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Journal of Hellenic Studies 122 (2002) 24-44

EUTHYMOSOF LOCRI: A CASE STUDY IN HEROIZATION IN THE CLASSICALPERIOD'
Abstract: Euthymos was a real person, an Olympic victor from Locri Epizephyrii in the first half of the fifth cento him extraordinary achievements:he received cult in his own lifetime; he fought tury BC. Varioussources attribute with and overcame the 'Hero of Temesa', a daimon who in ritual deflowered a virgin in the Italiancity of Temesa every year; and he vanished into a local river instead of dying (extant iconographyfrom Locri shows him as a river god receiving cult a centuryafter his death). By taking an integrativeapproachto Euthymos'legend and cult iconoof the complex. It is arguedthat Euthymosreceived cult alreadyin graphy,this articleproposes a new interpretation his lifetime in consequence of his victory over the Hero and that he took over, in a modified form, the Hero's cult. Variousconsiderations,includingthe role of river gods as the recipientsof brides' virginity in prenuptialrites, point to an identificationof the Hero as a river deity. In this light it is suggestedthatthe contest between Euthymosand the Hero was conceived as a deliberateemulationof Herakles'fight with Acheloos. The case of Euthymosat Locri, for all its peculiarities, draws our attention to some importantaspects of the heroization of historical persons in the Classical period. First,the earliest attestedcult of a living person in Greece is to be placed aroundthe middle of the fifth century. Second, heroized persons in the Classical period were not always passive in the process of their heroization, but could actively promote it. And third, a common patternin the heroization of contemporariesin the Classical period was to accommodatethem into existing cults.

THE to Euthymosis his own curriculumvitae: best introduction 1. Euthymoswas a son of Astykles and a citizen of Locri Epizephyrii.2 2. He won the Olympic crown for boxing three times, in 484, 476 and 472 BC,and was defeated once by Theogenes (Theagenes)of Thasos in 480 BC.3 3. He performedvarious feats of strength.4 4. He was locally reputedto be the son of the river god Kaikinos.5 5. He foughtwith the 'Hero'of Temesa,to whom the Temesanshad of old broughttheirfairest maidenevery year 'to be his wife'; Euthymosdefeatedthe Hero and marriedthe maiden.6 6. His statues in Locri and Olympiawere struckby lightningon the same day.7 7. He lived to a great age.8 8. PythianApollo orderedthat sacrifices be made to him in his lifetime and afterhis death.9 9. Insteadof dying he vanished into the riverKaikinos.'0 10. By the second half of the fourthcenturyBC,at the latest, he was receiving cult in Locri as a river god involved in prenuptialrites." These episodes are preservedin various sources. It is uncertainwhetherthey ever comprised a unified logos, and at what stage the differentepisodes took shape.12 It is apparentthat not all
An oral version of this article was delivered at 2001; I am gratefulto all ReadingUniversity in February who participatedin that discussion. I would also like to thank Dr Armand D'Angour, Professor Robert Parker, ProfessorPeter Parsonsand Dr Nicholas Richardsonfor valuable criticismsof the writtenversion, and the anonymous refereesof JHS for several helpful comments. The responsibility for the argumentremains my own. I am grateful to Professor Felice Costabile and the Soprintendenza Archeologica della Calabriafor permission to reproducethe photographin Plate 1. 2 Paus. 6.6.4; CEG 1.399. 3 Paus. 6.6.5-6. The inscriptionon his statue base in Olympia is extant (CEG 1.399) and his name can be restored on the Oxyrhynchusvictor list (POxy 222 col. i. 12, 25). Three-timeOlympic victors enjoyed a special status:Plin. Nat. 34.16.
I

Ael. VH8.18. 5 Paus. 6.6.4. 6 Call. fr. 98 Pf. and Diegesis 4.6-17; Strabo 6.1.5 255; Paus. 6.6.7-11; Ael. VH8.18; Suda s.v. Ei•Oijtog. 7 Plin. Nat. 7.152 = Call.fr. 99 Pf. 8 Paus. 6.6.10. 9 Call.fr. 99 Pf. 10Ael. VH8.18. Cf Paus. 6.6.10. 11 F. Costabile et al., I ninfei di Locri Epizefiri (Catanzaro1991) 195-238. SEG 42.906. 12 A unified logos is assumed by, e.g., A. Mele, 'L'eroe di Temesatra Ausoni e Greci', in E. Lepore and A. Mele, 'Praticheritualie culti eroici in MagnaGrecia', in Forme di contatto e processi di trasformazionenelle societa antiche. Atti del Convegno di Cortona (24-30 maggio 1981) (Pisa and Rome 1983) 848-88 at 860, 863.
4

's As the diversity of these interpretations itself suggests. in M. in Ricerche di storia e di geografia dell 'Italiaantica (Turin 1908) 43-56 = Italia antica. 'Der Kampfum Temesa'. Culti e miti della Magna Grecia (Florence 1924) 261-71.13 person in the history of Greek religion. CSCA 1 (1968) 73-104.EUTHYMOS OF LOCRI 25 episodes exhibit the same degree of reality:it is temptingto regard1-2 as historical.11) 195-238. Boehringer. 136-7. 'The legend of Euthymos of Locri'. Atti del XIII convegno di studi sulla Magna Grecia (Naples 1974) 269-74. Burkert. Second. Giannelli. Dougherty and L. Retrospektive. Mfiller. E. to accommodatethese data to our generalpicture of heroizationof historical persons in the fifth century BC. I. this dichotomy may distortthe fifth-centuryBCperspective. then. Temesa e la leggenda di Euthymosdi Locri (Bari 1992) 41-58. More important for this article than whether the events recordedwere real is whether (and in what sense) they may have been believed to be real. However. which has been interpreted variously as but eitherway of greatinterestto the historianof Greek humansacrifice or religious prostitution. JHS 118 (1998) 1-21. It is above all for the formerthat Euthymoshas attractedattention:the legend describes an extraordinaryrite performedat Temesain the Archaicperiod. objectives.25866. Visintin. Performance. he is the earliest historical Greekclaimed by an ancientauthorto have received cult in his lifetime (althoughmodem scholars generally give this distinctionto Lysandersome decades later). Fromseveralviewpoints. Maa3.our sources ascribeto Euthymosa legend as well as a cult. De Sanctis. Heinrich (eds). Fontenrose. SOME TRENDS IN SCHOLARSHIP The scholarship on Euthymos is too extensive to be passed fully under review. 'The hero as athlete'. Nuova bibliografia Callimachea 1489-1998 (Geneva 2000) 90-2.14 More than that. a role for which the abundanceof evidence of diverse kinds makes him especially suitable. only certain themes can be mentionedwhich are importantfor what follows. Storia della Magna Grecia (2nd edn. Lehnus. REA 81 (1979) 5-18. assuming that it preserved details of the history of Magna Graecia refractedthrougha mythological lens. Kurke. the historicalrecord is insufficient to con- 13 Cf W. Add Costabile (n. Politics (Cambridge1993) 131-63. Pais.g. in C. 14 See. Gehrke and E. F.JDAI22 (1907) 18-53. religion.1 (1994) 824-5. Moreover.'6 Several scholars(especially in the first half of the twentiethcentury)focussed on the story of Euthymos' victory over the Hero.H.15 Euthymos will thus serve here as a case study in heroizationin the Classical period. 17E. Below it will be suggested how the fight with the Hero could have been 'real' from the contemporary perspective. Ricerche di storia e geografia storica 2 (Bologna 1922) 79-91).'Cultes d'athletes en Gr6ce classique: propos politiques. Metaponto. Connolly. The presentarticlehas two. Peronaci. 'Was Sophocles heroised as Dexion?'. 'Zur Heroisierunghistorischer Pers6nlichkeitenbei den Griechen'. 'L'Eroe di Temesa'.see L. L.there is archaeologicalas well as textual evidence relating to Euthymos'cult. Cult. P. discours mythiques'. G. Thus. 18 E. LIMC 7. Bohringer. G. interconnected.'7 Or it has been taken to reflect changing power relationsamong the Greekcolonists themselves:the conquestof Temesaby Locri. the legend has been taken to reflect the conquest by Greek colonists of indigenous peoples. Atti dell'Accademia delle Scienze di Torino 45 (1909-10) 164-72. First. Some pertinentobservations are also to be found in A.La vergine e l 'eroe.MA 1972) 120. Lore and Science in Ancient Pythagoreanism(Cambridge. A survey of scholarshipup to 1991 is given by M. or successive conquests of Temesa eitherby Sybaristhen Locri or by Metapontumthen Sybaris. 'The economy of kudos'.-J. e. He is one of a handfulof Euthymos is an important athletes of the fifth centuryBCwho received cult. . Ciaceri. Rome 1928) 1. on the problems of separatingout 'fact' and 'fiction' in the biographies of figures like Pythagoras. Kurke (eds). 'Sybaris II'. Cultural Poetics in Archaic Greece. A. Flashar. 16 For a bibliography. to illuminate the peculiarities of the cult and legend of Euthymos. an area that has received surprisingly little attention. Exceptionallyfor a heroized historicalperson of the fifth centuryBC. in Ancient Italy (Chicago and London 1908) 39-51 (= 'La leggenda di Eutimo di Locri e del Heroon di Temesa'.Konzepte von Vergangenheitin der griechisch-r6mischenAntike (Munich 1996) 37-61 at 37. 15 Cf D.3-9 as legendary. Euthymosmeritsattention. J..

' 25 Boehringer (n.20The question how the planes of myth and of contemporary history could interactin the case of Euthymosis a centralconcern of this article.14)!) E.25 Although the community'srole and the political circumstances were doubtless importantfactors. when the present state of the heroes is of interestas a possible reflexion of the worshipper'sown future state..1 (1987) 1-8). For Bohringer it is crucial that such cults are posthumous.. Pind. By and large.' Kearns's 'objective'viewpoint is sharedby W..21 The heroizing of Euthymosby Locri is relatedby Bohringerto Locri's territorial conflicts throughoutthe fifth century.36c.14): 'ces cultes obliterent des periodes de faiblesse et de division des cit6s. differs from Boehringerin grantinghero cult an intrinsicallyreligious dimension. sauvantla face illustre un repr6sentant de la communaut6en r6cup6rant mais contestable'(15).. 15) is not to be confused with F.11) 213-14. Arias.daBder Faustkimpferihn verdraingt 20CompareVisintin (n. die eine politische Relevanz fiir die Gemeinschaft besal3en' (37).. 'Sybaris'. affirmeet raffermitl'unit6 du groupe. ASNP 17. In 1932 Samson Eitremsignalled a problemthat is a centralconcern of this article:how the historicalfifth-centuryathlete Euthymoscould featurein a legend in which he defeats a 'hero'.23 athletes serves the interestsof the city. 23 Cf Costabile (n. 2. Eitrempostulateda homonymousmythical Euthymoswith whom the historicalEuthymoshad been confused. 'Le culte d'athletesen Grececlassique efface.above all with Rhegion. For the conflict between Locri and Rhegion. 24 Bohringer(n.. In 1979 FranqoisBohringerconsideredEuthymosin the course of a study of heroized fifthcenturyathletes.3. (D. the glorificationof such a figure by means of a posthumouscult could enable the city to 'efface' inglorious episodes in its recent history. divisions.. The importantthing was the relation of the hero to the worshipper.Heroenkulte dienten dem individuellen Identifikationsgefiihl einer Gemeinschaftund waren Ausdruck ihrer Solidaritdit' (47). furtherimplicationswill be drawn from this iconographicalevidence.GreekReligion (Cambridge. however.Greekcities in the fifth centuryBCdid not heroize athletes in recognitionof theirathleticservices but in orderto serve theirown political interests.38. 2.26 BRUNO CURRIE firm or refute any of them.26 In this tributionsto the understanding article. crises pass6es. Accordingto Bohringer. Cinquanta anni di ricerche archeologiche sulla Calabria (1937-1987) (Rovito 1988) 12130 (= 'Euthymos'. Kearns. These approachesare thereforeunsatisfying. RE 5A (1932) 1002-5 at 1003. The Heroes of Attica (London 1989) 5-6.15) reduces the phenomenon of heroizationto a purelypolitical functionof the city-state: '[In archaischerund klassischer Zeit] heroisierten die GriechenhistorischePersonen.24This in fact reflects an importantand widely held assumptionregardingthe heroizationof historicalpersons in general: that the perspective of the person who is heroized is subordinateto the perspective of the city which effects the heroization. is an importantone: it will be posed in this article in a differentway. Justin21..14) 18: 'Le culte d'athletes en Grece classique. 15. 1. Burkert. in Rollen. someone who was deemed to have lived in the Heroic Age and was subsequentlythe recipientof a cult at Temesa..19Although Eitrem'ssolution makes an unwarranted postulate. the hero was viewed objectively in the classical period. They also tend. Bohringer (n. ratherthan that of those who are heroized: 'The worship of formerhumanbeings can have two aspects:an essentially objective cultus in which they are approachedlike the gods. Costabile (n. 22Bohringer(n.MA 1985) 190: 'Ritual and belief are concernedalmost exclusively with the deathof others. 21 Bohringer (n. and a more subjective concentrationon the fate of the dead.2.16) 10. not those of the athletehimself. An Olympic victor was simultaneouslyan international celebrityand a politically marginalfigure in his own city. but also emphasizes the perspective of those who performthe hero cult. this article will argue that the heroized person's perspective must often also be taken into account.22The proposalto connect Euthymos'cult with Locrianexpansionismin the fifth cenBut Bohringeralso advancedthe more generalthesis thatthe heroizationof tury is attractive. to marginalizethe legend's protagonist. .99a (= Epicharmus96 PCG)... The questionof the legend's relation to 'history'.' unbegreiflich.the problemhe signals is genuine.E. that is. in the 19 S.Euthymos. hditte. Pyth.41-4: 'Wennnicht schon ein andererEuthymosden es fast wdire schwarzentemesiischen Damonbesiegt hditte. cf schol. 30. paradoxically.. The archaeologistsPaolo Arias and Felice Costabile in 1941 and 1991 made importantconof the cult of Euthymos from the iconographicalside.11) 195-238.' 26 P. however. '.2 (1941) 7785) and 197-210 (= 'Euthymos di Locri'... faiblesses. Eitrem.' (18). Boehringer(n.one's own deathremainsin the dark.. He is therefore (15) disinclined to accept Pliny's statementthat sacrifices were made to Euthymos in his lifetime.14) 11.SiculorumGymnasium1..

