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JULIAN THE APOSTATE .

" With Frontispiece. historian of marked research. FISHER UNWIN. in the light of modern ' suited for the general mass of readers of ' the most obscure period of Italian history." " THE LIFE OF MACHIAVELLI.Two Volumes." —Daily Chronicle. "Professor Villari's most recent book is of a kind which It is an attempt by an seems to us to be of great value. London: T. ETC. Demy 8vo. AUTHOR OF "THE LIFE OF SAVONAROLA. j2s. a narrative distinction to write. By Professor PASQUALE VILLARI. . and Maps. Cloth. THE BARBARIAN INVASIONS OF ITALY. ETC.

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11. .Gaetano Negri. Frontispiece to Vol.

FISHER UNWIN PATERNOSTER SQUARE MCMV . LONDON T.dK K THE APOSTATE BY JULIAN GAETANO NEGRI TRANSLATED FROM THE SECOND ITALIAN EDITION BY THE DUCHESS LITTA-VISCONTI-ARESE WITH AN INTRODUCTION By Professor PASQUALE VILLARI ILLUSTRATED VOL. II.

All Rights Reserved .

Administrative Severity — — -321 The Episode of the Bishop George Popular Tumults and the Persecutions of the Christians — The Destruction by Fire of the Temple of Apollo The Exiled Christians recalled Persecution — of Athanasius — The — Bishop of Bostra — The "School Law" Julian's Disillusion . . . . .421 Pegasius Satire — Importance of the Misopogon. The Sovereign and the Man Judgment of Ammianus . . The General Indifference The Misopogon — — The "Case" of — Analysis of the . to strative — Judgment of Gregory—The — The Panegyrics of ConWritings of Julian stantius — The Banquet of Ctzsars — The — Themistius The Exhortation Epistle Sallustius — The Letters Iamblichus — Letters Friends — The Books of George — AdminiReforms — Julian and Eusebia — Julian the to to 471 to l ' and Helena. . .CONTENTS Julian's Action against Christianity Religious Tolerance and .

. ..... ILLUSTRATIONS 633 Gaetano Negri Coin of Constantine the Great Coin of Gratian Coin of Valens .. Index . as in Chris- tianity — Progressive The Condemnation of — — Julian Extenuating and Science Circumstances... — Absence of Doctrinal Apparatus — — Religion and Philosophy — The of Julian — Puritan Polytheism — Julian Civilisation CONTENTS PAGE Retrospective Christianity Glance —The 591 Two Principles of Gnosticism Position — did not understand the Principle of Redemption Lack of Scientific Spirit in him...... „ 421 . Frontispiece Facing page 321 Coin of Theodosius Julian From a Sardonyx Intaglio.....vi Conclusion A ...

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. Coin of Theodosius I.v - we Si ^ . A Coin of Gratian.2t5 Coin of Constantine the Great. To face page 321. Coin of Valens.

sary During these years of neces- young enthusiast. II. after he had been . I that. lay create insuperable difficulties. became ever dissimulation. or even during the time when he represented him in the government of Gaul. who amidst the cares of war and administration never neglected his studies and meditations. and in his desire to save it from the danger °f ardour necessarily becoming more intense because of his inability to But ever remembering his express it openly.- — contrary. he not t?o pains act himself that by any compromise might to< some seen. his faith. his strained relations with Constantius. he naturally concealed his ideas. invading Christianity. because of the suspicion and jealousy of Constantius. and those intentions which he could only accomplish the if he should ever attain all supreme power. more fervently zealous in his love of Hellenism. We have on the VOL.JULIAN THE APOSTATE JULIANS ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY While Julian felt his life in jeopardy.

and calls gods to witness. In the midst of the urgent affairs that claim his attention. cif. and hopes that he may be permitted to see him once more. . and. during . he relates his the 1 Julian. and written while he was on the march towards the Balkans. It is not quite clear whether he made any public demonstration of his polytheistic faith before he left Gaul but. resolving to risk everything. 61. that the solemn festival of the thus manifesting an excess of be considered deceit. Julian is grateful to the o-ods that he is able to write to Maximus.322 JULIAN THE APOSTATE proclaimed Emperor by his soldiers. us Tvprnrov uvTOKpaTGtp olkmv (yevoprjv "cracriv &€IU. he participated Epiphany. in protection of the gods. the philosopher Maximus. Sirmium.. that he became emperor 1 Then. prudence might a possible reconciliation were dissipated. with the facility and grace against his will. he openly and somewhat ostentatiously gave his expedition the character of an enterprise. 536. and Julian decided on the desperate venture of marching against Constantius. revealed himself as the restorer of the ancient religion. all But when illusions of he dropped his mask. Op. placed under the This Julian tells us. He protests. and before he had decided on civil war.. still hoping for an understanding with in Constantius. to the voyage from Gaul a letter addressed to his venerated master. of description so natural to him.

