) Mineralis (HP 63/14/17A); title page of operis an incomplete of an English manuscript version of the (1654) Beschreibung (HP und Warhafftige G2-Undliche two German copies from the of an extract 55/17/lA-4B); (1655) Fahrner to restoring relating against Apologia (HP 39/2/142A 63/14/39A-B); beer and and a sour from De (1658) Natura in Salium extract substantial (HP 31/8/lA-6B). translation English to Hartlib, 16 Oct. 1641, HP 45/1/28A. Appelius 124 Mineralis: Novi: Furni 120 and no. 95; Operis nos. 125 Universali: De Natura De Medicina no. 164; Salium: 121; HP July 1659, 16/l/15A-16B; 20 Apologia: 185; other no. 97. no. works:

126

Nos.

153 and 154.

439

them
fact

bound
did so

together
is

to

Hartlib,

127 though

whether

he in

unrecorded.

Hartlib or copies Novi


circulation. John a

in of

turn to

distributed other

the

works

he received, He had

them,

chemical into
the

enthusiasts. Latin
of 128

Furni
for Petty, sent

Utilitates

translated
He aroused

and recopied
William In Furni 1648 Novi, he or

interest

Sadler

and

Cheney

Culpeper. (probably

'Glauberianus

Tractatus'

part

of

it,

possibly
assistant

De Auri
Cyprian receipt

Tinctura),
Kinner from in

to
Poland. of in

Comenius's
129 the first Robert two about in

estranged Child books a year

acknowledged of'Opexis after

Hartlib early and

Mineralis Moriaen had

(1651) sent

1652,130

them,

further

works

August.

131

Henry about

Jenney Glauber

sought through 132

to

obtain Hartlib,

further as did not work John pursue with

information Winthrop the quite that

Junior

in

America.

While of

he did

promotion the of

and distribution

Glauber's

same wholeheartedness Hartlib

and zeal

as he had done the most important

Comenius,

was probably

No. 169. 127 Sadler declared On Petty and Culpeper, see below. 128 to meet Hartlib to discuss Glauber himself eager and (4 Oct. 1648, HP 46/9/25A), and asked matters other him 'Glaubers to 4th part' an of extract give Hartlib Novi,, Mundi possibly of Miraculum (probably of Furni or in Spagyrica: Glauber wrote nothing else Pharmacoepia (n. d., HP three 46/9/11A). than parts) more 1648, to Hartlib, 23 July HP 1/33/41A. Kinner 129 2 Feb. 1652, to Hartlib, HP 15/5/18A. Child 130 1652, 29 Aug. HP 15/5/14A-15B. to Hartlib, Child 131 29 Sept. 1657, to Hartlib, HP 53/35/3A-4B, Jenney 132 to Hartlib, 16 March 1660,7/7/IA-8B. Winthrop and

440

channel and also Not

through

which his

Glauber

became

known

in

England,

encouraged only to

dissemination but

abroad. also his equipment by various judgments there on has

Glauber's England,

writing or

was brought of his never were Hartlib's theoretical been genuine

replicated However

there, varied the

associates. writings that

and chemical his not though

productsl

any doubt

technological even his

innovations fiercest their Boyle as of

and valuable: denied this,

detractors originality-133 a source, the College

some questioned of 1654, citing

The Ephemerides record [ ... the that 'Dr Rigely vp all

an Auncient Glauberian which

Physitian furnaces

] bought 2d with also 135 oven to instal

especially hath, 1.134 'Chemical Glauber's model

a new Head, used

also ovens

Mr Boyle in for a wooden was his

Clodius College'. second

Glauber's sent

Moriaen one Mr. it.

a retort with

Sotheby,

showing

how to

136

Culpeper receipt of

frequently or

on tenterhooks

awaiting

new models

specifications.

in instance, 'Gl that Metallicis for charged Brun,, 133 best things the his Erker booke out of transcribed hath Beschreibung Ercker, [ie. Lazarus Berg-wercke vom Ertzt Mineralischen vnnd Bergwercks AllerfUrnemisten in der ScheideHee 1574)]. excels only (Prague, arten fact, In HP 31/22/8B). Glauber 48, (Eph openly kunst' in Operis that he had learned Mineralis a acknowledged Linke Glauber, 51. Ercker: from cf. deal great 29/4/27A. HP 54, Eph 134 29/5/6B. HP 55, Eph 135 No. 109. 136

441

Hartlib translations version Novi 52137 French circle the and from of

was of any

also Glauber.

instrumental The work was which 'J. first

in

Commissioning English of in This Furni or

early

published

of

his

a compilation appeared

De Auri the

Tinctura, pen of one

1651 was

F. M. D. I.

John with the that French of New

(Medicinm at this for

Doctor), period, his in Furnaces and efforts the

a chemist it is came

associated virtually from Hartlib. Description 'the

certain

impetus

himself

declared

preface that he

to had

his found

philosophical part into of the

greatest translated

I treatise by

in

private

hands

already and the had

English

a learned moved to have to

German"138 complete collecting with 'private the

consequently Hartlib and is was very is

been known

work.

Given

that works

been

Glauber's at the

personally likely he that

associated these was also

French hands'

time, his. who

it

were German' is more and the be it

Whether already he is

himself a start

'learned

had

made not

on the known as

translation a translator have spared

doubtful: is for out. was

otherwise to see how

difficult such Another

he

could

time ruled

an undertaking. possibility is

He cannot, that the

however, 'learned

German'

Haak,

who was a prolific

translator:

139 Moriaen

had

the date 1651 title as of gives The page 137 individual is d (cf. 1652 but part ated each publication, 247). Glauberr Link, to New Description A 'Preface' of French, 138 (London, 1651/2). Furnaces Philosophical translated he the works, of shorter Besides number a 139 to the 1637 Dutch Bible text annotations and of entire

442

earlier

suggested

he translate that there is

Gabriel he was seen no evidence

Plattes

into for fact

140 indicating German, such ever work, did though so. certain, urged of the the Novi. to

as suitable that he in

What is subsequently translation weight supplied Furni I lent to

however, French to ajact that texts recorded the 2. et for it

is

that

Hartlib further lends considerable and the 1652 be 2

undertake which

Glauber,, hypothesis

was he who suggested French's version 30. of of Nov. to

original Hartlib

that 3. This

'The Part of

Dr French into Furni

Glaub.

translated and 3 of already time. which year, never 142

English'. Novi, in

141

cannot

mean parts certainly version

as these French's is

had almost own English

appeared

by this

The reference had received if French

surely from

to

Operis

Mineralis, that it was

Hartlib though published. Whoever

Moriaen this

earlier work

did

undertake

the

translator

was, before

he must March

already 1647,

have as Cheney to

finished Culpeper

Part

One some time started,

had by then

given

up on and decided

books of Paradise three into English, and the first Lost Barnett, Haak, 71-5,114-119,168-186). into German (cf. No. 68. 140 141 Eph 52, HP 28/2/42B. in 1651 or 1652 (see n. 137 They out either came 142 if it the the latter, was very even end and of above), have been translated hardly in they could and printed less than a month.

443

restart Latin: busines haue

a translation 'truly', to

of

the

Englishl 'I of finde

presumably it then if

into

he complained, it Dutche langwage'. for out Cie. 143

a greater it wowlde

translate out that Petty of

Englishe German] It

beene

I had handed over his

vnderstoode to William or

had been but to

completion, Culpeper rather Glauber questions attitude

he had changed take it up again seems to to this, must his

mind

refused,

moving

himself-144 worried one of about

Hartlib, whether of

untypically, might fired to object at

have since have

a battery Glauber's answered would-be leave mens'. of 145 going

Appelius of

concerned Appelius another to but of aske all

translation that Glauber

work.

reassuringly translator him, seeing that

had told

'there book being

was no necessity were no more his,

the

Self-publicity to press in the

a major place,

purpose he was

Glauber's to

first

unlikely

disapprove.

to Hartlib, 7 Sept. 1647, Culpeper HP 13/186A. 143 This to hardly Novi, any other refer part of Furni can as the had been in book not yet published German. even second in is Culpeper to be the author assuming mistaken clucas translation English by French the mentioned partial of "Chymicall ('Correspondence of a XVII-Century 168, n. 59). Gentleman"', to Hartlib, 11 March 1647. Culpeper Culpeper, 144 an idiosyncratic speller even by seventeenth-century the translator 'Pettit', but this other calls standardsl is how he refers 'Petit' to Petty in (or or 'Petite') be meant, no one else can possibly where eg. HP contexts (to Hartlibi 6 July 1648) 'Agricultural on his 13/225A (25 HP 8/31/1A Jan. 1647) (22 and and 13/206A engine' double both 1647), writing on his Dec. and modifications of Harrison. to the inventions to Hartlib, 26 Aug. 1647, HP 45/1/33A. Appelius 145

444

In whatsoever project.

this

case, that

the

correspondence was the cost to

leaves of

no doubt the and it He

Hartlib

instigator Culpeper for

The translation repeatedly him far longer a little

much pains, the fact that 146

he apologised was taking was perhaps pointedly He would end; ever at

Hartlib

than

he had

expected. for your

feeling that

put-upon, it 'upon

he added desires'. 147 in Furni the Novi

he was doing to have given

appear all

up on the translation

project of the

events in

no Latin England. nursed


teach

appeared Hartlib

even
to

hopes
at

of

persuading
College.

Glauber
In 1647,

to

move

to

England

Gresham

Appelius

advised: Gl. in Hunns. [expanded by Hartlib that shall not bee, place, is this summer gone from Amsterd. to bee the nigher Germany, whither to'goe to settle up the next M eere, live by his art.
(1576-1646), alchemist by 1633 at by of and and at also known as Hans who

But to gett to Hunniades] because hee to Arnheim, hee intends him et so to


Johannes Hungar, had Banfi was to

Hunniades

a Hungarian England

mathematician point taught He was dated

moved

some College.

alchemy described as

and'mathematics on engravings practitioner

Gresham Wenceslaus the

Hollart and

1644,

a former

hermetic

mathematical

HP 13/182/5A; 7 Sept. 1647, 1647, HP 5? Aug. 146 1647, HP 13/196B. 20 Oct. 13/186A; 1647,, HP 13/182/5A. -5? Aug. 147 to Hartlib, 6 Nov. 1647, HP 45/1/37B. Appelius 148 91. to no. notes

See

445

disciplines Collegio

at

Gresham

(101im

Anglo-Londini Disciplini

in

Illustri et in

Greshamensi

Hermeticm 149

Sectatoris William been in return Lilly equalled

Philo-Mathematicil). 1644 'by spoke few of his if

The astrologer as having Professors to air

achievements any at all,

else, that

Chimistry' to

150

adding This

Hunniades have Hartlib

was planning been in the

Hungary. when in

move must asked or in

by April

1643,

Appelius London Gresham engraving), in then


Taylor

whether to

Hunniades 151 of

was still Since Hollar's him with vacant

had gone or before

back

Hungary. (the of date

he left

1644

the

suggestion

replacing post

Glauber since

1647 presumably

means the

had been

and

Josten

in

their

article

on

Hunniades

suggest

that

his but

post Lilly's

at

Gresham remarks

was Professor and the emphasis mentions Gresham.


in

of of the

Mathematics, Hartlib papers

evidence

suggest

a stronger engravings work


is

on chemistry. his Hartlib


Gresham-

The legend before


in 1640

on Hollar's mathematical
'A Laboratory

'Hermetic' noted

his
that

at

erecting

in F. S. Taylor The engravings are reproduced 149 and 'Johannes Banfi Hunyades 1576-16501,, Ambix V C. H. Josten, 44-52,44-6; cf. also the same authors' (1953), to the article, Note' correcting 'supplementary some including the date Ambix conjectures of death, erroneous Jan Jonston him to Hartlib 115. mentioned V (1956), on 1 implying friend, he was in clearly March 1633 as a mutual London (HP 44/1/1A). dated to Hunniades, 12 Dec. 1644, of Dedication 150 (London, Peace 1645), Peace, Taylor or no cit. Anglicus, 47. Josten, and to Hartlib, 22 April 1643, HP 45/1/45A. 151 Appelius

446

Colledge the is erecter this

by Sir or

K.

Digby of

and others itPJ52 0 Most Glauber

Hunneades convincing in Hunniades'

is of all

builder of

suggestion for than Hartlib to to

'getting

place', Glauber

was certainly him either

better-informed qualified Glauber his or

about likely to

suppose teach

be inclined

mathematics. to of be one: chemistry.

was no scholar lay version Office of and of

and had no pretensions entirely of one of in the field

expertise In a draft for the

Hartlib's probably schemes of

numerous dating are from

proposals this

Address, concrete maintaining this the item

period,

a number Erecting 153

mooted

including"The

Glauberus struck

New Laboratorie'. through, probably

However, of

has been

on account and does of the not same

disheartening on what is

news sent obviously

by Appelius, a later draft

appear

document-154
Hartlib's idea was in any case hardly realistic, if

only this that his

on linguistic problem, Glauber minde

grounds. in

He had obviously the same letter well, et can well,

considered reported also make

as Appelius 'understands therein, a good that

latyn if deal

knowne something

I remember less than

1155 which

suggests Moriaen
-----------

fluency.

mentioned

Glauber

was uncomfortable on in the Vniversall year.

30/4/12B, HP 40,, Eph 152 the for Memoriall 'A 153 HP-48/1/2A. Learning', HP 47/15/2A-B. 154 HP 45/1/37A. 155

probably early advancement of

447

expressing though Glauber latinitdt It is not Ine

himself unkindly, nous fit

in

Latin, that point

156 and Sorbibre on the occasion of

later his

noted, visit

d1excuses for, his

de sa mauvaise poor 158 the Latint). But extent fraternity of his the of in first of for ethos knowledge 157

('made certain is

us no excuses not

he did a striking

know English. testimony of

suggestion Glauber's England two

reputation only a year

among the after the

chemical publication as further recruiting the with

book-length tireless education, a concern

works,

as well in

confirmation manpower educational

Hartlib's English towards

activity

and manoeuvring with frealial,

'useful'

and applied Further for Glauber

sciences. evidence is provided of this by the already interest as the general early enthusiasm remarks also in 1648, that by

commendatory Glauber Boyle. Hartlib

Appelius inspired noting

and Moriaen considerable Boyle himself

noted. in source,

Early

recorded

Helmont's stone wherby hee cured the stone, in is a kidney Ludus Paracelsi bladder called is found by neere Antwerp which prepared stone This stone one of Helmont's friends Helmont. it to Morian, hath gotten and shewn or promised for Mr Boyles sake to which hee hath promised that hee may T repare it and give to Glauberus 59 it. Ludus Paracelsi of make the

156 157 158 which 159

No. 98. Sorbibre', Brieven *Drie van Samuel from his As is evident relations Seven, 1.. section see Chapter Eph 48, HP 31/22/2A-B.

81. Worsley, with

on

448

Boyle it and early Eight interest

had only is

just

turned

twenty of

when this how deeply of

was written, imbued his

a striking was with later, Glauber's

indication the

thought years in

convictions taking

the

Spagyrists.

he was still work,

an approving that

maintaining

de Prosperitate Glauberi In Tractatus Germaniae Wolfahrt It [ie. Teutschlands which came out discourse the annexed that year], of salpeeter is the most substantial De Nitro rational et wherin many secrets piece, are discovered real 160 before. himself had (Boyle] which the and Glauberian whose at complex

Perhaps writings and length

most

assiduous was

collector Cheney will be

of

equipment assessment Seven.

Culpeper, considered

ambivalent in

more

Chapter

However, Hartlib enthusiasm disillusion. wrote, the less circle's

in

a striking responses

re-run to

of

the

history

of high

the

Comenius,

initial

was increasingly Just as with

displaced Comenius, friends

by scepticism the more Glauber

and

Hartlib's

saw their Child

initial in 1652 from he

expectations received Hartlib, nonetheless workes obtain if the the

fulfilled. first two

When Robert books of Operis

Mineralis them,

he could asked possibly promised

make little in April, Csicy. results

sense 'pray 161 let

of

though

me se all Jenney failed

Glaubers to

Henry

from

a Glauberian

experiment

Boyle himself is given again, 160 Eph 56, HP 29/5/92B: as the source. to Hartlib, 2 Feb. 1652, HP 15/5/18A, Child 161 and 8 1652, HP 15/5/10A. April

449

relating perhaps Glauberts very

to

husbandry, on his

but

had the rather failure. adopt people for 163 their

grace than 162 the

to

admit

it

was on

a mistake that

part to the to that

dishonesty

had led the

He was one of later

few with

humility

stance not

recommended automatically replicate Doubts papers. Glauber keeping enthusiasm reports, altogether: to

by Moriaen, blame his

should

Glauber

inability

to

experiments. about Glauber's

honesty Horne making in

recur

throughout that than in

the

The naturalist was more 164 them.

George in

complained promises even quenched off

assiduous At

one point have of been putting

1648,

Culpeper's by adverse

seems to the point

briefly him

chemistry

his Mr Petty is Glauberus bred in me a thowghts any 165 people. The following looking of forward

late & that Monsieur carriage, like to turne hathe a Wheeler, resolution, not to trouble my farther with these kinde of

August, to

however,

he was again Glauber's-louens, approue'.

excitedly & wayes 166

news about

distillation;

which

I wonderfully

to Hartlib, 29 Sept. 1657, Jenney HP 53/35/3A-4B. 162 No. 162. 163 to Hartlib, 24 March 1649, Horne HP 16/2/23A. 164 to Hartlib, 1 Nov. 1648, HP 13/247A. Culpeper 165 doubtful of very Wheeler was an inventor probity, whom invoked on several occasions Culpeper as an archetype of for details him, projector: the dishonest about see no. 96, n. 2. to Hartlib, 14 Aug. 1649 HP 13/260A. Culpeper 166

450

A recurrent
ones, had was not in that fact 'Glauber, Sachen weis.

charge,
Glauber tested. meine zu

and perhaps
was given to

one of
selling for

the

weightier
he

processes instance, sunde, die das er

Erasmus ich, lehren potabile however, of to making Hartlib Glauberian be so,

Rasch, thut grose

declared: solche nicht

er

andern sein 167

unterstehet, ist he aqua that ganz had fortis Clodius, chemistry, had not sent

selbst

[aurum] Earlier, method

betrieglich'. learn salis, obviously least gave Glauber's and

been and

keen

to

spiritus

complained very well up out

who was or him at the

on to

himself

promised

recipes

for

these. during of

168

Moriaen increasingly of of his Isal motives.

himself, sceptical After

the

1650s,

became and suspicious discovery if what the case it

Glauber's his

claims friend's that

reporting on to

mirabilet, said or certainly feared of

he went

remark

Glauber alcahest would Moriaen the heels

was true, something cure

he had indeed very Hartlib's like it,

discovered in which stone, But

bladder

an ailment hard on

he was developing this optimistic to visit


treatise, 25 JUlY 3, section 26 jan.

as well.

report Moriaen
169

came a sombre soon


but

caveat:

Glauber
an even

had promised
more important

and show him

Rasch to Hartlib, 167 Seven, Chapter also moriaen. Rasch to Hartlib, 168

1658, HP 26/89/19A. for Similar comments 1656, HP 42/9/1A.

See by

the related Tractatus Probably 169 the (1658). year same which appeared

de Signatura

Salium,

451

Auff der gleichi vertrstet zeit Pisga gefuhret, und werden soll will mitbringen ich nicht darff und nun so offt 182).
And indeed, so his to Itinctura Moriaen's was just the salt to send zur when that stone, no nitril, bladder same

Er mich nun lange Bn weie hatt die Spize des bergs und auff ob nun noch einmal etwas daraus da er was es guttes sein wird, lehren, mu die zeit rechnung ich mehr darauff machen, weil lang mich betrogen (no. finde

Moriaen he might the sal

asked try usual mirabile together stone

Glauber to prepare

for

some the

sal

mirabile, and treat

alcahest Glauber sent instead remark 170

story to with was

unfolded: hand, the and

claimed some that it

have

unhelpful hereditary.

probably

with

Glauber's

much-vaunted saltzl): by, April mittler (no. 1658 ihm 176), he dz was wird he 1658 weil and lich laufft by July

fertilising promised vernehme die he saatzeit was still

(Ifruchtbarmachendes Moriaen zeit some, nichts but davon

noch

mehrentheils waiting. Okombt seines ist mir 171 noch

fUrUberl By June etwas in von

thoroughly wunder seines

exasperated: sein, dan

gleichen noch

unbestndigkeit fUrkomment

furnehmens

niemand

(no.

182).

Nonetheless, basically Moriaen fully friendly

the

two

men appear In July

to 1657,

have the fever

remained time when

on

terms. from kill

was recovering expected would

the

violent

he had

him, befall

and was reflecting Odilia if he died, Glauber

anxiously 170 171 No. No.

on what 189. 190.

would

452

reassured it dan After upon sehr his

him himself gutt visit to wrote and

that to [thut? to view

should guarantee ] und

the

worst her

happen,

he would twelches mir

take

welfare, woll

von

ihm in

gefAlt, when he for had

(no. had an

160).

Amsterdam all

1659,

opportunity Moriaen resolved, transmutation medicines,

Glauber's that all

processes his doubts witnessed and the

himself, been Glauber's of of any

excitedly that of having metals no

personally into gold doubt

production validity

he

could

longer

of

his

claims. that

172

Poleman, of

however, his

subsequently Moriaen during of this

maintained some his visit:

a friend about

had relieved presumably

delusions

Glauber,

itzt dass H Morian Der H wisse, nicht mehr so halte den er als vor diesem, von Glauber viel ist, dass das jenige berzeuget gelbe metal, [sic) sein vermeintes aurum putabile welches kein wahres golt, noch in allen gemachet, knne, welchs mir ein proben bestehen freundt der dem H Morian gesagt, vertrawter fundamentis demonstrirt ex veris H solchs ynd 173 ihm auch hat mssen recht Morian geben. Unfortunately, after there this date the lack it of material from to of Moriaen judge himself

makes in

impossible this claim

whether

was any truth

a chemical

conversion.

172 173

Moriaen Poleman

to to

Hartlib, Hartlib,

20 JUly 17 Oct.

1659, 1659,

HP 16/l/15A-16B. HP 60/4/194A.