and was used by Callimachus:Fraser(n. 84-5.13-14.16) 39. Emerita 63..16) 53. Hist. further. Visintin disavows the intentionto discover the realia of the cults performedfor either the Hero of Temesa or for Euthymos and concentrates insteadon the legend. 'the foregoing I heard about (ij9cooaC)' (11).6. Her treatment. Timaeus liked 'marvels' (cf Polyb.16) 55. All may ultimately depend on local oral tradition.6 'the locals say (wpaoiv)'(4). 33 Cf Cordiano(n.1 (1995) 168-9. 92. All these pertainto the stories eitherof Euthymos'divine birth or his death / disappearance.764-7 esp. Fraser.frr. cf Paus. Pais (n.37. 443-4.' 28Visintin (n. Rohde.and (iii) extant iconographyfrom Locri Epizephyrii. Sudas. This point was recognized by Visintin herself: (n. 1. mir. 76. 32Noticeably. or ratherthat unlike them it was written? For Pausanias'process of gatheringinformationand his see P. as reflected in the iconography.30In this articlea much closer link will be argued for between the legend of the Hero and the cult of Euthymosthan Visintin allows. 6. Does the use (twice) of ijicooa at 6. Strabo 6. Cordiano.18) 50 and n. 766 and 2. 132.6. 7). be challengedthat the Hero's essential identity is that of a revenantand that the rite performedfor him is one of human sacrifice. 'I heard (ijlco-oa) the following'. as recordedin the legend. Ei~j00go. 71.32) 180-2.and may be summarized 27 Arias (n. 132-3 nn.16) 79-80.1 suggested that the legend was handled by 'a poet of the school of Stesichorus or Xenocritus of Locri'.35On the other hand.2 Pf. VI 6. 75. Ael. 29Visintin (n. schol.. 618 Pf. is still selective. Xenomedes of Ceos.35) 1.4). in theirreviews of Visintin (n. 36 Visintin (n. 35 Note the phraseology of Paus. On Callimachus'possible use of oral sources. fight with the Hero] non interessail nostro discorso.M.27 The longest treatmentof the legend of Euthymosso far is Monica Visintin's monographof 1992.1. QUCC 60 (1998) 177-83 at 180. E.and Euthymos'fight with the Hero.36 the legend of Euthymosand the Hero of Temesa is given by Pausanias.4-11. Flor. 'La saga dell'eroe di Temesa'. Pausanias'written sources includedpoets and local historians:Habicht(n.3.159.16) 27 n.343. 6. 'I heard (iiKoVoa) from a man who sailed for the purpose of trade' (10). 98-9. 615. 34Call. Callimachusfor his partused local historians (e.9 260. Did the Greeks concept of hearsay (&•Koil).5). the sources for the ritualconspicuouswords meaning 'sacrifice'. 105.(ii) a literary descriptionof a lost painting.54 Pf. and if so what that was. fr. (i) The literaryevidence for Euthymos' legend is scatteredacross several authors. 35-6 onfr.32 It will be arguedhere that the rite is bettercomparedwith so-called rites of 'sacredprostitution'. frr. see C.M. 669 Pf. In the interevidence pretationof both the cult andthe legend a centralrole will be given to the iconographical for Euthymos'cult. 68. that is.34It is unclear whether all depend on a single source. a revenant. THE EVIDENCE The evidence for Euthymos'cult and legend is of three kinds: (i) literaryaccounts.16) 17. and seems to have had a source for Locri Epizephyrii (cf. 30 Visintin (n. Habicht. 148-53 interprets the 'marriage' of the Temesan virgin to the Hero as a 'marriage to Death'. 98-9 Pf. Der griechische Roman (Berlin 1876) 99 with n. Paus.EUTHYMOSOF LOCRI 27 belief that there is a closer link than has been recognized between the cult of Euthymos. 12.6.31The view will. frr.1072 n. 131-3. 635. 75.1072 n. he is followed by A. Agias and Derkylos. Ptolemaic Alexandria (Oxford 1972) 2. 16). 31 Sole reference:Visintin (n.353 (expressing doubt as to whetherCallimachuswas dependenton Timaeus for informationabout Euthymos).however. suggests Callimachusmay have travelledthe Greekworld collecting local legends.10 mean to suggest that the source for the legend of the combat with the Hero (6..Pausanias' Guide to Ancient Greece (Berkeley and Los Angeles 1998) 144-5. 'KAAYKA1-HTH in Paus. PP 51 (1996) 442-56.29Visintin interpretsthe rite performedfor the Hero at Temesaas a rite of humansacrifice. Believe in their Myths? (Chicago 1988) 3. 6. 143. Euthymos' Cf.7-10) was like these oral. which Visintinvirtuallyignores. avoid ly P6rtulas. On his use of oral sources. 148 n.33 II. esp. see P.g.5 255. Biraschi.6.35) 142-3 (but note 96: 'it is rare that [Pausanias'sources] can be securely identified'). Veyne. 88. a single writtensource cannotbe ruled out: The fullest of the extantliteraryversions of then Timaeusespecially comes into consideration.11? A proposito del dipinto di Temesa'. Leandr(i)os of Miletus. and G.28Her main focus is the Hero of Temesaratherthan Euthymos.24.. Strabo6. The story of the cicadas at the Halex was told by Timaeus (FGrHist 566 F43 = Antigon.v. VH8. .18. Rhegion:fr.1.). 43 assumes that Pausanias is dependent on Callimachus. as human sacrifice rather than ritual defloration. as emphasizedby J.26) 200: 'La storia [sc.. The Hero is for Visintin one of the 'restless dead'.

44Comparably. 43 Cf Mele (n. Euthymosdesiredto enterthe hero's temple and see the girl. and Euthymoslay in wait for the hero. assaulteda local girl and was stoned to deathby the locals.). cf Elpenor (Od.. see Eitrem (n.in an authorialaside. The Delphic oracle bade them remain. and the Temesans were free of their tribute. 11. Euthymos painting: when just legend ' Pausaniassays 'the spirit whom Euthymos expelled' (6vrivaEia yv b E ~ito.the victim offered Lamia/Sybarisby the Delphians accordingto Nicander. 41 Or 'Lykas' (see L.16) 14-15. Fromthen on the Temesanssufferednothingfurtherfrom the hero.81).which concludes his account of Euthymos and the Hero summarized above. about the middle of the fifth centuryBC)Euthymoscame to Temesaon the very day on which a virginwas being broughtto the hero. the daimon of the painting with the daimon of the legend which he has just narrated.5 255. Euthymos marriedthe virgin. them the whom Hera and and.19) 1003.46Thus. Strabo 6. But it is clear that the paintingfits problematically did not in feature the as has told Pausanias it. but merely identifying. 59-73. Mele (n. once Delphi has sanctioned his cult.43 First.the role of 'the young man Sybaris'is unclear.Thiswas The foregoing anda spring the likenessof an ancientpainting. Third.337-83). althoughthe paintingsurelyrelates in some way to the legend or the underlyingritual. Second.anddrovehim fromthe land.12) 866 and Mfiller(n.16) 825. 45Analogously. building him a va6. Visintin (n.40 Pausanias' description. and on so doing he pitied and fell in love with her. 40Wheredid Paus.ad Od.but appease 'the him a tcsEvo. the dead man's spirit devastatedthe Temesans'community until they were on the brinkof leaving Italy. worstedhim in battle.33.Odysseus put in at Temesa.18.12) 863-7. Odysseus took no heed of his death and sailed away. Then (and now the legend moves from the Heroic Age to historical times. 1. 881-6. On the other hand. Is he combatingthe daimon (Euthymos'role in the legend)? Is he being offered to the daimon (the maiden'srole in the legend)?44Or is he the river Sybarispersonified(comparethe 'riverKalabros'and 'springLyka'in the painting)?45The decision is complicatedfurtherby the fact that the name 'Sybaris'is given by Nicander in Book 4 of his Heteroeumena(Metamorphoses)to a daimon who is in several ways analogousto the Hero of Temesa.Aen. Eustath. VH 8. 8. 42 For discussion. 39 CPG 1.37 However. or 'Kalyka'(see Biraschi (n. he is not describingsomething shown in the painting(when we would expect the imperfect ~paxh v. Lib. He was wearing the skinof a wolf for blackin colourandmostfrightening terribly on the painting gavehimthe nameAlybas. Lyka41 in all his aspect. 'Dolon the wolf'. 16) 825 assume Olympia. 46Antonin. and bringinghim the fairestvirgin hero'38 by apportioning every year in Temesa 'to be his wife'. a maiden is absent from the painting.12) 863-4.185.51-83) and Palinurus(Virg.36)). 'The Hero of Temesa' was proverbial.39 (ii) Distinct from the literarysources is a painting which is known only from Pausanias. runs as follows: I heardabout.Theinscription The reading of Pausanias'text is uncertainat various points. Akragaswas as a 'boy in his prime' (nxat86i VH2.2.butI knowthe followingfromhavinglightedon a painting. 8.42 clothing. Therewas a youthSybarisand a riverKalabros was the Temesa. an attested iconographyof the river opacp): Ael.28 BRUNO CURRIE as follows.besides.Lib.12) 868-73. see the painting? Mele (n. and much otherwise in the interwith the pretationof the paintingis unclear. not the aorist XPakEv). Returningfrom Troy. The Anthropologyof Ancient Greece (Baltimoreand London 1981) 138 n.where one of his crew got drunk.. She promised to marryhim if he saved her. it plainly does not illustratethe legend as we otherwise have it (Temesa and the malevolent spirit are all that are common to the legend and the painting).33-7.1. Gernet. city Among spirit Euthymos expelled. Mifller (n. .342 = Ael. was 'one boy from among the citizens' (eva icoipov iO^v rnoxtrov). 38This is the firstpoint in Pausanias'narration where he is referredto as ijpo)q:that is. Mele (n.Heteroeumena4 = Antonin. 6. this very failure of fit seems to guaranteethe fidelity of Pausanias' 37 For the unburied companion.

