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Democracy, Indigenous Movements, and the Postliberal Challenge in Latin America Author(s): Deborah J. Yashar Source: World Politics, Vol. 52, No. 1 (Oct., 1999), pp. 76-104 Published by: Cambridge University Press Stable URL: . Accessed: 07/02/2014 04:56
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scholarship on third-wave democracies has come to focus

on consolidation. RECENT of democratic about After a decade of debates become about much scholars have transitions, Rather for democracy. the prospects the uncertainty less tentative

than study the sociopolitical states and which social forces processes by shape, support, and/or jeop to of democracy, scholars have returned ardize the terms and direction an older intellectual institutional differences be tradition of comparing and party systems. Accordingly, governments they as a function to consolidate the democracy largely plain capacity institutional design. This article new takes issue with the conceptual rather and analytical than underpin tween different ex of

nings of the democratic consolidation literature. Specifically, it high

lights how consolidation fect?as institutions, political across the board, have evidenced by the incomplete in fact had securing democratic a more ef checkered the survival of

reach of the state,

* An earlier version of this paper was presented at Harvard University's Sawyer Seminar and Semi nar on Ethics and International Affairs; at Cornell University's Sawyer Seminar; and at the 1998 Latin I would particularly like to thank Oliver Avens, Eva Bellin, Sheri American Studies Association. Kent Eaton, John Gershman, Lucero, Atul Berman, Jorge I. Dom?nguez, Jeffrey Herbst, Jos? Antonio Mar?a Victoria Murillo, Anna Seleny, Kathryn S toner-Weiss, Kohli,Tali Mendelberg, Sidney Tarrow, reviewers for their insightful comments. Donna Lee Van Cott, and the anonymous in Ecuador (November 1995 and February-May 1997), Bolivia (October 1995 1990, De 1996), Guatemala (March 1989-February 1997), Mexico (July-August on cember 1992, and February 1996), and Peru (August 1997) was supported by the Joint Committee Latin American Studies of the Social Science Research Council and the American Council of Learned Studies at States Institute for Peace; the Helen Kellogg Center for International Societies; the United Center for International theWeatherhead the University of Notre Dame; and at Harvard University, Fund. Studies, and theMilton Affairs, David Rockefeller Center for Latin American 1 This argument draws on Joel S.Migdal, Strong Societies and Weak States: State-Society Relations and Research conducted and May-August in the Third World (Princeton: Princeton University State Capabilities Press, 1988); Joel Migdal, Atul and Transformation in the Shue, eds., State Power and Social Forces: Domination Kohli, and Vivienne "On the Third World (Cambridge: Cambridge O'Donnell, Press, 1994); and Guillermo University at Problems: A Latin American View with Glances and Some Conceptual State, Democratization 21 (August 1993). Some Postcommunist Countries," WorldDevelopment

WorldPolitics 52 (October 1999), 76-104

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the uneven of social sectors, and enclaves, incorporation the emergence of opposing consol social forces.1 Indeed, many ostensibly now find themselves idated democracies movements being challenged by states to universalize democratic rallying against the failure of practices secure political in Ethnic movements, have autonomy. particular, to contest the foundations and contours of contem

and come

increasingly and liberal institutions. These porary democratic emergent movements over territorial have sparked fundamental debates autonomy, political and multiculturalism. representation, legal pluralism, citizenship, These Latin

are in striking and consequential developments particularly America. The third-wave democracies have regions' experienced of indigenous and organization identities of increasing politicization reverse s to the that movements,2 appear indigenous region phenomena historical record of ethnic comparative weakly politicized cleavages.3 are most movements in countries These with prominent large and moderate-size (Bolivia, Guatemala, Ecuador, indigenous populations and Mexico), but they have also provoked debates and re important in countries forms with small indigenous (Colombia, populations mass mo movements in and Chile). have Brazil, Indigenous engaged bilizations, roadblocks, the class-based Unlike nous rather This activists are electoral guerrilla and movements do not and policy negotiations. campaigns, wars of decades past, however, indige seek to overthrow of ethnic the state but as a of the

to reform democracy. looking article the politicization analyzes


springboard democratic poses cuses how

for delineating the theoretical why consolidation literature have not been one better theorize about might the least America, likely have come to assume increasing

expectations it then pro realized; democratic It fo politics. case, where importance rural ethnic in the new de

on Latin


in Latin America," Journal of 'Interna the Nation-State See Rodolfo "Challenging Stavenhagen, tionalAffairs 45 (Winter 1992); Richard Chase Smith, "A Search for Unity within Diversity: Peasant in the Andean Republics," inTheodore Mac and Indianist Movements Unions, Ethnic Federations, Donald Jr., ed., Native Peoples and Economic Development (Cambridge: Cultural Survival, 1985); Donna in Latin America Lee Van Cott, ed., Indigenous Peoples and Democracy (New York: St. Martin's Press, in Latin America," in Jorge I. Protest and Democracy 1994); Deborah J. Yashar, "Indigenous and Abraham F. Lowenthal, eds., Constructing Democratic Governance: Latin America and Dom?nguez in the 1990s?Themes the Caribbean and Issues (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1996); University in Latin America," Compar and Democracy idem, "Contesting Citizenship: Indigenous Movements ative Politics 31 (October 1998). 3 See Crawford Young, The Politics L. Horowitz, 1976), chap. 11; Donald ofWisconsin (Madison: University Press, of Cultural Pluralism Ethnic Groups in Conflict (Berkeley: University of California Barbara HarfF, Monty G. Marshall, and James R. Scarritt, Mi Conflicts (Washington, D.C.: United States Institute of

Press, 1985); Ted Robert Gurr with norities at Risk: A Global View ofEthnopolitical Peace Press, 1993).

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78 mocracies, cleavages.4 despite The first a



of changing relations. I state-society re that reforms the argue neoliberal-inspired citizenship throughout local autonomy, ethnic gion have unintentionally challenged politicized movements. and The section second dis identity, catalyzed indigenous cusses the new movements that pose "postliberal indigenous challenge" for Latin Americas democracies and for liberal state forma third-wave tion. Insofar political engaged the ties as these movements demand and multicultural in a struggle to the of representation, once recognition, they have again over the kinds of democracies that institutions are new forms

identities indigenous the unintended consequences

of weakly ethnic contemporary history politicized section explains the increasing political salience of in Latin America twentieth-century by analyzing

autonomy, Latin America that bind anything debates

will be built; the rights, responsibilities, and identities of citizens; and

citizens and state. Democratic therefore damental by political how one but consolidated. are the Rather, they subject of fun the locus of far-reaching reforms, as evidenced and legislation the region. throughout in the regions new focus on democratic democracies. It questions and its an

negotiations studies s politics

The final section discusses the implications of the prior analysis for
consolidation conceptual new to de of the of institutions power alytic assumption governmental new fine and behavior and interests, identities, uniformly en If this literature misconstrues single-handedly. conceptually regime durance tutions for consolidation, it privileges insti analytically governmental as variables without independent evaluating explicitly a assumes not alternative factors. As such it mistakenly competent only state but also a and capable that will society preconstituted respond
4 This

the literature

article restricts its focus to indigenous and movements in the coun identities, communities, Indians continue to reside. Most communities and move tryside, where the majority of self-identified ments have international ties through markets, migration, and the developed urban and occasionally even in these cases of rise of participation However, organizations. by nongovernmental increasing urban and international penetration, rural. This ar the communities in question remain geographically ticle does not address the politicization of racial cleavages in Latin America. The politicization of black identities, which has emerged in a different historical context, has been largely limited to urban move ments and has resulted in types of that are different from those voiced by indige political demands nous movements in Latin America. For competing views on racial cleavages and their politicization, see Carl N. nor White: in Brazil and the United States Degler, Neither Black Slavery and Race Relations ofWisconsin (Madison: University Press, 1971); Pierre-Michel Fontaine, ed., Race, Class, and Power in Brazil (Los Angeles: University of California, 1985); Howard Winant, "Rethinking Race in Brazil," ed., The Idea ofRace Journal of Latin American Studies 24 (February 1992), 173-92; Richard Graham, in Latin America, 1870-1940 of Texas Press, 1990); Michael (Austin: University Hanchard, Orpheus andPower:The Movimento Negro ofRio deJaneiro and Sao Paulo, 1945-1988 (Princeton: Princeton Uni on Americas 25 "The Black the Americas, 1492-1992," versity Press, 1994); NACLA, (February Report in Latin America (London: Pluto Press, 1997); and 1992); Peter Wade, Race and Ethnicity Anthony W. Marx, Making Race and Nation Press, 1998). (Cambridge: Cambridge University

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predictably to institutional change. As this article highlights, however,

these governmental institutions from their moorings we to need in democratic society. Indeed, analyze politics the context o? state in relations by evaluating the reach of state-society stitutions and assessing the broader social forces that surround, support, new institutions. and oppose to do so, the terms of democracies' Failing we to which wave has extent underestimate the the third necessarily initiated a new period of democratic in which the social, polit politics in state and ical, and institutional more open and more stitutional theorizing terms about uncertain of political remain qualitatively exchange than depicted in the contemporary by democratic consolidation. one cannot isolate

The contemporary to Latin America,


and the Uneven

of democratization and reforming


of the


reviving more the region. These political regime changes did oversaw a radical shift in the electoral institutions, however. Indeed, they content of set that relations along a new course. citizenship state-society Marshall has underscored that citizenship is a differentiated bundle of


politics rule throughout than usher in new

rights and responsibilities that can include civil rights (freedom of orga nization and expression), political rights (suffrage), and social rights (the
right to a minimum standard of living).5 The contemporary democra

cies in Latin America have reshuffled this trilogy of potential citizen

some vote and in all ship rights?in places expanding who may places the social that confers and restricting rights responsibilities citizenship on citizens new democracies and states alike. In Latin America's the content of has also been accompanied changing citizenship in the primary modes of interest intermediation between new ciety, such that the regimes have significantly institutions and tried to replace them with more The weakened pluralist rights and a by change state and so corporatist forms.

