Written Testimony of the International Burmese Monks Organization

Hearing on “U.S. Policy toward Burma: Its Impact and Effectiveness”

Subcommittee on East Asian and Pacific Affairs, Senate Committee on
Foreign Relations

Written Testimony by
International Burmese Monks Organization
New York, U.S.A

September 30, 2009

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member and Members of the Subcommittee,

We are compelled to submit this testimony in writing since your hearing is

intended to evaluate the effectiveness of U.S. policy toward Burma, yet no
monks or members of Burma’s democracy movement were invited to
testify.

We would like to take this opportunity to extend our deepest gratitude to

the United States Congress, Administration and people for their consistent
and unwavering support for the non-violent struggle for democracy and
human rights in Burma, led by detained Nobel Peace Prize Recipient Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi. We especially thank to the 66 U.S. Senators and many
Members of House of Representatives who cosponsored the resolution to
maintain sanctions on Burma contained in the Burmese Freedom and
Democracy Act of 2003. We strongly believe that the United States should
maintain current sanctions against the Burmese military regime and
strengthen these sanctions to the maximum level, unless the regime
commits to the positive changes that we all are trying to achieve.

Recently, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton announced the review of new

U.S. policy toward Burma. She said, “We will maintain our existing
sanctions until we see concrete progress towards reform. But, we will be
willing to discuss the easing of sanctions in response to significant actions
on the part of Burma’s generals that address the core human rights and
democracy issues that are inhibiting Burma’s progress.” This is in line with
our views and we support the policy of using sanctions and diplomacy,
together.

# We would like to make the following recommendations:

Over the years, Burma’s regime has shown expertise in manipulating the
international community with hollow promises and false hopes. U.S.
officials should be aware of the regime’s tricks, and must stay focused on
the goals stated by Secretary Clinton. U.S. direct diplomacy with the
regime should not be an open-ended process, but should take place within
a reasonable timeframe and with clear benchmarks. We also urge the U.S.
government to try to reach out those in the regime that make all major
decisions.

While keeping current sanctions in place, the United States should prepare
to increase pressure on the regime if the regime refuses to negotiate with
the democratic opposition and conducts more abuses against the people of
Burma, including ethnic minorities. The U.S. should support and lead a
campaign calling on the United Nations Security Council to impose a global
arms embargo on Burma and establish a Commission of Inquiry to
investigate crimes against humanity and war crimes committed by the
military regime. The U.S. should also extend current targeted financial and
banking sanctions against the regime’s officials and Burmese business
cronies who are partners of the regime. Finally, the U.S. also should
coordinate with the European Union in imposing financial sanctions against
targeted individuals in Burma.

# Effectiveness of sanctions

U.S. imposition of an investment ban in Burma began in 1997 and

continues to this day, thanks to President Obama, who extended those
sanctions in May of this year. Further economic sanctions were imposed in
2003, after the Depayin Massacre, in which Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her
entourage were brutally attacked by the regime’s militias and scores of her
party members were bludgeoned to death. The Tom Lantos Block Burma
Jade Act was approved in 2007, in which rubies, jades and precious stones
from Burma are banned from entering the United States directly or
indirectly. These sanctions are effective and hurting the regime’s finances
severely.

The European Union has also imposed sanctions on the military regime,
along with Australia and Canada. The United States and its allies together
block hundreds of million dollars of earnings for the regime each year.
Without these sanctions, this money would be used by the regime to enrich
themselves and to strengthen its killing machine. The more the regime has
money, the more it can expand its military in terms of manpower,
sophisticated weapons, intelligence equipment, and expensive machinery.
If there were no sanctions, Burma’s regime may have already obtained
weapons of mass destruction, with the help of other rogue regimes.

Sanctions also deny the legitimacy the regime is seeking desperately.

When the United States and many other countries impose sanctions on
Burma’s regime for its human rights abuses and illegal rule, the regime’s
claims of legitimacy are undermined. Perhaps most importantly, sanctions
provide strong encouragement for Burma’s democrats, who are risking
their lives everyday to restore democracy and human rights through
peaceful means.