6. 56On the iconographyof rivergods.11) 224-6. The association with nymphs suggests thatthe heroizedEuthymosmay have had a role in prenuptial rites. nicht ein bloBes pigrla Stilurteilist)'. 321. togetherwith the fact thatthe bull standson a pedestal.49These were found (with one exception) in a sanctuaryof the Nymphs. after Arias (n. from the same sanctuaryof the nymphs show Acheloos as a bull with a mature man's face. 224. of the 5th-c. 49 See Costabile (n. i. 1. However. Wei3. 'Acheloos' LIMC 1. BC:Costabile (n.57 The herms suggest a furtherdimension to Euthymos'cult. 48 Miiller (n.51 They show a bull with the head of a young man with horns mounted on a pedestal.11) 195-238.which stood somewherein the region and declareditself 'sacredto Euthymos'. suggests that a statueis being portrayed. . 52 H.18. the Ionic form is surprising:confirmationof the readingwould be welcome.11) 199 fig. in an unmistakably nuptial context: Costabile (n. = Costabile See PLATE (n. 'Fluvii'. now known as GrottaCaruso. von Prott and L. Isler. cf Ael. a dedication to Acheloos by a Euthymos of the 4th c. Cf Veyne (n. Ziehen. 11) 207.26).16) 825: 'Kopie eines iilterenGemdildes (wenn ypacpi(. especially Euthymos was rumourednot to have died but to have 'disappeared'into the waters of the Kaikinos.distinct from our Olympic victor. 55The location of this sanctuaryof Euthymosis open to doubt.54 The hermsthereforeseem to representan actualfree-standingstatue. 6. The manbull is identified as Euthymosby an inscriptionon the pedestal reading(with insignificantvariThe form of the adjective is apparentlyfeminine.44. The herms permit some inferences aboutthe realia of Euthymos'cult. 349-50. Pausanias'motive for describingit is presumablyto show the 'reality' the daimon of Temesahad for the locals independentlyof the legend. 58 Costabile (n.l1) 228. not neuter plural.1 (1988) 139-48.55 in one of our textualwitnesses: Callimachus(as paraSacrifices to Euthymosfind corroboration that were made to Euthymosboth in his lifetime and after mentioned sacrifices phrasedby Pliny) his death. 17. Leges Graecorum sacrae e titulis collectae (Leipzig 1896-1906) 2. 6. esp. which would rule out a neuter plural ('rites of Euthymos'). figs. ead. BC.P. 352. Comparea redfigure vase from Nola. &viEOlKe) Ei5u•p[og] or EiA6{pi[ou] (sc. Below (p.11) 223.48 It is possible that the painting relates to the Temesancult-legendbefore Euthymosbecame associatedwith it.in Locri Epizephyrii. 57Ael. 50One of the herms comes from the Locrianapoikia Medma:Costabile (n.6. Olympic victor Euthymos.53 ants) E6016go iEpop.perhapsin bronze.50 They are datedto the latterhalf of the fourthcenturyBC.33. 11) 209. 1 = Arias (n. 180. 53 [i]Epil has been read on one of the herms.the noun to be understoodwith kipa may then be tihjcv.59 A role for Euthymos in 47 This does not imply that Pausanias himself believes what he reports. apXaia. They come from a sanctuaryof the nymphs at Locri: depicted at the top of the herms are the heads of three nymphs.EUTHYMOSOF LOCRI 29 descriptionof the painting. The letter-formsfind parallels at Locri of 4th-3rd c.2 fig. LIMC4. &v~rCjga). Two other clay herms. He was also a son of the river Kaikinos:Paus. 11) 208.103. of Euthymosas a man-bullis clear:the iconographyis The significance of the representation This detail too has a correlate in the legend: for river Acheloos.26) 122 fig.56 typical gods.P.35) 11. 59Costabile (n.11) 231. cf Paus.e.58 Here we are even more clearly in the context of prenuptialrites. 351. C. For Acheloos and nymphs in Attica.11) 223. To the left of the man-bullin one of the hermsis shown an altarwith a basin. slightly earlier in date. standing by a louterion. homed and bearded. on the groundto the right is a small knife. Isler.•52 This. (iii) The extant iconography pertainingto Euthymos' cult consists of (to date) five clay herms.11) fig. 204 fig.4. suggesting a river metamorphosis. See Costabile (n. see: H. 40) it will be suggested that it may be identicalwith the sanctuaryof the Hero in Temesa. VH2. 51Costabile (n. But the tauromorphic bull must be seen as the personification. figs. Acheloos (Bern 1970) 34 with 195 n. Thus therewas in the region a sanctuaryof Euthymos housing a statue of him as a man-bull and an altar where he received sacrificial offerings. showing Acheloos as a bearded homed man-facedbull with a louterion.in the form of a riverdeity. took the inscriptionto be (sc. Costabile(n.10 (cited above). J. GriechischeFluj3gottheiten in vorhellenistischer Zeit. 54Costabile (n. 95-102. Ikonographieund Bedeutung(Wiirzburg1984). VH 8.47The age of the painting cannot be determinedfrom Pausanias'designationof it as ypaypiflq rl paapXataq: either 'a painting in the old style' or 'a copy of an ancient painting'.

Bremmer. As regardsthe Hero.e.18. The Hero's association with rivers is less obvious. 199. excavations in the area of Temesa have uncovereda late Archaictemple which it has been tentativelysuggestedwas the sanctuaryof the Hero. 62 G. i. in one of the hermsprobablypoints to ritualacts (animalsacrifices?hair offerings?)which were performedthere. 6.9) which took place annuallyat Temesa. 29). On being expelled by Euthymoshe disappearedinto the sea ..Taranto (Taranto1997) 366-72. but suggestive. 6.F. di studi sulla Magna Grecia . couch had been prepared(in the cult building. which is defendedby MaaB.16) 824 'ein Deflorationsritusoder Relikt ein davon'. toi^tnoXoi. Str. where a (c) The parentsof the girl judged 'most beautiful'took her to the Hero's sanctuary. IX.. lp tov.8. Miiller. 182. (c*) This cult of Euthymosoccurredin the context of prenuptialrites. Calame (n.6.60 III.5 255. i3aotov.. and Social Functions (Lanham1997) 113-23.1.both the Hero and Euthymoswere involved in prenuptialrites. Most editors of Paus. 64 Cf Mtiller (n.61 Recently. have instead followed Clavier in readingiApotov:cf Strabo6...30 BRUNO CURRIE prenuptialrites has anothercorrelateof sorts in the legend. I am grateful to Prof. Cordiano(n.11 have ijpa. VH 8.1. itEpNv.Religious Role. apparently. THE HERO OF TEMESA:A RIVER DEITY? Returningto the Hero.17-20 V. cf C.609e-610a.64 The probaritual:Hera (teleia) was godble presence of Hera in the painting furthersuggests a premarital ritual. a naiskos.Aetia 4. with Pl. 6. it is importantto note that he is presentedto us in the legend not just as a figure of myth but as the object of a real cult.) in Temesa which contained a cult building (va6. (a) The Hero had a sanctuary(tl~Evo. 4. 13. 130b. 6. Ael.8) seems to be a beauty contest of marriageablegirls (compare ic6prlv nfyatov in the Diegesis to Callimachus. J. 63 Paus.'ll sacello tardi-arcaico di Campora in 35' Convegno S.65) 122-3.. "Hpa. . 6. 'nearTemesa there is a hero shrine(ilpotov)'.). Call.66 dess of marriage.an occurrence which invites comparison with Euthymos' disappearanceinto the river 60Paus.6.6.8. (a*) Euthymoshad a cult statue showing him as a bull with a young man's face on whose pedestal was inscribedE6?i6ou i pa. Athen.5 255.Mele. Euthymos'connection with prenuptialrites has alreadybeen indicated(see p. the practiceof bringinga maiden each year to be rituallydeflowered looks like a prenuptialrite.6.1. 6. First.6. 262.the knife shown (b*) Close by the statuestood a basin-formedaltarand. 61 Paus. Greek Religion (Oxford 1994) 70. Dieg. This cult purportsto have been practisedfrom the HeroicAge into the historicalperiodbefore being abolishedthroughEuthymos'intervention aroundthe middle of the fifth centuryBC.8-12. with the plan on p. Theophrastus ap. For Euthymos Second. Giovanni(CS):relazionepreliminare'. Calame.va6g?) and broughther back the following morning a woman not a maiden.63 On the otherhand. La Torre. 65 The manuscriptsof Paus. RichardBuxton for pointingme to these references. both Euthymosandthe Herohave an apparent statue and the traditionsthat he was a son this association is obvious: there is the tauromorphic of the river Kaikinos and that he disappearedinto the same river.10.Taranto 1995 (Taranto 1996) 703-22. Aet. Choruses of YoungWomenin Ancient Greece.the following realiapertainingto Euthymos'cult can be inferredfrom the Locrianherms. For the role of Hera in initiatory ritual. 686. for Euthymosmarriedthe Temesan maidenwhom he rescued.65 Beauty contests too were often partof premarital associationwith rivers.62 (b) Implicit in Pausanias'phrase 'the most beautifulof the maidens' (RxapgOvoWv •aXXiaGrlv. TheirMorphology.Eitrem.32) 180-1. 66 Alc. the same authorin 1996 36? Convegnodi studisulla Magna Grecia. The realia of the cults of the Hero and Euthymos permit comparison in two significant respects. The realia of this cult may be summarizedas follows.

69 These shared features between Euthymos and the Hero suggest a close correspondence between their cults. Rivers as icoupozp6pot:Hes. Byblos et lafte des Adonies (Leiden 1977) 40-1. 43 Wehrli. ol•. Paus. Soyez. to which Hdt. Studies in Religion 21 (1992) 145-62 at 146-55. 'The Locrian maidens'. Opferritusund Voropfer Griechen und R6mer (Kristiania1915) 364-7. 8. 76 ClearchusJr. 70 Fontenrose(n. Compare Euthymos:Ael. Dowden (n.199. 6.85-6.G. heros of Locri. 69 La Torre(n.' Cf Bohringer(n. warIv Ic6paS z 'those axtptopy.ot) 73 1. Studi storico-religiosi 2 (1978) 61-79) at 264 and nn. Cho. 1. Studies in the History of Oriental Religion (3rd edn.divin. kip6F to the goddess. Lib. Euthymos' fluvial characteristics as portrayedon the GrottaCarusoherms would be explicable as inheritedfrom the Hero.78) 123. This is. the temple recently excavated at CamporaS. 72 The term fails to distinguish between one-off sexual intercourse performed without degradationby free daughtersof citizens as a religious act (n. der 8. 77 W. Girls' Initiation Rites in Greek Mythology(London 1989) 3 (on Paus. Clearchus fr. At some point the Temesians.). Cf the controversial vow(s) of 478-476 BCand the 350s BC: Justin 21. of Ancient GreekSacrificial Ritual and Myth (Berkeley and Los Angeles 1983) 63 n. S. 43 Wehrli: ztv r•ot. VH 8.71) 161-2 esp. In the legend Euthymossupplantsthe Hero by marryingthe virgin the latter was to deflower. Justin 18. Graf.56.5.Homo Necans.4). 1. 75 Hdt. This raises the question whetherEuthymoswas substitutedfor the Hero in the cult too.7) 'Sybaris' (who is a daimon comparableto the Hero of Temesa)is identifiedby locals with a springnear Krisa: 'from that rock [where Sybarisfell to her death] a spring appearedand the locals call it Sybaris'.que ces femmes accomplissaient au cours de la f6te une fois dans leur vie'. Seyrig.68 Finally. MacLachlan. Cf H. Buxton (ed.76 A more widespreadrite of Rpor hXeta than the sacrifice of a girl's virginity is hair sacrifice. WeiB(n. however. compares the Babylonian practice. communities who make their own a•poatoljvzov. 1. OxfordReadings in GreekReligion (Oxford 2000) 250-70 (= 'Die lokrischen Midchen'.5.75But most significantly for our purposes it is attested(in connection with the cult of Aphrodite)for Locri Epizephyriiin the first half of the fifth centuryBC. daughters ritually pure by prostituting them') and the servile condition of permanent temple prostitutes who were 'sacred' (ikpac. Syria 49 (1972) 97-125 at 99. See Graf (n.20.73 Lucian attests it for SyrianByblos. 68The riverKalabrosandthe springLyka.71) 263-4. Th.70 If so. On the Syrian Goddess 6. 6.77 Hair sacrifice could be regardedas 'equivalent'to the sacrifice of a girl's virginity:they feature as alternativesat an Adonis festival at Byblos. instit.79But as well as receiving hair offerings. MacLachlan (n. Giovanni and identified hypotheticallywith the sanctuaryof the Hero is situatedin the immediatevicinity of a river. 'Antiquitessyriennes'. 'The youth of the riverSybaris: Sybaris'may also be a personification note that in Nicander. in R.1-5.78 What place is there here for river gods? River gods could certainly receive hair sacrifices from youths (kouroi) and were seen as kourotrophoi. Frazer.. Cf Lydia:Hdt. London 1927) 1. 14) 16. 71 Cf F.74 In the Greekworld we hear of it most unambiguouslyfor Cyprus. Eitrem.10.20.b. Burkert. 79Hairofferingsto rivers:II.71) 149. 'un rite d'origine initiatique. does not specify that the women are virgins ready for marriage. 1. The Anthropology Cf. . complements Heros of Temesa and takes on identical traits. 346-8. n. Aesch. 1988) 139-40. identified their ancient hero-daimon with Euthymos: he became the Heros of Temesa.37. Occasionally in ancient Greece and the Near East we hear of the sacrifice of girls' virginityas a prenuptialrite (7nporEXeta) performedfor a female deity:Aphroditeor a congenerof hers. Clearchusfr. Death and the Maiden.he appearsalongside aquaticfeatures:at least one river and a spring. 43 Wehrli. 78 Lucian.3. The hypothesis that the Hero was a river deity thereforeneeds furthertesting.3. responsible for the safe passage of adolescents to adulthood.93. 'Sacred prostitution and Aphrodite'. Cf MacLachlan(n.A.41.2-8. rivergods could receive the sacri67 Paus. which might be offered to various divinities.71This practice is often subsumedin modem discussions underthe (unsatisfactory)catch-all of 'sacred prostitution'.3. 8.3.43.199. 74 On the Syrian Goddess 6.EUTHYMOS OF LOCRI 31 Kaikinos. Hair offerings as 'equivalent' to religious prostitution: J. Cordiano(n.HeteroeumenaBook 4 (= Antonin.4. Hdt.141-5 1. cf K.10: 'the Hero sank into the sea and disappeared(qcavIreat)'.67 In the painting. Lactantius..18: 'they say that the same Euthymos descended into the river Kaikinos and disappeared(&wavoita0vat)'.38.62. Adonis Attis Osiris. B. 23. 1.G.17.72 Herodotus attests the practice apparentlyfor Babylon. The involvement of a river deity in the ritualdeflorationof maidens calls first for comment. stipulated by Justin for Cyprus.6. moreover.32) 181. Dowden.14) 81: 'Euthymos. B.51. 1997) 368: 'nelle immediatevicinanze della foce dell'Oliva'.