combination of citizenship patterned is referred of interest intermediation nying modes

the accompa to here as "citizen

5 T. H. Marshall, and Social Class," Class, Citizenship, and Social Development (Garden "Citizenship that there is a natural 1963). This article does not assume, as does Marshall, City, N.Y.: Doubleday, are irreversible. For alternative discussions of citizenship of citi progression rights and/or that they see Ronald Beiner, ed., of New York Press, (Albany: State University zenship, Theorizing Citizenship Press, 1995); Yasemin (Oxford: Oxford University 1995); Will Kymlicka, Multicultural Citizenship inEurope (Chicago: Uni and Postnational Membership Soysal, Limits of Citizenship: Migrants Nuhoglu Shafir, ed., The Citizenship Debates: A Reader (Min Press, 1994); and Gershon versity of Chicago of Minnesota Press, 1998). neapolis: University

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80 ship regimes/'6 and citizenship taken different

WORLD Empirically rights have forms over


of interest intermediation speaking, modes to tended go together, even though theoret

ically speaking they do not have to. These

citizenship regimes have

time. Thus, from the mid-twentieth century or authoritarian, Latin tended American whether democratic on, states, to promote extended social rights corporatist regimes. They citizenship and the like) and in subsidies, credit, health care, education, (including modes interest for workers stitutionalized of intermediation corporatist states in particular. and peasants, In the new democracies, by contrast, have tended to promote neoliberal citizenship regimes.7 The expansion of liberal or pluralist modes of interest rights and the promotion as intermediation. social sectors (such workers and peasants) Organized have lost their state assurance of a basic standard of living and similarly social have means of accessing and occasionally institutional state. the influencing Although regimes have such signifi citizenship are neither cant consequences for state-society relations, however, they we will to nor derivative of As see, corporatist regimes. equal political lost their main and neoliberal thoritarian matter). Both in democratic regimes citizenship developed in Latin America (and Western regimes Europe, and neoliberal state and au for that

of political and civil rights has tended to coincide with the decline in


intentionally reshaped access terms of public in state, however, Thus, consequences. they had unintended attempting to restructure into class-based federations that could be con society trolled from above, corporatist pro regimes unwittingly citizenship autonomous vided that could shelter rural spaces indigenous communities from state control. And for their part, neoliberal citizen

and regimes profoundly citizenship as as institutions and resources, well the to them. Because of the uneven reach of the

61 borrow the phrase "citizenship regime" from Jenson and Phillips. They use the term to refer to can confer. This article the varying bundles of rights and responsibilities that citizenship expands the term to refer not only to the content of citizenship but also to its accompanying modes of interest in termediation. See Jane Jenson and Susan D. Phillips, Practices in "Regime Shift: New Citizenship Studies 14 (Fall 1996). Canada,"'InternationalJournalof'Canadian 71 label the latter citizenship it regime as ?^liberal for three reasons. First, Iwant to distinguish from T. H. Marshall's of earlier British liberal citizenship regimes, where civil and politi description cal rights were extended but social rights were not yet on the political agenda. The sequencing of citi liberal identified, while perhaps applicable to the late-nineteenth-century zenship rights thatMarshall does not apply to the contemporary Latin American context, where social periods in Latin America, were dismantled it from and civil and political rights extended. Second, I want to distinguish rights the liberal periods that marked the second half of nineteenth-century Latin American politics. Finally, Iwant to link the contemporary neoliberal citizenship neoliberal reforms regimes to the contemporary and dismantled many of the social programs that have redefined Latin America's political economies that were once tied to social rights.

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out to shatter class-based integration ship regimes setting corporatisme amore atomized or individuated set of and it with replace state-society in fact challenged relations the indigenous local autonomy that corpo

ratism had unknowingly fostered, failed to secure the individual rights that neoliberalism had promised, and consequently politicized ethnic

the region. In short corporatist and neoliberal cit throughout state and had foundational for that regimes izenship society projects were but institutionalized. From the top look consequential unevenly cleavages restructured ing down, these projects society in radical ways. From new state formation bottom these looking up, however, projects of at many interest intermediation have been contested steps along way. This sequences section of these the formal goals juxtaposes two citizenship regimes. and the unintended the and the con

At midcentury

most form


a states were Latin American with experimenting Latin of American corporatist regime.8 citizenship corporatism was consti did not for it advance rights necessarily political (suffrage), as of democratic ones. How tutive as much of authoritarian regimes the idea that citizens have some civil rights advanced ever, it generally (the and some social circumstances) of living). It created and/or pro that (1) structured and often mo to the degree however, and controlled these subsidized, notes, time.9 Latin ethnic

to under certain right organize a to basic standard rights (the right moted labor and peasant associations were which controlled by the state. As actually

nopolized official representation, (2) received state subsidies, and (3)

Collier corporatism federations varied As of structured, from case to case and over


this mid-twentieth-century part states American Indians. They incorporated to reconstitute Indians as national peasants.10

corporatist project to cast aside sought The states did so

categories (which supported ongoing attempts at nation building) and

8 on Latin American see James M. Malloy, For classic perspectives ta., Authoritarian corporatism, in Latin America of Pittsburgh ism and Press, 1977). For a (Pittsburgh, Pa.: University Corporatism see Ruth Berins Collier and David Col seminal comparative analysis of Latin American corporatism, and Regime Dynamics (Prince lier, Shaping the Political Arena: Critical Junctures, the Labor Movement, ton: Princeton University Press, 1991). 9 David Collier, "Trajectory of a Concept: 'Corporatism' in the Study of Latin American Politics," in Methods and Analysis Peter H. Smith, ed., Latin America in Comparative Perspective: New Approaches to to class-based for example, federations, Press, 1995). State commitments (Boulder, Colo.: Westview weakened under the authoritarian regimes of the 1970s. 10 in rural Latin and class are not the only axes for organizing grassroots mobilization Ethnicity for for example, also competed and cooperatives, Political parties, religious organizations, America. were generally not the most from a national and comparative perspective However, they membership. important players in redefining the rural landscape.

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82 through land reforms

WORLD that

POLITICS Indians from repressive land

"emancipated" citizenship), (thereby

and/or exploitative forms of labor control (thereby holding out to them

the prospect through of autonomous associations occasionally organizing distributed them

and credit (thereby extending social rights), and incorporated them

peasant along corpo

ratist lines). Land reforms in Mexico (1934), Bolivia (1953), Guatemala (the short-lived reform of 1952), Ecuador (1964 and 1973), and Peru (1968), for example, weakened landed elites' control of the
tracts of land, and in redistributed countryside, provided significant as to centives for Indians communities. This peasant register registra tion reorganized the countryside lines, corporatist along state-regulated with many peasant communities in federations joining peasant hopes of gaining with them reforms brought corporatist and expansion of social services in the areas of to land and health. Access education, support, infrastructure, agricultural and these services was often gained associations. In through corporatist the creation access to land and the state. These

a class on Indi short, the state and union organizations imposed identity ans as the ticket for access resources. to and political incorporation communities of peasant and the growth of peasant registration in fostered the fiction that the state had turned federations, particular, into peasants Indians and stripped of its salience. ethnicity indigenous The

these these tralized

recently, studies of corporatism highlighted

and their capacity corporatist social sectors. Latin American corporatist institutions

the strong reach of

and remake cen presumably

to control states was

relations. Yet this enterprise state-society compromised by au the absence of a rationalized the failure to establish bureaucracy, a lack of on the use of force. Hence, thority, and monopoly legitimate statements institutions and of official control, large despite corporatist areas of the country tarian enclaves were the reach of the state. Authori operated beyond dominated and clientelist networks. by patronage


and landlords at times deployed

their own paramilitary

to in

forces, created their own political rules, displayed greater allegiance to national state subnational than and/or politics politics, deployed stitutions long noted for their benefit.11 the failure studies of the Amazon Moreover, of states to govern the Amazon?leaving

have large

11 to from Clientelism Lessons from Mexico," Jonathan Fox, "The Difficult Transition Citizenship: World Politics 46 (January 1994); idem, "Latin America's Emerging Local Politics," Journal ofDemoc Traditional Politics and Regime Change in Brazil (New York: racy 5 (April 1994); Frances Hagopian, Press, 1996); Gilbert M. Joseph and Daniel Nugent, eds., Everyday Forms of Cambridge University State Formation: Revolution and theNegotiation Modern Mexico (Durham, N.C.: Duke Uni of Rule in in Latin America Local Government (Boulder, Colo.: versity Press, 1994); and R. Andrew Nickson, Lynne Rienner, 1995).