453

In

1660,

an anonymous evidently (Clodius,

correspondent

who I believe Hartlib

is and

Kretschmar174 his friends

thought Dury

he was doing

and Brereton) knowledge the equipment

a great or

favour -a last there. example of of the

by sending very detailed

- without

Glauber's of

consent in the out

description

Amsterdam If of Glauber's chemical

laboratory

and the

processes

carried

laboratories industry, espionage, then

can be seen this is

as an early example ideal

an early the

industrial 'free

a world communication'

away from of

and generous

knowledge:

ich hab es mit Gott Ich hoffe meistens recht, fen hab ich bekommen, die auch wunderlich feste er das Laboratorium vngeachtet helt, nach dem sie nun gebawet zuegeschloen hinein Menschen lest. Es vnd keinen sind, kostet mein armuth, mich alle vnd kan nun ichs ihnen thun, da hiermitt als mehr nichts treulich offenbahre, vnd nochmahls umb alles bitte, Gottes es in hchster willen iederman, gegen zu halten verschwiegenheit ihnen da ichs gegen H. Morian, sonderlich vnd da es ja Glauber vbergeschrieben, nicht 175 erfahre.

If

this

is

indeed incurred fairy

from

Kretschmar scorn

(who, for

like

Moriaen,

frequently Glauber's offering addressees

Poleman's it

believing he was to the

tales), details participate

may well

be that incentive

these to

as an added in his

own transmutation

is letter The another plea for cooperation the 174 with by in Kretschmar approached August quadrumvirate same Cloi dius, Dury and Brereton: 1659 (Hartlib, see Chapter 1). Five, section ] to Hartlib, Dury, [Kretschmar? Clodius 175 and HP 31/23/30B. c. 1660, Brereton,

454

project. piece highly of

176

The response is Hartlib,

to

this

decidedly

underhand but it is been

intelligencing that

not

preserved, at least,

unlikely

would wisdom.

have

impressed In Glauber works. styled

by such

methods

of

gaining

1660 and 1661, were These Ifilius supplemented were the

Fahrner's by three Glauberus

published further Refutatus

attacks polemical of the

on

self-

SendivogiiI 177 the

Johannes ,

Fortitudino of his one reveals as

Hartprecht, 'Antiglauberust, Johannes widerlegung on these evidence

Sudum Philosophicum in

whom an anagram Becher, 178

title

Joachim of works about

and the

GrUndliche is little two comment pieces of Poleman Ifilius on

179 IC. D. M. A. S. i. in Hartlib's are than of

There but

archive,

them less

some interest. about approve

Though the

was elsewhere SendivogiiI,


Glauber, and

complimentary ready to
about

he was always
in telling

an attack

Hartlib

Hartprecht's

Sudum

(s. l., 1660). Sudum Philosophicum See Link, 178 106. is 'Hai Anagrammal ja berechnen! The "Autoris soo mu8 ich Facit The first is a macht? l sentence was deS Glaubers (if somewhat contrived) anagram of Iohannes perfect Becher, leaves Link the question and though Joachimus think there be do I not can much doubt of the open There in the are several, mentions of Becher ascription. to his Papers, relating perpetual Hartlib Motion machine invention', but 'new argonautical no direct reference and Glauber. On Becher, with to his controversy see History 11,637-52. of Chemistry Partington,

176 177

in Chapter Five, As described section (s. l., Refutatus 1660). Glauberus

1.

Widerlegung GrUndliche etlicher 179 Glaubers zu Amsterdam herausgegebener (Leipzig, der Metallen Verbesserung two texts the this mentioned and of 276-7. Glauber,

Johan-Rudolff Schrifften von 1661). Fuller titles above in Link,

455

Philosophicum this
place,

he supplied which
fact

the

bibliographical without indication

detail of

that

work,
in

was published
came out in

Amsterdam:

hat auch der filius Sendivogii dem Glaubero selbst dz Er in vera Philosohia [ ... ] erwiesen, grundlich Ignorant sey in seinem Ludo [sic]18 ein grosser
Philosophico, wird. gedruckt welches 181 izt alhier [Amsterdam]

"C. D. M. A. S., ' accused

Glauber

of

being

semi-literate,

of of of

employing not

an assistant

to

render

his

books of his

readable, atheism, "aurum and

understanding killed

Paracelsus a number of

properly, people with

having

horribilef. unidentifiable, unlikely, he lived in the

The author though given at Hartlib the that time Papers his in

has

so far

remained it is not there, that letter one Purpose is the had a

as Link work Leipzig.

remarks

was published 182

An anonymous from his which at

includes from

a quotation concerning the extract, of

'Charls

de Montendon against

Leipzigk In

and Booke dated

Glauber'. Montendon (near

4 March

1661,

speaks

being Glauber to

'Altenburg-Court' 'fallen vpon' him.

Leipzig),

where appears

The reference

be to

by Hartlib (the letter obviously a misreading is a 180 hand) 'Sudol, in his brought of probably about by copy the Paracelsian Iludus'. with or Helmontian confusion 29 Aug. 1659, HP 60/4/111A. Poleman to Hartlib, 181 19 Sept. 1659, HP 60/10/2B, Cf. poleman to Hartlib, that Hartprecht's to be work was shortly reporting to by referring a mention, and presumably printed, (obviously two Becher and Montendon) others of Hartlib, to Glauber. write against planned who fuller For 106. Link, a summary of the charges, 182 see Link, passim.

456

legal

accusation

rather

than

a physical fell at period, would declare

attack, on him all and have (not with him entituled divulged the of

and by proxy, Glauber's it is him

presumably since having very to there gone doubtful do so. at

he means that is to no other Leipzig whether Montendon least that 'a to

Glauber indication at this health on to

indeed

his went

permitted very the details

lucidly, of the

anyone Glauber

unfamiliar had cheated on purpose hitherto to

affair)

and that -A Vn-

he

was publishing needful Truths' Refutation Amsterdam Refutation

Treatise of

Glaubers

- an unequivocal auff unwahre then, etliche biBhero

reference

Nothwendige zu

Johann-Rudolph auBgelaBene put to

Glaubers BUcher.

We have, Charles

a name to - perhaps is in about this all

IC. D. M. A. S. 1, Studiosus? Montendon mother enough in of , he was one Peter von to the tongue write papers

De Montendon that himself

Altenburgensis we have. that-his

Unfortunately mentioned was French, in is it. in

extract

and that other

heknew mention

German well of

The only the

Montendon letter Friedrich that

anonymous which

alchemical I attribute

copy to

1660, -

quoted

above,

Kretschmar-183 enclosing Mariceus Yserton


183 See

The author of a letter to ietzt

mentioned in French Charle

a copy in

from

Amsterdam

'Monsr

de Montendon sich

auB Saphayen,
n. 174 above.

bey mir

alhier

457

aufhaltende'. letter cannot is

184 from,

But the either

there

is

no indication has not or to survived, 'Saphagent. ascertain. thread to in attach full in it

where

the

enclosure 'Yserton' possible this

and I That However, the to. hope The 2 to is

identify

it as much as it that extract this seems worth someone from chapter.


All lifetime themselves critics Foremost composed the had others, any four

has been exposing will find

loose

something is given

Montendon

as Appendix

men who

published

against Becher

Glauber and

in

his were

(Fahrner, chemically whose among in

Hartprecht, inclined. survive was similar that grudge he brought his many one

Montendon) the harshest papers.

So were in Hartlib's whose to does

comments these

Poleman, spirit Poleman against

diatribes of appear beyond

are Fahrner to the art cited: of have and

a very except

those not

personal that

Glauber on

conviction alchemy. there are

discredit have

the

noble been with

Some of a great that Alkahest dz his es

comments more. Sch6fler vnd nahe

already

He reported 'in der sein mich nun mehr Glauberi gestalt leben auch zu

evident

satisfaction vermeinten vergriffen, Despite

stinkenden darin gekostet'. der sich 185

sudelt Ihme that bey

claim

feckelt

Glauberianischen

betrugerey

gedencken'.

186

he

184 185 186

HP 31/23/28A. to Hartlib, Poleman to Hartlib, Poleman

15 Aug. 6 Sept.

1659, 1659,

HP 60/10/1A. HP 60/10/1B.

458

devoted enemy.

a great 187

deal

of

time

and ink grillen

to

vilifying ' he

his

'Was aber 'ist eine

Glaubers

sein, nicht zubringe vnd

maintained, doch nur

solches

warhaftig damit betrugerey

werth, sich grosse-

dz man darin

viertel-stunde dan es lauter seint. of wide. somewhat 188

aufzuhalten, sprechereyen The range spectacularly fraudulence widespread replaced There it is ,

opinions

represented of

in

the

papers

is and

The accusations outweigh interest the

dishonesty

commendations, of the in at 1640s the any

and the tends to be

enthusiastic by disillusion however, be added

and rejection no clear that even like his which that of consensus

1650s. point, professed to obtain the tone of and

should

among Glauber's Rasch, were keen

detractors his more works

a good many, and, especially, judgments, polemic, is

equipment. neatly

One of

balanced the

sums up the

much of

Appelius:

fr meine person keine ihn ich [habe] vrsache fr einen betrieger zu halten, sonsten veracht ihn, vnd verachten andere wie aller andere, er ist, da lobet niemand nichts gebrauch artisten 189 als seine eigene wahre. Hartlib which of the himself widely apparently differing remained reports perplexed as to believe.

he should

to Hartlib, 29 Aug. 1659, HP 60/4/111A. Poleman Cf. 187 1659, Sept. that 19 Hartprecht's reporting 60/10/2B, HP be to to printed, and referring shortly was a work by two Hartlib, of others presumably who planned mention, Glauber. to write against 5 to Hartlib, Sept. 1659, HP 60/10/1B. Poleman 188 to Hartlib, 2 Aug. 1648, HP 45/1/39B. AppeliUs 189

459

Though

he was still at least the

collecting as late likes of

Glauber's as 1659, Rasch the

works stream of and news led him

assiduously accusations of to the work

from of

and Poleman,

Becher,

Hartprecht sceptical.

and. Montendon, In 1660,

become

increasingly

he told

Winthrop: be better with whom I shall our german adepti count no better ere long, of Glauber acquainted then a mountebank, to cheat one that continues by his specious of people sorts artifices all in knows that the true nothing and one Elixir, &c &c Philosophical work Alkahest to take him There are some who are resolved the error into to discover task, and falshood knowledges and experimentall of his philosophy 190 & his willfull cheates and cousenages. This, however, rider, is followed 'I have by the suggested in to quintessentially that all his some would writings'. a broad of the also 191

Hartlibian note

whatever It is of

was true

and good impossible

obviously opinion response the the most told

sum up such formulation It is

spectrum

into to

any-simple Glauber. attacks of

contemporary though, might such deeply a mystic from even 190 191 which that call

noticeable, what'one men who were

savage

came from chemists:

school'

Hermetic

as Raschl committed

Hartprecht, to the

Becher notion of

and Poleman, alchemy of personal the

as essentially revelation, common herd, when HP 7/7/3B.

experience it

and a matter to

was important

exclude especially 1660,

when publishing Hartlib Ibid. to

indeed, -

Winthrop,

16 March

460

publishing. publication comments sent to

This finds on the

peculiar striking manuscripts in

ambivalence expression of 1659. Starkey,

to in

the

notion

of

Poleman's were

192 which

him by Hartlib by these to

Poleman

was hugely and wished to see in

impressed them doing

cryptic at in that, them:

productions once. There

brought so,

press

could since

be no harm they of were

he declared obscure

so many words, there there

so thoroughly anyone's

was no danger were

understanding

klaren darin Arcana keine mit solchem verstand darauss dz sie begriffen, einiger mensch solte ist dz die knnen. Vnd wahrhafftige machen drumb auch sicherlichen man sie wahrheit 193 kan. publiciren

Clearly, 'anyone': The purpose to that tiny, learning virtually capable worthy these of

however, mysteries publication, elect

Poleman were

did not

not

regard

himself to reach him.

as

impenetrable was to enlightened them The very to

presumably, of similarly qualified

out

body

adepts in they

whose this were were

and insight sacred of to

share that

knowledge. it

fact that of and such

understanding do so. To the

guaranteed

they an

proponents style

outlook,

Glauber's

direct, explicit

popular

(comparatively) is for: best 192 193 not, the to

terminology-was they ostensibly charges were

anathema. attacked that

This him

be sure,

what

endlessly

repeated worst

he was at

mercenary

and at

a charlatan 2. 1660,

and confidence HP 60/4/191A.

Seven, See Chapter Poleman to Hartlib,

section 9 Jan.

461

trickster writings brought association their

whose led the

fake

medicines adepts of

were onto

lethal, paths

whose and who by his of in

would-be noble with art it.

false into

alchemy

disrepute vehemence

However, they for

the felt

very

onslaughts and this

suggests concern at

threatened public keep in them,

by him whom the dark

some way, they not were overly

a gullible pains to

themselves convincing. is that to the

such

is

What really was trying

upset to

I would

suggest, accessible

Glauber

make chemistry

common man. as Boyle, view Hartlib of the and Moriaen, chemical credit, art, who took were

others a rather inclined less to

such

elitist give at

Glauber least his

rather practical

more

and to Boyle, furnacework on

acknowledge as has making saitpetre; contributions anything artificial mundane if to been

achievements. to apply of his his

mentioned,

was keen

technology Moriaen to learn wines. achievements,

and thought

highly

was particularly agriculture the secrets

impressed more

by his than and at such that so time as on

and longed of his

fertilisers sneered unreasonably) were waste half his such

Poleman,

by contrast, (not

remarking

Glauber's

aurum. potabile as he claimed, or on merely ore:

and alcahest he would not

miraculous gardening, smelting

technical

processes

copper

Mann verrathet der vnbedachtsame sich eben den so sein aurum. potabile hiermit selbst:

ein

462

sache were, wie er es wunderthtig solch drffte bemhen er sich nicht so ausschreet, zu schmeltzen ynd um die Mineram cupri i94 fr geldt dieselbige ausszubieten. But among those with who did the not simply dismiss everything his

connected practical esteemed, mistrusted. in his

man as manifest achievements more

charlatanism, were generally

and technical even when his

grandiose

claims came to

were find wanting the of the

What many increasingly however, insights that were the was the into spiritual

work,

element, harmony the

transcendent universe Philosophy'. achievements of the final

God and the goal of

ultimate to apply

'Chemical mundane subject

Attempts to these

Glauber's ends provide

more the

mystical of this

chapter

study.

194

Poleman

to

Hartlib,

17 Oct.

1659,

HP 60/4/194A.

463

Appendix in Heinrich Appelius's hand

I Glauber's 2643. ) 'Furni Novi

copy

of

philosophici

Utilitates'

(Amsterdam,

HP 6311414BA-49B. [63114148A] Furni Noui Philosophici Militates oder

Beschreibung

der

eigenschafften Philosophischen olen, flores

eines

sonderbaren distillir

new auch

erfundenen[altered] was fr vnbekante Spiritus,

ofens,

vnd

der

gleichen vnd

bisshero

Vegetabilischer damit vnd knnen

Animalische zugericht kunst

Mineralische werden. an tag zeit

medicamenten Der warheit geben durch in

vnd

bereit

spagyrischen Rudolphum

liebhabern

Iohannem

Glauberum,

itziger

wohnhafft

Amsterdam.
gedruckt beg a Ioh. Broer Ian. Anno Glaubero 1643. primum

Zu Amsterdam Furni inuenti 1.

Philosophici

Rudolpho

utilitates. Die Nutzbarkeit dieses ofens ist dieser nemlich dz

alles vnd

das bekante

sonsten glaserne mit zeit

durch

retorten erdene <vielen>

oder

andere

gewhnliche

oder greseem

instrumenta kosten werden fewer vnd grossen kan in fewern, mit

destillatoria vnd wenig sehr 2. Kohlen langer kosten

mus ausgetrieben

diesem zeit,

vnd muhep kleinem gethan einer spiritu werden. kan

kurtzer

compendios Dann in ein lb

stund salis

alhier

mit werden,

4 oder 'da

5 lb

gemacht

doch

464

sonsten 30. oder

durch

die

gemeine

wei

per

retortam grossen

solches sack voll

in

40 stunden kan.

kaum mit

einem

geschehen 3. lb auf

Desgleichen Antimonij in

kan mit schne in

3 oder flores etlich

4 lb

kohlen

in

stund

sublimirt tagen

werden nicht

welches

die

bekante

manier

kan gethan

werden. 4.
vnd

Auch mag man in


nachlassen, nichts oder auch in recipient spiritum der

distilliren
wiederumb destillation, brecheni distilliren, spiritus [63114148B]

vnd
anfangen

sublimiren
wann es

aufhren
man will,

hindert retort einen einem einem

Dann auch kan

kan

kein stund in mit

man alle dz vnd man flores

besondern tag ofen

also Olea

vnterschiedliche machen kan.

5. mineralia Granaten, zwitter,


sonst

Vnd alle

Bergarten, oder

nicht alle

allein lapides

die als

bekanten Cristallen, auch Talcum, die


vnd in zur herrliche Alchymia

vnd metallen Kiling spath,

vnd dergleichen, Alabaster


allen seind

sondern

vnd

ihres
bihero wordenp flores,

geschlechtso
fr fix

fast

von

Chymicis gehalten olea, in oder flchtige salis aller

fewerbestendig vnd als ntzliche zur Medicin

knnen so wol

spiritusp dienstlich, destiilirt kan als etc wie der

vnd

esserlich werden. Spiritus salis vnd metallen werden vnd

zugebrauchen, 6. aller Auch salien

sublimirt vnd

volatilische communis,

Vitrioli, auch

armoniaci Spiritus

mineralien gefangen

sulphureus

subtilissimus

465

behalten erkant geist einen 7. ntzliche diesem 8.

werden, worden, durch spiritum Deren ihr

welches dieweil lucken acidum

biher an ihnen entflogen

von als ist,

wenig ein

laboranten vnsichtbarer sein corpus hat. <vnd> alhier in als

vnd

im recipienten*4interlassen viel mehr andere gute

vnd noch

vortheilen ofen gefunden.

im distilliren

werden

Wer dann wei

solchen

hat,

vnd den rechten der kan dadurch

gebrauch gar leicht wunder zum verrichtet

desselben schne ding in

vnd verstehet;

vnd kstliche der medicina

medicamenta konnen gethan

erlangen, werden. angezeigt

damit Als vnd

exempel werden. 9. vnd oder

etliche wie

derselben

sollen

folget. Vegetabilibus, geschwind mit wenig in j ein als kruter, quantitet zu distilliren lb aceti buxi, oder Quajaci kan, oder dz wurtzeln, Aceti also

Aus allen gantz

hltzen spiritus

grosse

acidi

kohlen tag viel

compendiosd, spiritus oder auch kraut 10. ligni.

dz man auch Hebeni,

quercini, j lb

Iuniperi kohlen als

dergleichen, die spiritus

nun mit nit daraus mehr der

distilliren das holtz

kosten Spiritus in

selbsten

gemacht

werden. Menschenhaar,

Aus den Animalibus, r6hren,

sonderheit etc. [etc] auch

hiernschetell Elephantenbein, grosser quantitet

knochen

hirschh6rner, vnd olea in

Elandsklawen gar

Spiritus zu distilliren.

geschwind

(catchword:

11. ]

[63114149A]

466

11 subtil

Alle

olea

Vegetabilium dz sie et auch

vnd den

Pinguedines Sulphur2 extrahirn. oder

animaliuml Tinctur [right

so der

machen,

Mineralien H: 12. Igneum welchem 13. addition mineralien 14. flores 15. 16. ein 17. 18. Alle et Alle Aus spiritum Aus Aus 10 Rth, Aus in

Metallen 3] den forma Metallen

lapidum

margin,

vnd

mineralien

ihr

Elementum mit

spiritus dinge vnd

subtillissimi k6nnen scharffen wie zu gethan

zumachen werden. per aus se

grosse Ein sauren aus

acetum auch

ohne

dem Antinonio, metallen et

andern

vnd

distillirn. per se, in spiritus,

Metallen salia lapides den

Mineralien

zu. sublimirn. in flores zu zu sublimirn. alijsque > lapidibus

silicibus, et oleum ein <zu

cristallis distilliren.

dem Talco

oleum

zu distilliren. oder Antimonio

dem BezoartiC04 fixot flores

minerali zu

diaphoretico 19. flores soluiren Aus zu

sublimiren. aiijsque in alle mineralibus liquoribus

dem Antimonio, sublimiren, vnd keine

sulphure welche sich machen.

vomitus

fats'. and animal rvegetable oils 1 'sulphur' Paracelsian of the as one of the sense In 2 (see Five, Chapter 1). 'principles' section three the taken from notes of prices are These marginal 3 47, HP to Hartlib, 6 Nov. 45/l/37A-B, letter Appelius's do Hartlib's not always correspond notes exactly though him. told Appelius to what derived-from Persian term possibly and a Bezoar, 4 to a range of supposed 'counter-poison', applied meaning in the See modern early period. remedies mineral II, Chemistry 9s. History of Partington,

467

20. salia 21.