Eine Kimon-Novelle'.83This may also be the kind of occasion which is presupposedin fragmentsof Alcaeus andAlcman: that it could be a theme for these poets suggests both the ritual'santiquityand its social importance. and so the women assembled. It is likely to have been an importantoccasion for the community.15. for such mythscould arisenaturallyfrom such a custom. Balaneutike. 'FluBg6tter'. It is an established custom in the region of Troy for maidens who are to get marriedto go to the Skamandros. de Bud6.8.. 194 Allen = p.' (trans.22.85 There are. Phoen.235-57). Alpheios and Arethousa (Paus. R. Eustath.Strymodoros. but transmitted as the work of 'Aeschines'. Paus. 85 L.423: 'The many early myths concerningheroines and princesses being made pregnantby river-gods suggests thatthe ritual[sc. fr.. Mnemosyne33 (1980) 307-12. For a similarritual occasion. Ep. Photius s.by crowds of locals and tourists.2-3: 'The day arrivedon which most people try to bring about a marriagefor those of their daughterswhose age bids it be done. 10.-Aeschin.23. 5.2778. at a discrete distance. 4A.34.82Collective prenuptiallustrationin a local river. Eur.you flow. Its novelistic characternotwithstanding.Campbell).38. and many maidens visit you (to bathe?) their (lovely) thighs with tenderhands.9). RE 6. Matthews (eds).and after they have washed themselves in it to pronouncethis saying as a ritual formula . 16.66-7: 'Nicht selten sind F(liisse) in Sagen erotischen Inhaltes verflochten.my igo0. Harpocr.43. 3 p. In this way the traumaand guilt typically associatedwith a 80Ps.2-3).Potamodoros. Cults of the Greek States (Oxford .Thrace):'Hebrus. (Hebros. (TO6 o roiro &omnep Ep6dv ~t •iTuXtLyv): "Take.3 6 M In myth: XA•rog. Acheloos and Deianeira(Soph.. and it has been arguedthat these reflect the kind of ritual describedby the epistle.1). 84Cf Alc. Farnell. AP 7. Selemnos and Argyra (Paus..88 In the kind of ritualwe are interestedin the responsibilityof divesting a nubile girl of her virginity is devolved onto a river god. a son of the river Kephisos: Paus. Aischines-Brief. Campbell).84 SeveralArchaicmyths tell of women being wooed or impregnated by river gods. Alcm. Robert.-Aeschin. from the Athenian spring Kallirrhoe / Enneakrounos] before marriageand for other rites'. 10. GreekPersonal Names: Their Valueas Evidence (PBA 105. GriechischeMythologie (4th edn. Enipeus and Tyro (Od.81 epistle subsequently Minor at the river Maiandros. girls' sacrifice of theirvirginityto river gods] was once prevalent in primitive Greece.14-17 Campbell (Loeb): 'and when they [feminine]had prayedto the fair-flowingriver that they achieve lovely wedlock and experience those things that are (dearest) to women and men and find a lawful marriage-bed' (trans. 2. 87See Parker(n.Ep.Kephisodoros. 4 Wilamowitz: 'Kretheis went out with the other p women for a festival (npbt opril'v rtva) to the river called Meles when she was alreadywith child and gave birth to Homer. surging through the land of Thrace. Eteokles/Eteoklos. and she gave the child the name Melesigenes. past Aenus into the turbid sea.v.26.Kaystrodoros. Berlin 1894-1926) 1.' Cf O.134-6 'L'auteur paraitbien au courantdes choses d'Ilion.. Skamandros.3 The seems to assume a napOevi•v similar ritual for Magnesia in Asia virginity').174-8). Xourpo06po4 KalU ou0popope^v. 1909) 5.7. Martinand G. Cf 'Hdt. 76 Rose.4. 3: Homerwas called Melesigenes ('born of the river Meles'). Oxford 2000) 53-79 at 60 n. Ginouv6s. Preller and C.86 It is relevant to note too thatpersonalnames frequentlydesignateda person as the 'gift of' a river:Asopodoros. 2. Skamandros.. as the epistle describes. 347-8 with scholia. Hornblowerand E. This is describedmost vividly in an epistle of perhaps the first or second centuryAD. my virginity". Recherches sur le bain dans l'antiquite grecque (Paris 1962) 267-8.86) 59-60.5: 'it is still now the custom from t ol ancient times (&an apXaiiou) to use the water [sc.15.' 81Ps. Aeschines (Paris 1952) 2. 10. Suda.6. Pollux R. 3.9. 45 V. cf C. besides. taking this appellationfrom the river'. X•. he was also regardedas a 'son of Meles': 'Alcaeus'. 7. numerousreferences to the use in Archaic premaritalritual of river water. 421-2. On the novelistic character of this epistle. 10..-Aeschin. 11. liica'av8pE.4. cf perhaps 'Hdt.'Theophoricnames and the history of Greek religion'. The epistle describes it as observable. cf Spercheios and Polydore (II. in S. Parker.Hornm. Arist.5. Ismenodoros.must have been a fairly widespreadevent in Archaic Greece.615.85) 2778.32 BRUNO CURRIE fice of the virginityof marriageable girls.80The epistle describes a collective prenuptialritualundergoneby the girls of Troywho bathedin the river Skamandros and utteredthe ritual formula tiv ('take. 71 M-W. St6cker. 83Ps. Trach.Ep. ad II. 9.it may draw on real practices:so V. 23. cf Waser(n. etc.' Vit. Andreus son of the river Peneios: Paus.5. 6. Waser. cf.' Vit.fr. which was accreditedwith procreativepowers.Hornm. Artemid.'Der 10. 9.-Aeschin.34.' For such erotic tales. 2. Ep. 86 Thuc.617). Il n'est pas douteuxen effet que les rites qui sont a la base de l'6pisode ne soient authentiques. cf Hes. 88 L. the most beautiful of rivers.' 82Ps.they are enchanted(as they handle?)your marvellouswater (0i'[to]v i5&op)like unguent.141.87River names could also be taken over as personalnames without change. Alpheios and Artemis (Telesilla 717 PMG. Phoroneusson of the river Inachos: Paus.546-7 n.R.

6.-Aeschin. Strabo6. 94Paus. The mythicalparallel:the giant Pelor fell in love with Polydore and waited for her to bathe in the Spercheios. VH8.8. but of the river Maiandros.97 The hypothesis that the Temesanrite was performedfor a river deity is.disguised himself as the by covering himself with reeds and deflowered a local girl.98Thus the Hero who featuresin the legend is fully human. In various traditionspertainingto Acheloos. OtoXoit. In Pausanias'version of the legend the Hero is a member of Odysseus' crew. the unscrupulousKimon.6. .Lectureson the Early History of the Kingship (London 1905) 179-81. however. pretending to be the river Spercheios.12.11-12. and shed sleep upon her. Kimon alleged a historicalprecedentfor his action: the fatherof one Attalos of Magnesia. Aelian a iep6v.so she frequentedthe beautifulstreamsof Enipeus. toi dyptefaiotq ovrlpetpiq.Ep. the Temesanrite was undertaken by the 'most beautiful'Temesanmaideneach year. 179 'the deity who is.1.'90Real (physical) intercourseis imaginedhere: the fruit of the union is Pelias and Neleus. Ael. 10.. 90 Od. 98 Strabo 6. who runs over the land much the most beautithe earthful of rivers. First.4-6. 93Cf J.77) 62-3.. no longer a virgin'.6... Thatthe Temesanmaiden in the rite is of aristocraticorigin was inferred by Mele (n. when takento task. Spercheioshas a in the Iliad.92 It is suggestive that the impregnationof a woman by a river god is attestedelsewhere in the Euthymos legend: Euthymoswas rumouredto be the son of the river Kaikinos.1.176b Erbse.G. 92Dieg.5 255.cf Burkert (n.EUTHYMOSOF LOCRI 33 bride's first intercoursecould be circumvented.not an elementalriverdeity.235-57. shakerlikened himself to him and lay beside her at the mouth of the eddying river. 12) 874.424 a. He untied her maiden girdle. But not only could rivergods receive humaniconographyin art. and Erymanthos had a vab6 and an 6ya)kta at Psophis in U~ •r~iEvoq O qE O•'St •t Arcadiaby the banks of his river. 6. 4. In the Odyssey.. Instead. Frazer.91Second. II.8.148.95 The Temesanrite was centredon a sanctuary: Pausaniascalls this a t~iEvoq and vaCg. an athlete.he then had intercoursewith her. harderto reconcile with certainaspects of the Hero's presentation. 238-45. Paus. an unwelcome associate of the writer. Cf Farnell(n.. however. providedwith a humanbride is often a water-spirit'.they could also acquirepersonal legends.. 97IR. Polites is only mentionedat 10. 96 Paus. But the earth-holder. esp.224-5 as 'the dearestand most cherished of my [Odysseus'] companions'. Strabo a 71p&otov Such realia are p ifawov.71) 261-2. Poseidon finally steps in for the river Enipeus): '[Tyro] fell in love with the divine river Enipeus. 16.18.89The ritual must have suggested to a vivid imaginationthe possibility of the river god literallytakingthe girl's virginity.85) 5. and in the traditionthat Strabo follows he is named as 'Polites'. A mythical example is Tyro in the Odyssey (where.accountingin this way for Attalos' prodigiousstrength.93 On the hypothesisthatthe recipientof the rite of prenuptialdeflorationat Temesawas a river deity the rite cannot have been a collective ritual. the child of the union was Menesthios: schol.24. the river god par excellence begins life as 89 On the traumaand guilt of defloration. 11.claimed thatAttalos was no son of his.94The Temesan rite was thus probablyconfined to girls of aristocraticfamilies who were 'regardedas representatives of their entire age group'. The Pseudo-Aeschineanepistle presents two cynical abuses of the belief that river gods could deflower virgins purportedlydrawn from real life. who in her naivety god Skamandros believed that the river god had actuallytaken her virginity (this ruse of Kimon is actuallyparalleled in myth).. 95Cf Graf(n. 23. The rite of prenuptial deflorationperformedin Archaictimes at Temesacould thusmake sense on the hypothesis that its recipientwas a river deity.96 consistent with the hypothesis that the recipient of the rite was a river deity. esp. The Temesangirl is also imaginedto lose her virginity in the ritual:accordingto the CallimacheanDiegesis the girl's parentsbroughther back the day after she had been visited by the Hero 'a woman. like that described for Troy in the PseudoAeschinean epistle and as suggested by the fragments of Alcaeus and Alcman.5 255.8. 91Ps. The right of deflowering maidens seems to have been an activity with which river gods were particularly concerned.