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POSTLIBERAL swaths of territory and military and



83 the po reach of

numbers of Indians beyond significant litical control of the state.12 In short, the uneven the state undermined the centralizing program. ties had

state efforts to build and In this context, communi register peasant Via land and unintended reform credit consequences. pro secured the spaces in which could institutionalize grams, Indians they indigenous community practices of inviolable one, the distribution at the local level.13 In more communal lands to ways than registered peasant

communities provided Indians with

the physical space not only for

au by traditional farming but also for securing governance indigenous thorities. In this way the legal registration of communities and granting a state-sanc of community-based created property legally defined, area that allowed for the tioned geographic growth and/or maintenance autonomous of politically local enclaves, culture, and polit indigenous reforms the maintenance land masked ical practices. Otherwise stated, and often engendered of indigenous the (re)emergence of in autonomy the of and the (re)constitution communities, leaders, expres digenous at the sion of (evolving) identities levels. community indigenous In Mexico, of a national the example, federation, peasant for land reform accompanied the CNC, and distributed the creation property in

many forms. Of these, the distribution o? ejidos (communally owned land) unwittingly provided the greatest latitude for local indigenous au
were based, inalienable, and, while regu community tonomy?they state In the national often control.14 Bolivia lated, beyond revolutionary of the 1950s and the subsequent governments governments military between peasants. 1964 As and 1974 also incorporated Indians on alliances into the state as inMexico, they depended and pacts with

12 States did not actively seek to harness the Amazon region until the latter part of the twentieth out boundaries that de facto included Indians as members, century. Prior to that they had mapped state. See Lucy Ruiz, ta., Amazonia: Escenarios y though not necessarily citizens, of the given conflictos ed., Globalizaci?n y cam (Quito: CEDIME and Ediciones Abya Yala, 1993); Fernando Santos Granero, FLACSO and Ediciones Abya Yala, 1996); Richard Chase Smith, bio en la amazonia ind?gena (Quito: in Stefano V?rese, ed., ?tnicas de laAmazonia," "La pol?tica de la diversidad. COICA y las federaciones Pueblos indios, soberan?a y globalismo (Quito: Ediciones Abya Yala, 1996). 13 In Eugen Webers classic study of nation building, he illuminates how the French state turned Peasants into Frenchmen: The Modernization into Frenchman. See Weber, peasants of Rural France, 1870-1914 ef Press, 1976). I suggest here that Latin American (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University a forts to turn Indians into peasants in fact created the space inwhich they could defend and develop local indigenous identity. 14 the Regime: Ethnicity, Radicalism, and Democracy injuchit?n Mexico Jeffrey W. Rubin, Decentering (Durham, N.C.: Press, 1997); Neil Harvey, The Chiapas Rebellion (Durham, N.C.: Duke University and X?chitl Duke University Press, 1998); Valentina Napolitano Leyva Solano, eds., Encuentros in andMobility Mexican Society (London: Institute of Latin American antropol?gicos: Politics, Identity, Studies, 1998); Fox (fn. 11); and Shannan Mattiace, "iZapata Vive! The Ezln, Indian Politics and the in George A. Collier and Lynn Stephen, Movement inMexico," special t?s., Journal of Autonomy Latin American Anthropology 3, no. 1 (1997).

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84 peasant


which were both to deliver votes to the federations, expected to the and to control the local communities. government Contrary of wit and Bolivia officers, hopes politicians military simultaneously nessed the defense of ayllus (kinship groups gov and/or reconstitution erned by a set of local-level In Ecuador the authorities).15 indigenous

1937 community law and later the 1964 and 1973 land reforms defined
indigenous state insofar and/or men as and gave them access to the peasants as communities themselves peasant they represented the number of registered peasant communities Indeed, and 1970s.16 However, to maintain continued at the local level, many some form of indige and women as


skyrocketed indigenous nous practices

in the 1960s communities and


created a dynamic identities therefore, dualism, with to the locale: for the state, Indians assumed identities shifting according as peasants; within as the community, assumed their identities peasants Indians.18 Location therefore mattered for the expression of identity. Corporatism, Where more local communities (nowhere incompletely penetrated a certain than in the Amazon), Indians sustained degree of political and/or autonomy systems retaining by creating authority time the boundaries and customs.19 Over did not remain so clear. In evident authorities and rules to shaped union politics just as union au and rules began the state

digenous thorities




With early 1980s,

from American Latin

authoritarian reformers rule in the late 1970s democratic and the insti reestablished

the transition

15 Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui y equipo THOA, Ayllus y proyectos de desarrollo en el norte de Potos? (La Paz: Ediciones Aruwiyiri, 1992); Esteban Ticona A., Gonzalo Rojas O., and Xavier Albo C, Votos y wipha en democracia (La Paz: Fundaci?n Milenio and CIPCA, 1995); and Ju las:Campesinos y pueblos orginarios liana Str?bele-Gregor, in Bolivia: Practice of the Aymara "Culture and Political and Quechua in the Andes," Latin American Autonomous Forms of Modernity 23 (Spring 1996). Perspectives 16 Leon Zamosc, Estad?stica de las ?reas de predominio ?tnico de la sierra ecuatoriana: Poblaci?n rural, in dicadores cantonales y organizaciones de base (Quito: Ediciones Abya Yala, 1995). 17 in Guatemala A similar pattern emerged following land-reform programs and Peru (1944-54) (1968). Given high levels of repression, however, corporatist policies and institutions were undermined were created. Nonetheless, and dismanded the general outline of this argument re shortly after they states mains. While communities found ways to shelter their national ideals, indigenous promoted right to sustain and develop ethnic identities and ties. 18 in the social sciences. Political scientists work This duality is captured by disciplinary differences the centrality of class, the peasantry, and corporatist organizations, ing on this period have highlighted as if have historically fo autonomy and ethnic identities. Anthropologists they displaced community cused on the local level and, in turn, have highlighted autonomy and ethnicity, often at the community relations. expense of broader patterns of state-society 19 the Amazon. Amazonian Indians rarely formed regimes barely penetrated Corporatist citizenship Ama part of peasant federations and states did not have the resources to control them. Consequently, zonian Indians had even more autonomy than Andean and Mesoamerican Indians.

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POSTLIBERAL tutions. The




left intact many of the vertical social policies corporatist just discussed. states with the economic crisis of 1980s and the However, 1990s, many to reassess their a for citizen capacity maintaining began corporatist reforms original democratic and corporatist institutions

ship regime and the desirability of doing so, with

tailed?social federations neoliberal

all that that en

responsibility, a program based on granting individual political and civil

not rights (but necessarily and nizations, advocating social rights), emasculating the retreat of the state.20 corporatist orga

structured and hierarchical class-based rights plus state and a that were to mediate between society. Adopting advocated instead individual and discourse, autonomy they


shift in citizenship regimes has had significant consequences

at the ex Individual for indigenous rights have been promoted peoples. of labor and federations?that pense corporate organizations?peasant had as the of interest interme (at times the only) mode primary state and diation between These federations have lost political society. and social leverage the and with this Indians have throughout region, served lost their formal ties to the and state.21 The structural shift has also informed the adoption of stabilization cut back social that have adjustment policies were de and goods that ostensibly standard of living for citizens. Most dra

drastically to secure a basic social signed states have for Indians, land markets, liberalized matically privatized eliminated and diminished subsidies, prices, agricultural agricultural credit These reforms (particularly efforts to privatize land programs.22 over to markets and the individual the corporate unit) echo privilege liberal reforms that were late-nineteenth-century incontrovertibly to detrimental In both cases, the reforms threat indigenous peoples. ened a communal land base that the state had once made inviolable.23


20 is a healthy and unresolved There theoretical debate about whether the core of liberal thought is based on toleration or autonomy. But itwould be foolish to argue in the Latin American context that there is one coherent core, as the regions history of liberalism is undeniably syncretic. 21 Several states did have national indigenous institutes. However, these rarely if ever served as in terlocutors between Indians and the state. 22 Catherine M. Conaghan and James M. Malloy, Unsettling Statecraft: Democracy and Neoliberalism in the Central Andes of Pittsburgh Press, 1994); Miguel Urioste Fern?ndez (Pittsburgh, Pa.: University . . . de Cordova, Fortalecer las comunidades: Una utop?a subversiva, democr?tica y posible (La Paz: in Latin AIPE/prOCOM/TIERRA, 1992); Nora Lustig, Coping with Austerity: Poverty and Inequality America Institution, 1995); Alain de Janvry et al., The Political Feasi (Washington, D.C.: Brookings in Ecuador and Venezuela (Paris: OECD, 1994); Samuel A. Morley, Adjustment bility of Poverty and In in Latin America: The in the 1980s (Baltimore and London: equality Impact ofAdjustment and Recovery Press, 1995). Johns Hopkins University 23 Indians resisted both sets of reforms. However, the isolated and ephemeral terms of indigenous move resistance differ from the more organized and sustained contemporary historical indigenous ments. See fn. 2.

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86 reconfiguration tion has also occurred central The


POLITICS control, and administra

of local political power, through decentralization

state and to break up the concentration and Venezuela of have been

to check the programs of administrative, fiscal,

and political power. Although

Guatemala, trends are evident as a new power type to more

changes in Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia,

the new particularly noteworthy, the region.24 Decentralization programs, throughout state formation, have devolved of varying degrees

so on) provinces, regions, and (municipalities, a more in localized and, in turn, have created space for agglomerating dividual and decisions, pro preferences, calculating implementing a new grams. While layer of political creating bureaucracy, they have local units also created and national additional to try to entry points for individuals shape more Moreover has decentralization created politics. a new form of democratic local pos

sibilities for holding political leaders accountable for their (in)action. It

more has to institutionalize has attempted liberal and more local. The shifted away from pluralist toward more of democracy, geography sanctioned rationally corporatist and local forms of interest intermediation. politics: both in other words, institutions and

With the promise of equal rights and greater political participation, neoliberal citizenship regimes would seem to hold out great hope for
as the next section Yet, democratizing politics. states have not secured these neoliberal American in particular, for Indians?even access to the state, and rights, secure weak neoliberal while underscores, Latin citizenship rights? start to take away the social they once unwit local autonomy indigenous is in large part "The state a function is a human of the com as re

tingly associated with corporatist citizenship regimes. This inability to

regimes citizenship reach and retreat of the state. argued in his a classic



munity that (successfully) claims themonopoly of the legitimate use of

physical force within given territory."25 In Latin America, however, institutions questionable, ambiguous.26

in most of Africa, Asia,

and theMiddle

East, this standard is still

political remains remains

unmet. of Latin Americas central Many largely to commitment main weak, those institutions institutions of and the territorial those scope

24 da C.B. Garman, and Stephan Haggard, "The Politics of Decentral Eliza Willis, Christopher ization in Latin America," Latin American Research Review 34, no. 1 (1999). 25 "Politics as a Vocation," From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, ed. and trans. H. H. Max Weber, Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), 78. 26 is a process of political mapping. As Scott has argued, it requires a situation of State formation mutual intelligibility. The state must be able to read, identify, and defend the territory it governs. Those on the state for basic functions. See James C. to governed should be able identify (with) and depend Condition Have Failed (New Scott, Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve theHuman Haven: Yale University Press, 1998). See also fn 1.