Sal fixa Aus

tartari, in spiritus

auch

tartarum zu distilliren. wie

Vitriolatum

vnd

andere

Vitriolo, vnd

Antimonio metallen ein [right welches vnd 20.1 in welchem vnd baum mit mit

auch

aus vnd H:

all

andere roth

mineralien oleum 22. tincturam [right 23. in tag

liebliches margin der sich

ssses

zu distilliren. Ein Menstruum extrahiret margin, Ein H:

10. ) vnd helm metallen 5

mineralien vbern

fhret,

Menstruum tag putrificiren als zweigen,

die

Mineralia werden,

et

Metalla den vnd andern vielen

einem

schwartz wurtzeln,

aufwachsen 6 vnd H: Ein

ein

stam

nestent margin, 24.

wunderbarlicherweis. 407]

[right

30 oder

spiritus aromatum

oder in

Menstruum liebliche oder andern zeh

welches Balsama werden,

die

olea die in lassen.

distillata nimmer wasser, [right: 25. Ein andere wasser mehr wein

coagulirt, vnd sich

ranzucht8 auch H: all 10. ] welcher stein soluiret in

liquoribus

soluirn

margin, spiritus harte auf

die wenig

silices, stunden mit

cristallos zu einem sich vbern klaren

oder

vnd

solche

helm

(or sulphurous 'principle') is 5 Ie. the 'tincture' together by passing distilled with the Imenstruum' over the helm, ie. the head of the retort. *aesten17 for The Latin 6 Sic: a mistake surely gives ('with , cum stirpe, radicibus, ramis et fronLbus multis, branches trunk, many. and much foliage). roots, a 1XXX thl' list. on Appelius's 7 Unambiguously It 8 Not a word I have encountered anywhere else. 'dry' Idessicatedt: the Latin is fut or means apparently tenacia aut evadent'. exsiccentur nunquam

468

fhret,

auch

sich

wiederumb sie] [right

von den cristallis per se in H: 20. ] forma

scheidet, olei seu

dz die[altered liquoris [catchword:


26. Alle

from

selbe margin

bleiben. 26.1
Metalla

[63114149B]
vnd Mineralia astralisch machen, &

purum [left
27. der vnd 28.

ab impuro margin,
Aqua

separare H: 100. ]

SO10 igne

secreto

Philosophico

Vitae oder kan

Philosophorum, tinctur extrahirt fast

damit aller

in

1 oder

2 stunden metallen H: der 20.9]

sulphur lapidum

mineralien, [left'margin, mit welchem des

werden. Philosophicum, nur von

Baineum

siccum

mehrentheil applicirt

Krankheiten wunderbarlicher

auerhalb knnen curirt

leibs werden.

wei

[left 29.
dz er

margin, Spiritum
nicht

H:

100] vinilO also zu dephlegmiren


Vegetabilium, auch ding silices, soluirt.

vnd

stercken,
et

allein extrahirt,

tincturas sondern harte

animalium cristallos, [left

mineralium talcum margin 30. vnd H:

der 10. ]

gleichen

Solche

vnd knnen

dergleichen in diesem

noch ofen

viel gemacht bleiben,

vnzehlige werden, auch kan noch ist ist

gute welche es

medicamenta vmb der nicht werden, mehr kurtze

willen alles es finden

vnvermeldet zuerzehlen, sich noch

mglich dann newe ding

was alle

damit tag vnd

gethan mehr vnd

so man damit

laboriret,

gleichsam

9 only 10 Ie.

10 according alcohol.

to

Appelius.

469

einen

vnausschpfflichen zu allen

brunnen zeiten

gleteh

zu vergleichen, frisches zu rinnen.


meines

aus welchem heraus


31.

vnauffhrlich nicht
zuehren

wasser

laufft,
Also

vnd dennoch
habe ich Gott

aufhret
vnd dinste

nchsten

diese

meine dadurch

newe inuention vielen vrsach der Natur

wollen zugeben, desto

bekant hinfort leichter

machen, die

vnd vermeine verborgene zuergrblen; frommen ofen medico

heimlichkeiten gntzlicher wol damit

zuversicht, gedient sein: nicht nicht

es werde vnd

manchem der er 11 /,

ob schon soll sein.

sampt

dem modo destillandi dem liebhaber darumb

gesetzt, gewegert

gleichwol Item
orten

er
ohne

hat

noch

ein

Menstruum,
haben

welchs
kan,

man an allen
zecht der

einige

destilland

metallen
verbessern. NB. zween, samt

sulphura
fr Er hat

gar

seltzam

aus,

vnd kan

sie

40 Rtt. nur einen vnd ofen einen erwehnet; sehr kleinen, will er hat aber alle doch beide fur

einen aller

grossen gesetzter

sachen etliche gesetzt,

operation stcke vnd

zeigen ihr Rthl.

30 Rthl: pretium

ausgenommen absonderlich

be: welchen bedeuten alles

marks the 11 This clearly follow what advertisement;

end of Glauber's are Appelius's own remarks.

470

Appendix

Copy extract ?, 4 March

in 1661.

Hartlib's

hand,

Charles

de Montendon

to

HP 1519119A-B
[ 1519119A I Leipsigk. Glauber hee charges did I I had is fallen Mee that not vpon I March Mee at have 4.1661 the Altenburg-Court, the only the cause, 24. where why his

beene

busines which which

proceed to the

having the

gotten Electoral from

Processe of Mentz least which highest

entrusted to

Delegats Altenburg, the Monies beene the

imparted ] <Hee>

Delegates have gotten

[deletion? were

should

promised, and from

which therfore his and

indeed those Schoole,

would of going the

have

Injustice, themselves their made this such to leaves, the I

Altenburg away

had without they

separated taking also All saved I also have that in now the have care the

keeping to doe

Monies, to which claw's.

which 4000. meanes

Bavarian I of

amounting by

Rixd. I have doe

confesse out this

have the

done.

Monies

Impostors and I to

Nor it,

attest hath

Truthl

maintaine therfore -

which that I so

Court

approved. myselfe in out

am glad Germane

exercised I need not

the

Language, of Glaubere I

to

put

my Refutation which

French

Language

<Tongue> have

otherwise to

should

Ie. 1 trutn.

nor

do

any

objection

attesting

this

471

beene

necessitated (Glaubers)

to

doe. deceits

For

having

found

the which and (others? -A Vnand yea the ]

Deceivers

by my owne losses, else but falshood to warne entituled divulged sharp

<now> I know to cousenage, for their

bee nothing [count? ] it

I have

my duty, on purpose hitherto

good by a Treatise Refutation I confesse calling of Glaubers

needful Truths. passionat great writings

I have <him>

beene

somwhat Knave

Villaine

and Theefe also shall

and impudent vnder to his enter

Arch-Cheater. owne hands, into to

I have so that of I

certain bee able him(altered vndertaken hee hath had

[1519119B] f. rom them]

a course what

Law with

either to

performe th

hee hath which

and promi sed or from here far ree a Friend

recover of mine.

Monies, fore-said against

the

Treatise-is the Mart. 2', Thus his

printed Charls

and will de Montendon

bee ready from

Leipzigk

concerning

purpose

and Booke

against

Glauber.

Ie.

the

Frankfurt

Book

Fair.

472

Chapter The Dawn of

Seven Wisdom

[... ] ut Lux oboriatur Ispero mundo tam in naturalibus ita (*I divinis: auroram'jam videre mihi videorl quam in things hope light on the world, will rise as well indeed it in divine: things seems to me I can as natural dawn') to Moriaen the Benjamin 19 Worsley, see already May 1651, HP 9/16/5A.
7: 1 Benjinzin worsley's AZcheadcal Mission to the

Netherlands This small attain group traces the the Hartlib personal circle through of the it that collaboration on a quest practical serious of how literally world is and to of a

chapter within

spritual It

enlightenment is the to story master As such, the idea as the All the in

experiment. scientific transmuting these not thinkers

an entirely techniques shows the just physical of

attempt matter. took

so much the

object

medium

human perception and chapters to open come the the

rightly

understood.

preconceptions the this foregoing attempt of

preoccupations to the fore of in

discussed this

episode,

'gate material. their to its

things'

and gain

a view

a reality the

beyond

The correspondence reflections ultimate on the

between

protagonists, reaction a great

undertaking failure,

and their supply of of the the the

and inevitable into between their

insights many relationship of God in the of

understanding and spirit, and of

matter world, itself.

operation and

created

nature

function

knowledge

473

In possibiliy chemistry, the about lasted 1649.2 everything, doubt

1647, of

at

the

same time Glauber Worsleyl

Hartlib to

was canvassing to for been expedition, 1648 to teach a visit established which autumn

the

bringing

England

Benjamin

was preparing previously of this

to

Netherlands. the nature the

Little

has

and purpose beginning papers this of

from

January much,

Hartlib's about the

reveal undertaking, Worsley

though

by no means beyond bring all

proving hoped to

that

main

prize

home

Webster, and also Charles On Worsley, see below, I for universal from worsley: reform 'Benjamin engineering to the Navigation Act'; SHUR, 213College the Invisible 'New light Worsley's Clericuzio, on Benjamin 235; Antonio 236-246; J. J. SHUR, O'Brien, philosophy', natural Schemes for the Advancement of Learning', 'Commonwealth Studies 16 (1968), 30-42. Journal A of Education British about his career, handy summary of the known facts with is by list G. E. Aylmer, provided of sources, extensive an the The Civil Service English servants: of state's The (London, 1973), 270-72. 1649-1660, Republic late Feb. 1647 as the date of suggests 2 Webster is far too (op. cit., but this departure 223), Worsley's in England 10 Dec. 1647, He still on was when early. to locate his wife had some recipes was trying Culpeper to 'doe me the kindnes to search lost, and asked Hartlib for them' & Mr Woorsly (HP diligently at yourselfe Culpeper on 20 Oct. 1647 did not, 13/206B). as Webster his for 'express Worsley's "trade admiration of claims, ingenuity knowledge"I (ibid., 224): he said and much soe would Igoe ouer' he hoped Worsley and engage in such is in fact (see fuller the letter quote below): trade in Worsley that England was still date. at this evidence hand, situates the visit 'some time on the other clucas, Correspondence in the summer of 16481 ('The of a XVII"Chymicall Gentleman", 152): Worsley Century was indeed that in the Netherlands summer, but had been there since letter to A Hartlib dated January. The least Hague, at gives a detailed 14 Feb. 1648 (HP 36/8/lA-6B), account of He mentioned contacts and activities. recent Worsley's 'the The Hague 27thl, on at having presumably arrived of before which he had spent some time in January, Rotterdam.

474

with

him was a detailed and operations. College this,

knowledge The idea reflected Glauber to

of

Glauber's of recruiting a hope of

chemical Glauber obviating

equipment for the

Gresham need for

perhaps but if

would to

not

come to

England,
From assessing specific sources introduction, 'wei Glauber Glauber during chance offered had

England
at the queries on Glauber. least

would

have

send

Glauber.
was busy sending principal an useful: von H that up no were who Novi

August for

1647, such and

Hartlib an

prospects to

expedition, his to would iemand

Moriaen 3 Moriaen he Ich was so (no. be

Appelius,

promised confident bald 96). als

arrange prove etwas considered Worsley there unless Appelius, to was

4 which woll das kan' probably 5

auch

erlangen would his of stay. obtaining

Appelius to out put

prepared

Both

pointed from

that Glauber

anything financial in the

he

a suitable wryly

recompense. note alles and his 7 he appended

commented that (roughly earlier) emphatic

Furni

utilitates floo years more

Obedeute(t] the sum he be this

Reichstaler"6 friend Moriaen had paid

thought some

would about

enough. point,

was given

somewhat Glauber's

8 though

letters do not survive, but 3 Hartlib's that they were full from the replies of about Glauber. 4 See no. 94. to Hartlib, 26 Sept. /6 Oct. 5 Appelius 45/1/37A. 1 to this see Appendix 6 HP 63/14/49B: to Hartlib, 26 Sept. /6 Oct. 7 Appelius 45/1/37B. 8 No. 93.

it is detailed 1647,

obvious queries HP

chapter. 1647, HP

475

reputation, much of
This

it

was advice

which

can hardly

have

come as

a surprise.
prerequisite was to be supplied by, or by means

of, for

Cheney the

Culpeper, of

who had already Address scheme,

pledged

his

support

office fired was

and whose

imagination

had been Culpeper

by his

labours

on the

translation.

his taken, many with very of muche soe ingenuities, (yf Mr Worsley that [Glauber's) ) him, (in trouble take vpon as much soe will ingenuity and knowledge) the trade much of soe & to goe ouer to to become the Factor, his ingenuities & to purchase of Glauberus, become a marchante I shall him), willingly in be to busines, & the shall glad venturer that the that to as voyage finde number, others 9 taken. be vnder may Worsley considerable imagination.
of the -*Invisible

(c. 1618-1677) charm, with

was evidently an acute brain

a man of and eclectic mover

Together

with

Boyle,
in the

he was a prime
1640s. 10

College'

As Webster

observes, his more writings

if

he had become would probably

a member of have than the

the

Royal a great

Society, deal

attracted they

attention

and respect has shown that

11 have, and Antonio

Clericuzio

'Physico-Astrologicall

to Oct. 1647, Hartlib, 20 HP 13/197A. The Culpeper 9 is Culpeper's. bracketing On Culpeper's illogical offer the Address, for Office Hartlib to funding of see of Works, Boyle, 76. 1647, Nov. Boyle, the 'New Invisible Light College', Webster, on See 10 Historical Society 24 (1974), of the Royal Transactions 59-67. Instauration, Great 19-42; also Worsley: for 'Benjamin engineering Webster, universal 11 213-235,225. SHUR, reform',

476

Letter' supposed
Worsley.

found to
12

among Boyle's be by Boyle

papers

at

his fact

death

and long by

himself

was in

written

Biographical investigation very in of interesting the DNB only of

details his life

are

scarce,

and a fuller would of study. present a

and thought field as the

and valuable by default, by the the teeth

He appears Surveyor William

incompetent efficient for of more the

Ireland in

replaced 1658, in or

much more of support

Petty 'the

Worsley army'.

from 13 picture

fanatical papers the

Anabaptist present

section

Hartlib's both of

a rather abilities.

appealing

man and his

He was probably his the many younger of praise are of Worsley to

Hartlib's associates, generation. where

personal certainly Though it

favourite

among all of

among those Hartlib due, his

was never comments him

stinting on Worsley

he thought

exceptionally personal and Petty Boyle natural merit:

warm. long

He used before Hartlib very

as a yardstick between the and

any enmity described learned

had arisen, linguist,

latter 'of but

as a fine disposition

a sweet for all

and moral

comportment',

Boyle, Works the V, Air', 638History of "General 12 'New Clericuzio, Light the see For reattribution, 644. SHUR, 238-9. Worsley's philosophy', natural Benjamin on 178 190; Webster, 113, and also see nos. XLVI and DNB 13 judgment. the DNB's harsh for of reappraisal a op. cit., in the next Worsley is to on an entry supply Webster the DNB. of edition

477

that proud

-*not altogether to tell had Boyle

a very that this for

dear

Worsley'.

14

He was soaring look upon

'noble time to but

and high come, to

spirit'15

'resolved, private took 16

me no more asa Hartlib accordingly

friend, to Boyle for

as a father'. to him as *my

referring too

philosophical the warmest Worsley's limited, indication supplied almost being English, obliged mich
im

son'. affection

obviously

entertained

17 him. seems to have been

formal not

education

if

so severely lack of

as Glauber's. a scholarly of his

The clearest background is a letter for into not

of

his

by the certainly able to

shortcomings to Worsley,

Latin.

In

Moriaen

apologised Glauber that 'Er

translate

a message clearly to

from

18 and later to write

indicated Worsley: selbsten


19 Again

he felt wolle bin

English das Ich


so

[Worsley] schreib
1657p

excusiren

an ihn
fertigt.

nichts
in

Englischen

nicht

Moriaen

apologised
a German

for

not

being
for

able
Worsley,

satisfactorily
and asked

to
Hartlib

translate
to do

enclosure

to 16 Boyle,, Nov. 1647,,, Boyle,, Works VI, 76. Hartlib 14 disillusioned became later Petty: extremely with Hartlib humorous to Boyle 10 bitterly Aug. his account of see 112-113. VI,, Works Boyle, 1658,, 28 Feb. 1654, Boyle, to Boyle, Works VI, 79. Hartlib 15 ibid., 1658, 27 April 104-5. to Boyle, Hartlib 16 Worsley's years eighteen elder. about was Hartlib 'Benjamin Worsley'. 220, Webster, and Great cf. 17 letters the there. 59-60 cited and rnstauration, , No. 107. 18 If&lt 109: Cf. 112. no. writing mir gegen H also No. 19 langsam'. vnd schwehr zue Worsley

478

so.

20

Since

there

is

no

question

of

Moriaen's

competence

in

Latin,

this
the

can only
language

mean that
well. The

Worsley
ten

did

not
from

understand

letters

Moriaen 1651"21 someone


replied

to

Worsley

which

are

in

Latin, to is

all

dating

from by

were for
in

presumably the recipient.


22

intended It

be translated that

clear

Worsley

English.

This prevent distinction. In the

social Worsley

and scholarly from becoming

disadvantage an autodidact of

did of

not some

He was also when his promoting more

something association

an entrepreneur. with for Hartlib producing

mid-1640s, he-was busy

began, saitpetre

a scheme profitable

by a method than shared. in Ireland, the In

and less Glauber an army in

inconvenient strongly surgeon

23 interest usua, an about 1640 or

41 he had been medicine

and he was studying

No. 158. 20 HP 9/16/lA-13B and 63/14/13A-B. 21 letters these Moriaen Worsley back quoted In of one 22 that he had not the telling comment with to him, his 'prmcedentes Tuas ad initially meaning: understood inspexissem, diligetius illa denub literas ponderavi me (I Iovali de last nostro considered opere your Tua verba those to me again and weighed more carefully letter words business (If Tin]. thinke you our of about good yours of the to heere thing of way us we may perhaps to adde any it. by (Moriaen )' to advantage even an you retourne 'business HP the 1651, 9/16/6A. On May 26 of Worsleyr Tin', see below). the for his saltpetre project See proposals at HP 23 a similar unascribed and 17/11/12A-13A; 71/11/1A-B is by Worsley. 53/26/6A-B HP probably also at document Instauration, Great 378-80, Webster, and See also for Worsley: universal reform', engineering 'Benjamin , 215-17.

479

1647,24 Worsley', August

but it 1649,

though

he later

took

to

calling

himself 25 In

'Dr

seems he never shortly before

obtained his that return

a degree. from the

Netherlandsi up formal Virginaia improve obtain the It

he announced study. to help

he was thinking instead going

of out there

giving to or to

He envisaged establish onees. office Dury,

new plantations Alternatively, in Britain or

existing some public of

he hoped Ireland

through 26 that of

influence was almost

Hartlib,

Culpeper

and Sadler.

certainly Secretary following in

on Hartlib's to the

recommendation short-lived he spent of other related most official to trade Council of

he was appointed Trade rest (1650-51), of his life

which

the

a succession

secretarial economics. 27

and administrative

posts

and

Worsley's difficulties 1647, Hartlib's expedition. Culpeper's been largely Culpeper office

mission before it

to

the

Netherlands started. of

ran

into

had even his offers

On 17 November support both for

withdrew of

Address of the

and Worsley's a family quarrel

Dutch arising from

As a result support of

Parliamentary and was not

faction, in

he had to

dispossessed,

a position

in to know him, before 93 nos. getting and Moriaen, 24 this Icandidatus him to medicinml, as 94 referred had provided. Hartlib description the being evidently 271; Webster, 'Benjamin Servants, State's The Aylmer, 25 213. Worsley', 1649, 33/2/3A-4B. HP 27 Aug. to Dury, 26 worsley in loc. Aylmer, details cit. 27 Fuller

480

contribute out,, that in

28 he had hoped. as December would Culpeper, in March or January.

Nevertheless, a Micawberish in the

Worsley trust of

set

29 in

funds

somehow materialise perhaps that feeling

course

the

journey. remarked

a little

embarrassed,

I am extremely for Mr Woorsly sorry whome (to freely deale judge I must with you) somewhat that erroneous, wowlde not see him selfe well bottomed before hee vndertooke journy. his For 30 in late I continue my selfe my condition.

Worsley

was certainly

well

supplied more during for find them out

with his not

an assortment stay, clear. but His of

of

commissions, whether first drainage patent taking for

and received paid to

he was being task was to mill in try

is what

had become granted

the

William 1639.31 production

Wheeler Dorothy of

had been Dury,

a Dutch of an

who was thinking waters', wanted

up the

'cordiall

HP 13/204A. to Hartlib, 17 Nov. 1647, Culpeper 28 in illness he expected 1641, to which a severe During had the Culpeper his fatal, signed over control of prove father, Culpeper. Sir Thomas Sir his Thomas to estates in his to the to son return control event of was supposed by but, Cheney's outraged latter's recovery, support the he refused the to of civil war, outbreak at Parliament of debts Sir Thomas's Furthermore, own were charged do so. he had taken the from his over estates of the revenue to the 1646-7, the with of estates In now course son. his Culpeper trying control, was under again apparently imposed in them fine the on reduced, and succeeded to get but third, by was still a the cut about charge having bill for in Nov. E844 1/-. 1647 He with was a confronted throughout in financial the rest straits of consequently in debt death. heavily his For at life, was and his 'Introduction' Greengrass, to The detailst see fuller (forthcoming). Culpeper Cheney Sir of Correspondence See n. 2 above. 29 ], 29 HP March 1648, 13/214B. [Hartlib? to Culpeper 30 6 96, n. See no. 31

481

account

of

distilling

techniques duly of sent

practised her (via

in

the a For

Netherlands, long her

and Worsley account

Hartlib) 32

and detailed husband

various the

processes.

he investigated for-the and the productions theory

charges of-his put

made by Menasseh Hebrew press in

ben Israel Amsterdam

being that 33

about

in

Menasseh's were supply about object more a more of

and serrariusts the lost tribes to 34

circles of Israel.

the

native

Americans promised exactly to what

He also though forget

intelligence is of to full unclear. the

Robert But

Child, not

he did next I

the I to

principal send give of once you his

exercise:

'The and then,

opportunity shall be able the

Glauberus, account from from

of

things'. to

35

At

bottom

copy a

a letter quotation the hopes

Dury

Worsley,

Hartlib is

scribbled very

Isaiah in brasse

60: 17 which Worsley's j will

suggestive

of

invested 'For silver,

intelligence-gathering bring gold, and for iron

expedition: will iron". bring 36

and for

wood brasse

and for

stones

Worsley 32 3B. HP 1/2/1A-B 1648, 12 14 March Worsley, and to Dury 33 to Dury, July Worsley 27 26/33/4A-5B, HP and 1649, July its theory this On and HP 33/2/18A-19B. 1649, 2, and the Two, section Chapter see ramifications, there. cited literature 1648, HP 36/8/6A. 14 Feb. Hartlib, to Worsley 34 letter from had received a Moriaen already Ibid. 35 (no. 14 Feb. 97). to Glauber on to pass on Worsley HP 1/2/1B. 36

to

Hartlib,

22 June/2

July

1649,

HP 26/33/1A-

482

Worsley he made his another contrary presumably put in worsley childbed,

reached first

Amsterdam

on 25 February with for Moriaen.