Hermann. 671. The demon's name in the paintingrecalls the noun a&•iac. The Pseudo-Plutarchan On Rivers 'Alybas' and. 104 La Torre(n.On Rivers 10.62. 16.7. most often.. Plutarchi ChaeronensisMoralia 7 (Leipzig 1896) 282328).bearsthe modem name Oliva.C. 75. BC)FGrHist 93 F7 = Malalas. each with a personaltragedy. RAC 6 (1966) 370-409 at 396. 5. Pelor and the Spercheios (schol. on Virg. This is a standard patternfor aetiological 99 Cephalion (1st half 2nd c. Eurynomos in Polygnotos' Nekyia: Paus.6S3pa. as angrybeyond the grave for his violent dered and became deeply wrathful').enables the aetiological legend to presentthe annualrite of deflorationas an atonementfor an ancient crime. 107 Visintin(n. etc. just &vepcono.-Plut. On Rivers 22. when stoned by the people of Temesa and left unburiedby Odysseus.878-97). principauxrites chez les primitive peuples de l'antiquit6 classique'. but is metamorphosed river god).N.2. 164-5 Dindorf.1.s.104 detail in the legend and in the paintingis the Hero's link with recalcitrant Anotherapparently the dead. 6.1oo This feature of mythology means that there is a crucial Accordingly it is possible to suppose that the figure who overlapbetween heroes and rivers. Giovanni.30. 71. 105. Met.Aiyalio. Bernardakis. L'Ethnographie n. rt6vro. 30-1). -'EXXitovro. etc. angry dead: a revenant. Alpheios (Paus.391-400.-Plut. corpse'. 1997) 368. Rohde. a name which it has been suggested may derive fromAlybas. Ps. Psyche.1. R6mische Mythologie (3rd edn.20 pp. There are also several Roman examples: see L. Alc. demon in the paintingalso suits a spiritof the dead.v. 3.Tzetzes on Lyc. These stories of transformationare analogous to heroization stories and use the same themes and motifs' (19).56. 2. Preller.M. 10. WeiB (n. Paus. Greek Heroine Cults (Madison and death(Strabo 6. '(theysay that)he was muryEvEoeat papr-gqvtv. 'The concepts of heroizationor deificationand metamorphosis into a naturalfeatureare indeed parallel'(20). .. so that a spring or river nymph was laterunderstoodas a mortalwho became a spring.1'06The black colour of the 'A.101 received the offering of girls' virginity at Temesawas a river deity whose identitywas elaborated in legend: the legend ascribedto him a humanincarnationpriorto river metamorphosisand cult as a river deity (in the form of receiving the annual offering of a girl's virginity). Ov. 13/14 (1926) 1-7. Selemnos (Paus. 10.1). But the link with the dead may not be primary.105 In Pausanias'version.-Plut. 105Visintin (n.103 It is interestingto note thatthe river which flows close by the sanctuaryof CamporaS. fab.). . 13. 7.141-4. 'deadbody. This supposition is reconcilable with the fluidity of his human identity: he is called variously 'Polites'.2.fab. FGrHist 795 Fl).. The Cult of Souls and Belief in Immortalityamong the Greeks (London 1925) 250 n. Forbes Irving. II. 302-5. 101 J.5 255 6oXopovq0levra. significantthata river metamorphosis explicitly metamorphosisis attested within the same myth complex for Euthymos and that the HeroAlybas has a strongassociationwith water(see pp. 'Ertrinken'.34 BRUNO CURRIE a human who is metamorphosedon his death into the river which bears his name. 71.).plunge into the river and are identified with it.16) 68. G. Alex.2). On the Syrian Goddess 8). Serv. Geo.176a Erbse). 843-4.. The conceptionof the Hero as p•ato06tvato. Chron.23.95. Cf Thanatos:Eur. Compare the metamorphosisof persons into seas: Aiyed. Toutain.102 for it is river the of a hear Hero-Polites-Alybas.-Plut. A.8. Further examples: Akis (Ov.1. 13. 1.which has tentativelybeen identified with the sanctuaryof the Hero. Berlin 1881-3) 1. Ps.6. Met. On Rivers 19.that is.107 A link with the dead thus seems granted: for Visintin this gives the essence of the Hero. esp. 1984) 68. Marsyas(Ov. Larson. 8ai1•ov shows that such superimpositionof one identity on another is typical for river deities: the While we do not Alpheios. Cf E. 102Ps..2).25.28. 100 Ps.7. (Hygin."E.99 In the Pseudo-Plutarchan treatiseOn Rivers. the Hero becomes one of the restless. London 1995): 'Sometimes the existence of naturespirits was rationalized. On Rivers (ed. 75 (the Hero is one of a group of 'morti che ritomano'). P. Sangas (Hermog. twenty-five riversare cataloguedwith a brief summaryof theirmythology:in each case a riverundergoesa change of name (theremay be as many as three name-changesfor a single river) as differentpersons. 103 River metamorphosis could follow a death by stoning:compareAcis. Adonis (Lucian. 'Le culte des (Hygin. See J. 106 LSJ s.. The 'Hero's' humanidentitywould then be supervenienton his identity as a river god. Met. for instance. 105. 43. or ipgo.rk et ses forme sa fleuves.879-97 (this lover of Galatea is crushedby the mountain-topwhich a jealous into a Polyphemusthrows on him.16) 68.9. Metamorphosisin Greek Myths (Oxford 1990) 299-307.had once been Stymphalosand before thatNyktimos. .

(It was not inevitablethatunion with a rivergod be traumatic for the maiden: Tyro actively desired it.D. Soph. prayed continually to die. In Sophocles' Trachiniae. with Heraklesarrivingin the nick of time to defeat the river god. rescue and marrythe maiden: 'At the last moment and to my joy came the famous son of Zeus and Alkmene.Anticipating sucha suitorI.108The wolf-skin clothing of the demon in the painting may also point. now witha man'sbody."3 108 Clearchus(fr. EUTHYMOSAND HERAKLES On the assumptionthat the Hero of Temesa is a river deity. 112 This finale . 117.0loThe story of that sailor's violent death at the hands of Bronze Age Temesansserved to motivate an enduringgivt.6.ibno1. Odysseus foundeda temple to Athena in Bruttium:Solinus 2. the tendency to provide rivers with a human prehistory.16) 109-29. ContrastVisintin (n. cf 507-25. in J. Remus and the foundation of Rome'. JHS 73 (1953) 53-67. wretch. PPeoS.73. bull-faced of freshwaterpoured fromhis shaggybeard. but to young people's rites. and what offence was of the river who in ritualreceived the offermore naturalto ascribeto the humanpre-incarnation to a than the violate local of girl? ing girls' virginity attempt The hypothesis thatthe Hero of Temesais a river deity seems able to explain various aspects of the rite and legend at Temesa.joyful deliverance and marriage to the heroic deliverer .77. Moreover. myth-makingprocess which fastened on a river deity who received the offering of a girl's virginity every year will have been influenced by two mythological trends:first.71) 263 n. Phillips. Odysseus in Italy.109 of the Hero in the legend as both humanand It may thus be possible that the characterization stems from an original identity as a river deity involved in prenuptialrites. Deianeiradescribes her terrorof the river god's advances: I hada riveras a suitor. Horsfall (eds). the myth-making process would naturallysuppose that he had given them prior offence.is exactly that conjured up for the victim of the Hero of Temesa by the CallimacheanDiegesis.EUTHYMOSOF LOCRI 35 myths. 110 For . 101. who contended with him in battle and released me'. beforeI everdrewnearsucha marriage bed.the earliest extant literarytelling of this myth. not to a human sacrifice exacted by a spirit of death (pace Visintin). Pausanias'narrative and the painting. 6. 112 Soph. In answer to the question why the Bronze Age Temesans stoned the sailor in the first place.9: 'the girl swore to marry him [Euthymos]if he saved her'.. there is one myth which would be strongly echoed by the legend of Euthymos' fight with the Hero for the hand of the Temesan maiden. 43a Wehrli)calls rites of defloration 'a n7caatxaqrtvog C•o(r tglcpf•a. Trach. IV.18-21. Bremmer and N. 99.andstreams coilingserpent.second.helpless apprehensionin the face of the lustful river god .65) 94-5. The ltatoo0•varo. and a humanpre-incarnations.) Sophocles' version continues. of course.gvrlvIa reminderand atonement for some ancient offence'. 'Odysseus in Italy'. 109For the wolf-skin and young people's rites. Malkin. 'Romulus.. Trach. so thatthe prenuptial rite could be presented as the necessary atonementof an ancient wrong. Bremmer. see I. 121. TheReturns of Odysseus. 111 9-17.g. Roman Myth and Mythography(London 1987) 25-48 at 43 with n. traditionalreadyput Odysseus on the shores of Italy.comingnow as Acheloos.iII This mood . see J. 113 Cf Paus. See further Graf (n.it now makes a new interpretation of Euthymos'cult and legend possible. An anonymous(or a named but inconsequential)companion of Odysseus would be a naturalchoice as one of the river's for aetiological myths typically reachedback to the Heroic Age.who askedmy father a bullplainto see. That is Herakles' fight with Acheloos for the hand of Deianeira. E.is again exactly what we find at Temesa. now as a slithering. for my handin threeshapes.8. Colonization and Ethnicity (Berkeley and London 1998) 178-209. the tendency for aetiological myths of young persons' rites to explain these as the expiation of an ancient crime. Calame (n.

2 ('waterspirits must be in water before dawn').4. Thompson.Lives of the Sophists 4. 4.122 in emulationof Herakles. So. (London and Minneapolis 1985) 512-21. grantedthat the latteris a river deity. Gernet(n. Westermann.ll) 221-6. cf 2. Dith. 2 =fr.however. Cf too Archil. Cf.. the Hero's victim is not a marriedwoman.16) 38 n. but a virgin of marriageableage.211-382.v. Euthymos in combatingthe Hero was apparentlyemulatingHeraklescombatingAcheloos. alternatively. 'he [Euthymos]overcamethe EiGt&eoq: daimon who came him at night (vKicop)'. J..it has been arguedabove thatcertainaspects of the Hero's characterization ter the identificationof the Hero as a river deity ratherthan as a spirit of death. this 'prestigemyth' consists more particularly have even This is an important one which we reached without identifyingthe conclusion. 286-7 IEG.Hamlet I.Euthymos' exploit evokes another hagiographic motif: the expulsion of a malevolent spirit from a water source. 122 The Neoplatonist Porphyry claimed to have expelled a spiritfrom a bathing-place:Eunapius. Herakleswas frequentlya model 114Pind.94 F420. passim. In Euthymos'case. Niditch. However.that the Temesanriver deity was identified in legend with the metamorphosedghost of a ctato0cvaoto. we might have thought of Herakles'fight with Thanatosto save Alkestis' life. A Commentary. the myth of Acheloos seems closer on several counts.56. the battle between Euthymosand the Hero occurs at night.15sIt is thereforehardto see how the encounterbetween Euthymosand the Hero.Spiritsdepartat night: cf Plaut. 480-460 BC. West Asiatic Elementsin GreekPoetry (Oxford 1997) 482-3. Motif-Index of FolkLiterature (Indiana 1932-6) 3.14) 81.J. Scullion S.L.120 A hero may. 117 Cf M. 532-3. Shakespeare. See S. moreover.36 BRUNO CURRIE Direct influence of the Trachiniaeon the Euthymos legend or vice versa seems unlikely. 121 Cf Visintin (n. 1025-32.117 An example from Hebrew traditionis Jacob's supernatural encounterat the Jabboq:Old Testamentscholars are agreed in identifying Jacob's attackerhere as a river spirit. Barra Bagnasco (ed. The East Face of Helicon.16) 105. but only her maidensuit bethood. Isler (n. S.1 nos 224-5.there is every chance thatthe Herakles-Acheloosmyth in a pre-Sophocleanform (not necessarily a literaryone) influencedevents at Temesa.trans. 119 Suda s.3.428-9 E278. 123 Eur. Ancient Israelite Religion (New Yorkand Oxford 1997) 42-3.3.J. .118 Like the battle between Jacob and the river spirit. 116 Cf J. 840-9. Aet. The fight of a hero with a monster is a commonplacetheme. First.10-11: 'at dawn' ('oOFe[v]). she is not to lose her life at the hands of the Hero. 249a Maehler. Here.121 Given. Cf Thompson (n.398 D2176. 500 and c.16) 13.116 The fight of a hero with a river deity is a variationon this. So Fontenrose(n.xxviii. the strugglebetween HeraklesandAcheloos is representedon two extantarulae from Locri Epizephyriidatedto c. if the Hero is identifiedas a 'spiritof death'. as Menelaos does with Proteus or Peleus with Thetis.Euthymosis seen to have been conforming to a generalpatternin the heroizationof historicalpersons.it was told in a Pindaricdithyramb. 21. Second.119) 2. Visintin (n.63. C.wrestle with a deity of the sea. West. despite the undoubtedpeculiaritiesof the situationat Temesa. To fight with an aquatic deity is a typical Heldentat:the person of whom such a tale is told (who invariablyprevails)takes heroic credentials from the encounter. 115 WeiB(n. the locals called it Kausathas'. Fontenrose.Genesis 12-36. Diegesis to Call. 12011. could have been conceived in Locri in the fifth centuryBCwithoutthe paradigmof Heraklesand Acheloos in mind.59) 1.114 Most significantly.12: '[Porphyry]says also that he chased from a some supernatural atva <pbotv) being (8at•t6vt6v bathing-place and expelled him.22-32. might Hero as a river deity. M. E285: ghosts haunta spring or well.153-69. Locri Epizefiri 3: Culturamateriale e vita quotidiana (Florence 1989) 134-7 and Tav.41) 132. 118 Genesis 32. Amphitr.Alc.). Python.398.i. 1984) 68 and n. I for first alertingme am gratefulto Dr RichardRutherford to this parallel.123 However. A Study of Delphic Myth and its Origins (Berkeley and Los Angeles 1959).1. Costabile (n.119Another famous Greek example is Achilleus' fight with Skamandrosin the Iliad. The Herakles-Acheloosmyth was popular in the fifth century:apartfrom Sophocles' Trachiniae. Third.3. Visintin (n. To attachsuch a myth to Euthymosis a means of conferringon him heroic credentials:historicalpersonswere no less amenableto this kind of treatmentthanmythical ones.2: 'saint purifies springby driving out demon'. For.