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POSTLIBERAL This human is nowhere more

CHALLENGE: than from

LATIN AMERICA the vantage of the country



side. From that perspective, it is difficult to argue that there is a single

to that the state claims a mo (as opposed community many), on the use of force, or that the territory is clearly de legitimate nopoly are all in fined. National and identities, borders, question legitimacy in flux. Indeed, Latin America and often remains very much in the

the identities, throes of state formation, where and legitimacy borders, of the state are highly politicized and contested processes, particularly in the countryside. It is not surprising therefore that consolidating de con and neoliberal under these mocracy securing regimes citizenship ditions remains a tall order. In this context ethnic cleavages have been those that mobilize violation and indigenous politicized in the countryside?have rights under As demo stated most

movements?particularly the ongoing protested cratic with

of their political

regimes, significant political consequences.27 most Ecuador's and CONAIE, boldly by prominent largest indigenous movement: aIn Ecuador the fundamental of democracy? principles not been achieved/'28 and social peace?have equality, liberty, fraternity, Throughout the region indigenous leaders have made similar

points. that the

state remain

recount the ways


in which

individuals' rights have been dis



Hence, despite a discourse of individual civil and political rights, states

dividual the had states to secure in them.30 The incapable of protecting inability even more wary makes communities many indigenous rights on of the restrictions that neoliberal regimes would citizenship place inalienable secured community rights and de facto local autonomy regime. citizenship during the prior corporatist that they

and schools?and courts, booths, argue voting to do more and their individual protect uphold

27 This article seeks to explain not why indigenous movements emerge but why indigenous identities a became politicized and how that politicization is reflected in the postliberal challenge, regionwide reform. For an explanation of why, when, and where indigenous organizations agenda for democratic see Yashar (fn. 2,1998); movements emerge in Latin America, emerge only where state re indigenous forms that challenge local autonomy combine with political liberalization and preexisting networks. In some cases these movements were supported and shaped by ties to urban and international actors. 28 CONAIE, Proyecto politico de la CONAIE (Quito: CONAIE, n.d.), 6. 29 Based on anonymous conducted by the author in Ecuador, Bolivia, and small-group discussions Peru during the course of 1997, and repeated in most 1995-97 interviews with indigenous leaders in and Mexico. Ecuador, Bolivia, Peru, Guatemala, 30 and Diego Rodolfo Iturralde, eds., Entre la ley y la costumbre: El derecho consuetudi Stavenhagen San Jos?, Costa nario ind?gena enAm?rica Latina (Mexico City: Instituto Indigenista Interamericano; Instituto Interamericano de Derechos Humanos, 1990); Jorge E. Dandier, "Indigenous Peoples and the Rule of Law in Latin America: Do They Have a Chance?" (Paper prepared for the academic on the Rule of Law and the in Latin America, Helen Kellogg Institute for Underprivileged workshop International of Notre Dame, November and Ram?n Torres Galarza, Studies, University 9-11,1996); ed., Derechos de lospueblos ind?genas: Situaci?n jur?dica y pol?ticas de estado (Quito: Abya Yala, CEPLAES, CONAIE, n.d.). Rica:

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The Postliberal
In this context movements ship.31 They have have ethnic

and indigenous politicized citizen shift in democratic

have been cleavages the neoliberal challenged

the incomplete of neoliberal exposed implementation a more and have geog regimes citizenship proposed complex political units of for and locales democratic and representation raphy defining more as want state liberal insofar the Yes, they governance. politics

would defend individual rights that in practice have been denied. Yes,
increase access to the local power insofar as it would not local autonomy. However, sub they do uniformly scribe to the "more liberal more local" formula. Indeed, they question as to the state's capacity neoliberal uphold rights just they citizenship of neoliberal the assumptions challenge universalizing citizenship and state structure.32 regimes about national identity, unit representation, want more they state and defend In this context, would secure indigenous movements but also now pose accommodate a

lenge, by demanding a different kind of political mapping?one

individual more




rights units of representation, and state structures.33 What follows identities, is a stylized presentation of this postliberal section ad challenge. This dresses the content of the postliberal demands that Indian movements

is only an overview, however, have placed on the political agenda. This and not a full description of the complex and diverse de indigenous meant to be illustrative of the highly the region. It is mands throughout contested terms of contemporary politics in the region.

The Latin this third wave of nation


movements have and started that was that has that have to emerged with the project challenge with nine in Latin inscribed


indigenous of democratization and liberal


assimilation parties

associated been


31 inNicaragua in the 1980s, as theMiskitu Ethnie cleavages were also politicized demanded, strug occurred, however, during the revolutionary gled for, and achieved autonomy. This politicization decade headed by the Sandinistas?a very different historical and political context from the shifting regimes in the rest of the region. See Charles R. Hale, Resistance and Contradiction: Miskitu citizenship Indians and the State, 1894-1987 (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1994). Nicaraguan 32 See IrisMarion Young, "Polity and Group Difference: A Critique of the Ideal of Universal Citi profess to represent all individuals zenship," in Beiner (fn. 5). Young argues that liberal democracies over others. She calls for a differentiated form of equally but, in fact, privilege certain dominant voices one in which social groups are granted spaces for representation, and voice. citizenship, participation, not necessarily read Young, their claims in fact While indigenous peoples have parallel hers when they indicate that Indians should gain additional and different rights alongside individual ones. 33 have tended to about politics in advanced industrial democracies Parallel theoretical discussions refer to this challenge as the "multicultural" challenge.

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American gaged attacks in constitutions nation-building since


a policy that legitimated the assimilation of indigenous peoples and

on tury liberal communal indigenous Latin American ideas, on nineteenth-cen lands. Building constitutions during both corporatist

then. Nineteenth-century liberals en to create national that unity? sought projects

and neoliberal citizenship regimes have codified national identities as the basis for political membership. Confronted with diverse ethnic
states have populations, promoted tained labor markets that were achieve forge this national them. ideal. Where national In this regard, assimilation?even segmented nationals politicians along did not while ethnic they main lines?to

exist, they would have and constitutions

either assumed ethnic homogeneity or disregarded the political salience of ethnic diversity.
Contemporary very presence movements both claims. Their indigenous challenge undermines claims of ethnic universality. Indeed, data on

indigenous populations highlight how unsuccessful assimilation and nation-building projects have been in the long term. Certainly indige
nous populations Indians, however, have suffered a decline in absolute and relative terms. still constitute a substantial portion of the national

in Bolivia (71.2 percent), Ecuador (37.5 percent), populations Guatemala (60.3 percent), Mexico (12.4 percent), and Peru (38.6 per
in the rest of the region.34 Indeed, these smaller percentages are testament to the failure of nation-building percentages projects commu to the capacity of indigenous since the nineteenth century and cent), with nities at structures and identities community indigenous were these identities nursed and discussed, developed to at the local level, even during the corporatist period that attempted convert Indians into peasant nationals. the local level. As With democratization and the turn to neoliberal Guatemala, constitutional composition movements inMexico, have demanded citizenship Bo Colombia, reforms recog to maintain

regimes, indigenous and Brazil livia, Ecuador, the multiethnic and plurinational nizing

of their countries.

These demands highlight the endurance of many ethnic communities (evenwhile the content of those identities has surely changed) despite
movements projects. As part of this effort, indigenous nation-building to norms, in the inter have appealed and laws, organizations operating states have Latin American national arena.35 In particular, lobbied they
34 Yashar (fh. 2,1996). These figures should be read with caution given the problems of data collec tion and measurement. 35 in Indian Rights and International Politics in Latin America," Alison Brysk, "Acting Globally: into Strength: The Internationalization of Indian Rights," Van Cott (fn. 2); idem, "Turning Weakness

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to ratify the International Labour Organization (ILO) Convention 169 on Indigenous andTribal Peoples in Independent Countries. Conven tion 169 outlines the rights of indigenous peoples and the responsibil
ities of multiethnic to recognize ethnic states toward them. At where aminimum, states had it calls on states advanced national heterogeneity

ist aspirations of mestizo homogeneity. The following Latin American states have ratified ILO Conventionl69: Mexico (1990), Bolivia (1991), Colombia (1991), Costa Rica (1993), Peru (1994), Paraguay (1994), Honduras (1995), Guatemala (1996), and Ecuador (1998).36 Ratifica
amechanism constitutional reforms to ac tion provides for advocating not it be should diverse commodate necessarily ethnically populations; seen as a to secession.37 prelude states have yet to live up to the terms of these Latin American While are to discuss amend constitutional the convention, they beginning ments of each and pluricultural the multiethnic that recognize makeup

country, as inMexico

(1992), Bolivia (1994), and Ecuador (1998).38


peo important symbolic victory for indigenous to the of national who have worked unity. Indeed, change myths ples in some Latin Amer of ethnic heterogeneity constitutional recognition

are an

ican states has opened up possibilities to discuss and debate other kinds
of democratic ulation, electoral institutions ethnic that can accommodate about political a diverse ethnic pop including institutions, discussions consociationalism, parties, federalism, identity-based and the like.39