1648, 37

where Here

personal

contact store,

disappointment to Appelius's from Arnhem his

was in

Glauber, to

expectations, to house, declare

had written himself

unwilling

up in

as Helena

Glauber

was again

and Glauber

himself

was taken Worsley seem to though there.

up twenty-four found this

hours very him to

a day with demoralising, from proceeding him other with seeds Hartlib. language

a new experiment. and it to would

have

discouraged had offered end of may on

Arnhem,

Glauber At the

find

accommodation Moriaen supplied 38 in

he was still some exotic agency about neither Latin: of the

Amsterdam, America

experimenting through the

from

Moriaen

was especially highlighting had a very again good

concerned that

barrier, Worsley

Glauber

nor

command of

hoch Latein wans auff woll Glauber verstehet Er wird wird aber teutsch nicht augesprochen 1 das wird [ Ihme reden wollen Lateinisch ... die zue wieder machen conversation und unlustig 98)039 (no.

The prospects highly technical

for

precise matters

scientific cannot have

communication looked bright.

of

No. 9837 No. 9938 in communication oral The problems 39 Latin of conventions national different by travellers frequently mentioned were those to hindrance be even a and could language. in the

by caused pronunciation of the period, fluent completely

483

Moriaen and to help

did him done

his find for

best his

to feet

keep in

Worsley's Amsterdam,

spirits just

up as he time

had earlier seemingly

Rittangel more

and Pell,

and this

with

rather (they

success.

Language

problems in the to English, two

notwithstanding in which Moriaen

presumably than

communicated comfortable), his h6re der visit

was less Brun,

became good the Herrn gehen", following Worsly

friends. year, sehr

after 'Ich auf

Amsterdam [Moriaen]

reported: ehret vndt

dz Er

Rechten

handt

1ABet

adding

darkly

and somewhat

mysteriously,

Ihm aber von etlichen nicht zum besten welches vnd zwar nicht ohne vrsach, wird aufgenommen, ist betagter Man ' in dan H. Morian ein zimlich
vielen KQnsten vndt wiSenschafften erfahren.

40

What six is the

impropriety or twenty-seven that

was seen years)

in is

this

age gap

(about

twenty-

unclear. of

The implication trying to obtain

perhaps older

Worsley

was suspected frailer As will come to less than man's

and presumably or deception. later rather

hard-won

secrets

by coercion moriaen guilty scientific did of

become believe

apparent, that in Worsley their was

indeed

giving

he gained

exchanges. who was living in May of unspecified and at and not very the nearby in Purmerent to of August of at the

Appelius, time, spoke

'hinderances' beginning

Worsley's sent 40 41

undertakingl4l

detailed more a Brun to AppeliuS

encouraging

report

13 June 1649,39/2/9A. Hartlib, May 1648, HP 45/1/47A. to Hartlib,

484

his

doings least

(though

making

it

clear

that

by this stage

time

he

had at to

met Glauber,

who by this

had returned

Amsterdam): Mr Worsleys Glauber werck geht langsam fortp dz ihm die zeit fhlt vnd kosten nicht schwer fallen, viel zeit man bringt mit complementen rund aus was vnd wie man ein zu, vnd sagt nit ding begehrt, was oder wie man ein ding zusagt, frchten Glauber etliche vnd auf sich nimt: zusage keinen gengen knnen werde seiner
thun. 42

Some sort

of

negotiations will details any trip to

were

clearly below vague of

in

progress, they

and were Most whole

some suggestion about, but the

be given remain letters from

what

and uncertain. from of the the two

regrettably, period were in of the

hardly Dutch

survive either light

men who

a position himself

shed

most

on such

matters,

Worsley

and Moriaen. the hindrances to with find riche Worsley him had to 'very overcome, in been

Whatever Culpeper frawghtinge sent (through

was delighted himselfe Hartlib) relating & vse of to cold'. in that

intentiue having pretty, topics, on: lyf

ladingell of his a 'very favourite went

details one of 43

experiment 'nature meete

the hee me his a

Culpeper

with

more

nature, again

hee shall that he would if

muche oblige bring 'venter

by them', financial

and added affairs

once

he could willingly

into

order

Aug. 2 to Hartlib, 42 Appelius from Culpeper the quotes See 43 3. Five, section Chapter

1648, HP 45/1/39B. on this subject

in

485

share, ' in still supplied been

the

enterprise. about (apparently

44 the

At

the

end of of source

July,

though be had

prevaricating by him

question

money to of

another

funding 'that

secured

by Hartlib45), wowlde
46

he was eagerly master of

hoping all

Mr Woorsly
his furnaces'.

make himselfe

Glauberus

Glauber, only wife

however, in the

was very

far

from

being

Worsley's and his and were thanked

new contact visited to for

Netherlands. in the

Kuffler 1648t

Amsterdam Worsley

summer of 47

introduced Worsley

by Moriaen. 'Dr

Culpeper wife's chocks

communicating especially 48 Worsley fens

Kuffler's harty

experiments, [artichokesll. draining principally achievements world, the

concerning also with

discussed various Jacob were anti-Dutch ought admiration.

schemes Dutchmen,

for

English Moriaen's in land the only

'cousin' reclamation standard

Pergens. the

49 of that

Dutch the the to be had

envy

and even were

topos by rights 50

Netherlands under water

a bog that a grudging

reveals

Worsley

to Hartlib, April 1648, HP 13/215A. 5 Culpeper 44 to Hartlib, 25 July 1648, HP 13/231A: 'I Culpeper 45 is that (for hee the from yourselfe presente) vnderstande find hint to I this can no as what supplied'. otherwise have been. might source alternative Ibid. 46 ?, to 1648,42/l/lAl 22 July Worsley recounting cf. 47 the Kufflers dined had he with at Moriaen's. that 13/217B. HP Ibid., 48 Darby, H. C.. The Draining the this see subject, On of 49 1940). (Cambridge? Fens Embarrassment The Schamal An of Riches: Simon See 50 in the Culture Golden Dutch Age of Interpretation 1988). Los Angeles 257-288. and London, esp. (Berkeleyt

486

hopes both with word or

of

persuading

Pergens in

and his the fens,

friends but

to

invest again spread about to the

money and expertise a dispiriting of the

met once to

response. but

Pergens warned in that

promised

suggestion, to Dutch the

uncertainty was likely 'many of

antipathy

new regime

England

discourage cheife of

investors, and of by having

and moreover his

the

Dutch,

owne freinds, in our

had beene fenns

themselves already'.
The same motion The time,

dreyned 51

a hand

inventor intending 52

Caspar to and

Kalthof demonstrate Worsley

was

in one his

Amsterdam of his

at

the

perpetual too.

machines, was report, had not set

made night boorest, relayed

acquaintance the

device

burned by 'the

down

the

before

planned to that it Kalthof

demonstration Worsley's Kalthof would

dutch Brun it

according a rumour having

though fire up to to his

himself, claims. 53

realised Put

live

Worsley

in

touch

with

Petty,

who planned scheme, of their in or

to

collaborate least bitter fervent Worsley dispute,

with

him

on a mine 54 thought. is this a rather

drainage In view sad

so at later

there at

irony Petty, 'free

Worsley's

admiration saw as an of

juncturefor of the to 71 to 13 to

whom he apparently and generous

exemplar 51 52 53 to 54

communication

Worsley See no. Worsley Hartlib, Worsley

22 June/2July 1649, HP 26/33/1A. Hartlib, n. 4. 15 June 1649, HP 8/50/1A, Petty, and Brun June 1649, HP 39/2/9A. 15 June 1649, HP 8/50/lA-2B. Petty,

487

secrets' goal: 55

that

was the

whole

Hartlib

circle's

ostensible

I easily haue given you could not nee to loue you, then cause, passionatly greater to generous you haue in that offer of yours, [ ... your enedeauors with Mr Kalthofs conjoine being nothing there amongst great or peeral tho nothing lesse more frequent, witts, manly, then mmulation, [ ... ] and envy and detraction nothing more rare or to bee consequently then to find the contrary admired 56 disposition. In fact there did is some doubt to 'conjoin merely, man's as to his & la whether Petty

ever with

really Kalthof,

intend

endeavours' Clodius, to

and was not of before letter the other

taking further his own.

advantage Already Worsley's also will year, within

research

4 February - Hartlib

1649 - four had noted perfect him'. 57

months that

before 'will and same

Petty Invention or Petty

a few day's joine with

Kalthof's In April

now not so still

May the was

before

Worsley's that

letter,

apparently

convinced

deceived himself finde as to this will Kalthof [Petty] that Hee conceives vse. or application hee can doe more in his way then Kalthof bee [Kalthof] [ ... I as himself shall himself letter to him, by his owne of sensible made 58 in Worslys. Mr hee enclosed sends which the is description title the from on page The phrase 55 Medicinal to the Chymical, and contribution Boyle's of Discourse 'An Epistolical Addresses, of Chyrurgical be to Empyricust, virtually which can read as Philaretus manifesto. the group's 1649, HP 8/50/1A. June 15 to Petty, 56 Worsley 28/1/3B. HP 49f Eph 57 himself the Petty 28/1/17A, HP as giving 49, 58 Eph source.

488

There Petty

was some disparity, was telling At all Hartlib events,

it

would

seem,

between

what

and what no such

he was telling ever did

Worsley. take place.

collaboration

Worsley of the

was particularly Fromantil These were or

taken Fremantil,

with

the

productions his

mechanic 59 to Far

especially to in Worsley, created

microscopes. unveiling matter. they of

a revelation diversity

him an unimagined from confirming him of the

micro-macrocosm individuality

analogies, and disparity

brought the

home to parts

component

Creation:

wee may say not every man only but evey [sic] beast or fowle of the same, species, yea, every its is knowne by it beleeve name C... ]I sand imploy & fill many yeares, a good volume, would this little to the world Atlantis, to discover hitherto of the Creation, not or Vnknowne part 60 by looked Any. after well

is a thoroughly figure obscure who appears 59 Fromantil inventor. There are numerous been have an all-round to in 1649 the Ephemerides Hartlib's of on, and mentions 'Ahasverus include list Fremantils Mechanical of a papers in (n. d., HP 71/19/lA-B), his owne hand' in takings Vnder brought by Worsley. These or over sent probability all for levelling clocks, an engine include various river for engines raising weights or water. various beds and (HP fire invented 53/35/5A), a engine an He also the concentration in for measuring of liquids instrument in 'art Iron-wheels', notches of making an and compound, (Eph 49j HP 28/1/32B 35A). wheels cog and meaning perhaps to his is the correspondent mention only Worsley microscpes. ?, June July 1648, HP to 27 42/2/lA. or Worsley 60 interesting this circulating very was obviously Hartlib for something of a manifesto which constitutes letter, three in there his are copies as philosophy, natural 8/27/9A-13B. 8/27/2B-7B The 42/2/lA-2A, HP and papers, is the dated two June, July. these other of second

489

This

moved Worsley with help

to

take

up lens-grinding from

himself Moriaen), and

(probably to declare

and encouragement to of rank alongside

'Optikes' branch

'Chymial to with to

as the man. him for he

most This the

excellent passionate rest of his

knowledge in optics his for

available remained return the

interest life, the best

and after customers sent. into

England, and 61

became

one of of

telescopes by Moriaen. directly of

microscopes

Wiesel

England

From these declare vulgare opinionstj humane'. 62 that

musings,

Worsley

proceeded much reading

to

he had

'abdicated

Bookes,

received

Traditions 'divided highly in

& common or knowledge suggestive which of

Schoole Divine &

and had It is climate he could

into the

intellectual had been of be an

and cultural formed that

Worsley's suppose

thought the idea to

so brashly from

distinguishing original taken such to one, task

secular

divine

knowledge earlier (or

when Comenius precisely (see for

a decade failing Four, of

had been to 2). on his he asserted make

refusing)

a distinction betraying with regard

Chapter

section

possibly thinking no such

an influence to be 'divine

Moriaen

knowledge',

knowledge

to

but what the Rule of fayth the necessary doune hath plainely, sett of god spiritt

in

there 107,108,109,111,156; are also See nos. 61 delivery to the of optical references repeated letters to in Worsley Latin Moriaen's of instruments 1651, HP 9/16/lA-13B. July 1648, ?, June HP 42/2/1B. 27 to or worsley 62

490

tearmes & easy to the symple & univocall understanding of any, looking vpon all poynts but at best, if controverted, as the opinions & pryde of men ( ] not the Inventions ... it no shame to be ignorant thinking of many I meane the infallible of Scripture places 63 them. sensce of Such an attitude exegetical wholly admit methods redundant. the other effectively such But radical as Dury's neither declared Analysis comprehensive Demonstrativa prepared of to

was Worsley standby Scriptural should

Evangelical means of out, 'wee

personal

revelation if it were,

as a certain he pointed of 64 opinion Indeed,

illumination: have no we see to the

difference contrary'. a complete enlightenment philosophy'. moving It of in is

among good men, on the of the face sort hallmark could of of

which it, this

seems like

rejection that

chemico-religious of the 'Chemical of Worsley of this' more science. division interested But too it as

was the

The impression a wholly that,

be given conception

towards quite

areligious having

clear

established deal

knowledge, the 'human'

he himself than the to not

was a good 'divine'

department. terms to

would it the

be a mistake

take his

Worsley's intention

literally. God from

was certainly laboratory In

dismiss

altogether. letter, Worsley all subjects, probably asserted singling to Hartlib, on

later much a Learning1l of

'Vniversal

the out the

interdependence 63 64 Ibid. Ibid.

491

disciplines divinity. them the far could others, from 65

of All

astrology, four were

medicine, interrelated

chemistry

and

and no one of reference Worsley to was gaining

properly especially dismissing

be understood not to the

without fourth.

human knowledge work to of and the ways

as a means of of God, of

insight firmly

into

the

and was still the not as to the the of human

committed

the all

Pansophic disciplines,

notion

interrelatedness excepted. Comenius 66 did,

divinity learning, minds about division that

Indeed,

he still

saw all raise men's

as a means to of in God. In

contemplation microscopes and divine discovery 'more setts

the

same letter the

which

he proclaimed he also variety immensity that

knowledge, of infinite out the

affirmed in of the the

this world of God then or

microscopic wisedome

any other, occasion'. The distinguish astrological sense, but

& proves 67

nothing

was'-done

by chance

Idivine

learning'

that from his

Worsley physical, in of

wanted

to and

and exclude studies the specific

chemical its broadest

was not

divinity

discipline

Scriptural

14 Oct. 1657. By 'astrology,, HP 42/l/7A-8B, Worsley 65 divination-but the the the of art study of not meant indirect) (direct bodies or of celestial effects physical he in his and as motion, explained matter sublunary on Letter' 1657 (copies Of c. July 'Physico-Astrologicall at Latin translation 26/56/5A-BB; and 26/56/lA-4B at HP n. 12 above). and cf. 42/l/18A-25B, 'New Cf. Clericuzio, light 42/i/7A-B. HP on Benjamin 66 242. philosophy', natural Worsley's HP 42/2/1A. 67

492

exegesis. 'divine of the

All learning' Bible,

his

somewhat refer

dismissive to

comments the of

on

exclusively understanding the

understanding God. of of Indeed, God would science and

not

to

the that

he very

much implied deal of better Scripture, Worsley's in this

understanding by the all its study

be a good than that

promoted with

ambiguities been to

obscurities. developing Netherlands John Hall,

thought

had already he went

direction

before

the student at in the Iudge


about The things

and met Moriaen. whom Hartlib and put to the in latter the

The earnest

young

cultivated touch his with

as a contact Worsley, early

Cambridge expressed question


Physical the case

1647

doubts

concerning

'Whether
Controversies

Scripture
or no?, 68

bee an adequate
Hall on was this frank subject.

of

derivativeness against to is the in as are that, that

of

his

thoughts 'dos of

Scripture Tenents cases, merely Comenius can but

expresse Nature' by The out one in thing and hath to view an the

some and 'Men is

contrary consequently, Authoritiel favour to his

received such

interpreted figurative. points teach at

of

great in

being as 'Man all Creation

arguments 'Preface' at that End a time Moses, meant faith

Physica, is infinit of Spirit'. Hall had to

God who description the over but 68 Holy

things

once',

Iquestionles conditioned the latter

by

Clearly found

favour

reason, still Hall

more

convincing,

reservations. 5 Feb. 1647, HP 3/6/1A-B.

Worsley,

493

What is it illustrative the

interesting of the

about intellectual problems is for

this

document, climate of

and makes the times of

and of

conceptual

facing not either the

the rather side,

promoters flimsy but the

'experimental argumentation that to a young establish

philosophy', put scholar his point forward such

fact

as Hall,

evidently orientation, It the is

struggling saw this significant worth copies in each his

own intellectual to be determined. thought

as a crucial too that

Hartlib and letter 69-

obviously (presumably)

exchange two

preserving of Hall's

distributing: reply are

and Worsley's substantial the seriousness arguments

preserved

papers. also

Worsley's to

and considered with of which

response he took the

testifies

question, interest. affirme conteineth that, with

and contains It what would primitive but at

rather Worsley Truths quite

more

intrinsic 'to

be presumptuous, or it materiall was already to practical

opined, the Scripture to

not"70 regard

clear

him

least truths in its

and scientific in Scripture in

knowledge, a manner of

any such that mankind

were

expressed state

fallen in

was not insight

capable into Biblical

comprehending. scholar's

Indeed, idea of the of

an intriguing

a Puritan study

Heaven,

he envisaged suggesting

as a feature

afterlifei

that as in

be part It shall it is not absurd to thinke. imployment happinesse, as of our of our well

36/7/2B-3A; HP 3/6/1A-B letter and at Hall's 69 HP 36/6/3A-8B 1647) 36/7/3A-6B. (16 Feb. at and Worsley's 70 HP 36/6/4B.

494

the other which the discovering. In its to that for the

lyfe, whole 71

to find Ages of

in it that [Scripture], the world came short

of

meantime,

however, of

humankind

was thrown

back

on

own resources supply in those holy writ

empirical

observation about too the nature

and experiment of if turned that things at all,

revelations were to

couched

obscurely,

mere mortals

comprehend. on its not with head, those

He neatly suggesting

the the the divine sin

literalist of

argument lay their

presumption of of merely of

who preferred above the

evidence authority their

merely

human senses but with those of

Scripture,

who preferred Scripture above the

human interpretation their God-given senses:

evidence

phrase of scripture, if any upon a probable in build without physickes axiome an shall (for the himselfe thinking obleiged afterwards hold to strictly a others) of satisfaction the rules and lawes of with correspondency I should not conceive Reason, and experience. in law by tyed, any rule or any my selfe to his to believe or give creditt Scripture, his I confound should neither Assertion: the Scripture, with authority of of allegation of Reason or where any evidence Scripturer did oppose him. from experience demonstration it much more safe, to bend the As apprehending then to to truth, Scripture writhe of words truth so, as it may speake to such or such a truth For scripture. will ever, of sense illustrate and open, cleere, admirably it the Scripture selfe, whereas very Scripture, is, it that Truth what concealeth oft, 72 conteineth.

71 72

HP 36/6/4B. HP 36/6/5B-6A.