791-807. Greek Hero Cults and Ideas of (Oxford1921) 154. 2. 130This is a largetheme. BC (Diog. L'invention d'Athenes (2nd edn. Munich 1970) 244-5. Religionsgeschichtliche undepigraphische zu den Kultenvon Untersuchungen 124 Cf Chios.implying thatthose who sacrificed.T. wrestling and pankration. and Herakles'feats . heroic honors. Epist.10. cf Hdt. Burkert Immortality (n. 1st c. 7.8. 6. moreover.6.11. 'Hero cult. cf Cic. the following can be mentioned: W. Brasidas.9.illustratedon the metopes of the temple of Zeus at Olympia.TheGreeksand theirGods(London1950) 239-41.Lives of the Sophists 552). und Spiel Erziehungim Altertum(Wiirzburg1996) 88-9. 5.Thuc. Theocr. Higg (ed. 2nd c. 128 Paus.1. BC?) ap. was thus a paradigmfor top athletes. 16. D. Philostr. U. But not just for them: numeroushistorical figures throughoutantiquitytook Heraklesas a model in the quest for immortalityor cult. 127 Paus. On Duties 3. This calls for a revision of the common view of heroization(see n. Of modem scholarship.Lys.4th c.129 The pattern of . Virg.9.44. Demon.EUTHYMOSOF LOCRI 37 for Olympic victors in the combat sports: boxing. takingthe communityto heroize solely for its own purposesand to do so only afterthe person heroized is dead.D.26. Cf Peek. Nem.25.4th c. 01. 2nd c. See J. Habicht. Theexpression )Eivt ). BC (Arr. In that case Euthymoswill have anticipatedLysander.125 The pankratiast with a lion on Mount Poulydamasof Skotoussa wrestled bare-handed in tells of Herakles and the Nemean lion.2-4). Hughes.5. The Coinagein the NameofAlexanderthe GreatandPhilipArrhidaeus (Zurich and London 1991) 33). 133 by the decree of a cult in his lifetime.125. Davies.of which only a few examples can be given. Democracy and Classical Greece (2nd edn. 126 Paus. 29.Klazomenaiund Phokaia (Rome 1985) 130.5.implyingthathe was not in fact one. 1.6.J. 133 Lysanderwas the first Greek to receive cult as a god in his lifetime on Samos in 404/3 BC. 12. Ancient Greek Hero Cult (Stockholm 1999) 167-75 at 173.55-60. BC (Diog.289b). Sport in der Antike. 24.K. 5th-4th c.g.oracle (of 5th c. i6vot.6. and R. 'equal to the heroes'. regardedhim as one. Farnell. Note especially the Cynics: Antisthenes.Sayingsof Kingsand Commanders: 27 = Mor 181d. 21.4. 132 ContrastKearns(n.cf coins: M. The use of ijpo.). Pyth.36.).Cic. Isth. AD(Hor. Gottmenschentumund griechische Stddte (2nd edn. it was met.Anab. 7. Arist. 4-5.C.10: ~iooq iipot. Plut.2.C.K. AthenianReligion.124 The wrestler Milon of Krotonenteredinto battleagainstthe Sybaritesdressedlike Herakleswith lion-skinand club. at least. BC (Diod. i'oogilpeooat.all buzz-words of athletic training Herakles'life.131 What needs to be emphasized here is that historical persons' emulation of heroes (pre-eminentlyHerakles) constitutes a bid in those persons' lifetime and on their initiative to be regardedas the equals of establishedheroes. Parker.5 Maehler. Athen. 16. Wettkampf. Laert. Paris 1993) 63. We have now reason to insist on the 'subjective'as well as the 'objective' point of view. 4th c.the aspirationto the status of hero or god and to the correspondingcult honours.in one's lifetime . Alexander 5. 271.25) 6. 133. The tendency has already been observedfor newly heroizedhistoricalpersonsto be treatedposthumouslyas the equalsof established heroes.often applied to historicalpersons (e.Guthrie. It could be used of heroizedhistoricalpersons.95. comprising labours IOCLaXot (&6ta.and apotheosisoften feature as an exemplumfor the laudandus in Pindar's victory odes. London . AD (Lucian.25) that regardsheroizationas the exclusive concern of the community.128Herakles'labourswere.5.gijpot EtyV trO and its variants. or competition)followed by apotheosis and cult.2). Erythrai. Anim. Diogenes. See C. 1. however. In general. Paus.On the Death of Peregrinus Peregrinus. A History (Oxford 1996) 136-7 with n. in R.]heroes'. Price.7.126 emulation The pankratiast (Pausanias us) Olympos Timanthesof Kleonai immolatedhimself on a pyre once he could no longer draw his bow: his self-immolationrecalls Herakles'death on Oita and the bow is anotherattributeof Herakles. 4. Cf Pind.8. On the Natureof the Gods 2.3. Sostratos/Agathion. Thereis. For lions in Macedoniain the historical period. 4. is generallytakento mean 'to sacrifice to somebodyas if he were a hero'. BC-lst c.62).1).Nikostratos. L. Thus. Laert.127 Theogenes of Thasos claimed Heraklesas his father. Augustus. if we are to believe Callimachusas reportedby Pliny.no good reasonnot to take it as 'to sacrificeto somebodyas a hero'. 33).132 Euthymosoccupies a unique place here.11 Zuntz:'with the other[n.71).11.60-72. fr. Not only was his aspirationto heroic statusexpressedin his lifetime. Alexander. FGrHist 76 F71 (= Plut. 131 F. 3. Hist. 579b5-8. 6. 6. Pind.130 To emulate Herakleswas a way of expressing. Sinn (ed. cf F26. NordionischeKulte. AD(Lucian.80 (of the living Hieron II):nportpot. was in the 5th c. Loraux. Bc not confinedsolely to the heroes of the epic (pace N.56). 129 Esp. 125Diod. 6. 'equalto the formerheroes'. Aen.6. according to Duris. GV 768. Historicalpersons who emulatedheroes were proactive in the process of their own heroization.b. 18.heroic dead: some developments in the Hellenisticand Romanperiods'. cf Orphicgold leaf B I.25) 211.R. 5. Graf.5-17.

following Delcourt.6. veoGceaoetpvoo qieve tTlv has been taken to mean 'Euthymos awaited the arrivalof the Hero in ecpoSovto &8a'igovo. Acharn.a historical and still-living person.62. 1997) 370 arguesfor an earlierdate. E.R. Hagnon why Euthymosshould not have anticipated him.142 On the other hand we may attemptto penetratebeyond the narrativeand enquireinto what real-life events (if any) lie behind it. E"Aitgo.3.: veoeaioa'cto For the translation'with his nokeg oig tciloowv r oaigovt. of how the historical Euthymos could featurein a legend involving a hero of the mythicalpast and of ongoing cult. For ijpoq of living persons. armour on'. 131) 172 n.38 BRUNO CURRIE But we need not shrinkfromthis conclusion:scholarshave been prepared for some time to admit as a of and there is no forerunner reason Lysander. follow from the fact that cult was paid in Euthymos'lifetime that it was divine ratherthan heroic in character. 11) 214-15. accordingto P.6. Crit. Stazio). Mele (n. The History of Sicily and South Italyfrom the Foundationof the GreekColoniesto 480 BC (Oxford1948) 367.1.v. Emulationof Herakleswould provide a solution to the problem signalled by Eitrem (above.136 But 5voGKevu'etV mean 'dress up. Connor.1. Levi.9). 53d6-7. Pausanias'phrase6 EiOi&uto. La Torre (n. in Buxton (n.S. The Western Greeks. 5.9. cf W. Pausanias. Malkin. in A. 17. Strabo. v of in I earnest the fact that jest dressedyou up as making Herakles?' 141In general on dressing up as a divinity. need mean nothingmore precise than 'prepare.32. Temesa was under Locriancontrolby the middleof the 5th c. . Frogs 522-3: oiS ri tnon aino06ilv noet. Cf too Diod. see W.41. Lib. 480-470 Be. Hornblower. Guide to Greece (London 1971) 2. see Habicht (n. the verb is used of Dionysos dressingup Xanthias as Herakles.454-5. see G. BC(formerlyit was under Croton's influence). Jones. Description of Greece (Cambridge. Maddoli (ed.festivals.tv)'. Temesae il suo territorio. Costabile(n.J. Subject and Ruler: The Cult of the Ruling Power in Classical Antiquity(JRA Suppl.102. Religion and Colonization in Ancient Greece (Leiden 1987) 230. Plat. .A on Thucydides(Oxford 1996) 2. irv Ticaav iaci tw.get ready'. cf Hughes (n. Frogs 523.71) 56-75 (= JHS 107 (1987) 40-50) at 64-5.16) 144.6vrov lation: came to Temesa.133) 203-4.134 It does not. 136Paus. Badian. Small (ed. BC: Diod. Hornblower(n. onto the plane of legend and cult.12) 873. Ann Arbor 1996) 11-26 at 1415.'Tribes. 16) 39. however. Living persons might apparently receive eitherheroic or divine cult. andprocessions:civic ceremonial and political manipulation in Archaic Greece'. In general. 139Visintin (n. I btil E Ixaiov 'HpaKwca 'surely you're not 'veoKex~6•. however. 384. S. et alibi. cf T.19). Here anotherimportant question arises. 6.at least.303. See I.). and apparentlyat '(Euthymos) thattime the custom was being performedfor the daimon i'6 (&(piKxEro yap E. 20. 140Ar. Pausanias.20. as something they are not. 103-118 (N.Atti del colloquio di Perugia e Trevi (Taranto 1982) 93-101 (A.11.140 We might thereforethink of Euthymosdonning the garb of Herakles.MA and London 1933.Milon's examplewas close enough in time and space to have served as a specific model for Euthymos. DemocharesFGrHist75 Fl. 16. cf Sudas.H. as Milon did when enteringbattlewith the Sybarites.with a hero-daimonlong establishedin myth and cult? On the one handthis problemmay be addressedsolely on a narratological level: how a historicalperson might be integratedinto a story of mythical type. associates Euthymos'arrivalin Temesa with a historical event: the Locrians' captureof Temesa aroundthe middle of the fifth century BC.the supposed justification for this is Eurybatos assuming the sacrificial garlands of Alkyoneus in Nicander's tale at Anton. 134) 454. Dunbabin.141 Emulationof Heraklesis attestedfor various fifth-centuryBCathletesand for several important persons throughoutantiquity. a living historicalperson of the fifth centuryBC.143 Did the legend of 1993) 167-8 for an assessment of the significance of Lysander'scult. 137Thus Euthymos 'got ready'. oneself or someone else. Commentary 135Note especially Dion in the mid 4th c. 134 A cult of Hagnon as a hero in his lifetime at Amphipolis in the period437-422 BCis implied by Thuc. Loeb) 3.5 255: 'when the Western Locrians captured the city (Aoxp&ov68 r&ov 'Entreppiov ContrastPausanias'casual formu-riv xvn6.135 Recognition of Euthymos'encounterwith the Hero as emulationof Heraklespermitsfurther speculationabout events at Temesa. disguise'.137 It may arms'. 'Alexander the Great between two thrones and heaven: variations on an old theme'. How are we to conceive of this clash of Euthymos. 143 Strabo 6.6.). 142 This is the approachof Visintin (n.6.138 Hence Euthymoshas sometimes been supposedto have disguised himself as the virgin who was about to be deflowered!'39In Aristophanes'Frogs. 8. rvtlvaubra Oogknote~irozioaigovt)' (6. Parise). n. It is a very plausible conduit to take Euthymos. 138 Ar.