Unit Homogeneity40

is the first step toward mak for multicultural demand recognition cannot be reduced to individual identi claims that Indian cultures ing would have ties and rights, as neoliberal it, but in regimes citizenship

no. 2 (1996); and Franke Wilmer, The Indigenous Voice inWorld Politics Perspectives 23, (Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage Press, 1993). As these authors note, the international arena has provided a new discourse, about indigenous that have often shaped debates funds, and forums rights. 36 countries have ratified Convention Thirteen 169, and Norway. Fiji, the Netherlands, including Denmark, 37 has elicited of multiethnic and plurinational The call for constitutional populations recognition vitriolic reactions from some politicians. they fear that this recognition of different "peo Specifically, to appeal to UN laws that sanction the right of all peoples ples" will provide Indians with the leverage to their own state. to self-determination and, by implication, 38 1999 Guatemalan referendum the voting population Dandier (18 percent of (fn. 30). In aMay the eligible electorate) rejected these proposed reforms. 39 in Plural Societies: A Comparative Exploration See Arend Lijphart, Democracy (New Haven: Yale "The Consociational Theme," World Politics 26 Press, 1977); Hans Daalder, Democracy University World Politics 50 (October and Consociationalism," "Lijphart, Lakatos, (July 1974); Ian S. Lustick, (fn. 3). 1997); and Horowitz 40 It is not and intermediation. "Unit homogeneity" refers here to the unit of political representation meant to evoke the standard meaning of the term used by methodologists. Latin American

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POSTLIBERAL fact rest on primary




and collective

rights. Accordingly, indigenous the effort to homogenize and individualize litical Latin geneity. representation American As and intermediation. constitutions whereas Latin have


sets of identities, and organizations, have started to challenge the appropriate to assume once unit unit of po homo


noted, regimes privileged now forms of interest indi intermediation, corporatist they privilege as the current neoliberal viduals unit. With the primary citizenship have contended that the central regimes, Latin American politicians


political unit is and should be the individual.The individual chooses to

vote, to in organizations, and to hold join political parties, participate accountable. In is the individual the foundational short, government to

unit of rights and responsibilities in a polity presumed to be moving to

ward about nate a more liberal equalizing engaged and torture and, to that end, advocate paying closer at repression to the rule of law. In a context where tention dissidents were killed or democracy. Policymakers treatment before a state that have voiced concern in indiscrimi

were excluded and/or repressed, and regions jailed, indigenous people were controlled a set local the call for of norms bosses, by universalizing to protect and institutions is an individuals normative step important toward democracy. deepening


the democratizing
it is striking that


of neoliberal
and women

are cautious

about the drive to promote the individual as the primary political unit
of democracy. Where the dominant discourse suggests the ad political vance of individual communities often foresee an in rights, indigenous on resources. and Because autonomy fringement indigenous indigenous communities have rarely experienced the full complement of civil and reason liberal democracy, political rights associated with they have little now. To the contrary, see the of neoliberal promises promotion they on social as an (versus corporatist) citizenship regimes infringement once enabled to act as autonomous that communities. them rights Confronted digenous between community with this shift have movements citizenship into brought celebration Indigenous in in contemporary the tense interplay of the individual and indigenous regimes, sharp relief generally argue that the


to believe that neoliberal citizenship regimes will necessarily fulfill their

the contemporary practices.41


41 sobre los derechos individuales y colectivos: Los derechos ?tni See Enrique Mayer, "Reflexiones "Los derechos cos," and Rodolfo Stavenhagen, ind?genas: Algunos problemas conceptuales," both in Eric Hershberg and Elizabeth Jel?n, eds., Construir la democracia: Derechos humanos, ciudadan?a y so ciedad enAm?rica Latina (Caracas: Nueva Sociedad, 1996).

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individual should not be the only unit of representation, nor should it be privileged. They demand that the state uphold equal rights and re
sponsibilities should for Indians as individuals and in this sense are

the fulfillment of liberal ideals. But they argue aswell that the state
as a communities recognize indigenous historically prior and autonomous and autonomy. jurisdiction, sphere of political rights, or These demands from for call the range community supracommunity autonomy ministries. two If we to the call for in and designated representation legislatures new The Colombian for example, has allocated constitution, seats in the national for legislature indigenous representatives. look at a series of indigenous movements inMexico (EZLN),



Guatemala (COMG), Ecuador (CONAIE), Bolivia (CIDOBand CSUTCB), we find that their strategies have differed. In some and Peru (AIDESEP),
cases they have taken up arms (Mexico); in others for new they have laws that organized

marches for recognition (Ecuador and Bolivia); in others they have ne

gotiated directly with communities (Mexico, recognize Guatemala, Bolivia); they have used existing administrative laws that map out local political units to secure a de facto space inwhich can communities indigenous indirectly and in others demanding that the state simultaneously protect members' the government

act as a political unit (Peru). But despite these differences, we find each individual civil and political rights and recognize indigenous commu

movement nities as a


is forcefully in several articulated political unit. This position as as in well interviews with leaders from each documents,42 of the movements.43 At present this issue of and peoples indigenous as versus com their political individuals representation/participation

munities is being hotly debated and negotiated throughout the region.44

un nuestro (fn. 28), 11-12; COMG, Construyendo futuro para pasado: Derechos del pueblo 1995); Servicios del Pueblo Mixe, A.C., maya y elproceso de paz (Guatemala City: Editorial Cholsamaj, "Autonom?a, una forma concreta de ejercicio del derecho a la libre determinaci?n y sus alcances," Chi ERA, S.A. de C.V., 1996). apas 2 (Mexico City: Ediciones 43 statements were made in 1997 author interviews with These leaders: from Peru, with indigenous Evaristo Nukguaj and Bonifacio Cruz Alanguia; from Bolivia, with Marcial Fabricano and Rom?n Loayza; and from Ecuador, with Luis Macas, Leonardo Viteri, C?sar Cerdas, and Valerio Grefa. Sim ilar statements were made in an author interview in the United States with Guatemalans Manuela Al and Juanita Bazibal Tujal, May 3,1998. varado, Alberto Mazariegos, 44 For normative debates in political science on the topic of individual and group rights, seeWill Cultures (Oxford: Oxford University ed., The Rights of Press, 1995); and Ian Kymlicka, Minority Shapiro andWill Kymlicka, eds., Ethnicity and Group Rights 39, Yearbook of the American Society for Political and Legal Philosophy stud (New York: New York University Press, 1997). Democratization ies of Latin America have generally ignored the liberal-communitarian debate that speaks to the philo of ethnic diversity and democratic sophical foundations representation. These debates, however, raise the question of the central unit of political life. They have also discussed whether in fact communities should be granted special (i.e., different) rights by virtue of being a community. There have been efforts to conjoin these seemingly for example, by Kymlicka, and "Introduction," opposite positions, Cultures. The authors Kukathas, "AreThere Any Cultural Rights?" in Kymlicka, The Rights of Minority

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Many mative indigenous

movements about


have also started to challenge basic nor of universal administrative the assumptions desirability boundaries. state-formation that have sought to cen Rejecting projects or to a tralize decentralize institutions single blue according political movements the have demanded indigenous print, throughout region that the state indigenous to that are unique administrative boundaries recognize to not In this regard, it is promote munic peoples. enough as a means of increas and accountability decentralization,

ipalization, of local and transparency accountability, ing the representation, are the de To governments. contrary, indigenous increasingly peoples or that the state recognize territorial boundaries (even, partic manding or cut across in where boundaries) ularly, they municipal provincial are which social relations systems regulated by indigenous authority are law. In other words, that a differenti and customary arguing they

ated citizenship
boundaries.45 Demands

should coincide with differentiated

autonomy are growing

the Ama

for territorial


zon. Although

the state historically had been weak there, it is currently

to penetrate more into these areas, privatize land mar seeking deeply In 1991 Constituent and social relations. the Colombian kets, regulate terri for example, Indians negotiated reforms that granted Assembly, autonomy.46 political map with torial In Ecuador OPIP placed territorial demands march on the from the thirteen-day, two-thousand-person

Puyo to Quito in 1992. The government eventually conceded 19 dif ferent territorial blocs that totaled 138 legally recognized communities and 1,115,000 hectares.47 In Bolivia the main Amazonian indigenous
both individual liberal rights and com for how to institutionalize fail, however, to provide guidelines to state munitarian plays in balanc rights. Because they fail problematize sufficiently the role that the a form of that includes communities when demand autonomy ing these goals? political particularly resonates only loosely with the normative discussion alternative juridical and authority systems?their cases of democratization. empirical 45 to de Young (fn. 32) introduces the term "differentiated citizenship." References country-specific mands for differentiated administrative boundaries follow. For a comparative overview of the current state of legal pluralism and autonomy regimes, see Dandier (fn. 30); Donna Lee Van Cott, The Friendly in Latin America of Pitts (Pittsburgh, Pa.: University of the Past: The Politics ofDiversity Liquidation in Latin America" idem, "Explaining Ethnic Autonomy (Manu Regimes burgh Press, forthcoming); States of the Latin Law and the Nation Addison Smith, "Indigenous script, 1999); and Michael of Texas, School of Law and the Mexican American Center, April Region" (Manuscript, University Clavero, Derecho ind?gena y cultura constitucional enAm?rica (Mexico: Siglo Vein of and 1999); and idem, "A Political Analysis 1994), 187-89; Van Cott (fn. 45, forthcoming in Bolivia and Colombia," Journal ofLatin American Studies (forthcoming). Pluralism Legal 47 Two author interviews each, in Ecuador, with Leonardo Viteri, C?sar Cerdas, and Gonzalo Ortiz Crespo between February and May 1997. tiuno, 20,1999). 46 See Bartolom?