495

All ,1ex lumine Collegiants'

this

is

very

reminiscent

of

the in

argumentation Boreel, at on and the Scriptural

Naturml rejection or exegesis insistence elucidation

Moriaen of

commended all

human attempt 73 The remarks to oneself of detail,

interpretation Scriptural repeated particular expect schism such

commentary. are that of very to

similar commit

Moriaen's to a or to to

any point others, freedom

commitment

from

could of While only

only

lead

and dissent, fraternity that Worsley

whereas

conscience it with should 'physical prophecies further, in is Moriaen's to be used be

encouraged stressed

and union. is dealing with moral

Controversies', or divine matters, out

and not his is at

precepts, a stage

argument most only

goes

bringing

what stance.

implicit of Nature to

and Boreel's not only to

The light but

demonstrate truth.

actually

interpret saying

Scriptural was that, condition necessary Boreel

What Worsley as far as our is words

was effectively current imperfect that to it

at

least

goes, to

Scripture the

ambiguous, of Scripture Worsley Moriaen,

may be

'bend

truth'.

was another

new contact through

made in and the most three

Amsterdam, men must

74 presumably have found

one another's

company

congenial.

one. 73 See Chapter to May 1649, 2 HP Worsley, 4/1/26A-B, Dury Eg. 74 from for Boreel Worsley obtaining or Moriaen a thanking books, Hebrew Menasseh's and sending of regards catalogue hoped learn Boreel from Dury could also both. to there whether rabbi were any Jewish another or Menasseh had. to be Islam of refutations

496

Worsley the of principal Glauber's been nearly

had plenty object laboratory of

to the

keep

him

occupied, the

then,

but

exercise,

investigation not the seem to country however, last werkh herkommen habel (no., 102).

and techniques, Worsley a half.

does in

have for

achieved

until

had been On 11 June were at

a yearand that

1649, long ins

Moriaen preparing zuestellen oder

wrote

he and Worsley ein vnd

Omit H Glaubern damit zeit H Worsley vnnazlich to

anders. vergeblich

nicht

so lange Worsley's

zuegebracht the
At

attitude
changeable. at all to

project
the

was highly
of July, evidently unless in following to Dury, he he

ambivalent had seeing could England'. month declaring Appetite, agreeing affectioW. profitable <Still> he 'no

and heart brighter

beginning to England,

come in or he

over# the

prospects 'a So at place least

Netherlands, imployment Hartlib: in the

be

found 75 flatly that It with 76 is

settled told this

contradicted 'For-my there coming already; & as his the

a letter As to

over/ / This

my naturall not perfectly with of 'some a thing is my

place or

my health, However; from

little, were

lesse,

hopes Dutch in our

rising

outcome further

venture: metallicke

<expected>

Busynesse;

July June/2 1649,26/33/2B. 22 to Hartlib, Worsley 75 Aug. 1649, 27 July/6 HP 33/2/19B Dury, Worsley-to 76 in the 1 HP transcript: 165? though 127 July (misdated is letter the to Obviously a reply year, no MS gives 26/33/4A-5B). HP 1649, July 12 of Dury's

the

497

which
despayre

if

I may speake
about than

my owne thoughts

in/

lesse

ever/1.77

It leave 1649,, day'78

is the both

not United Dury

at

all

clear

when Worsley By the were middle

finally of

did August

Provinces. and Culpeper to

expecting he had in

him any already of left, high or

and according to, by late

Appelius,

was about dudgeon:

September,

a state

D. Worsley ] ich kan zegt wieder nach haus [... genug verwundern, nicht woher es komt, dz er so lang aufgehalten von Glauber worden, vnd nun hand nach haus reiset, auch mit lehrer nach dem kosten [ ... ] gethan er so lange schwehre Glauber sagt alle zeit, es mangele an ihn nicht auch H Worsley, so [word missing] vnd gleichwol sie ein ander nicht, verstehen es wundert mich [word missing] dz Glauber so hart gegen ihn ist, da er sich doch so resolut vnd liberal 79 ihn hat. vor anfang erzeigt gegen Yet a month in later, England but Henry in the More was still future tense. on other speaking 80 Perhaps of his he had on the being 1650, a hope back when of

arrival left

Amsterdam

was engaged clear occur

business of his

Continent. in England sent

The first does his not

indication until late

January

Moriaen

regards

and More

expressed

Ibid. 77 Culpeper to 78 Dury to ?, 8 Aug. 1649, HP 1/31/1B; HP 13/26OA-261B. 1649, Aug. 14 Hartlib, to Hartlib, 20 Sept. 1649, HP 45/1/41A. 79 Appelius 1649, 21 Oct. HP 18/1/35A. Hartlib, to Moriaen more 80 intended had that Worsley to observe the later mentioned him (no. Nov. 4 109), but with of whether eclipse solar him or something else that prevented it was his departure is doing not stated. so from

498

visiting however,

Worsley is that

and Hartlib

in

London. parted over

81

What is

clear,

he and Glauber Moriaen sent

on very something evidently

bad terms. he a

The following described proposal interested:

March,

as Glauber's of some sort,

'declaration', but Worsley

was no longer

ihn furschlag H Glaubers Ich hab gemeint mit [Worsley] aber es falt zueerfrewen sehr ganz die Er einbildung von Ihm seine. aus wiederartig das ist Er alles hatt schlecht zum so ganz (no. 109). auffnimbt argsten

In

his

usual

even-handed at once

way,

Moriaen

tried coarse

to

act

as

peacemaker, forthright sensitivity clarify the

blaming

Glauber's

and overly and over-

manner for terms

and Worsley's falling the His out. offer,

melancholy He also which

the of 82

tried

to Worsley have

he thought seems to

had misunderstood. mollified offering next accept Worsley his

intervention for the that 83


sent

sufficiently for

him to

respond since to the

own terms Moriaen wrote

proposed Glauber

deal,

month

was willing

Worsley's
This proposal

conditions.
or

'declaration'

by

Glauber

via

Moriaen

to

Worsley

was,

I believe,

an offer

to

reveal

to More Hartlib, (21 1650), 29 Jan., Jan. and 105 No. 81 HP 18/1/25A. in that Glauber's had method particular He stressed 82 (for the large of material quantities using tested been the on, obviously, the experimented quantity greater the results: this distinction of the reliability greater fins fins kleinel groBel and effected operations between in texts the drawn of period). chemical is regularly No. 113. 83

499

process residue This is

of of

extracting the ore

gold after in the tin

from has

tin

scoria

(ie.

the from it).

been

extracted terms in

described to the the

usual

vague

a document papers, 2000 it is an

attributed which ducats account this time sets (in of

Glauber charge region

and preserved for of a full E1400). of

in

Hartlib's at with silver ducats

revelation Together

another from lead

method ore,

extracting at 1000

and gold, (see that

valued

Appendix this remark consider as I hope Tin must It abrupt and, is

to

this

chapter). the project

The strongest under discussion the

evidence is

indeed in if it his

Moriaen's 'you may

letter this will. will

accompanying serve For the

proposal, of

Commonwealth store at of all' this (no.

England of

a great to

matter 107).

needs was at

be there just this

no vse that to

time

Glauber escape

made his his creditors,

departure temporarily into

from

Amsterdam his It

abandoning Germany.

wife

and children, be that sale this of this

disappeared strategic secret Moriaen, shadowy 'Aurifaber' two different to

may well

withdrawal a small Worsley, figure

was financed alchemical Johann

by the

consortium Kuffler

including and a very name of despite engaged projects to being in

Sibertus

going

by the

suggestive For in four of 1651,

('Goldmaker'). countries,

these

were

collaboratively

on a variety

ambitious

500

transmute extraction

metal, of gold

including from
*****

this tin.

very

process,

the

7: 2

Moriaen

and

the

'Great

Work'

Moriaen to the after results Moriaen exclusively detailed repeated Worsley. specific are

and Worsley either Busynessel return to

had almost formally in or their

certainly informally, separate and to pool letters

have to

come pursue

an agreement, Imetallicke Worsley's of to their Worsley, with a ccounts requests

countries the from

England,

experiments. dating alchemical of for the from

Ten Latin 1651, deal

almost and feature on and from is

experimentation, work Moriaen

was engaged

information materials English of tin

and materials requested, scoria. 84 there

Among the mention of

The letters precise in their white are doves

an excellent could

example be,

how linguistically suited are them,

alchemists private of their detail specified on full language knowledge 84 Moriaen Diana

when it Here bills:

correspondence. or black crows'

no dragons,

substances processes of heat

named by in

namesp quantities and the type

specified, and intensity as possible. is

described required limitation by

as accurately and clear itself, and the to

The only that of imposed the

communication by the capacity boundaries of 27 Jan.

scientist's instruments

own to

contemporary 1651,

Worsley,

HP 9/16/1B.

501

give apply

precise to the

readings scientific was himself

limitations, discourse of of

of any

course, period. linguistic

that

Moriaen limitations explain potest, dexteritate writing, lies of the his in for

conscious with.

the lie

he was confronted an operation namque maxima posita indeed est' the to Worsley

promised fieri per et

to literas

Iquoad in

eius

ratio

methodo

manuali in

('insofar greatest

as this part of 85

can be done its explanation

method

and manual

dexterity').

Describing stressed

one

transmutational to obtain the

projects', 'right sort' only

he repeatedly of ore

need

as a raw communication (nam in uno

material)'* concerning eodemque idonea the very

a goal 'quo loco

he attained in loco, differunt)

by oral in

imo cujus

fodinfi

illm

debita-et

ad opus ('the

nostrum yea are

minera mine sorts)

antimonij (for in for of the would in

invenienda'sit' one and the the work, of right is the

place, there antimonial 86 highly nature

same place sort to letter, the of

different mineral, Given unlikely this the

which our rest

suitable tone Moriaen from able

be foundt). it is

have if

concealed

exact

of it

mineral

Worsley to

he had himself it. Like

known what when

been and was enquiring gold 85 86 87

express of silver

Clodius

'what

sort'

Kretschmar technical

was making to

from187

Moriaen

had the

knowledge

to Worsley, 26 May 1651, HP 9/16/6A. Moriaen 16 June 1651, HP 9/16/8A. to Worsley, Moriaen 1. Five, section See Chapter

502

discern lacked

a difference the Glauber vocabulary was back

between to in

two

similar it. by this

substances,

but

define Germany

point, wine in

making Wertheim. Kuffler in is the a

alcahest, Moriaen's (who paid experiments) somewhat that of the use figure business from to its derision

aurum main regular

potabile collaborators visits

and artificial in from Amsterdam to

were take

Arnhem

part This

and the surprising

mysterious pseudonym for

'Aurifaber'. an alchemist,

given term

German translation for mercenary connotations more dignified or

'Goldmacher' false were Classical intended adepts,

was a stock 88 but

perhaps by

pejorative of the

deemed to tongue. to feature Peter

be expunged Another in van about shortly the Zeuel, where after

who was originally was Moriaen's

brother-in-law the but of known vital van

whom he received the on this little Amsterdam letters, papers, citing rather at mineral, piece is

information Zeuel 89 died

obtain

passing

knowledge. of

Very lived in

Aurifaber

except

that

he in to him

and was rich. there all Worsley more are from only the

Besides three

mentions references of

Moriaen's in 51, Hartlib's and all

Ephemerides

1650 and was

as informant.

Worsley

evidently 'The 88 89

impressed is

by him than the best

by Glauber: man

Aurifaber

Amsterdam

mechanical

1. Five, section See Chapter to Worsley, 9 June 1651, Moriaen

HP 9/16/7A.

503

that

ever

hee 90

[Worsley] According this

met withal to another to

i. e.

purely his real by name

mettalical'. was 'Gralle', either Grill sent

entry,

91 but or

appears

be a mistake was the

Worsley mentioned an extract

Hartlib.

Aurifaber

Antony whom Moriaen

twice

by Moriaen, copper in

92 and from mines for from being alteram call account

on Swedish occurs the

Worsley. Moriaen used in

93 to the

The identification Worsley tin describing

a letter

two-processes

experiment:

'Unam Kufflerianam, ('one (way] After proceeded way, which we will a long to is

Grillianam the

appellabimus' other method, via' nothing Antony Grillian'). he then

Kufflerian, of Kuffler's Aurifabri 94 about

'Altera

qu&- est

('the else Grill. Moriaen

other

Aurifaberts'). be known

However, this

whatsoever

seems to

was highly reports

impatient

to

receive,

in

return of an

for

the

extensive Worsley to

he was sending, nobleman

details (Inobilis')

experiment

and an unnamed fuse gold some of to identify is

had conducted Moriaen it is also not

and mercury the materials this an unlikely

indissolubly. sent to him.

wanted

possible

'nobleman' candidate: it is

conclusively.

Culpeper

Eph 51, HP 28/2/15A. 90 'The Refiners Eph 50, HP 28/1/49B: name at Amsterdam 91 is lb. is Gralle. thousand Hee 10 the Aurifaber worth of [presumably Worsley hee Moriaen] in his or speakes which ' Letters. 119 and 157. Nos. 92 No. 158. 93 to Worsley, 26 May 1651, HP 9/16/6A. Moriaen 94

504

very

doubtful

whether theory

his

imaginative by his to the

enthusiasm practical material

for expertise, resources

alchemical as also necessary Worsley's forty-two hi mself


Brereton, much suspect had

was matched he had access out many of

whether to

carry

the

processes knew more

mentioned. even Moriaen is


I very that

collaborator medical laid


or

apparently of

than

the

preparations 95 to.

antimony

claim

A likelier
friend

suggestion
Boyle. But

Worsley's that there

close was

a misunderstanding, formulation to case, the Starkey bill mean the as

and 'noble of

Worsley spirit', birth. alchemist is the in

employed Moriaen was

some had indeed

such taken the fits

which If this George any case

someone American

noble

Starkey no doubt

perfectly. became involved

There in

that

project.

Starkey
into the

had come to
fold,

London
and in

in

1650 and been


was working

welcomed
as

Hartlibian

1651

Boyle's

assistant-cum-collaborator.

96

Just

eleven

days

to Worsley, 19 May 1651, HP 9/16/5A. Moriaen 95 'Prophecy Newman, on Starkey, see William 96 and the Origin Philalethes', of Eirenmus Ambix 37 Alchemy: 'Newton's (Nov. 1990), 97-115; Clavis 3 as Starkey's part 78 (1987)l 564-574, Isis Starkey and 'George Key', and SHUR, 193-210,204, of secrets', the selling an excellent his Starkey the circle. and relations with of account fGeorge Stirkr Philosopher Turnbull, by Fire', See also the Colonial Society of 38 of Massachusetts publications 'George 219-251, and R. S. Wilkinson, Starkey, (1959)l Ambix 11 (1963)1 121-152.1 and Alchemistlf physician to consult Newman's Gehennal Fire: The have not been able Starkey, in the an Alchemist of Harvard of George Lives (Harvardl 1994). Revolution Scientific

505

after

Moriaen's

first by the

reference circle of their overture Latin letter to

to

this

'nobleman'j, Moriaen wisdom. with

97 he a

was persuaded view to the

contact

pooling made his

antimonial to Moriaen which the

Starkey in in a long

on 30 May 1651, has been of analysed his

and florid

some detail historical how the

by William detective letter forms of current

Newman in work

course 98 in

superb shows

on Starkey. stage

Newman

an early

Starkey's Basing his the (one

elaborate story early of

programme

self-mythologisation. in alchemical circles

on a legend

about

seventeenth-century favourite

magus Michael authors), student of the Starkey

Sendivogius portrayed art

Culpeper's

himself disciple America,

as an eager of

Hermetic

and the in

a mysterious

'Cosmopolite'

he had known a number of

from

whom he had received quantity of

priceless

manuscripts Starkey, incomplete

and a small however,

the

true

elixir. his to

had squandered of

this

through to

knowledge himself
traces between fading the the

the-processes into

be applied

it. - and found


Newman went through

plunged
various 1651 and

poverty.
this the distance fact by story

refinements 1654, into with

'Cosmopolite' and becoming

gradually of works

a mysterious were in

author

that

to Worsley, 19 May 1651, HP 9/16/5A. Moriaen 97 'Prophecy Newman, the origin William and Alchemy: 98 of Ambix 37 (1990), Philalethes', 97-1151 101. The Eiranmus is in to Moriaen, Starkey 30 May 1651, question letter HP 17/7/IA-2B.

506

Starkey King Regis

himself,

principally

George

Riplyels Apertus

Epistle ad Occlusum of

to

Edward

Unfolded This

and Introitus strategy great the

Palatinum. it

offered value

a number and authority

advantages: manuscripts, himself claimed initiate wisdom, to of

conferred while at of

on the

same time

relieving

Starkey everything him path he as an of him

the

onus

actually Yet it

performing also

was possible.

recommended way down the to it,

who had progressed and deserved the that and just it support

a good

and patronage

enable

complete

journey. was far as useful

As Newman puts too to uncomfortable have one for

he perhaps to be an 99 not but until only

Irealised adept,

a friend'. that taken in,

so successful were Hartlib to

was Starkey's and his identify friends the

self-projection completely

attempts

'Cosmopolite'100 established works him

continued as Starkey's own. story Of some this

1990 when Newman finally fictional creation, letter in

and his to

as Starkey's retails the

Starkey's lost elixir

Moriaen

of

the

some detail, given in still him

and also by the concrete (Iquodam

speaks

Isophic stage young

mercury' appears friend,

adept, guise

who at as 'a

relatively living'

certain [ ... ]

amico

juvene

ill. 'Prophecy and Alchemy', 99 'The Problem of the Identity Eg. R. S. Wilkinson, 100 of Ambix 12 (1964), Philalethes', 24-43. 'Eirenmus Eirenmus is a pseudonym subsequently to Philalethes' applied fictional though not one he used adept, Starkey's himself.

507

adhuc attempt imitating

vitalit). at

101 'multiplying'

This

too it.

he lost 'Aflame

in

an Unsuccessful desire of

with

that after

mercury', great

Starkey expense of

had subsequently time, money and pains, he was not but he had great with which further Paracelsus' which he could came

succeeded, in extracting

from to to call it.

antimony true sophic

something mercury, this of the

confident very close

By means of of life

produced (Imercurij cure gout,

'the vitm

mercury

Paracelsis

magnit), paralysis Though

consumption, diseases. the letter in 102

and other no specific

supposedly terms are and

incurable mentioned convoluted interest for

general

aim of

this to

extremely arouse of

obscure

was plainly or

Moriaents alchemical. in lore,

a collaboration juncture, Moriaen to their

trade and his

by this

associates the

Amsterdam of the antimony, source

had added the of in sent very

projects that

transmutation to be

substance Isophic or his early letter,

was supposed In 1651, before that

Starkey's April

mercury'. May, so just

probably Starkey

late

Moriaen

Hartlib

noted

to extract Mr Dury saw Stirky really silver out in Antimony, which was weight equal to Gold, of and out of Iron Gold of a most high colour as Hee may easily are. your Rosenobles make of it Mr Dury. 300. lib. a year. Morian worsley, to and Aurifaber vndertake into that Antimonial turne Gold. silver Also (for Gold out of Tinne to extract which they Work) and Gold out of have set up their great in great [ ... ] Iron quantity. 101 102 Starkey Ibid., to Moriaen, 17/7/2A. 30 May 1651, HP 17/7/1A.

508

is now pidling for smal stirke and toiling if joine, hee hee cannot wheras quantities, 103 by them. Worsly. bee a vast gainer Moriaen approach. became his project June, in that the was obviously From this favourite he hoped first point subject, for the impressed on, by Starkey's rather

but

antimony and it greatest after that

than this

tin

was from rewards.

on 30

letter

he sent

receiving 'the other work

Starkey's, concerning proceeding his it. work 104 It

he specifically. tin' (falterum.

mentioned opus but [ ...

] ex Iovel)

was also up with attend to

successfully, on antimony seems likely last obtained that

that

he was so taken had time 'right contain sort' to of traces

he barely that did the indeed

antimony of

he had at gold, gold once for at

Moriaen the rate

was entirely of one pound to 'lead C...

certain per the

he was extracting and that greater

hundredweight, material on to

he had learned (Isi

maturity' perducatur'), in his June

materia the yield

] ad majorem be greatly

maturitatem increased. ecstatic 105 about antimony, revelations probability

would

and July, in

Moriaen

was positively metals, the

success

transmuting excited about

particuarly prospect which of in of all 106

and even from relates

more

Worsley to

concerning the Isophic

mercury, mercuryt

Starkey.

'Dury' HP 28/2/18A. 51,, Eph and 'Worslyt 103 are the information. Hartlib's of sources to Worsley, 30 June 1651, HP 9/16/9A. 104 Moriaen Ibid. 105 the letters Especially of 30 June, HP 9/16/9A-B, 2 106 (9/16/11A-12B). July 9 (9/16/lOA-B) and July

509

No letters wrote lauding hoping effusively Starkey's he would

from to

Moriaen Worsley

to about

Starkey the

survive, new contact,

but

he

exceptional prove himself that not

learning worthy of

and generosity, such a contact, nose of to take his him

and telling indeed friends' into his if

Worsley he could behind this

he would smell the

'have

a poor

recommendations part in fact had

desire 107

on Starkey's (This was not since

confidence.

particularly specifically Moriaen's Heroicm') pointedly

perceptive told 'truly to his him heroic attention. that the it

of

him,

Starkey

was Worsley virtues' 108) reward would the

who had brought vestrw Moriaen could verb rather from of had

(1virtutis However, Worsley be the

added his

expect

communicating helping himself Worsley Moriaen given.

secrets live up to There to the

satisfaction Worsley

commendations

109

is match

a distinct Moriaen's

impression candour and

that

was failing in

forthcomingness trying worsley were to for set his better

scientific on the

exchange, knowledge felt that their

and was

a price part

he was acquiring. he and Starkey colleagues recompense in for

perhaps progress

making

than

Amsterdam,

and deserved

a more tangible

lobesae naris HP 9/16/9B: 30 June 1651, 107 sim si non suboleam'. commendationes amicorum to Moriaen, 30 May 1651, HP 17/7/1A. Starkey 108 loperae fuerit 1651: June pretium 30 eum, quem 109 vestro consilio erubuistis, non et auxilio commendare se prmstare modo virum juvare pOssit ut aliquo ne vestrm vos pudeat'. commendationis aliquando

510

imparting experiments.

their

results

than

news about

less

successful

Moriaen's Worsley, repeatedly January of with

letters for

chart

a growing

disillusion and material

with were for in

as requests ignored. 1651 had still 110 Neither which

information scoria materialised

The tin not

he had

asked

by the silver also sent

beginning fused

August.

had the

'miraculous

mercury' 111

Worsley

had apparently Worsley had

promised. oils

The information to

him

about

he considered esse Moriaen that Late

be 'common It

knowledge'

Villud not God's

vulgare will, irony,,

existimol). observed-with he should

was evidently lugubrious to rely

predestinarian on Worsley. disgruntled bitterly explain process a motive the with that had 112

be able date the of time

1649,

the

Worsley's of This

return

home,

was precisely financial overt

Moriaen's helps to

lamented sudden obvious previously mentions

crash. for of

enthusiasm

an alchemical gain, disdain. levels

implications been viewed of specific of while the

financial with such

Repeated and outlay

projected likely

profit return not

considerations suggest that

on a given have been

he may indeed

to Worsley, 4 Aug. 1651, HP 9/16/13A. Moriaen 110 'Lunam vestram mirabilem unam cum mercurio Ill anxie to Worsley, Moriaen 7 July 1651, HP 9/16/11B; desiderof video excusationem' Aug. Ide non missa luna nullam -4 1651, HP 9/16/13A. in Urgebo, 'Ego non sed voluntate Divinh ulterius 112 to Worsley, Moriaen 4 Aug. 1651,9/16/13A. acquiescam'

511

contemplating Glauberian might

starting fashion, the

up an industrial thought that the

business pious relief

in labour was

the

incidentally more of is to to not

provide

some material

becoming This

a consideration. to suggest that the spiritual and to His lengthy personal were 'nobleman' attitude means upbraided agreed: est. [ ... ] (again having, dimension outbursts

had ceased of thanks

matter. God, of

The frequent

and attribution the

intervention were not

any success rhetoric.

experiments Worsley's mercenary this roundly

mere pious criticised consistent who in for his

apparently this is

Glauber's with letter this the

suggestion to Moriaen

Starkey, Glauber 'judicium Turpis judgment unseemly case making reasons, reports of

precisely Nobilis,

fault113). prorsus est'

Moriaen rectum ('The

de Glaubero mercatura is certainly

ex hoc negotio of in his Glauber this

nobleman's commerce as in the is later

correct; 114 Just

undertaking'). Moriaen it the

dye-works,

saw nothing made for

wrong the all

with right the in reports, to

money provided 'to of serve Moriaen's

was being good of

many'. activity, shines

As in

scientific

delight his

experimentation and the very fact

and discovery that

through about faith

he was so frank confirms his good

hoping in

make a profit

as well

'Venalia habeo, HP 17/7/1A: nulla secreta 113 quod et Magister Iohannes solo nomine, eoque Glauberus abominor, inclytus) (vir mihi vituperandus censetur'. sane to Worsley, 2 July 1651, HP 9/16/10A. Moriaen 114

512

rejecting the

the

profit

motive

as the excitement

be all

and end all to that of

of

enterprise. in

The real Comenius

was akin discovery

engendered perpetual

by his

supposed

motion: the that

by demonstrating metaphysical man could cosmic method, - rather of

transmutation, basis of his whole the the

Moriaen world-

was confirming view, proving

indeed

comprehend and discern Creation

universal, pattern, But failure.

harness the the divine

forces,

true

underlying predictably 1653 record

itself.

project

- was a that

The Ephemerides

disbursed Rixdollars Morian once 12 thousand in Experiment, which he miscarried, one upon it. knowing Upon another his wife nothing-of he spent 2 or 3 thousand Gilders, Experiment which yet hee hath to shew of Gold and Antimony of which he might get back some ounces of gold, but in hope that yet be found to some will into the rest transmute Gold he of the Antimony 115 it. wil not doe These are almost It quoted and nature his letters is certainly would are of the obviously entirely the to talk of tin and antimony be rash reliable, to but projects that the

respectively. the figures

assume given to by

quantity Moriaen'in excessive. three in

materials Worsley, in these from pounds

referred they letters do not of of

seem importing

There

hundred

pounds of

ore

Hungary, at

casting and

tin

quantities ore of

a hundred

a timel with

antimonial admixture 115

by the

hundredweight, There

an unspecified doubt the that

silver.

can be little is given for

HP 28/2/64B:

no source

information.