but an event which (enough of) the Temesanpopulationcould believe to have actually occurred. In fifth-centuryAthens. .32. blinding and wounding. U. 25 and 26). was gravely woundedby the Locrianhero Aias (and had to be healed by thathero).4. with a more successful outcome.117.not foolishly. Kron. we should remember. e.105.12. in what sense did Euthymos and his contemporariestake these for 'real'? Here a different approachto the historicity of the legend is envisaged than that of Pais and MaaBon the one hand or Bohringeron the other (see above. not a virgin'). Euthymosmight be imaginedcapableof literallyfightingthe Hero.' 146 Hdt. 'Patrioticheroes'. 35. There.'45 While not requiringus to impute any literal belief to the Temesansthat Euthymos fought the Hero.9. but playfully.and in this context less crucial. W. Conon FGrHist 26 F l.R.12. In general.144 Connor'smodel explainshow such events could actuallytake place withoutthose involved being ratherin the spirit of complicit spectators duped or naively believing in them: they participated at a show. Divinityand History.had opposed him in battle and killed the man standingnext to him.7. On this model Euthymos'fight with the Hero could be seen as a consciously staged 'communal drama'. If the Hero could be imagined capable of literally deflowering a virgin (who left the sanctuary'a woman. one Epizelos. dupedby some manipulator. 8. 1.141). 148 See.147 The 'reality'of these encountersfor their fifth-centurypublic is indicatedby theirphysical consequences: killing. questions. Divine and heroic epiphanies were common especially in war: see (apart from Epizelos and Leonymos) Hdt. Lane Fox. a veteranof Marathon. and if so.the defeat of the Hero must have portendedthe end both to the Temesans'tributeand to the Hero's cult. 149 R. Th.4. 141) 64: 'The populace joins in a Cf. Connorconsideredvarious cases in Archaic Greece where historicalpersons availed themselves of existing forms of ritual to make public political statements:for instance. Pagans and Christians (London 1986) 118-19.Pyth. significantly. 22-34. the Krotoniancommander.. Connor suggests itself here.a culturein which heroic and divine epiphanieswere reasonablywidely believed in.K. The Greek State at War 3 (Berkeley.xviii. On this view Euthymoswill have pitted himself against the Hero in the spirit in which Leonymos pitted himself against Aias.Leonymos or Autoleon.a greatman attiredas a hoplite.5. Euthymos'encounterwith the Hero will then be neither simply a fictional narrative(as it is for Visintin) nor a historical 'communaldrama'(on Connor's model).38-39. Pind. Peisistratos'reentrance into Athens by chariot in the 550s BCwith Phye beside him posing as 'Athena'. 147 Paus. cf. 6. pp. 1. 8. shareddrama.148 It is interestingto note in this connection that the river god Acheloos was especially given to epiphany. Los Angeles and London 1979) 11-46.131) 61-83 at 65 with n. 144 145 Connor (n. but.1. 3. a 'histrionic' articulationof Euthymos' claim to heroic status which was understoodby both protagonistand public alike as 'play'. Hiigg (n.1. Paus. The prenuptialritualperformedfor the Hero will Connor (n.149 Kimon's ruse described in the Pseudo-Aeschineanepistle and Attalos' alleged siring by the river Maiandros seem to attest a readinessto believe in epiphaniesof river gods (at least among partsof the population). this model admits a sense in which the events of the legend 'actually occurred'. A model proposed by W.. physical encounter. However. (What Euthymoshimself knew or believed to have occurredand what did occur are separate.58-60. Harrison. 6. but participantsin a theatricalitywhose rules and roles they understandand enjoy.5.146 A second is especially interesting for us in view of its location:the battleof the Sagrabetween Krotonand Locri Epizephyrii in the second half of the sixth century BC. Thes. whose beardcast a shadow over the whole of his shield .. This was. Hes. In the Late Archaic and Early Classical periods various stories were told of clashes between historicalpersons and heroes. Plut. Hdt. T. participatingin a cultural patternthey all share'.theremay also be a case for imputingthe literalbelief to the Temesans.) Whetherthe Temesanssaw Euthymos'victory over the Hero as 'communaldrama'or as the issue of a real.g. Tyr.EUTHYMOSOF LOCRI 39 Euthymos' encounterwith the Hero correspondto real-life events.3. in Cf. 67: 'The citizens are not naive bumpkins.19.TheReligion ofHerodotus (Oxford2000) 82-92. Pritchett.told how a hero .cf Max.

5 255.but that would not precludehis receiving cult in Locri also.153 guage obligationwhereas it was in truthdictatedby the community'sown needs. ratherthanthe sacrifice of a girl's etoa: in one of the GrottaCarusoherms. It would then be a small irony that in the cult itself Euthymos.. Religion in Hellenistic Athens (Berkeley. two heroized historicalpersons.1-5. calling it 'Lysandreia' instead of Heraia. = Plin. Los Angeles and London 1998) 93. Dem. The herms show in the late fourthcenturyBC)as a fluvial deity concernedwith prenuptial confirmed the reinforced been of this cult transfer would have oracle. But see Parker (n.158 On the view taken here. taking on in his iconographythe fluvial character- 150 Call. Aet.Der Reliquienkult im Altertum(Giessen 1909-12) 230-8.or animal sacrifice.25) 207: 'there are. to Euthymos points up another important feature in the heroization of historical persons.11. 5.152..40 BRUNO CURRIE to Euthymos who. Ael. virginity. The assumptionthat a cult performedfor the Hero was transferred.1. Costabile (n. 156See above.154 The Amphipolitansin 422 BCtransAdrastos'cult transferred In 404/3 BC ferredthe cult of theirAthenianxictortYlHagnonto theirSpartan aoti p Brasidas. came to be modelled on Herakles'adversary. 5. 153 Pace Burkert (n. or a deity and a recently deified historical person. 158 For heroized historical persons receiving cult in more than one location. cf Paus.fr. For views on the location of Euthymos' her6on.. Mikalson. Eitherof these would fit with the knife represented The rite may also at this time have ceased to be a purely aristocraticone: the evidence from GrottaCarusosuggests that Euthymos'cult appealedto a broadbase of the Locrianpopulation towardsthe end of the fourthcenturyBC. worthy object of cult. J.13. VH 8. 116.157 how such transferrals might serve to express the equivalence between newly heroized (or deihistorical fied) persons and establishedfigures of cult.2 tx' AtovGXta e'rtomv6ogcxv Arli•ilpta.D.151 But it would not be if the sacrificewas at the time of its transferto Euthymoscommutedto a less drasticform of tpor hair sacrifice. It is conceivable that the Hero's sanctuarybecame Euthymos'sanctustatueand the altarshown on the GrottaCaruso ary. 99 Pf. by virtue of his successful emulation of reasonablyhave been transferred a had shown himself Herakles.on being substitutedfor the Hero.1.and thatthis was the site of the tauromorphic herms:it is otherwisehardto imagine what may have become of this sacredreal estate afterthe expulsion of the Hero. the prime mover of Euthymos'cult was emulationof Herakles.131) 259 n. Euthymos'cult centre would have been in the vicinity of Temesa.11) 227-8. Such was the case in Temesa.67.. Strabo6.156 At the end of the fourthcenturyBCthe Atheniansare said similarlyto have renamed The last two examples show their Dionysia 'Demetria' in honour of Demetrios Poliorketes. 155 Thuc. .152 At any rate. In this case. The real functionof status. This theory can explain how Euthymos in lifetime and cult his received why Euthymoswas conceived in his cult (as the GrottaCaruso rites. 157 Plut.155 the Samians transferredtheir Hera festival to Lysander. for instance.18. 6. 4. Nat.6. 152 Costabile (n.' 154 Hdt. Pfister.12-13.to assume thatthe Temesansneeded litthe aetiological lanerally to be 'liberated'from a tributeimposed by the Hero is to understand the rite as an too The aetiological myth presents initiatory externallyimposed literally.10. 151 Diegesis to Call. heroes whose wrath is implacable and who wreak havoc until some way is found of getting rid of them. 12. see F.11) 228. A similar scenario may be assumed for Euthymosand the Hero. 7.it was not really an Euthymos'fight with the Hero was to imbue him with superhuman a malevolent for rid of supernatural expedient getting being.with modification. They could involve two mythical figures. Thus in the early sixth century BC the Sikyonian tyrant Kleisthenes had to Melanipposand Dionysos. Delphic by by propriety The hypothesis of a cult transfermay seem at odds with the the omen of Zeus's thunderbolts. see Rohde (n. Transferralsof cult were fairly common in the Archaic and Classical periods.107) 154 n.150 legend's insistencethatEuthymos'put an end to the tribute'exactedby the Hero.

cited by Aristotlein his discussion of the 'godlike man'.71. sondernmit Kaikinos. Preller. (Stuttgart andAstrabakos Paus. 222 n. M. esp.56.11) 211.18) 49. cf L.160 The role of river deity concerned with prenuptialrites which was inheritedby Euthymosfrom the Hero seems to have been bolsteredby two furtherstories about Euthymos:that he was a son of the river Kaikinos. esp. in perhapsthe second centuryAD. say of Hektorob8%&CKEt Eevat.168 A hostile accountof Alexanderthe Great'slast days preservedby Arriansimilarly attributesto Alexanderthe scheme of throwinghimself into from men's sight he the Euphrates once he knew he was going to die.8. ThusPriamcan I&v8p6' ye OvYfrTo 'nor did he seem to be tgs Beooo.. nd &X6X the son of a mortalman.28. zur Geschichte des Charisma. 1984) 132 and nn. See F. Ant. There are many examples in Ps.3. Euthymosund einem Flu8gottausgedriickt dann sicher nicht mit Acheloos..6. a good Italianparallelcomes from Nuceria (in Campania)in the person of one Epidius. 1984) 68 and n. 'Epidius'.Epidius 'long ago plunged into the source of the river Sarnusand shorthe disappeared. disappearedat the end of his life into the Kaikinos.59) 35.56. On Rivers. WeiB(n. arietis Robinson) extitisse. V. cf Demaratos and Laert.1.-C.2: (sc. SON OF A RIVER GOD Divine birth was claimed for various historical Greeks.163 Stories of divine birthunderpina person's claim to superhuman status. a) and Theogenes by Herakles(Paus.2. 1. and Wei8 (n.-Aeschin.1-3). and that he disappearedinto the Kaikinos at the end of his earthlylife. C. 1984) 68.857-60. Pind.Suetone. Costabile (n. Of non-athletes. 162Ps. etc.11. Of mythical persons.Taeger. of perhaps the third century BC. For the possible influence of Greek historiansof Magna Graecia on early Roman history.69. It is likely then that it postdatedhis fight with the Hero.167 Euthymos is the earliest historical person for whom such river metamorphosisis attested.Plut.cf Dunbabin(n. 2. See LIMC 3.95-7. ac statim non comparuisse in numeroquedeorum habitum.8. hence such stories arise late in a person's career(or even posthumously). 1.EUTHYMOS OF LOCRI 41 istics that are typical of Acheloos. and was ly afterwards emergedwith the hornsof a bull(?).1 (1986) 803 s. Rom. Dion. . But the choice of patronymichere may say more about what was felt to be appropriate in an epigramat Olympia than about the date at which the Locriantraditionconcerning Euthymos'divine birth arose.141-4.69. 165Astykles (not Kaikinos) is given as Euthymos' fatherin the epigramon the victor statueat Olympia. Pais (n. '[Euthymos ist] als Heros mit Acheloos verschmolzen'.v.we hear of the athleteAttalos of Magnesia claiming the river god Maiandrosas his father.2). See Hermann(n. Grammairienset rheteurs (Paris 1993) 230-4.2).6. but particularlyfor athletes of the fifth centuryBC.159 The 'opposition'between Euthymosand the Hero has here become 'identification'. METAMORPHOSIS INTOA RIVER GOD Euthymos. 6. 01. 7 Inscr. 392-6.immediatelythereafter held to have joined the companyof the gods'. (Hdt.6.10.166 Metamorphosisinto a river deity was one means by which a historicalperson could be claimed to have entered the world of the gods. Vacher. Accordingto Suetonius.100). However. according to a traditionpreservedby Aelian. but of a god'. 163II. Cf Glaukos.165 VI. 'Wenn.399. 1. 161 Diagoraswas allegedlyfathered by Hermes(schol. EpidiumNucerinum) ferunt olim praecipitatuminfontemfluminis Sarnipaulo post cum cornibus taureist (taureis Jahn. 167 Antinoos. Ep.258-9. eine Verschmelzung zwischen werdensollte.816. The case of Epidius may actually have been modelled on that of Euthymos. 164 In the case of Astrabakos' siring of Demaratos (Hdt. favourite of the Emperor Hadrian. 10. Hal. Cf Tiberinus:Liv. Plato 3. 24. Apollo (Diog. Arist. 168 Suet.161 Much later.164 In the case of Euthymosit is likely that the story of his divine birtharose once the movementto make him a hero was well underway. 14) 16: 'L'oppositionest ici identification'. These stories now need a brief consideration. Gramm.143) 372.' 160Bohringer(n. Aeneas: Liv. so thathaving disappeared 159Contrastboth Isler (n.56. drowned in the Nile in AD 132 and was deified: WeiB (n. EN 1145a21-2.18.162The claim of having a divine father was typically made on behalf of someone who had shown superhuman qualities. R6mische Mythologie (3rd edn. Studien 6. 1881-3) 1. antikenHerrscherkultes 1957) 84-5. 232-4.1-3) we are informed of the specific crisis in Demaratos'life which led to the creationof the story. 166 VH 8.