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94 organizations have

also won territorial autonomy.48 Demands were first

articulated during the 1990March forTerritory andDignity, organized The president responded by issuing presidential decrees that by CPIB. recognized four indigenous territories. In 1996 the government finally
passed a new agrarian reform that provided indigenous communities of indige seven dis

with the legal basis for appealing for territorial recognition?including

the right to vast expanses of land and the political autonomy nous authorities. state had 1997 the By August recognized tinct territories 2.6 million and it was hectares, totaling thirty-four Beyond nition of more demands the Amazon indigenous there

processing hectares.49 totaling about 20 million as well, for state recog there are now demands as autonomous communities units, politically is a push to recognize, reconstitute, and/or reg

challenging the hegemonic idea of administrative homogeneity. In Bo

livia, in particular,

ister ayllus (communal kinship organizations)

that dot the Andean

this recognition The reform law makes 1997 agrarian countryside.50 as In Ecuador this is possible.51 public discussion incipient, indigenous movements to engage and nongovernmental have started organizations to in dialogue and initiate and/or reconstitute systems strengthen projects of elders that have receded in importance over the years.52 Mexico and

48 1997 author interviews with indigenous leaders Marcial Fabricano and Ernesto Noe May^-August at CIDDEBENI, and with lawyer Carlos of CIDOB, with researchers Zulehma Lehm andWilder Molina and Armando God?nez, Romero Bonifaz of CEJIS. See Kitula Libermann eds., Territorio y dignidad: Pueblos ind?genas y medio ambiente en Bolivia (La Paz: ILDIS and Editorial Nueva Sociedad, 1992); and Carlos Navia Ribera, Reconocimiento, demarcaci?n y en Bolivia, no. 34 (Trindad, Bolivia: Working Paper Desarrollo del Beni, July 1996); Wilder M. Molina, texto del proceso de consolidaci?n de lamovilizaci?n laDignidad (1987-1990)" (Manuscript, Centro de control de territorios ind?genas: situaci?n y experiencias Centro de Investigaci?n y Documentaci?n para el "El movimiento social ind?gena del Beni en el con

Marcha por el Territorio y intercomunal hasta la para el Desarrollo Investigaci?n y Documentaci?n del Beni, Trinidad, Bolivia, 1997); and Van Cott (fn. 45, forthcoming and 1999, and fn. 46). 49 interviews conducted in Bolivia with Isabel Lavadenz, former national director of the Na Author tional Institute of Agrarian Reform, and Jorge Mu?oz, researcher at UDAPSO, 1997. See also Jorge A. Mu?oz and Isabel Lavadenz, the Agrarian Reform in Bolivia" "Reforming (Paper prepared for HIID/UDAPSO and presented in Cambridge, Mass., and La Paz, Bolivia, 1997). over discontinuous land bases, in contrast to Western ideas of state 50Ayllus often claim sovereignty areas coincide with a that continuous that generally assume/advocate formation single political ad ministration. 51 1997 with former Aymaran in Bolivia between May and August interviews conducted Author and Ram?n Conde, Maria Eugenia Choque Quispe, leader Constantino Lima; Carlos Mamani, at THOA; and Ricardo Calla, former-director of TAYPI. See Sergio Molina and researcher-activists e In Iv?n Arias, De la naci?n clandestina a la participaci?n popular (La Paz: Centro de Documentaci?n formaci?n CEDOIN, 1996); Xavier Albo and Ayllu Sarta?ani, "Participaci?n popular en tierra de ayl the State in Rural Bolivia" lus," in David Booth, ed., "Popular Participation: Democratising (Manuscript). 52 in Ecuador interviews conducted Author ers Jos? Mar?a Cabascango, Luis Maldonado, between February and Luis Macas. and May 1997 with indigenous lead

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or have seen separate efforts to negotiate autonomy proclaim on either side of the border.53 for the Mayan populations residing are assert movements the Americas Hence, throughout indigenous a certain to new administrative that their have ing right degree spheres at the local level. This ismore of political than just a call for autonomy


a core of the demand. that is certainly land, although component it is a demand that the state recognize Rather, indigenous ju political and authorities fied to process would and adjudicate coincide with claims. some In this regard, diversi form of legal pluralism. and decen over

risdiction over that land, including the right of indigenous legal systems
state structures


calls might

support federalism and/or decentralization but

one or the other.54 Federalism local is sovereignty an important degree of that an entire country will

be reduced

to either

to grant greater local tralization designed assume and decentralization sues; federalism administrative homogeneity. Each assumes

be defined by federal and/or municipal administrative boundaries. Each administrative unit (whether the state and/or the municipality) ideally
governs with eral/national support ticipation Bolivia,

the same understanding and local jurisdiction. idea insofar electors as it

of the dividing

line between



as both

organizations Many indigenous additional entry points for par provides and elected. And indeed, with decentraliza

tion, the level of indigenous participation

for example, for local the number of elected

in elections has grown; in

indigenous officials has in

Demands ministrative Indigenous historically tles them

however, autonomy, actually in decentralization entailed homogeneity assert that their collective organizations prior to special to the formation

the ad challenge and federalism. is

identity?which state?enti of each Latin American

that crosscut, and are dis transcend, jurisdictions state want not tinct from homogenous administrative boundaries. They more for In local autonomy but also more expansive jurisdiction only
53 see Ojarasca, no. 45 and Guatemala, For examples of autonomy debates inMexico (August-No "La rebeli?n de los m?s peque?os: Los Zapatistas y la autonom?a" 1995); H?ctor D?az-Polanco, Peace Ac 3, no. 1 (1997); the 1996 Guatemalan (Manuscript); journal ofLatin American Anthropology cords; the 1995 Guatemalan Acuerdo sobre identitady derechos de lospueblos ind?genas-, and Rachel Sieder, ed., Guatemala after the Peace Accords (London: Institute of Latin American Studies, 1998). 54 see Ruth For the differences between territorial autonomy, federalism, and decentralization, Lapi States Institute of D.C.: United doth, Autonomy: Flexible Solutions to Ethnic Conflict (Washington, Peace Press, 1996), 50-52. 55 de Desarrollo Humano, de Participaci?n Secretar?a Nacional See Ministerio Popular, Ind?genas en de Editorial Offset Boliviana, 1997); and Van Cott (fn. 45, forthcom elpoder local'(La Paz:Talleres ing, and fn. 46). vember

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96 dian much communities?an more restrictive

arrangement vis-?-vis that would not necessarily be ac re

corded nonindigenous communities, whose

the federal

local jurisdiction might be

or national state. Hence,

gardless of whether

a country is defined by federal units, indigenous

are that the state recognize political and juridical demanding are com that and administered spaces by indigenous primarily occupied in fact result in a more multilayered munities. would These proposals one that would of the polity, the state, and its citizens, pro conception are not demands mote and autonomy inclusion These simultaneously. in multiethnic for secession but for institutional settings. pluralism The Local postliberal autonomy recognition the means of local is no panacea. however, agenda for local autonomy, at the local level.56 could tend toward illiberal politics of local autonomy could provide traditional authorities to carve life within out their own fiefdoms with few outside ofthat the democra inhibiting power?thereby communities. tradi Moreover, indigenous

The with

checks tization tional

on the exercise

in society could groups indigenous disadvantage practices access re to and nonindigenous their voice, ?limiting indigenous and individual that their concerns sources, autonomy?by charging of local autonomy and tradition. Women in threatened the sanctity

particular have historically been excluded from public political spheres, where the male head of household often speaks for the family unit,
where women and where increase are often battered denied women vices, the community. neously erance access to education and social ser equal often have little legal recourse within the postliberal could simulta challenge local tol (a liberal good) and decrease pose a postliberal unit challenge. They

Consequently, local autonomy

(an illiberal outcome). movements In short, indigenous constitute

challenge the homogenizing


assumptions that suggest that individuals

political and that adminis

the primary

trative boundaries

and jurisdictions

should be uniformly


more a country. And differentiated they call instead for throughout ones that and political forms of citizenship boundaries, grant individu but that also grant collective als rights as citizens rights and political at in constitutional the local level. Finally, autonomy calling for the and multicultural the of pluriethnic states, they challenge recognition or otherwise) to a should correspond idea that the state (democratic claims of nation. In this regard, they challenge homogeneous presumed
56 The Federalist Papers raise parallel concerns about the power of factions in small pure democracies, see The Federalist in the essays by James Madison; Papers, selected and ed. Roy P. Fairfield Press, 1981), no. 10. Johns Hopkins University

particularly (Baltimore:

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ethnonational homogeneity and assert the political salience

of ethnic

diversity. By advocating a differentiated kind of citizenship, they are

pushing to redefine democratic institutions in dramatic ways.