513

these would nail

alchemical restore in his his

undertakings, prosperity, coffin.

which in fact

Moriaen proved

had so hoped the last

financial financial of

Moriaen's turn the question

problems

at

the

time funds

raise for

in

how he had obtained scale. Certainly

experimentation contributor spending building with the

on this was Aurifaber,

a major reported or was

who as Moriaen (about E1200) which for

12,000 a house

guilders near six

on buying was to the

Moriaents, laboratories Worsley

be equipped of on to

no less 'great

than work'-116

perfecting this

obviously

passed

Hartlib,

who noted

in

the

Ephemerides:

[ ... ] hath gotten Aurifaber an estate of 60. lb. Now hee adventur's 12. hundred thousand lb. vpon an Experiment of Tinne and something in hath Mr Morian also an Adventure which else 117 busines. and is a very promising Kuffler himself to can hardly in difficulties But have contributed by this date much, for he was in and that patron debt

and already at least,

Moriaen-118

some sponsorship amount, of lost

probably tireless Laurens

a substantial supporter de Geer.

had come from Comenius's

causes,

to Worsley, Moriaen 116 Eph 51, HP 28/2/15A. 117 to Worsley, Moriaen 118 Idebitor meus Kufflerus' 9/16/13A.

31 March

1651,9/16/4A. with reference Kufflerl), HP to

4 Aug. 1651, ('my debtor

514

Six still in

years deep with

after financial the

the

alchemical difficulties,

debacle,

with

Moriaen making in de Geer

and Kuffler his inventions petition duly

no headway England, for fresh

promotion that

of

Hartlib support

suggested for but

Comenius Comenius

Moriaen. met with little

made the

representation,

sympathy:

Tuam etii am qvm de legi epistolam nuper illi illi illiusque & qvomodo Moriano, sorte, misera D. L. de G. animum posset, si Patroni subveniri ille Deus, nihil, scripsisti: ad quae excitaret Er hat sich mit Alchymisterey gestrzt, nisi vel ruiniret. (I recently read him your letter and what you and his unhappy lot, and wrote about Moriaen if God would arouse how he might be helped the L. D. G.; to which his only of my Patron sympathy was: 'He has caused his own downfall, response himself, with alchemical or ruined )119 nonsensel. The reasons uncharacteristic
from Comenius's

for

de Geer's are
Petr

sudden revealed
Figulus

and in
to

coldness
son-in-law

a later
Hartlib:

letter

Mons de Geer may bee will write unto you what to doe about hee resolues your But projects. I saye and endeavour to encline him to what all & Mr Morians about yours &c some resolution Concernements, hee seemes to haue some publicke feare & doubtings the like secret of all Inventions And as a child and Endeavours. that burnt himselfe hath feareth the fire. For hee to haue beene in the like seemeth engaged both Mr. Morian with & especially promotion but all his Glauberus, lost: with moneyes & hee bene able to see any the least neuer effect of their Inventions. Glauberus having all prooued

119 also

to Comenius in Blekastad,

Hartlib, 10 August Unbekannte Briefe,

1657, 49.

HP 7/111/23Ap

515

to bee a deceiuer, any thing. reveale Figulus Moriaen of repeatedly and to tried

& neuer 120

meaning

uprightly

to

to

reassure

de Geer presumably

about in the hope

arrange him to

a meeting, renew his

persuading

patronage,

but

seemingly

without

success. Neither personal profit nor trancendent Moriaen's the fond Mount been involvement scheme, in to

enlightenment the use like 'great

had resulted-from work'. Just as with

Pansophic of,

an analogy Moses to Land,

he was himself the but summit it of

he had climbed and beheld him to the enter

Pisga

Promised into it.

had not

granted

*****

7: 3

The

Gate

of

Things

Understandably Glauber this cooled

enough, in

Moriaen's the

enthusiasm aftermath twist

for of to

somewhat There the

immediate be a personal year that

debacle. report

may well following

HObner's

im vertrawen H. Morian Von Glaubern sagte mir [sic] das Erdamit sich nicht wenig shaden htte, das er sich fur grosses geld gethan kunst-stucklein lassen, vermeinte geben gewisse die niemals versuchet, er doch selbst vnd sie befunden, dannenhero in der that also er dan

FigulUs 120 in Blekastad,

to Hartlib, Figulus

6 Nov. 1650, 236. Letters,

HP 9/17/45A-B,

also

516 nahl 121 mit shanden [sic] bestehen

ettliche mussen.

On 8 May 1654, no more of magnalial. alchemy It says him 122

Hartlib (Glauber], However,

told or

Boyle his

that other did with not

'Mr

Morian

writes

promised lose faith in

Moriaen reconciled

and was later much either that the in

Glauber good again nature

himself. or his to

about

Moriaen's

gullibility give that should whether Glauber those not the

1657 he was once of to the doubt,

prepared suggest processes but

benefit

and to

who failed automatically error did

replicate condemn

Glauber's the lie


that

author, with

consider 123

not

perhaps
claimed for

themselves.
had for M6rian'. that publication with the fur liar wie es he

Fahrner De Bra guilders But not Moriaen been

subsequently recipe swindled came and was Fahrner two back he

Glauber vinegar 'Herrn

sold

a worthless and also obviously cheated, attack it to was

making

100o 124 had of Glauber. when Er aber aus mit

a certain to years on the

conclusion after the terms to be

Fahrner's Indeed, it loo nuz (no. came lb zue

friendly

considered 'Farner

alchemical lot Ers

claims: Silber woll

gibt

ble: V 12 wurde

bringen schweigen

k6nne und

gieng

selbst

practisirent

162). in

? (copy to HUbner 121 HP 63/14/21A. to Hartlib, Boyle 122 No. 162. 123 Fahrner, Christoph 124 33. Glauber, Link,

Hartlib's 1654,

hand), Boyle,, (1656),

24 March Works 75; Vj,, cf.

1652, 86.

8 May

Ehrenrettung

517

It could his tin

might

be pointed to

out

that if

the

same strictures of

be applied experiment, of selling

Glauber: why did the

he was so confident conduct Moriaen it himself

he not to

instead friends? it is

process would that -

and his have been - and

The explanation not implausible It of would bad faith in

probably

he lacked be unfair

the to

necessary convict evidence. it likely risk his selling all his

capital. Glauber

any case without is but out but

more that

conclusive he thought to

The kindest the their part his process

interpretation would work,

preferred for sure, certain it.

see others do for of of

finding on money with. secret the smaller than

making profit In spite

more

rather

applying

losses,

Moriaen

was by 1657 considering with Aurifaber came of similarly into have in who put deep lost turn this and Glauber, this. to 125

a fresh though there is

collaboration no sign that

anything responded

Worsley first, while

the

affair.

At and for a of

he was plunged would seem to Moriaen, at the time,

disillusion, in the of the

faith

very sorts

notion with

alchemy. Worsley Worsley's from eyes by it:


125 No.

was out down to

instability to be shaken his own

of

character. in a truth

He himself

was not proven

belief simply

he had seen

with

because

he had lost

twelve

thousand

Imperials

156.

518

das HW keine transmutation mehr glauben will, ist wanckelbahren seines mir ein zeichen kein darumb pflug wird zwerggehen, gemuehts, 6 bleiben. doch woll warheit vnd warheit However, view,, interest from adept, entirely the in and in Worsley later alchemy. life subsequently exhibited Some five he took grandiose of the most to revised an even years after this stronger his himself return an jaundiced

Netherlands,

declaring

and making typical

alchemical committed

declarations 'Chemical topos: just as in

Philosophers'. the of Puritan view

He invoked of Scriptural

a favourite

understanding, could lead to that

no amount true could of his

human endeavour without be imparted the

and learning spark of

insight only

enlightenment

by divine and just were

grace. after

The failure his to but alchemical any to inherent the fact

undertakings mission, in the

during he decided,

due not

error that God

processes yet with seen the it

he had learned, fit to bless him

had not Moriaen)

(or,

presumably, them. before he

means of was granted

understanding him to

Subsequently, had only looked

see what

at:

honestly to you, that I further professe upon a deepe consideration of some of Glaubers discourses, & other I mett with when I writings it in Holland, the pleased god to discover was the art of transmutation] [ie. thing so that downe to I the very sett me, clearely in my Adversaria, to be thing as a matter & yet understood & experimented, it weighed 127 not.
126 127 No. 129,3 to Worsley May 1652. ?, 14 Feb. 1655/6, HP 42/1/5A.

519

Worsley technician mysteries

cast

his

younger

self received

in

the insight

role

of into

a competent the hidden

who had not of his

own knowledge:

have beene ever able to have [I] nor should so as to have made any of these hynts, applyed God had (as he did) any vse of them vnlesse further as it were imposed the consideration of it upon me, by bringing to a non my observation upon a kinde of fortuitous plus, experiment End to made by me, which I speake even to this the Lord hath his seasons, it & that shew; that is not of him that or of him that wills, in but this God of who only as in more runnes, 128 he things higher whom will. enlightens This the retrospective to Glauber self-image within the strikingly Hartlib parallels circle, Glauber of burst

response

insofar onto the

as a consensus scene fire' with his

can be defined. great promises for least

a 'secret the to the and

philosophic 'principles', universal Appelius physical Amsterdam however, technical.

a Imenstruum' at

extracting approximating from

and something solvent. vouched that

Eye witness there really

accounts were

Moriaen

extraordinary on show in inspection,

and technological to the support innovations Glauber such

achievements claims. were found

on closer to

be merely in

had made genuine

progress

Cf. Ecclesiastes 3: 1 and 9: 11: 'To every Ibid. 128 is a season, there and a time to every purpose thing is [ ] the to the the race sun not swift, under nor the ... [... ] but time and chance happeneth to the strong battle This is an unascribed but the copy letter, to them all'. the the autobiographical details matter, subject style, is it from that Dublin leave fact the virtually no and authorship. doubt of Worsley's

520

manipulating it when

the

outward, penetrating

physical her his

body soul,

of

Nature,

but no

came to If

he had provided or bogus not

insights. new claims were

anything,

exaggerated

positively apply his

counter-productive. own expertise to the

He did deeper

know how to mysteries.

An anonymous this thath so was attitude. all manner

Dutch This of

contact

of

Clodius's as

exemplifies one who and that

individual, Arcanas to [sic]

described and is

an Adept',

obviously had indeed

qualified discovered he

commentr 'the true know to vse

considered Alcahest'. what it by to it do

Glauber

Unfortunately, it: things same ihm Ihm 'if Glauber might opinion: in aber This and most der

however, himself done'. noch ein nicht

did

not how

with

knew 129 der

great the das dz Er

bee 'bin Natur

Moriaen meinung liecht nuz

himself wie vor

expressed diesem ist (no. its letters than

zimblich zue towards out

auffgangen kan'

selbsten

machen

182).

ambivalence fully worked

Glauber

finds in the clearly

clearest of any between of

expression

Culpeper. other the

Culpeper

distinguished represented and between sense complete the of the in

more Hartlib's

commentator merely utilitarian work -

papers aspects the

philosophical chemical those and words to

Glauber's in the

alchemical, in

contemporary Five. 59, In

suggested later

Chapter 129 Eph

contrast

HP 29/8/5A.

521

progressivist because component concerned For all of, in that the or

historians admired works, they were

who have him in spite

either of,

derided the

Glauber

alchemical

his

Culpeper not

became

increasingly enough. work on

nearly

alchemical by his and more visit to probe in his to

initial Furni in the

excitement Novi, course Glauber of

inspired

translating suspicious Netherlands mere external

he became more of'Worsley's had failed created matter

the the

that

beyond chemical

shell

investigations.
From all) an had cause of in his gleanings 130 of added, to (rightly 131 from Lull, had of in Sendivogius concluded nature', its that some natural an nothinge to have and to (above attain

Nuysement, 'excitation to be

Culpeper the spirit matter

impurity state had no

since perfect

further

itself: there

'without can

apposition be done in the

impurity that

chosen) What

woorke'. though

Culpeper

seems have

had

mind,

he would was

obviously-not akin infected disease its own to the with or

understood of

comparison, innoculation. chosen is trace

something By being

practice a judiciously

of to

a given enhance

'impurity', powers, image

the to is

body attain not

stimulated level

innate

a higher

of

perfection.

A medical

For a summary of Nuysement's chemico-religious 130 influence direct their and on Culpeper, doctrines see "Chymicall 'Correspondence Gentleman"', a of 153clucas, 4. to Hartlib, 14 Aug. 1649, HP 13/260B. Culpeper 131

522

inappropriate, 'curing' perfect fused the

for body

alchemists of of Nature, gold. of

frequently raising Following base

spoke metals

of to the

'health' this account of

Nuysement, theory with the sin,

Culpeper his necessary the for the

transmutation

understanding impurity imperfection operation In Culpeper Hermetic 'exaltation extremely comprise analogical experiment, and religious beer, down. the of the or

theology, t

and considered be analogous that to

infection in

humanity which of

was a prerequisite the

grace midst him

transmuted

human soul. mission, citations from on the

Worsley's letter

alchemical full of

sent

a long and his

authors of

own abstruse of Nature$. rambling

reflections Among the meditations prime alloy, example of

the

Sprits

diverse the letter

and somewhat is the

that of

following

thinking, alchemical metaphor. that

an indissoluble allegory, Culpeper low

practical theory some process from

micro-macrocosm had been slowed brewing the

and found Thisl

temperatures in

he declared, to the

a characteristic

leap

mundane

metaphysical,

Flammell Nicholas (viz. ) what saith with agrees have siezed upon one that when the 2. dragons from fightinge if they the cease never another bee they till them hinder all not) on a cold in that the they till have blood, end and gore and out of these putrified killed one another, King; I puissant our pray yf arises carcases you now apprehend me try from my scriblinge Answer Glauberus and will give an can whether is that this Canaanite exercises our what is in that Nature, Nature, what and of spirits to to like gracious soule, a serves sinne which

523

the and all other graces repentance encrease for thus (by the mercifull. and wise God) doe the sinnes of grace hath worke where the Spirit faile & thus if my Philosophy taken roote, not) in nature (analogicall to sinn) doth something 132 of nature. worke upon the Spirit This culpeper's as the was the and this Worsley philosophical mind, confusion exact but of physical principle what his was very at all clear sure to about, out,

he was not

terminology nature of this

abundantly necessary question

bears

impurity, he hoped

more than would

anything for

was the him:

resolve

this Sulphur Agent externum, now what this these ] this Ignis feces C naturam, contra ... impuritds, this Ignis or non de grossieres is is. if This my question, which materia, Glauberus either cannot or will not understand; that I say againe you may expect other pretty from him; but he will experiments or vsefull 133 in the greate to seeke worke. proove

There operation that

was a parallel of grace correctly increased but also

here with

not

only

with

the notion were the human to

the

Paracelsian

poisons to It

treated health such

and administered and vigour parallels in that Separating (or 'principles') mere leave

conducive body. culpeper's into their

was precisely analogical constituent thought, produce

appealed

imagination. elements

substances was, chemistry, nature

culpeper that would

a trivial

occupation: but

no 'exaltation'

to Worsley, 9/19 April 1648, HP 13/219Bculpeper 132 illogical the are again Culpeper's. parentheses 220A; to Worsley, 9/19 May 1648, HP 13/219A. culpeper 133 here he indeed, the citing was were writers Whether as talking is about the same thing all maintained, culpeper a moot point.

524

essentially wrackinge from us, of but 134

what

it

had been is not

in the her to

the helpe into

first that

place: shee

'this expectes newe

nature, onely

a putting failed

reiterated the that part of

motions'.

Glauber the

provide infinity, first

enlightenmentf had hoped he declared for. that

vistas

onto the

Culpeper Furni Novi,

Re-reading in it

of I finde a ready way to more discoueries than hathe beene fire by onely, outwarde nature in by any, but, forthe helde heeretofore it is the Christianity, well as as philosophy to which wee ought fire inwarde or Spirit, inwarde this looke & to spirit yf principally life to diffuse into make will motion, excited Oh where to the outwarde parts; from the center this divinity & this philosophy ende, wowlde is, discouer, but to to Glauberus not other-of 135 in finde nature. wee what exalte, This logical Pansophy. is in turn identification extension of the of 'divinity & philosophy' that begat is a

world-view with the

Comeniusts chemistry

The dissatisfaction illustrative Pansophy. world It of

Glauberian

metaphysical a refusal a collection that so-called of

unease to

that

inspired that the

represents to

believe of physical might

can be reduced interreaction, terms of the

phenomena be explicable causes'. the

and their in The true of

everything 'secondary had to

investigation its spiritual

matter

entail

revelation

and divine

components.

134 135

Culpeper Culpeper

to to

Hartlib, Hartlib,

1649, HP 13/260A. 14 Aug. 1649, HP 13/155A. 4 July

525

Glauberfs Culpeper's standards nourishment Nuysement. Glauber's experimental chemical of the

chemistry His day,

was altogether style, to so plain supply

too

empirical

for by the

tastes. of the

and direct the spiritual and

failed obtained

Culpeper Though writing, details. Epiphany,

from pious

Sendivogius invocations to wanted of to the Puritan grace of the

there they

are are

enough

in

extraneous

What Culpeper an exact. analogy

was a 'inward fire

spirit'

that worked reflected

was so crucial out in scheme the of

theology, and

and a fully redemption

sin,

operation these of the of most which most fully It is

nature. about the

Culpeper Glauber years admirers Novi in that the

was expressing early years publication his

reservations latter's what his career,

saw the have

progressivist work, Glauber's on his his 'pretty or & Furni

considered (1646-9),

important of all

Philosophici was the practice

writings laboratory technological usefull centrall His only

one based

directly

and most

describing rich in

innovations. but

experimentsto fire' other (1646). of and

decidedly of the the

short spirit period

on linwarde of grace'.

'operation

production There is,

during

was De Auri no evidence

Tinctura available to his

unfortunately, or work

Culpeper's, work merely after

Worsley's 1662, the studies

Moriaen0s which

reaction

Glauber's earlier

dismissed wholly to

physical

and turned

526

mystic of these

spiritualism late the Things, works

and alchemical

prophecy. to their

The spirit notion Rerum, of the

seems much closer through earlier the

attaining Gate of

metaphysical than his

Janua

and more

empirical

productions. It Scriptural 'chemical latter is a measure texts were of how similarly alchemical by the former with more and devoted

interpreted that invested the

philosophers' were frequently


one the that be great

as much as the

prophetic
of Glauber's last supposed Nature called greatly would 'Elias excited claimed relating Artistals, (land vnd the to

significance. years was

enthusiasm of

interpretation the hidden by was the

Paracelsus's of

prediction shortly Artista'. many be it he salts

mysteries figure that of

revealed This of Glauber

a mystic a prospect day, resolved some

136 alchemists 137

whom even prophecy by 'Elias salial Glorioser,

Elias. to his

the with of let

lifelong was [the] an

obsession anagram lein

salt. artis

realised, of

Art'):

Herrlicher/

'The Paracelsian Elias Pagel, Artista 137 and the Tradition', Kreatur und Kosmos: Alchemical Xnternationale zur Paracelsus-Forschung, Beitrcige ed. Heinz Dillinger 'Prophecy 1981); Newman, (Stuttgart, and Alchemy', 97-99. instance Poleman's caustic See for account of one such Johann Idieser Elias Hesling: Elias pretenderi gibt sich den fOr Eliam Artistam auss ludirt vndt aussdrucklich sich, gewaltig auff vndt seinen anagrammatice nahmen, lesen' (to lAcherlich Hartlib, zu 15 Sept. 1659, ziemlich HP 60/4/192A).

in the Liber The prophecy occurs 136 in fact by Paracelsus. not probably

Mineralium

which

is

527

Triumphirender bekant,

Monarch SALIA,

ist/ Vielen

ELIAS

ARTISTA, 138

wenigen

ET ARTIS

genantt.