Aet. .thenwhenhe hadgot therehe jumpedintothe craters wanting himselfthathe hadbecomea god. 30.14.9. 7. 99 fromthe in Book4 of theAetia. 'Quelques exemples de disparitions data che Callimaco conservasse una tradizionesull'atlemiraculeuses dans les traditionsde la Gr6ce ancienne'. Surelyonly Euthymos' victoryoverthe Herocomesintoquestion. a that the it Hero was river will have been the transferral of the Hero'scultto Granting deity. 177 173 Costabile (n.174But whether boththesefragments ble to question andthe Heroinfr.. lo scontro con l'eroe. huius miraculi [i. Callimachus(Oxford 1949) 1. than in Aetia 4] mentionemfecit'. This is suggested the institution handling by aspects Callimachus' story. derivefromthe samenarrative of theAetia. bo0&v6wo. Thereis. (of uncertainlocation and uncertain 172 A mythical example is Herakles (Diod.' On the other hand.Callimachus Euthymos' victoryoverthe Pf.177 A cult which Euthymos in his lifetimecannot havebeenmotivated received whichoccurred by therivermetamorphosis. his river into the Kaikinos(implying of the storyof Euthymos' disappearance Acceptance of Euthymos' cultstatue mustbe presupposed iconography by thefluvial-taurine metamorphosis) of thetradition of Euthymos' herms. 99] alio loco [sc. 174 Cf R.170 Empedokles' that'Empedokles showsthesamethemes: gotup andwalked reports againa hostilesource ry BC of fire anddisappeared.104: 169Arr.173 Caruso on the Grotta as reflected However. 16) 29171 Hippobotosap. victoryovertheHerothatled to of the two of of his cult.8. 4. Diog. Pfeiffer. the Euthymos-aition] si iTc~EE: concludesse.the view thatCallimachus by his victoryoverthe Hero is supported the fact that that tells us Callimachus 'marvelled' at Euthymos' by Pliny receivingcult in his lifetime:quod et vivo factitatumet mortuo.if not for it is hardto see whatthe storyof Euthymos fromBook3 of theAetiaseemsdecisive:the story the institution of Euthymos' cult. fr.'171 thereport about to confirm Thedisappearance (d~qpvtcot) thegodsor as an argument thathe hadbeenadmitted couldthusbe employed of a person among to thatargument. In thatcase Plinydid indeedcitefr.16) 17 used to refute a person's claim to superhuman status:the supposes 'che l'episodio [sc. 175Call. rather. Naz.37-2.14-15). of his cult. 5. butit creates a strong provethathe sawtheformer primafacieassumptionthatthiswas so.175 it is reasonable the Euthymos-a&tov to assumethattheypassedfromEuthymos' victoryover of Euthymos' the Heroto the institution cult. Habicht(n.183-98 at 189.Anab.e.27. Laert. 176So Mele (n.34. to Etna. 'Fort(asse)Call.12) 858: 'Ne derival'impressionefonKleomedes (Paus. 6. con le splendide nozze del coraggioso argumentthat 'death refuted (him)'. Conversely the physical evidence of death could be stato tributato. cf Visintin (n. 4. showa sceptical or hostileattitude oursources heroes. Lacroix.169The samethemesrecurin connection centufifth into the volcanic craters of Mount Etna in the disappearance ry AD. Euthymos a causalrelation between seemsto presuppose First.however.38.166-7).11) 211-12. ThefactthatCallimachus narrated Euthymos' victory Euthymos-a'etIov overthe Heroandthe institution of Euthymos' cult in the courseof the samea•'tov may not as thecauseof thelatter.42 BRUNOCURRIE thathe hadbeenbornof a godandwas goingto join couldbolster thebeliefof future generations centuin the fourth withthe Emperor Julian the gods.3. 99 Pf. 635 Pf. Visintin (n. with Diegesis 1.5).divina che gli era stata riconosciutae il culto che gli era 90.7) and Hamilkar (Hdt. le sue geste sportive. A parallel is capped withtheinstitution of Euthykles' athlete from Locri of Euthykles (another Epizephyrii) we aremissingthe sevencrucial lines(15-21)of theDiegesis'resumeof Thusalthough cult. metre) may also have referredto Euthymos.69. Call.176 saw Euthymos' cultas motivated Second. It thus seems thatit was the fight with the Herothat conferred cult statuson Euthymos. Fr.172 Often. 98 was the aCtov for.frr. Historical examples include Aristeas (Hdt. See L. Or.fr. pugile con la fanciulla da lui liberata'. 170Greg.. attheveryendof his life:it musthavebeenmotivated an by exploitaccomplished by Euthymos in his lifetime. la natura Milanges Pierre Leveque (Paris 1988) 1. ta. acceptance for the institution of Euthymos' cannothavebeen responsible rivermetamorphosis apparently thatit was Euthymos' forthinking reason cult.8. He relates both: 98 99 Heroandthe institution and respectively. 84-5 Pf. 7.It is possifrr.133) 198 n.

18: 'the river Kaikinos. fight seeing withAcheloos forDeianeira.4: 'dividing the territoryof Locri from that of Rhegion'. Temesa lay on a homonymous river: Steph. which is situatedat a distance from the city of the Locrians' (ntp6zi zTiv . expression especially general phenomenon thiscasestudy which hasemphasized is thetendency forcultsof historical to be intepersons or substituted cults of or heroes: into.. Polis ed Olympeion a Locri Epizefiri (Catanazaro1992) 166. wasnear to Locri. s. see Costabile (n. 3. 178On the location of the Kaikinos. interpretation period. 3. musthavebeencloseto is to be noted: whiletheriverwithwhichtheHerowas associated theKaikinos. In that case it may have been naturalfor Locri to use Euthymos. 6. 2: 'and the following mythical episode too is recorded among the Rhegians. layclaim a wayin which thecommunity itselfrecognized andacceded to thoseindividuals' claims. Nenci and G.62. Hist. see Costabile (n. see Paus. 6•'•ew. La Torre(n. withwhich wasassociated. of is also attested in the 'Pirrlvo. another heroes.11) 218). .Second.9. Euthymos' Euthymos willhavesucceeded thistransferral vanished intotheKaikinos andwillhavefacilitated theforin cult.99. too. 'Tamasos:it is both a city in Italy . for. 'Kaikinos. being botheredby the cicadas.178 the Temesa.103.3.Tamese [sic] . Vallet (eds)..). then its destruction may have marked Locri's loss of control over Temesa. Costabile (ed.First. emanate from theindividual notjustfrom thecityafter theindividual's death of view is the individual's own initiative finds reinstated): (the 'subjective' point frequently in his emulation of Herakles. Thuc. A 'Hpa•cXi. FGrHist 577 F2. ('Herakles Rhegion') Archaic period:Costabile (n. G. Euthymos. theevident of Euthymos' contest cult. Rhegion apparentlyemployed Herakles for mythpropaganda purposes in their territorialdisputes with Locri. 6. 1997) 370 relates the temple's destructionto the Locrianconquest of Temesa.OFLOCRI EUTHYMOS 43 within thelatter's thatcreated thewillingness to styleEuthymos lifetime. mir.v. The legend of the cicadas relates to the Halex. grated existing gods Euthymos mayhave If in emulation of heroes was a which individuals themselves could Lysander.5. For the respective positions of the rivers Halex and Kaikinos. Bibliografia topografica della colonizzazione greca in Italia e nelle isole tirreniche (Pisa and Rome 1985) 4.and a river. control haveproved to relocate the necessary to anarea Locrian athlete control. accept process inhisownlifetime. Third.238-43. FGrHist 566 F43 = Antigon. 3.115.4): see Tim. iconography Euthymos' complication. under cultof theLocrian 180 CONCLUSION A newinterpretation hasbeenoffered hereof theriteperformed fortheHero atTemesa in the A the Hero a river Archaic based on as new has also been identifying deity. RE 10 (1919) 1500-1. AoKp6Wv Cf. occurring as a river The stories that was himself the Kaikinos father and that deity.: See Oldfather.' 179 For the political importanceof the Kaikinos. Byz. if Olympic boundary. 11) 217. F. 'Hpa•xAh. to counteractthe RhegianHerakles. Euthymos person a cultin hislifetime is recorded: whom attested cultof a living thefirst Greek is therefore to be to themiddle of thefifthcentury. orperhaps weredecisive intheLocrians' political away linking witha river which wasanimportant their heroized victor territorial Or. Euthymos Perhaps outsituating themoments of his conception known factsof Euthymos' life ruled andpassing intheregion reasons of Temesa.6. prayed that they might lose their voice'.3.103. Giovanni seems to have been violently destroyed around 480-470 BC (La Torre(n. On the other hand. 2'. If that temple is correctlyidentified as the sanctuaryof the Hero.179 it maysimply Locrian of Temesa wasshort-lived. anticipated way to heroic then theinsertion cultsintoexisting of their ordivine heroic cultswas status. Ttdcwoo. see Thuc. 336 and (differently)BarringtonAtlas of the Greek and Roman Worlds (Princetonand Oxford 2000) map 46 5C. 11) 218 fig. A mation of thetaurine-fluvial further however. when the Temesans were liberatedfrom the supposedly unwelcome tributeto the Hero which had been enforced by the Achaian cities.our Despite peculiarities hasgivenopportunity to suggest to theestablished viewof heroization casestudy modifications in theClassical is to be recognized as theearliest historical for period. Ael. notto theendof thatcentury dated or to the 430s (Lysander) in we should that an the initiative of heroization could (Hagnon). here. For its part. FGrHist 566 F43. VH 8. 3.thatHeraklesbeddeddown in some part of the territoryand.6. not to the Kaikinos (despite Paus. Sybarisand Kroton. their own 8F-IEpo.62. 1997) 368). 180The of temple Campora S. of Euthymos' with this as a in offered deliberate emulation of Herakles his Hero. See Tim.

and that goodwill was shapedby political considerationsand by the community'sown self-interest. Theogenes Fontenrose (n. could meet with derision or with an imputation of insanity. the community'sgoodwill was a necessary condition of any person's heroization.or with downrighthostility. 182 andEuthykles: Compare Kleomedes. Nilsson. however. applies all these motifs affirmativelyto its hero.182 The Locrianthree-timeOlympic victor clearly managed to marryhis own interestsextremely successfully with popularopinion. The Euthymos legend. for instance. Leonymos. Only so could his cult have been institutedin his lifetime and could have flourished for a century. also lent itself easily to hostile presentation. as in the cases of Menekratesand Nikostratos.P. attemptto contrive one's own d&ivtiot. which does not begrudgeEuthymosmotifs that are elsewhere attachedonly ambivalently.181 The attemptto pit oneself against a god or hero could likewise as with The rebound. Emulationof a god or hero. In this regardthe Euthymos legend contrastswith the other legends of heroized athletes.Alexanderand the EmperorJulian.at least.Oxford 181 M. Geschichte der griechischen Religion (3rd edn.as with Empedokles.138.44 BRUNOCURRIE Needless to say. after his death. which make a much more controversial figure out of theirprotagonist. Munich 1974) 2.14)passim. . In Euthymos'case the community'sgoodwill is demonstrated by the construction of the legend itself. BRUNO CURRIE Christ Church.to historicalpersons.

I ninfei di Locri Epizefiri (Catanzaro1991) 199 fig.Locri (from F. 321) . Costabile et al..JHS 122 (2002) EUTHYMOSOF LOCRI PLATE 1 Herm from GrottaCaruso.