By problematizing forces to the new

for Studying
the reach democratic

state and


of the

period, movements political flux. Indigenous are damental that Latin Americas democracies beginning challenges are s new (or will need) to tackle. They regimes forcing Latin America to confront to ad the limited reach of prior rounds of state formation, dress

the response of social a situation in depicts and postliberal fun agendas pose this article

the indeterminacy of the current round of democratic institution new democracies to consider states and how reform building, might more to accommodate units, and effectively plural identities, political context states are administrative Within this heterogeneity. debating constitutional territorial autonomy, reforms, decentralization, legal plu contested and unfolding

ralism, and the like.These are critical, ongoing debates that highlight a

that in years to come process?one political could possibly states, citizenship and, by extension, regimes, redesign in which is the ways while Latin Ameri democracy practiced. Hence, can countries have to itwould the transition made be democracy, largely to states difficult the and societies that argue that these regimes?and them?are undergird It is striking then rary Latin America tion in third-wave sense of the word. in any meaningful wave o? on contempo theorizing has been so eager to explain democratic consolida core democracies. The of these recent studies has set consolidated that a substantial

versus successes out to in democratic consolidation and explain failures on and almost has focused gov contemporary exclusively increasingly are in," as Ames has remarked.58 ernmental "Institutions institutions.57 recent and studies assume dominant institutional These increasingly can ensure structures institutions that democratic and their incentive regime consolidation. With government institutions as the primary

57 The initial trend in democratic consolidation studies did not necessarily adopt this institutional focus. Notable Guillermo O'Donnell, and J. Samuel Valenzuela, examples include Scott Mainwaring, eds., Issues inDemocratic Consolidation: The New South American Democracies in Comparative Perspective Ind.: University and Richard G?nther, of Notre Dame Press, 1992); John Higley (Notre Dame, eds., Elites and Democratic Consolidation in Latin America and Southern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni versity Press, 1992); and Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan, Problems ofDemocratic Transition and Consol idation: Southern Europe, South America, and Post-Communist (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Europe Press, 1996). University 58 to the Study of Institutions in Latin American Politics," Latin Ameri Barry Ames, "Approaches can Research Review 34, no. 1 (1999), 221.

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98 focus, these scholars have



revived important theoretical discussions and versus of constitutional empirical design, presidentialism comparisons how to tin and electoral models.59 investigate They parliamentarism, ker with in order to make them more stable institutions government and enduring. To explain democratic consolidation these comparative in in which studies have emphasized the ways different governmental or court is stitutions accommodate conflict. The assumption political that The the same institutional or breakdown model across should cases consolidation engender and across either time. democratic

are questions design posed by these authors about institutional and the argu salient; the research is increasingly systematic; politically are often ments In there have been this provocative. regard, significant advances tional as Latin Americanists more design in which democratic on national seriously institutions to take governmental and to delineate than previously begin have combined institu the ways in enduring ways. By the they have underscored can construct. These newly

focusing different

the rules they provide interaction and make politics and regulations that seek to order political more institutions and predictable. Governmental matter, transparent interaction. of political therefore, for the formal locus and direction But the current institutional consolidation stud trend in democratic too and analytically the lit sanguine. Conceptually, conceptually erature defines democratic in narrow, dichotomous, consolidation and an terms that context that is misrepresent empirical largely ideological is narrow insofar and nuanced.60 The much more open-ended concept as as democratic is understood consolidation the absence of regime two consecutive held elec and breakdown democratically following ies is
59 There are scores of volumes and articles that explore this theme. See, in particular, Juan J. Linz, "The Perils of Presidentialism," Journal ofDemocracy 1 (Winter 1990); Matthew Soberg Shugart and John M. Carey, Presidents and Assemblies: Constitutional Design and Electoral Dynamics (Cambridge: eds., The Failure of Presiden Press, 1992); Juan J. Linz and Arturo Valenzuela, Cambridge University tial Democracy: The Case of Latin America, vol. 2 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994); in New Democracies: Eastern Europe Arend Lijphart and Carlos H. Waisman, eds., Institutional Design and Latin America and Matthew (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1996); Scott Mainwaring Soberg in Latin America and Democracy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Shugart, eds., Presidentialism and Democratic Frameworks Con Press, 1997); and Alfred Stepan and Cindy Skach, "Constitutional versus Presidentialism," World Politics 46 (October 1993). solidation: Parliamentarism 60 Consolida "Illusions about Democratic Similar arguments are made by Guillermo O'Donnell, in New Democracies," tion," fournal ofDemocracy 7 (April 1996); idem, "Horizontal Accountability inMet and James Malloy, "Introduction," Journal ofDemocracy 9 (July 1998); Kurt von Mettenheim of Pitts tenheim and Malloy, eds., Deepening Democracy in Latin America (Pittsburgh, Pa.: University and Some Broad Comparisons burgh Press, 1998); Ben Ross Schneider, "Democratic Consolidations: Latin American Research Review 30, no. 2 (1995), 216, 219, 220, 231; David Sweeping Arguments," Consolidation," Becker, "Latin America: Beyond Democratic Journal ofDemocracy 20 (April 1999), 139.

institutions, political of that types democracy politicians not least because matter institutions constructed

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or no that define characteristics tions. However, identify particular are democratic This places scholars of consolidation actually delineated. on since they can only identify democratic consolidation shaky ground,

the dependent variable by thefailure of the given regime to function;

this concept leaves no circularity. Moreover, conceptual cases for ambiguity, in and contestation?as where contradiction, are held institu elections where but democratic norms, consecutively are not in or in cases where re national tions, and practices operation this borders room shelter illiberal and authoritarian and ideological local enclaves. the concept Indeed, of consolidation belies s a on

forms intended to promote liberal democracy (such as decentralization)

dichotomous characterization

significant degree of social and political flux (evidenced by the postlib eral challenge) that does not fit into this dual way of thinking about de
mocracy or the conditions under which it is likely to endure. The

concept assumes a kind of fixity and homogeneity that begs the broader
of how institutions fonction, how social actors adapt to these questions actors and conditions which institutions, encourage (newly) mobilized assumes to support, institutions. It and/or subvert democratic sidestep, a as an earlier literature on political endpoint, much political develop ment much dictory norms, assumed cases a political terminus.61 American comparatively the term "consolidation" processes the Latin Yet when analyzing and on the ground, one is struck by how obscures and often contra the multiple in the region s new on democracies?

that are occurring

some of which

deepen and others of which undermine democratic

low-intensity in the new accountability work

and institutions. O'Donnells practices, and on the absence of horizontal citizenship raises similar concerns.62 This


of conceptualizing the dependent variable, democratic problem is exacerbated of certain in consolidation, by the analytical privileging over others. The democratic variables consolidation litera dependent ture maintains a generally institutions?governmental institutions governmental By analyzing bias their alone, these studies unsurprisingly variable and miss or gloss over the ways of the dependent observation in which other independent such as states and socialforces, can variables, on the to consolidate different aspects of democracy. impinge capacity
as an 611 thank Atul Kohli for highlighting how this plea to move away from consolidation analyt ical concept parallels Huntingtons classic argument about the need to move away from ideological Samuel P. Huntington, and analyzing political development. and homogenizing ways of conceptualizing to Change," in Roy C. Macridis and Bernard E. Brown, eds., Comparative Politics: Notes "The Change and Readings (Chicago: Dorsey Press, 1986). 62 See O'Donnell (fnn. 1 and 60,1998).

singular focus and electoral

on a narrow institutions.

set of political

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This narrow analytic

focus on

rests on an institutions governmental in state capacity and unstated but pervasive that variation assumption assumes not matter outcomes. It does for that states legitimacy regime are as institutions and national such, can and, homogenized, capable, in which and do provide institu the political infrastructure democratic on tions can function. As a result these scholars focus their attention institutions in major the presence and performance of governmental a national cities alone, and their work consequently projects descriptive is in of that fact institutional and democratic practices only picture

urban in scope. By definition, this kind of comparative analysis of gov

over the institutions institutionalized and glosses unevenly are terms to states of the Latin American contested that work presumed in the service of these new government institutions. It sidesteps the de ernmental gree to which state institutions ables) differentially shape, outside of urban centers, as demonstrated by circumstances giving rise one uneven to the reach Once the postliberal acknowledges challenge. one is at least to con terms of the state, however, and contested obliged sider how regimes can possibly "consolidate" the political institutions, in the and norms of democracy practices, as Linz and in their have Stepan argued the consolidation, analysis of democratic tual states cannot bode well for the future The tion well. narrow focus absence more of capable states. For nuanced sociologically unevenness and frailty of ac of democracy.63 of the democratic has other these new consolida drawbacks institutions social forces. as in It or vari (as independent intervening monitor social behavior and/or regulate,

analytic increasingly on literature institutions governmental in which It slights analysis of the ways

teract with, constrain and/or engender, (emerging) tends to assume the relevant actors and how they will


So too

In contrast to the great majority of consolidation studies, Linz and Stepan (fn. 57) do question I call the weak reach of how varied types of states might consolidate or undermine democracy. What the state they refer to as the problem of usable bureaucracies, neither of which bodes well for demo cannot consolidate cratic consolidation. They also contend, among other things, that democracies over international to mean where there is a "stateness" problem, which (rather than they take disputes (who can be a citizen rather than what citizenship internal) state boundaries and national membership no stateness to this definition, might entail). According they argue, there is problem in Latin America assume away the national question in Latin (p. 16). Indeed, these authors conclude this because they America?one they find very prevalent in their other cases. Yet while national conflicts in Eastern Eu to make states and (presumed) nations coincide, in Latin America rope have emerged they have as we have seen. to force states to recognize the multiethnic emerged diversity of its citizens, 64 A notable few of these institutional studies (i.e., Mainwaring and Shugart, fn. 59) do analyze so cial support by established political actors and urban social groups. They are concerned with the ways to elicit support, build coalitions, and wresde in which institutional enable politicians arrangements with engender policy questions without centralizing power in the hands of the executive and without to and how these ing legislative paralysis. But these studies overwhelmingly neglect analyze whether