Worsley, had been prophecy, Glauber. Nature were

after

his

initial

disillusion enthusiast more that

with of literally the year'.

alchemy the Elias than of

overcome, which

became a great a good oracle 'the deal

he took

The obscure would occur in

stated fifty-eighth of it what

unfolding There by 'the as

various

interpretations year': fifty-eighth earlier year had to

was meant widely

fifty-eighth 1602, this 1650s, meaning well dawn. dating Worsley Devill his world' 'some schoole too ministry with the

had been

seen death,

after

Paracelsus's

but

had obviously, there simply

be readjusted. appeal in

By the reading that it also the out the

early as accorded

was an obvious 1658,

an interpretation of the date

many predictions 1659 (ie.,, the the

of

millenial in old that his own

On 4 Feb. of the

as he pointed end of greatest fall 1658 in

letter, with

style), 'The Elias of the with &

declared shall which

confidence before to the

shortly is

greate part

suddainly to (at

surprize

and even that of are the

claimed really said

be personally this Artist present) the

acquainted of the 139 said

Elias with

great'. of

Culpeper advent.

was very

taken

the

prospect

Elias's

From the full title 138 Mundi Ander Theil of Hiraculum the fifth (in fact Oder Dessen VorlAngst part] ELIE ARTISTE TRIUMPHIRLIcher Geprophezeiten Ein Ritt. Vnd auch Was der ELIAS ARTISTA fUr einer sey? (Amsterdam, 1660). to ?, HP 33/2/16A-B. Worsley 139

528

Writing patent

in for

1645 with the

regard

to

attempts inventor

to

secure le

a Pruvost, out had

Hartlib-backed there over

Pierre in yf

he suggested for a patent

that of

was not

much point 'truly will

holding others the a

fourteen the

years: that

my faithe worlde perpetuity

concerning before in 59: they

change not

be in for

wowld but

muche seeke 140

any thinge Clucas

heauen'. that 'For been true

Stephen chemistry experience'. invariably any but original with

suggests to

Culpeper, a literary that he almost not with

seems largely 141 It is his

have

certainly chemical

supported or even of

speculations experimental

second-hand rather

evidence

a barrage from his

tenuously chemical to his

connected authors. in his directly The

citations linguistic alchemical from

favourite of the terms

jumble musings of those

be found citing

results

from Latin

them tracts,

a range

English, of

and French Lull

principally 'Zengiuodet, the most

Nuysement, regularly of also than

and Sendivogius called in him the in

(or

as Culpeper imaginative piece It is role

perhaps

spelling true that

whole

Hartlib played or

archive). a much greater in is the

imagination either his inductive At

logic, of

deductive, this

establishment if 'imagination'

world-view. in the

least# 140 goes 141

true

is

used

Culpeper to Hartlib, Dec. 1645,13/112A: Culpeper the 'Paracelsiant on to cite prophecy verbatim. 'Correspondence Gentleman'", of a "Chymicall 154.

529

modern the

sense

of

a faculty or 'logical'.

clearly

distinguishable would have not

from called

'rational'

Comenius

Culpeper's regarded that it

approach as in the

'syncretism', least illogical.

and would

have suggest

I would of did his

Culpeper,

and a great

many others simply

day, not

Comenius distinguish response period mistake were

and Moriaen between to speak to the of world the them to

among them, a 'literary' about 'book of them. God's

and a 'scientific' When thinkers works', it Just a singlej is of a as words definable, so things which of mankind this

take

over-metaphorically. by which

supposed

be symbols 'meaning'

extra-linguistic were symbols

was represented, the ideas of God,

representing of reading. that in

was capable and it meaning languages, mean 'writer'. position intended repentance of is

God was the the Latin has

author term in all

Creation

significant 'creator' English

lauctort, modern Romance to

any sense,

and even

German, the of in of

come specifically somewhat ambivalent and the sin, was not

Mankind being at

was in part

once

the nature

text for

readership. and the

Looking operation his

grace,

Culpeper

so much inventing God 11 S. Clucas Dury's Scriptural further

own metaphors

as interpreting

draws method'.

attention his

to

the

fact system

that of

**analytical exegesis,

Pansophic

was taken

up by chemical

530

philosophers 'It is

like

Culpeper that for

and applied the

to

their

subject: Dumus was

interesting a tool to the

although scriptural corpus. not

methodus it have

essentially applicable here with

analysis, 1142 *I the spirit, for

became to of quibble Clucas"s

any textual letter,

- though

analysis. commentary favoured, theological Demonstrativa. what of less

What Culpeper by Dury not on the

was. asking alchemical to them of

was fresh Culpeper specifically the to Analysis assume similar as scarcely apparent to contain talent for for the a that type

texts the in

application Dury it

exegesis

had proposed is reasonable

However, expected Alchemical than were the Bible

Culpeper

from

Dury

was a very viewed and their the truth. Bible's,

analysis. sacred

texts itself, like

were

obscurities simple, minute, elucidation as applicable debatable, divinely any true

supposed,

fundamental, detailed of

underlying exegesis

Dury's

was seen Dury's corpus'

as appropriate method

both. to 'any

Whether textual

was regarded is to any of

whatsoever applicable to the

but

it

was certainly corpus,

deemed and hence

sanctioned alchemist. proceeds analysis

writings

Clucas apply wider the

to to

argue

that

'Culpeper's

urge of a

to

chemistry of the

was symptomatic of theological

secularization

methods

Stephen Clucas, 'The Correspondence 142 of a XVII"Chymicall Century Gentleman": Sir Cheney Culpeper and the Chemical Interests Circle', Ambix 40, of the Hartlib 3,147-170? 157-8. part

531

systemizers., practitioners not

143 such

I would

suggest,

however, this

that

to

as Culpeper of - or,

and Dury, theological more

represented method it as a

so much a secularisation of the disciplines are related is science

theologisation exemplified between all that

precisely, that

pansophic are

conviction arbitrary

demarcations that and its to lead men

and artificial, illuminating, applicable, being

things 'right

and mutually universally of learning

method' aim in all

ultimate to God.

parts

The intellectual the two main in that protagonists the have

histories of the

of

Worsley

and Moriaen, tragicomedy by in this

alchemical were of

recounted trends study: from

previous become with

section, something Scriptural

dominated

a refrain

disillusion confessional

analysis, to

withdrawal seeking formulations of as they

allegiance, enlightenment

commitment not in verbal

transcendental but in the

practical became,

study if

and physical anything, more

manipulation religious

Nature. became It

They less

religiose. be stressed certainly or that highly while Culpeper, Worsley they A host study, were of as

should

and Moriaen

were

individual,

by no means eccentric other thinkers

unrepresentative. featured Rasch, in this

who have Brun,

such

F. M. Van Helmont, 143 Ibid.

Kretschmar,

Glauber,

532

Hartprecht, a similar practical However

Poleman, synthesis experiment violent their

Clodius of divinity

and Starkey with

were

engaged

on

philosophy, enlightenment. and their all belonged school or of to

with

theosophic

personal of

differences they influential overlooked being

disagreement the

on matters

detail,

same distinctive a school still that

and highly was long -of

thought, is and defined.

dismissed and

in'the"process.

discovered

The whole they saw things,

purpose their

of

of

their

intellectual endeavour

- or, was to attain of

as

spiritual

a truer, than were

more direct, possible

more universal through the

understanding old orthodoxies their

God they

had proved rejecting.

The driving

impulse the the the world

behind

alchemical Pansophy: control overload universe. in

thought the fear

was precisely of relativism, of the

same as that fear of losing

behind

and comprehension of knowledge, This

through

sheer of to the

unfathomable

complexity

was countered analogies

by a determination and the unity, notion of

find

micro-macrocosm image

man as the in

divine all

an underlying

harmony

and pattern

things. In as in the key Pansophy to unlock it 'right of

alchemy

was the

method' Things'.

that

would

provide is this

'Gate in

Nowhere

more

apparent faith

than in

Worsley's late 1650s. His

reconversion

to

alchemical

the

533

letter

of

1657 on OVniversal of all all subjects

Learning'

asserts

the by of of the

interconnection proclaiming spiritual Wisdom' vision have elegant Moriaen, any the other to is been

and concludes to be but

human knowledge

a shadowing 'Temple King', could an

understanding. the barely penned alchemical altered.

From the 'Shut-Palace Worsley's himself.

Pansophic of the

declaration It faith notion provides

by Comenius of the

summation Hartlib is the 'third

underlying the

he shared that more

with than of

and Culpeper, defining force':

and unifying

characteristic

nebulous

he that in the lawes, knoweth any thing course, itselfe, & motions, & seeth of nature not a harmony, Image & resemblance between these & the lawes, Revelations, mysteryes, & discoveryes doth of things spirituall; either not know them at all, he or doth but yet thinke knoweth them, yet he knoweth them not comprehensively, analytically, & originally for if he did he would in all exemplarly: things Constancy, see one face, viz. Identity, simplicity, Homogeneityl Vnity. /. 144

144

Worsley

to

[Hartlib?

],

14 Oct.

1657,

HP 42/l/7A-B.

534

Glauber's for of sale,

-*undertakingO, undated: partial

or

offer English

of

alchemical

secrets and copy

translation

German original and 3A

HP 6711511B

[6 711511B [Hartlib:

I ]

The trial

of

the

Tin-scoriae

or refuse
Note which that at by the the Tin-scorim is thrown is vnderstood that matter is no

Mines

away,

when the

Tinn

more in
When the weight blackish first Hundred for from Gold. melting Gold weight gaine are

it.
Scorim are from reduced 25. to with 30 ob. But if a good a kind the flux of said 3. 12. in 2. or the hunderd

heelds

vnformed Scorim 4. bee the

and impure fixed (which

Tinne.

may bee done about in Tin; the

within 10. or

days ehar

weight

requiring they yeeld

gilders melting

charges) no such

afterward but from

the to

of of

it

vnformed

2 loth for fixing

good

And when all ete

required <drieing remaines is to

charges out> richly

and taking-ef there which

from of

2h loth

of

deducted gold,

every for

hundred the melting

1 loth of it.

bee accounted as well fixing

And both

[6711512A]

535

as drieing hundreds very-rieh shown it of

out

may bee performed at once, For

in

great the

with profit j

many will bee

weight

so that this Art

considerable. in great / quantity

after the

hnd haue 2.

I demaund

sume of

thousand
[1611513A]

Ducats.

[another

hand: ] prob ber nach das le Erz aus Engelland.

Gethane Erstlich versucht, 60 lb genaw 56 lb diesem


<left oder

das Erz, gibt doch der

dem kleinen

Zentner-gewicht gesucht wird uber so

Zentner recht

wan es genaw geschmeydig, der vnd

bleg nicht

nicht

So mans aber 50 bi von

auschmelzt, vnd gutt 6 Loth

so gibt ble,

Zentner der

auff

geschmedig Bleg
margin: figiert

Zentner

hlt
NB> so

Silber
di Erz Erz 48 zuevorn oder 50 cimentirt lb Ble2p

So man aber der Zentner

gibt

5 loth so auff erfordert auffs

Silber diees

vnd

ein

halb oder

Loth figirn j vnd

Goltt. an kolen zentner lst

Die vnd

vnkosten zuesaz 2 oder sich so

Sten

werden, hchste thun dreg als

kommen auff glden.

vngefhr figirung ist gleich wird

solche figiert

so gro leichtlich Iedweder eine oder prob

man will. in Erz.

Vnd wans groer quantitet

auch ein soll

schmelzen gemein oder Ble etliche

Vnd so es begehrt ntig werden sein wird Fur

so viel gemacht

von

10,20

mehr

pfunden

dauon

die

536

communication ducaten bezahlt Prob <* Nota

derselben werden vber-die

wienschafft

soll

mir

ein

Tausend

Zinnschlacken Ist die wirfft

* materia was das die man auff heraus

Zinnschlacken/ hinweg

den bergwercken

Zinn

ist.
Wan solche so gibt brchig, zuevorn oder oder der schlacken Zentner mit einem guten auff flu 30 lb Zinn. (welches der Zentner hatt. mehr reducirt vnartig, So man aber innerhalb vngefhr 3 10 wird

zue 25 bi oder

schwarzlicht dieselbe

vnsauber figiret vnd

schlacken kan)

4 tagen 12 gulden

geschehen vnkosten

dazue kein gutt

von vnartig

nthen Zinn

) So gibt sondern

Er hernach zue 2 bi

im schmelzen auff 2 Loth auffs

Goltt.

Vnd wan alle schmelzen sein vnd abtreiben reichlich fur als mit viel kan. Kunst gewin

angewandte von von

Kosten, goltt

figirn,

den 2 Loth Iedwederem wird. vnd

abgezogen j Loth

So bleibt welches

Zentner

goltt

gerechnet schmelzen Zentnern Darfur ins Ich

Vnd lst abtreiben also

so woll sich das in

das groen

figiren thun aubeut wan Ich

zuegleich begehre zue thun

es reiche Ducaten hab.

geben solche

2 Tausend gezaiget

groe

lohan: Glauber

Rudolph:

537

Correspondence transcribed behest, role in

such

as Moriaents, by Hartlib but

sifted, or at

edited, Hartlib's

and disseminated initiated broadcasting of

no new ideas, new ideas them.

played

an essential discussion

and stimulating the of

and reassessment imagery was not so often a producer trader

To borrow by members

mercantile the circle, but he he of

employed of in

'ingenuity it. His

and knowledge' critical

was a major Dury's

assessments his Idea

and Comenius's of his

pansophic

endeavours,

distribution Mathematics, Felgenhauer his shipping

Comenius's reports,

Prodromus on the ideas

and Pell's

of of

religious of of Glauber

innovations and Bonet, optical for his new

and scientific across to

England

Wiesel's

instruments ovens, traffic all in There any historical presented fragmentary papers, once hand, about they or

and Glauber's contributed philosophical is to

specifications the theory accelerating

international science. assessment will be of

and practical in the

an unavoidable period, basis that of

danger, a skewed fortuitously

picture

on the

preserved of of Hartlib's them, is at one

evidence. at any rate

The very

existence part historian. of

a substantial for the fund the

a boon they the present

and a pitfall present

On the

an enormous life one person's of

primary

evidence other, of

intellectual only

period.

On the collection

individual

538

contemporary inevitably extent to

documentation, partial which view. they they

and as such The task is to

represent assess

an the

can be regarded can be regarded a truism the that

as representative, as representative discovery the in it history mind were or how someone HObner's. For of their chart an of or of of this the

and what of. archive period, different else's Glauber's Hartlib's time, it It

exactly is virtually

the of

has entailed but it should rewriting

rewriting

always might for

be borne be if

that papers

- Moriaen's, had been to

instance,

- that papers is

discovered

instead.

be assessed to or determine are

as a document whether jackdaw collected they

necessary obsession tidbits,

individual interesting for the

a random they or

selection purely

whether collected document

were serve

sake

of

being they within

a particular or a society,

agenda, or

whether group

an individual

a given It is,

a society. of been some significance recognised organiser is large not merely that Hartlib

therefore, have

can be shown to group term was, of people

by a particular and spokesman. a convenient group which as or were the The tag. It

as their circle' a very

'Hartlib however, to

and diffuse

cannot

be reduced 'Puritan',, like. radical

any such

simplistic

formulation

'experimental', As the foregoing of

'Hermetic', study approach illustrates,

'Baconian' there and

differences

and priority,

539

sometimes But both centre, [Dury? Hartlib sense friend to pay of to for *] there that

bitter was they 'the called vividly community take the ruin, discreet of at

conflicts a circle, belonged and to

of its it

opinion members and that of first Hartlib's supporters. thought

within were Hartlib knowledge', surviving centrality

the

circle.

conscious was as letter and his and own both of and to the new not its

hub

of him.

the

axle-tree

Moriaen's both his some of

conveys among least

Urging for with himself his vignette the operation

promotion moriaen but

Comenius

financial Hartlib's the sense

provided crucial among his

a neat role in

community

supporters:

Der herr obligirt eben vn andere doch vnd thut die genug da er das werckh dirigirt Correspondentz vnd einem vnd erhlt pflanzet Ieden das seinige was vnd zuesendet verschafft die behren die kosten belanget von den hand getragen Liebhabern zue werden gesambter (no. 1) . Given is to define that it, the in group terms existed, both of a more its difficult and task its

membership is

ideology. At its

obviously, nexus, and'Dury their best it

no rigid

demarcation of figures: remained

possible. friends.

was an association were the two key

personal

Hartlib despite were Around Hotton Culpeper,

Comenius, a cause they

efforts, than

always a fellow Pell,

supporting them were

rather HQbner,

co-ordinator. Moriaen, Rulice,

Haak, to

and Appelius, Worsley,

later Boyle

be Joined

by Sadler, But as soon as one

and Clodius.

540

looks

any

further begin entire is

than to

this branch

from

the

centre,

the

lines their

of

communication way into America. almost the It infinitely The most formed Reformed this faith

and cross, community a definable periphery. of

threading of Europe

intellectual with

and an

a circle

centre

but

extendable obvious

common feature centre with is

the

men who in of nonis equally Their the

definable combined

a background dislike resolutely Moriaen the

a marked but of of

confessionalisation. doctrinaire apparent other in piety the

The intense so characteristic other unifying the nature core members

circle.

principal about this

characteristic and value than of

was a fundamental knowledge. It was

optimism perhaps

optimism, debt, in their to

rather that outlook.

any genuine authentically expected in every the increase from living by to God

methodological 'Baconian' of the knowledge most

was most They man's lot

alleviate to the

respect

mundane

metaphysical, wealth,

by improving disease, closer

conditions, promoting

by producing consensus, for

by curing humanity

by bringing the ideals Millennium. in Dury to 'teach all

and by preparing Their unity to in all all guiding

their

undertakings to things be to *all all

were things people with

and universality. men', ways'. Comenius Warning

laboured all Pell's

against

involvement

541

parabolic of analytical

lenses

and in

favour

of

his

pursuing

his

study

method,

Moriaen

urged: nur weiS

ist was Er suchet noch vngewiB vnd darzue Was Er aber bereit ein particular stuckh. kan in elaborando Logistica vnd prmstirn das ist speciosa ganz gewiB darzue ein Uniuersal dergleichen [sic] werckh dareus vnzehliche particularia von sich selbsten entspringen werden (no. 30). The image significantly texts in all of a key, in their or of an opened door, recurs

their fields

own writings of interest, Mede's

and their from chiliastic Introitus to of

favoured Comeniusts Clavis Apertus the Shutwas in

pansophic Apocalyptica Occlusum Palace to of

Janua to Regis the

Rerum through Starkey's Palatinum

alchemical

(An Open Entrance Entry to but the citadel

King). not

wisdom

be gained

by siege to it. but of

painlessly the

and peacefully, key required all else great

by finding labour would

the

key

Finding once its it

and diligence, follow


This

was found,

virtually

own accord.
harping of This on unity sense of and and of

well-nigh was and

obsessive symptomatic

universality disunity

a profound was

fragmentation. division and

a period of opinions the

unprecedented ideologies the in

diversity the religious,

all

fields, and the but distinct

political, had so

philosophical had into as its so

scientific. never and had it

Christianity shattered antagonistic the mid-

always quickly groups

schisms, many the

mutually and

between

mid-sixteenth

542

seventeenth as widespread In intellectual to

century. or

Nor had there

ever

been

a conflict Years War. so

as destructive matters, the rise

as the of to

Thirty

specialisation, hedge detail danger a maze, to would lead them in every

abhorrent intellect or so it left

Comenius,

threatened

with

an impenetrable these thinkers

mass of

Mankind of each

seemed to like

in was trapped in

being gazing

so many people blind others,

down a different with the the Moriaen metaphor

alley while path

and unable an overview

communicate easily out of discern it

one true provided for this:

that

would tortuous

all

a rather

geometrical

Der im Centro mag totam circumferentiam stehet leichtlich gefallens vnd seines vbersehen in herumb die denen formirn peripheria welches ist vnmuglich wandern entweder muhesam oder gar bi her aber scientijs vnd so geht es mit allen vmb dz Centrum sind wir nur in Circumferentia herumbgefuhrt worden vnd haben das fundament konnen, nun wolte erlangen nie ersehen weniger haben vnd frei>e Ingenia Gott vn so lieb vnd mngel entdeckhen welche solche erweckhen knden (no. 6). verbeern Yet
divisive. them is

the

quest
*Hobs,

for
White,

'true

method'

could
Cartes.

itself
Every one of from the

prove
one of

Gassendus, differing the

about 1 to

a new Philosophy The reaction widespread refuge attempt in to of

another'. force' was not

thinkers of

Othird crisis to

this take or

sense

intellectual nostalgia, a mythical past

to for

conservative recreate

hanker

of

cosy

Eph

42,

HP 30/4/82A,

citing

mersenne.

543

consensus forward

and spritual resolutely, In cure

certainty. albeit not

Instead without

they of

looked

a hint fashion, cause,

desperation. sought to the solve very it It is the

impeccably for the

Paracelsian in of its

they and set out

disease crisis

the

sceptical of first

their

age by means of that had

explosion in in of the this

learning place. that

and technology

caused

context

their

fascination trivial must or

with even

new pieces downright Modern

technology snippets are likely directly of to

and apparently of to information find a comic the or

absurd readers

be viewed. in

incongruity of pest leaping to a

Glauber's-turning control from to that

from

subject moriaents

transmutation, a new book

a reference of is the not

on arithmetic What this any sense

prophecy however, but

Dawn of that they that in the

2 Wisdom. lacked they broader

reveals, of proportion, fragment to as

on the its the

contrary place overall to

saw every picture The example most

such

having clarify being on the the of

and helping of

pattern. one of of of the his

Culpeper's meditations by a study typical and mutual of

inspired 'exaltation

high-flown of Nature' is entirely

spirit

technicalities their trust in in

brewing

beer3

finding

patterns, of

coherence knowledge.

illumination

every

department

2 3

No. See

20. Chapter

Seven,

section

3.

544

Both personal superficially, of the interests.

Moriaen intellectual to

and

Hartlib histories

provide that

classic appear,

examples

of

represent began was

a progressive his later religious career at as pains

secularisation a servant to distance of

Moriaen church any but

Reformed from

himself Hartlib, theology,

formalised never in

allegiance. involved with the in the

though displayed

professionally the-early

volumes

of interest

Ephemerides

a lively

and

well-informed

subject Both of

which became

had all intoxicated

but in

disappeared the late

by early 1630s by the while to the from to

4 1640s. notion

Pansophy,

a philosophical relating emphatically all

scheme which, human learning distanced itself indeed division the hopes

emphatically God, equally

study any

of

doctrinal means of religion. seeming immerse technology, reconciliation of Nature to

allegiance, transcending A decade

and claimed all later, partisan with deferred; exclusively chemistry

provide within

the

of

Pansophy to

be endlessly more

both in

men began science to

themselves especially

and seek study

and optics; in the or in

and enlightenment rather of than in Scripture

practical verbal

formulation

philosophical

method.

over a of 1634 and 1635 contain 4 The Ephemerides theology; to the of subject hundred each references in 1640, 1639 just twenty to and each over plummets it to handful is no more than a of references there from 1641 onward. volume any

this and in

545

However, make plain, confused scientific study period, 'Third represent discovery is with

as this doctrinal

study

has striven is

throughout not to of religious of this of enquiry the be

to

non-specificity and the field the

secularisation, as a distinct to to

notion from

enquiry rarely

appropriate not these routes. true

thought

and certainly Force'. different of the All

the

representatives lines of

the

different to the that

same goal, would, of have quite

method

literally, method common. them. Oit of is God whom as the state, dominion

make sense. of and that Both Both not only have were of him of

everything. Philosopher's a whiff

The notion Stone of only of the

pansophic much in

the

more than

miraculous

about grace: but

deemed attainable that this Both wills, as in were or

by divine

him that

runnes,

who in 5

more higher quite explicitly to its

things

enlightens

he willi. means to perfectly over it.

presented prelapsarian

restore

humankind

understanding Both were

Nature articles desperation of

and exercising faith clung to

with

perceptibly materialism Western universal guidance deity. to 5 close Worsley

mounting

as relativism, to gain ground of in faith in in

and scepticism thought. harmony, of They the to the They order were

began

embodiments

and purpose, by an ultimately as a sort the

providential benevolent

universe

were final ?,

envisaged act of

of

deus

ex machina

human comedy. HP 42/1/5A.