Sanctions also help change the attitude of Burma’s neighbors, especially

ASEAN. By placing sanctions against Burma’s regime, the U.S. proves its
seriousness about national reconciliation and democratization in Burma and
it makes ASEAN members realize that ASEAN can’t ignore human rights
violations in its member countries if it wants to improve relations with the
U.S. In recent years, ASEAN has started to change its tone, abandon its
policy of non-interference, and criticize the regime for its use of violence
against peaceful demonstrators, as well as demand the release all political
prisoners, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and establishment of a
meaningful political dialogue. Without U.S. sanctions, ASEAN would not
change.

Moreover, sanctions help preserve the natural resources of Burma for

future generations. At present, the Burmese regime is simply looting the
country and attempting to sell resources to the highest bidder. The
Burmese regime is not simply corrupt and skimming profits off the top of
international business deals – it is literally looting the country and keeping
all proceeds for itself. By placing sanctions on Burma, our country’s natural
resources are more likely to remain in the hands of the people so that a
true representative government and market-based economy can put them
to good use.

To sum up, sanctions deny money and legitimacy to the regime, help
change the attitude of ASEAN, boost the morale of Burma’s democracy
activists, and keep Burmese resources in the hands of the people.
Sanctions are both highly effective and necessary.

# Sanctions and engagement

The United Nations Secretary-General has appointed a Special Envoy and

sent him to Burma many times to encourage the regime to implement
positive changes as demanded by successive General Assembly resolutions.
However, dozens of visit by the Special Envoy in more than a decade and
even two visits by the Secretary-General himself have not produced any
positive outcomes. This is because the Secretary-General has no power or
leverage to reinforce his diplomacy with the regime. This is a clear example
that engagement without pressure does not work. At the same time,
imposing sanctions and then ignoring diplomacy will not be effective either.
Sanctions are important tools to help make diplomacy effective. We
support the Obama administration’s decision to use a combination of
sanctions and diplomacy in our country.

# 2010 Elections

Burma’s generals are planning to hold the elections in 2010. This election is
designed to put the regime’s new Constitution, unilaterally written and
forcibly approved in the aftermath of the Cyclone Nargis, into effect. The
majority of the people of Burma refuse to accept the Constitution and
reject the proposed election as well. The regime’s Constitution does not
guarantee democracy and human rights, nor does it protect the right of
ethnic minorities to self-determination. The Constitution grants supreme
power to the military and its Commander-in-Chief. This Constitution is
designed to establish permanent military rule in Burma. The United States
should make it clear that unless there are changes to the regime’s
Constitution, no election in Burma will be free and fair.
The National League for Democracy party, ethnic political parties and most
of the ethnic minority groups have refused to participate in the election,
until and unless the regime: 1) releases all political prisoners, including
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi; 2) allows everyone to participate freely in the
country’s political process; 3) reviews and revises the Constitution through
a tripartite dialogue between the military, NLD and ethnic representatives;
and 4) holds free and fair elections under the supervision of the United
Nations. We fully support the call made by our leaders and urge the United
States and the international community to not recognize the elections until
and unless the regime meets these reasonable, pragmatic demands.

# Conclusion

Changes should come from inside Burma and not be imposed by the
international community. By lifting sanctions, the United States would
impose its own will on the people of Burma, something President Obama
has pledged to not do in U.S. foreign policy. We and our colleagues inside
Burma, millions of democracy activists and monks, have been working
tirelessly to save our country from its darkest days. Problems in our
country are not confined within our borders, but are crossing international
boundaries and spreading into the neighboring countries. Many of these
problems now present threats to the peace and stability of the region.
Under these circumstances, the international community has an important
role to play in stopping atrocities in Burma. We are hoping that U.S.
Government will lead the international community in making collective and
effective action to achieve national reconciliation and democratization in
Burma. This must begin with the immediate and unconditional release of
all political prisoners, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and the
establishment of a meaningful and time-bound dialogue between the
military, National League for Democracy party led by Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi, and ethnic representatives.

Respectfully Yours,

International Burmese Monks Organization

New York, United States of America