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to assume itwould be hard to make the preferences.65 However, define institutions determine relevant that government the actors, as intended. In social allegiance the preferences, and command exactly can state how reforms this article has deed, unintentionally highlighted new social actors who may sup new and mobilize cleavages politicize or resist new democratic institutions. Latin Americas increasingly port case vocal indigenous movements larly important democracies.66 been which examples The democratic to these are and the postliberal challenge particu new terms of Latin Americas of the contested consolidation has literature, however, it assumes because precisely

developments, their preferences are, and how they important, what the (new) actors and pref will behave, rather than also problematizing erences these that have emerged. In assuming away ethnic cleavages, new ethnic move or the underestimated studies have missed perhaps ments the that underpin the very state institutions that are challenging The failure liberal foundations of contemporary democracy. presumed states as to (new) social forces is unfortunate, they interact with analyze can function to institutions democratic which for it is difficult explain to which institutions these the and endure without analyzing degree

impervious actors are

(and the state) determine political behavior and/or command organized

areas institutions incorporate and sustain social support beyond traditional forces and beyond capital so on the institutions as that are constructed and so little on whether closely areas?focusing they do or actors and groups outside of the state. these institutions will be maintained disrupted by social 65 Ames (fn. 58) also makes this point (p. 234). 66 and poor people's movements, where they exist, have also Black movements, women's movements, demanded equal inclusion and greater access to state resources in Latin America's democratic regimes. in many instances institutions in Latin America the failure of democratic Their emergence highlights to incorporate Unlike the indigenous move been marginalized. social sectors that have historically ments discussed in most cases do not necessarily challenge the in this article, however, their demands institutions and state formation as much as demand an and terms of liberal democratic assumptions to note that these movements, in contrast to the re equal footing in the regime. It is also important democratic in strength during the contemporary have declined regimes gion's indigenous movements, see fn. 4. on the as political stage. On black movements, political parties displace and/or absorb them see Sonia E. Alvarez, in inBrazil: Women's Movements On women's movements, Engendering Democracy Transition Politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990); Jane S. Jaquette, ed., The Women's and Democracy, 2d ed. (Boulder, Colo.: Westview in Latin America: Participation Press, and and Development: 1994); Amy Conger Lind, "Power, Gender, Organizations Popular Women's in Ecuador," inArturo Escobar and Sonia E. Alvarez, eds., The Making the Politics of Needs of Social in Latin America: Identity, Strategy, and Democracy (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Movements Press, 1992); and Jane S. Jaquette and Sharon L. Wolchik, eds., Women and Democracy: Latin America and Central and Eastern Europe (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998). On poor people's movements, see Robert and Democracy in Rio de Janeiro: A Tale ofTwo Favelas (Philadel Gay, Popular Organization Press, 1994); Philip D. Oxhorn, Organizing Civil Society: The Popular Sectors phia: Temple University and the Struggle for Democracy in Chile (University Park, Pa.: Penn State University Press, 1995); Cathy Lisa Schneider, Shantytown Protest in Pinochet's Chile (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1995); and the State in Peru (Berkeley: University and Susan S. Stokes, Cultures in Conflict: Social Movements Movement of California Press, 1995).

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102 social back

Once we integrate support/apathy/opposition.67 we are reminded into the contemporary picture, do not operate exactly across cases.68 similarly as planned, state and society that governmen

tal institutions

nor do necessar they

and analytical discussion that the focus on suggests is "democratic consolidation" in new democra misplaced?particularly a new cies.69 Rather, we should develop research agenda that conceptual more this ideological variable with replaces dependent conceptually and analytically variable would institutional nuanced studies the varied o? democratic identify scope, depth, and practices.70 The task would norms, reforms, political in the existing outcomes, the variation rather than assum democratic that have or have not regimes endpoint that many contemporary consolidation to make). This more broadly conceived would studies analysis a set and generate dynamic consequential about the uneven and often contradictory The dependent politics. and blend of democratic

ily operate This conceptual

be to explain a ing golden reached (an assumption tend characteristically of democratic of research politics questions

67 how emerging social forces (particularly in the countryside) Indeed, the failure to problematize contest the process of the analytic narrative and causal argu institutionalizing democracy weakens ments in democratic consolidation studies. This is because regime endurance (the dependent variable in consolidation linked to the politics of the countryside. A substantial com studies) is fundamentally parative historical literature has argued and illustrated how regime endurance requires states to secure studies have taken institutions seriously, but control, if not command loyalty, of the countryside. These the process of building institutions and of cultivating the social forces they have also problematized that could support those institutions. The failure of contemporary democratic consolidation studies to institu incorporate this central insight curtails the power of their arguments about the links between tions and regime endurance. See Barrington Moore, and Democracy: Jr., Social Origins ofDictatorship Lord and Peasant in the Modern World (Boston: Beacon Press, 1966); Samuel P. Hunt Making of the Press, 1986); Theda Skocpol, ington, Political Order in Changing Societies (New Haven: Yale University States and Social Revolutions: A Comparative Analysis ofFrance, Russia,and China (Cambridge: Cam R. Scully, Rethinking the Center: Press, 1979); Collier and Collier (fn. 8); Timothy bridge University and Twentieth-Century Chile (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, Party Politics inNineteenthStructure and Political Power: Landlord and and Frank Safford, eds., Agrarian 1992); Evelyne Huber Peasant in the of Pittsburgh Press, 1995); Debo Making of Latin America (Pittsburgh, Pa.: University rah J. Yashar, Demanding Democracy: Reform and Reaction in Costa Rica and Guatemala, 1870s?1950s of Rural D? (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1997); Jonathan Fox, ed., The Challenge mocratisation: from Latin American and the Philippines,/owrwo/ Studies, Perspectives ofDevelopment "The Populist Road toMarket Reform: Policy special issue, 26 (July 1990); and Edward L. Gibson, and Electoral Coalitions inMexico and Argentina," World Politics 49 (April 1997). 68 It is striking that the democratic literature pays no heed to an earlier institutional consolidation literature on democratic literature that concluded that there is no one stability in divided societies?a model for all societies. 69 For parallel arguments, see fn. 60. 70 of Democracy "The Consolidation and Representation See Philippe C. Schmitter, of Social states (p. 444): "The label Scientist 35 (March-June 1993). Schmitter Groups," American Behavioral a continuous evolution in rules and practices and an extraordinary diversity of institu democracy hides seems to tions." While he does call Schmitter unwilling dispense with the concept of consolidation, new democracies?one for a more disaggregated that would analyze political democracy study of the as a composite of partial and competing regimes. He also calls for studies of the types of democracies that have emerged and notes the importance of accounting for the causal role of emerging associations.

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POSTLIBERAL processes of democratic




scholars to identify, compel at times and patterns analyze, explain contradictory new democracies in Latin Americas in arenas as significant emerging as patterns of par regimes, the rule of law, decentralization, citizenship terms of contentious and the ticipation, politics. to accommo If we need to reconceptualize the dependent variable a more so much date and varied set of democratic outcomes, dynamic a more too we need to evaluate of expanded repertoire independent in our research and our variables Rather than assuming the a writing. we of government should be required to institutions, priori significance and change. the diverse the causal role of these institutions against other factors (in to ascertain the social and the state, forces, if,when, cluding economy) some cases governmen ismost and why a given variable In important. compare

tal institutional design will be found to be the primary factor; in others,

it will be found to be secondary or even inconsequential. rather to hold This scholars process more

of evaluating competing independent variables would be designed not

to lead to more accountable tions of which A How depth, ization) other) how research has and the idiographic and to demand variables agenda rigor in their comparative explana and why. of democratic reopen an older set politics would matter analyses more but

of questions that would

include, but not be limited to, the following:

of democratic reforms affected their scope, sequencing institutionalization? have different countries Why experi impact have they had on new sectoral participation,

mented with different kinds of political reform (for example, decentral

and what been

accountability, and political accommodation? Why

cleavages do we politicized in some

have (ethnic or
but not in


others? Why

do states respond differently tomultiethnic demands and

and the impact of the re explain both the varied responses some have reforms? Why democratic reforms (for ex sulting political reform and the institutionalization of the rule of law) ample, judicial been so elusive, even as others have been widely implemented? What impact, if any, has globalization had on democratic accountability and

In short, rather than assuming institutions that government alone can consolidate to scholars should closer attention how pay democracy, ac and institutionalization of democratic reforms the sequencing, pace, tually affects the depth and scope of democratic

tual shift in foci requires exchanging

approach the interplay between institutional for a more political

a ideological

politics. one



and singularly
that analyzes in state and so

nuanced analytically change and contestation

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104 ciety. While stitutional


more ambitious is than a simple in this approach perhaps that focuses on government institutions alone, it is approach sure to more and terms of about the direction yield dynamic insights in the regions new democracies. Otherwise stated, ifwe are to politics for third-wave the challenges understand that democracies?challenges affect both democratic holy the institutional cannot and endurance?we quality consolidation. grail of democratic search for


Acronyms Peasant







Asociaci?n Inter?tnica de Desarrollo de la Selva Peruana

(Peruvian indigenous organization in the Amazon) in

Ej?rcito Zapatista de Liberaci?n Nacional

(Mexican indigenous organization based Chiapas) in the lowlands)

Confederaci?n Ind?gena del Oriente, Chaco y Amazonia de Bolivia

(Bolivian organization regional indigenous Nacional Confederaci?n Campesina (Mexican national Coordinadora (Amazonian organizations peasant organization) de Organizaciones Ind?genas with organization indigenous countries are partially



la Cuenca



by indigenous participation in the Amazonian located



Consejo de Organizaciones Mayas de Guatemala

(Guatemalan national indigenous organization)

Confederaci?n de Nacionalidades Ind?genas del Ecuador

(Ecuadorian national indigenous organization) based in the Beni)

Central de Pueblos Ind?genas del Beni

(Bolivian Amazonian indigenous organization

Confederaci?n Sindical ?nica de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia

(Bolivian national peasant organization that has incorporated indigenous

demands) OPIP Organizaci?n de Pueblos Ind?genas del Pastaza

(Ecuadorian Amazonian indigenous organization based in Pastaza)

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