14 Feb.

1655/6,

546

The impulse alchemical them, than their believed the would world were those actual that

and rationale and his even

behind

Moriaen's of expressing religious Whatever

undertakings, if anything his

manner explicitly in

more

behind effect their

involvement may have intellectual been,

Pansophy.

these endeavours after

men fervently were which people, religion in the guiding

forward

to

an apotheosis to of

everything

become clear by the where

and coherent divine light

all true

illuminated New Jerusalem

be his face; his they shall name shall and see be no in their And there foreheads. shall there; neither and they need no candle, night them God Lord the for the giveth light of sun; 6 light.
They own they they with it, only of in course, the causes. to play, way not according to their

were volition, were felt the

guiding but only

God had But that and

preordained: is they the role it

secondary called

themselves utmost

played

conviction.

There body of

is

still

much to

be established in the

about

this

thought

its and life with of

reflection the day. thesis

intellectual

and political simultaneously papers edition


6

The appearance of the whole of Hartlib's

this

in

an electronically it is to

readable be hoped,

and searchable facilitate and

will,

greatly

Revelation,

22: 4-5.

547

stimulate represented Joachim known also

such in

research. the papers,

Many individual such as Benjamin

figures Worsley, very It circle's of

well

HQbner and Heinrich and would richly to repay

Appelius, closer the

remain attention. Hartlib to those of the

little will

become possible and activities and other is intended

relate

agenda groups study matter continuing

more broadly trends of

other This subject

contemporary as an example and a small '"

thought. range to of the

available enquiry.

contribution

548

(I) in is four following bibliography sections: The (II) works and reference sources, manuscript (IV) (III) and bibliographies, sources printed primary listed Reference are works printed sources. secondary in the title by case of by or compiler, alphabetically are Primary sources printed collaborations. multiple The by author's listed author. original alphabetically in the in is brackets case of given square name within translations, and works reproduced compilations Compilations of the work of a later writer. hand than by one more writings or of other correspondence by the Works same by listed editor. alphabetically are date by listed of composition, are chronologically author of correspondence and collections compilations with last. appearing words within Prepositions as separate appearing the ignored for of (eg. purposes de, von) are surnames Wall under Der Van appears E. thus E. G. alphabeticisation: in is followed Standard German practice W, not V. t6t. 'at forms and lael toe' of as variant and regarding

1:
British Library:
Birch 1652 Sloane 1653)

Manuscript

Sources

30 March to Pell, (Moriaen 147-8 MS 4279 fol. 1658) Aug. 5 Abeel, to Jan Moriaen and MS 649 fol. 212 (moriaen to Hartlib, 13 June

Gemeendearchief RA 513

Arnhem: (Procuratie de Anno 1656 Tot 1653)

Herzog

August-Bibliothek, Cod. Guelf. Andrem 56 Extrav.:

WolfenbUttel: correspondence of J. V.

65.1 Extrav.: Cod. Guelf. the Younger August Herzog

letters of J. V. of WolfenbUttel

Andrem

to

Cod. Guelf. and Herzog

149.6 August

Extrav.: to Georg

letters Philip

of J. V. Hainhofer

Andrem

549

236.1-236.2 Cod. Guelf. to J. V. Andrew August to Georg Philip Augsut Cod. Dec. Guelf. 1649 98 Novi fol.

letters Extrav.: and copy letters, Hainhofer 308: Wiesel to

of Herzog Herzog

Moriaen,

17

Cod. Guelf. Georg Philip

74 Noviss. Hainhofer

20:

letters

of

J. V.

Andrew

to

15 Noviss. Cod. Guelf. to J. V. Andrew

80:

letters

of

Herzog

August

Sheffield

University

Library: Papers Hamburg:


to J. A. Tassius, 10 Aug.

The Hartlib Stadts-

und Universitatsbibliothek
Sup. Ep. 1638) 100,60-63 (Hartlib

(Joachim 98.19-22 1643) Aug.

Morsius

to

Joachim

Jungius,

26

Universiteitsbibliothek N65a-h: XX: letters of

Amsterdam: Moriaen Works to Justinus Van Assche

Reference

and Bibliographies Woordenboek (Leipzig, der

Aardrijkskundig Aa, A. J. Van Der: (Gorinchem, 1844) Nederlanden Allgemeine Biographie Deutsche G6n6rale Biographie (Paris,

1875-1912)

1852-1866) catalogue Published 1907)


eccl6siastiques

J.: A Bibliographical Bruckner, Books German seventeenth-century 1971) (The Hague and Paris, Catholic Encyclopediao The
et

of in

Holland

(New York,
de g6ographie

d1histoire Dictionnaire 1988) (Paris,, Dictionary Dictionary of of National scientific

Biography Biography

(London, (New

1885-1903) York, 1970-80)

550

in for Inventions Doorman, G.: Patents during the 16th, 17th and 18th Centuries Joh. Meijer, The Hague, 1942)
Diffinhaupt, Gerhard: des Barock Drucken Personal (Stuttgart, bi bl i ographi 1990)

the Netherlands (abridged trans.


en zu den

Duveen, (London, Elias, 1963:

Denis I.: 1949)

Bibliotheca

Alchemica

et

Chemica (Amsterdam, 1972) A

Johan E.: De Vroedschap van Amsterdam first 1903-5) ed. Haarlem, Judaica (Jerusalem and New York,

Encyclop&-dia

Faber du Faur, Curt von: Catalogue of the Collection (Yale, Library 1958)
Ferguson, FQrst,, John: Julius: Bibliotheca Bibliotheca

German Baroque Literature: in the Yale University


Chemica Judaica (Glasgow, (Leipzig, Orbis 1906) 1849-63)

Graesse, 'J. G. Th. and der Verzeichnis oder (Berlin, Lcindernamen Grosses vollstAndiges Wissenschaften und (Halle and Leipzig, Jcher, Lexicon 1960-61) Christian (Leipzig,

Friedrich wichtigsten 1909)

Benedict: lateinischen

Latinus Ortsund

Lexicon Universal aller ('Zedlers Universal KUnste 1732-54) Gottlieb: 1750-51; Allgemeines photolithograph zu Jchers von Johann photolithograph

Lexicon')

GelehrtenHildesheim,

Fortsetzung Gelehrten-Lexicon, (Leipzig, Adelung 1960-61)

und

Ergnzungen angefangen 1784-1897;

allgemeinem Christoph Hildesheim,

Kumpera, Jan: Jan Amos Komensky: Poutnik na Rozhrani (This Veku (Ostrava, 1992). contains a substantial is all biographical that I have been able section which to use, Czech. ) as I do not understand

tZur Bcherkunde Joseph: Mller, des Comenius: der gedruckten Verzeichnis Chronologisches und Werke des Johann Amos Comenius, Monatshefte ungedruckten der Comeniusgesellschaft 1 (1892)0 19-53 Nationaal Biografisch Biographie Woordenboek (Berlin, (Brussels, 1953-94) 1964-74)

Neue Deutsche

551

Nieuw 37)

Nederlands
J. R. 1961)

Biografisch
A History

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of Chemistry

(Leiden,
11

1911-

Partington, (London,

(1500-1800)

Recke J. F. von and K. E. Napiersky: Schriftstellerund Gelehrten-Lexikon (Mitau, Livland, Esthland und Kurland Scholem, 1927)
Thieme bildenden (Leipzig,

Allgemeines der Provinzen 1827-32) (Leipzig,


Lexikon Gegenwart der

Gershom:
Ulrich Knstler, 1907) 'and

Bibliographia
Felix von Becker: der Antike

Kabbalistica
Allgemeines bis zur

Lynn A History Thorndike, (Sixteenth V-VIII Science 1941-58) York,

of Magic and Experimental Centuries) and Seventeenth

(New

der UniversitAt G. (ed. ): Die Matrikel Toepke, 1886) Heidelberg von 1386 bis 1662 (Heidelberg,
Woodcroft, (London, Zibrt, Bennet: 1854) Cenek: Titles of Patents of Xnvention

Bibliografie

Cesk6

Historie

(Prague,

1912)

XXX:

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Printed

Sources

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Reipublicm 1619) [-] by christianopolitanx Descriptio (StraBburg,

christianopolis, (New Felix Held christiani christianae Amoris

English 1916). York, Dextera Imago

translation

of (TObingen, 1620)

the

above 1620)

Porrecta

Societatis

(TObingen,

'Johann George Turnbull, Valentin [-] Societas Andrems fdr deutsche zeitschrift Philologie 73 Christiana', (introduction (1954), 407-432 text and Latin of AndrewOs Societatis Imago Dextera christianm Amoris and Christiani (John 151-185 porrectal Hall*s q. v. ) and 74 (1955)8 translation first English 1647) of the above, pub.

552

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clarissimorum

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f rom the Christoph

manuscript Seybold,

Andrem - ein Johann Valentin [-] im DreiBigjAhrigen Krieg, ed. Paul 1970). Selected der Brenz, writings translation.

Pfarrer schwhbischer (Heidenheim Antony in German

an

des 16blichen Fama Fraternitatis Ordens dos [Anon. ]: (first Quellen Rosenkreutzes pub. 1614), und Forschungen Kirchengeschichte VI, ed. Richard zur WOrttembergischen The edition 1973). Van DiAlmen (Stuttgart, attributes this work to J. V. Andrew. and the following
Confessio 6 FraternItatis Bekanntnu [Anon. ): der oder de hochgeehrten Bruderschafft lblichen Rosen Creutzes 1615) Quellen (first und Forschungen pub. zur Kirchengeschichte VI, Wrttembergischen Van ed. Richard (Stuttgart, 1973). Dlmen (ed. Anon. (Frankfurt ),

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(ed. ): Elias Theatrum Ashmole, Chemicuin Britannicum, Severall Poeticall Pieces containing of our Famous Philosophers, English the Hermetique who have written in their Language Mysteries (London, owne Ancient 1652: by Allen with an introduction G. Debus, The reprint Sources of science no. 39, New York and London, 1967)
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Francis Bacon, ed. James and Douglas Denon Heath

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Robert

Boyle,

ed.

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Thomas The Works of Sir (London, 1928, new edition

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(ed. ): Magnalla Johann Hiscius HedicoCardilucius, ArtzneyChymica, und feurknstige oder Die hchste Geheimnisse, mit dem circulatlo wie nemlich majorl [ ... 1 die herrlichsten dem universal aceto mercuriall [ ... ] zu machen, etc (Nrnberg, 1676) Artzneyen Jan Amos: ] Der Labyrinth [Comenius, (orig. Labyrint des Herzens Paradies (Lucerne Zdenko Baudnik trans. 1631), 1970) Main,

oder

der Welt Und das sveta a rdj srdce, and Frankfurt am

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(anon. Reformation English [-]A of Schooles Pansophiae, 1639 and Conatuuin translation of Prodromus (London, 1639) Dilucidatio, 1642) Pansophicorum
opera reproduction Didactica Prague, Omnia 1957) (Amsterdam, 1657: facsimile

Comenius' Sj&lvbiografi: Comenius about himself [-] Praternae de (reprint Admonitionis of Continuatio temperando Charitate Zelol 1670, with Swedish and English by Jan-Olof Tjdder and Agneta Ljunggren) translations (Stockholm, 1975)
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(Shipton 1: Panegersia 1990) on Stour, (Shipton Panaugla xi: 1987) on Stour, 1986) IV: Pampwdia (Dover, (Shipton V: Panglottia 1989) on Stour, (chapters 19-26) (Sheffield, VI: Panorthosia (Shipton Pannuthesia VII: 1991) on Stour,
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ed.

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tending to Reformation

the Happy in Church

and

John

Evelyn,

ed.

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Peter Figulus. Letters to Samuel Blekastad (Lychnos, ed. Milada Arsbok, Samfundets 1988)

The Love of Truth Gauden, John: and Peace: A Sermon the Honovrable before Hovse of Commons Assembled Preached (London, in Parliament Novemb. 29.1640 1641)

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Aufhrliche Mundi Beschreibung der Miraculum oder de gromchtigen Naturl Art vnd Eigenschafft wunderbaren Menstruum Universale Subjecti, von den Alten oder: (Amsterdam, Philosophorum: 1653-1660) Mercurius genandt ist: Der Ridivivus; Da Glauberus von Falschen und Lgen Zngen vnd mit Gifftigen ermortel und Lastermaulen durch begrabenel Hlff der nun aber vnd Zeugnis gleichsam (Amsterdam, Glauber 1656) auffgestndene Wahrheit wieder Des Peutschlandts Wohlfart (Amsterdam, 1656-61)

- Tractatus Beschreibung Eigenschafft/

Salium: Oder Aufrliche De Natura deren bekanten Salien, vnterscheiden (Amsterdam, 1658) vnd Gebrauch

Natur,

bus Lapidibus Tri. De 1667)

Ignium

Secretorum

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Concentratus Glauberus C-] oder Kern der Glauberischen (Leipzig 1715). An abridged and Breslau, schrifften ) (editor Glauber's complete anon. of works, with version 'explanations' that comments and are of some marginal for an assessment interest interest 18th-century of early in alchemy
Preussische Christoph: Kirchen-Historia, Hartknoch, der christlichen in darinnen Religion von Einfhrung Land, diese wie auch von der Conservation, Fortpflanzung 1 und dem heutigen Zustande derselben [ ausfhrlich ... denckwrdigen Nebst vielen wird. Begebenheiten gehandelt [ 1 Aus vielen ] Dokumenten [ gedruckten [ ] ... ... ... (Frankfurt am Main and Leipzig, 1686) zugetragen

Hartlib, office 1648)

A Further Samuel (ed. ): Discoverie for Accommodations Addresse of Publick

of the (London,

Legacie His Husbandry. Hartlib Samuel of Wherein are to the Common-Wealth bequeathed of England. not onely but also many more Outlandish Braband, and Flanders, and (3rd. Experiments London, and Secrets edition, Domestick 1655)

556

medicinal Chymical, Esq. Mr Samuel Hartlib

and Chyrurgical (London, 1655)

Addresses

Made to

(ed. ) The Reformed Common Wealth in severall Letters and observations (London, 1655) Esq.

Presented of Bees. to Sammuel Hartlib

Hessels, (1887-97)

J. H.

(ed.

):

Ecclesiae

Londino-Batava?

Archivum

ben: Menasseh The Israel, translation of Spes Israelis,

Hope of Israel (anon. (London, 1650) 1650)

ber die Joachim: Originalsprache jungius, des Neuen 1637, Testaments vom Jahr aufgefunden, zuerst herausgegeben und eingeleitet von Johannes Geffcken (Hamburg, 1863) Des [-] Lallemant Jungius Dr. Joachim (Lbeck, 1863) Briefwechsel, ed. R. Avd-

Kvacala, (Prague,

Korrespondence Jan: 1897-1902)

Jana

Amosa Komensk6ho

des Pdagogische Reform Die Jahrhunderts I: Texte: des XVII XXVI (Berlin, 1903) P&dagogica

Comenius bis zum Ausgange Monumenta Germanix

Francis]: The works [Lodwick, Lodwick: of Francis A in the Intellectual writings Study of his Context of the Century. Facsimile Seventeenth edition of Lodwick's works and transcription published of 'Of an Universall Character' Short Real Writing', and 'Concerning with an by Vivian introduction ('throughout Salmon the world', 1972) (ed. ): Protokolle Gemeinde zu Kln Archive vols.

Rudolf Lhr, reformierten Nichtstaatlicher 1976-1990)

der hochdeutsch1599-1754 (Inventare 20,24,27,33) (Cologne,

(Mersenne, Religieux 1945-83)

Marin]: minime,

Correspondance du p. Marin Mersenne, de Waard et. (Paris, ed. Cornelis al. de: Les voyages de M. Monconys

Balthasar Monconys, 1695) (Paris,

557

kurtzen COPXA Einer Joachim: Morsius, doch ey1fertigen/ Ablehnung kegen [sic] RechtmAssiger oder Protestation, die vnbedachtsame Citation vnd widerrechtliche in justissima Hamburgl Burgermeister vnd Rath der Stadt ('Philadelphia, PaCe DeI Intern&, Morsiana caush nIsI paX frVaMVrl [= Hamburg?, 1634]) eXterna
Paracelsus ed. Karl (Theophrastus (Berlin, Sudhoff Bombast von 1922-33) Hohenstein): Werke,,

Patera, 1892)

A: Jana

Amosa Komensk6ho

Kox-respondence

(Prague

'An Early Mathematical Manifesto: John: ] John [Pell,, P. J. Wallis, Durham Research Idaea of Mathematics', Pell's (first 139-148 18 (1967), 1638). Journal pub. London, text English of the ld&-a with The complete an in introduction reaction and a summary of contemporary translation. English Pepys, Latham Samuel, The Diary of Matthews and William Samuel Pepys ed. (London, 1970-83) Robert

Gabriel: A Discovery Treasure, Plattes, of Infinite the Worlds Beginning. Whereunto Hidden since all men, invited friendly degree to be sharers soever,, are what (London, the Discoverer, G. P. 1639) with Discovery Subterraneall Treasure, of viz. -A from the Gold to of Mines and Minerals. manner Directions for the finding plaine and Rules with in all (London, Kingdomes 1639) and Countries

of

Of all the Coale; of them

Description -A (London, 1641)

of

the

Famous Kingdome

of

Macaria

Christina]: The Divine [Poniatovskd,, Revelations of Poniatowska Christina made in the years 1627,1628 & 1629 translated from the Bohemian faithfully language into English by J. A. Comenius, translation Latin by W. J. (The Hartlib Papers Project, Hitchens University of Sheffieldi unpublished)

558

Trew-Hertzige Bu-Posaune, Andreas: Christoph Raselius, Kaysers zur zeit Angeblasen vber eine sehr denckwrdige Anno 1322 geschehene Bavarii vor 300. Iahren1 Ludovici des Vom jetzt zustande vnd zukunfftigen Propheceyungl Kayserthumbsl Stnde vnd andrer Teytschlandsl auch des in Schweden (s. 1., 1632) Knigs Roth,, Leon Constantine (ed. ): Correspondence of 1926) Huygens (oxford, Descartes and

lettres Relations. de Ur. Samuel: et discours Sorbibreo (Paris, 1660) de Sorbire curieuses matires sur diverses
[-] **Drie van Holland Mededeelingen 1-89 Brieven van Samuel in 16601, ed. P. J. van het historische Sorbibre over Blok, Bijdragen Genootschap den Toestand en 22 (1901),

Sprat, 1667)

Thomas:

History

of

the

Royal

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571

List ADB: BL: Allgemeine British

of

Abbreviations Biographie (LeipZig, 1875-1912)

Deutsche

Library
Versuch Jan

Comenius: Milada Blekastad, Comenius: Blekastad, Werk und Schicksale Umrisses des vom Leben, eines (Oslo 1969) Amos Komensky and Prague, Eph 55 (etc. ): Hartlib, Ephemerides 1655 (etc. )

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Doorman: Netherlands (abridged DNB: 1903) DSB: 80) Hessels: Archivum Grell: London: (Leiden,

Patents Doorman, ' during the 16th, trans. Joh. Meijer, of National

for 17th The

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Dictionary

Biography

Dictionary

of

Scientific ),

Biography

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York,

1970-

J. H. Hessels (1887-97) Ole Peter The Dutch New York,

(ed.

Ecclesim

Londino-Batava?

Grell, Dutch Calvinists in Austin Church Friars Copenhagen and Cologne, Hartlib, Papers Dury and (Liverpool,

in Early 1603-1642 1989) comenius: 1947)

Stuart

George HDC: Turnbull, from Gleanings Hartlib's HP: Hartlib Jan Veku Papers Kumpera, (Ostrava,

Kumpera: Rozhrani

Jan Amos Komensky: 1992) Jana

Poutnik

na

Jan KK 1: I (Prague, Jan KK 11: (Prague, II

Kvacala, 1897) Kvacala, 1902)

Korrespondence

Amosa

Komensk6ho

Korrespondence

Jana

Amosa

Komensk6ho

572 MCG: Monatshefte der comeniusgesellschaft


Comenius

des Reform Die P&dagogische Jan Kvacala, MGP 1: 1: Texte: des XVII Jahrhunderts bis zum Ausgange XXVI (Berlin, 1903) Germaniae P&-dagogica Monumenta

des Die PAdagogische Reform Jan Kvacala, MGP II: in Deutschland bis des Xvxx Comenius zum Ausgange Oberblick, Bibliographie, XX: Historischer Jahrhunderts Monumenta Germaniae Paedagogica Namen- und Sachregister: (Berlin, 1904) XXXII NDB: Neue Deutsche Biographie (Berlin, 1953-94)

NNBW: Nieuw 1911-37) Partington: (1500-1800) Thorndike: Experimental Centuries)

Nederlands

Biografisch

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J. R. Partington, (London, 1961)

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Lynn, A History Thorndike, (Sixteenth V-VIII Science (New York, 1941-58)


Wall, en

of Magic and and Seventeenth


Chiliast (Leiden,

E. G. E. Van Der Serrarius: (1600-1669) Serrarius Petrus 1987)

De Mystieke Wereld zijn

Leslie Michael Mark Greengrass, SHUR: and Timothy Reformation: (eds. ), Samuel Hartlib and Universal (Cambridge, 1994) in intellectual Communication

Raylor Studies

UBA:

Universiteitsbibliothek

Amsterdam

(ed. )f Unbekannte Briefe: Milada Blekastad Unbekannte des Comenius Freunde 1641-1661 Briefe und seiner (Ratingen 1976) and Kastellaun, Zibrt: (Prague,, Cenek 1912) Zibrt, Bibliografie Cesk6 Historie