19 sq. every action. The gods command me and to sanctify all my soul. and Julian by common solemn consent proclaimed Emperor. with a messenger sent by Maximus expresses all the anxiety he had experienced at the thought of the peril to which the friend and master of the rebellious Caesar and might be exposed. if obey them with of great 1 my and they assure me benefits from Here we recogonly I persist. 536. Julian. he made his entry into Constantinople.. he favour which the gods and the greater part of the army accompanying me all. the Misopogon. faculty of doing all that Julian revealed the secrets of his soul. his first efforts. In it was being and with without violence accomplished great ease. a'/. when everything appears hopeful." nise the confidence and enthusiasm of the reformer my in enterprise. and gave to his youthful dream the sanction of law. speaks of the signal vouchsafed to his enterprise. and he thus finishes: "We adore the gods openly. is devoted to them. His cousin being dead. " Every danger having " writes Ammianus Marcellinus disappeared — 1 — "and having acquired the he willed. to will him be bright sufficient and to to A few months delusions of dispel Julian's and cause him write that effusion bitterness. offer to the We sacrifice in face of and gods the I sacrifices of many hecatombs.JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 323 meeting himself. so that concluding the letter.. op. .

" 1 That Julian should take course. of But what was his conduct with regard to Christianity. Milan. with clear and precise decrees. Julian re-established that principle of religious tolerance." With this discourse to the Christians of Constantinople. op. who — "ut discordiis suae quique. and the cult of the gods restored. the victims presented at the altars. were admitted into the presence of the Emperor.. other.. and.. 271. divided. 15. 2 nullo vetante. 8 sq. i. only natural. religioni serviret intrepidus. . into two who cordially hated each and. i. this resolution as soon as he possessed absolute liberty of action was. he invited to the palace the he intends to pursue. Amm. as we know. op. Marcell.324 JULIAN THE APOSTATE and. His the course which movements clearly indicate While providing for the reopening of the temples and the restoration of the Pagan worship. 2 Ibid. heads of the Christian parties Church. inaugurated by Constantine with the 1 Edict of tit. city 271. ordained that the temples should be thrown open. he courteously admonished them to quell their discords and let each one follow his own also religion without fear of interference consopitis. before the Christian congregations. in which he recognised a hateful enemy with whom he was about to engage in a mortal duel ? This is the most interesting point in the study we are person and actions of the first making concerning the Emperor Julian.

is equivalent to an acknowledgment. op. forgotten by him with to be extinguished Julian. and he affirms that the Emperor's intention was to injure leaving them the oppor1 tunity of assuming the noble attitude of martyrs. their power Emperor's actions in the worst possible in their most signally him appear as a persecutor.. tions. Rufinus was forced to admit that Julian. but violence occurred during his were the inevitable consequences of party Gregory passions and the habits of the times. in reality. 1 Greg. fail — Gregory of Nazianzus. Sozomenes.. reserving to himself the glory of him who converts by persuasion. on the part of the disputant. only to rise again after fifteen centuries of — complete obscurity. ii. 72-74- 2 Socrat. Naz. rewards. . remained faithful to this whole of and historians to place the light. they bitterly insinuates that Julian was pleased to allow a free hand to the rabble. more And Socrates. that there were no acts of violence committed by the orders of the Emperor. at. astute than his predecessors. the Christians. Julian principle throughout the The Christian disputants Socrates. Orat. that who uses the word "persecuthis tion. without This. and Rufinus — who did all in his brief career.. 151. of make acts some Certainly attempt to brief reign." declares he understands by 2 word any act that may interfere in the slightest degree with the well-being of timorous persons. instead of useless and exhortacruelty. resorted to flattery.JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 325 a principle doomed subsequently.

in his to attain this he was occasionally induced to swerve from the most rigid impartiality. that. and was. and also excuse. in taking the initiative in acts tending to destroy them. because Julian was a man working to achieve a determined aim. trace in using violence as a natural this and legitimate weapon. naturally used to having the power advance the cause that in his he defended.326 It is JULIAN THE APOSTATE true that the ecclesiastical historians narrate a few episodes that might justify the imputation of persecution attributed to Julian but we must not . Persecution consists in the seeking out and punishing adversaries in simply because they are adversaries. and efforts it was evident aim. That Julian. legendary character Of some is of these the too evident for us to give them any serious consideration of others. they are almost always . and the more acceptable to these writers when most stories exaggerated. responsibility should not be attributed to the Emperor. slightest Of there is not the Julian's conduct. he employed different weights and measures. when any number devoid of critical of legends had arisen. it hands. in his judgments between the two parties. all equally foundation. we easily understand. forget that Julian's these historians wrote a century after death. which may possibly contain certain elements of truth. that. If we hear of a few rigorous measures instituted during his reign. But this cannot be called persecution. the . of course. biassed in favour of the pagans.

JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 327 acts of prefects. during the latter part of his reign. broke to 1 To suppose pieces all the statues of the gods. 153. penetrating into the interior of a temple recently reopened in the city of Merus. who interpreted after their intentions. own is fashion still the Emperor's and. he encountered that an the unexpected resistance. what more important. Socrat. concerning the martyrdom of Theodulus and Tatian by order of in the Prefect of the province of Phrygia. . and to historians. admitting that there was principally guilty. related by Socrates.. all the world would fall at Julian. is worthy of wranglers. we must recall that these two. evidently in the greater part legendary. any truth the account. inflamed by religious zeal. instead. cit. 1 He cannot. gave an appearance of harshness to his actions. and discovered difficult was much more than he had imagined. like all other reformers. his feet. they were consequences of tumults and disorders of which the Christians were Thus. put themselves at the head of a Christian insurrection and.. but not of call it before acts of this kind. From this arose a perplexity of mind and a feeling of irritation which. that Julian's government should remain impassive a persecution because a magistrate naturally punished the authors of the outrage. op. But. was under the delusion that the day he expressed his ideas and inaugurated a new era. when he came enterprise into power.

perse1 cution that which in any way disturbs folk. as honoured by the Christians. or of having participated in the blind prejudice that caused the cruel and senseless persecutions of the preceding emperors. is explicitly recognised by Socrates. Julian's modera- we have observed. and. Socrates adds..e. was the famous prohibition that prevented the Christians from Greek literature teaching speak later). 153. because. Julian's mode of disturbing quiet people and exercising his persecution. the government of the provinces. who says that Julian. according to Socrates. his seeking to persuade the wavering Christians. fines inflicted on those Christians who i. from refused to be converted. finally. to return to the worship of the gods. but He put aside the cruelties of not for this did he abstain from " I call persecution. his objection to Christian soldiers around his person in the having his refusal to entrust to Christians Imperial palace. In fact. the manner by which he procured a war fund for his Persian expedition. and how their example incited others to martyrdom. Diocletian." quiet Now. at. decided to pursue another course. ha>y}ibv be Xeyo onaiaovv rapdrreiv tovs . JULIAN THE APOSTATE be accused of having abjured those rational principles by which he was first inspired. op. having seen how much the victims of Diocletian's persecution were tion.328 however.. means of (of which we shall by gifts and blandishments. Of these acts of persecuSocrat.

if called. enhances and intensifies the legendary colouring in the narration of Socrates. of course. which . and obliged them to re-enter. or in the works of Julian himself. even if they were true. but a regular and decided law. The scenes of martyrdom he relates. removed from the emperors who had But of the aforesaid tyrannical proof. right of exemption from livings and also of the with which they had been invested by Constantine and Constantius. from whom he obtains his information. Julian deprived them of the taxes. measure we have no contemporaneous not even an allusion to it either in in Libanius. without making Socrates and Gregory contradict themselves. attributing it to base motives. only existed in the imagination of the historians who came after.JULIAN'S ACTION x\GAINST CHRISTIANITY 329 tion. although. that placed the Christians under a difficult financial condition. as they both recognise the tolerance of Julian. Sozomenes. into the Communal Councils. although far habitual atrocities of those really resorted to persecution. That there might have been some acts of excessive taxation is most probable. Ammianus Marcellinus. as usual. could not be attributed to the responsibility of the Emperor. it is clear that only the last could be considered reprehensible. We find in Sozomenes an interesting account of the abolition of the privileges enjoyed by the Christian clergy an abolition that certainly must have been considered as a most bitter — persecution.

"he did not lack inducements to renew the bloody persecutions " of other times but Julian stood firm. But impartial historians must recognise that the least Julian could require in the moment in which he to was so anxious the to restore paganism special was rights deprive Christians of the all they their enjoyed. 10.330 JULIAN THE APOSTATE was always considered a heavy grievance. religion 1 and might place be. cit." continues Libanius. After narrating that Julian rendered the customary honours to the body of his enemy Constantius." "Nevertheless.. tit.. 1 Sozom. striving to persuade (them). op. 562. all citizens anxiously sought to is This administrative persecution much deplored by Sozomenes as being little less severe than the cruelties practised by the former emperors. Libanius says that he inaugurated the worship of the gods. it really constituted a fundamental principle of conduct. convinced that . "rejoicing over those who followed him. op. contemptuous towards his opponents. The tolerance of Julian is demonstrated and commented on by Libanius in his Necrological Discourse in a manner that leaves no doubt that. because of the individual responsibility of the councillors in a the payment of taxes and municipal expenses — burden from which escape. for the Emperor. .. citizens. i. 2 Liban. 488. but never 2 allowing himself to stoop to acts of violence. whatever on a footing of absolute equality..

i. as his other subjects.. Being convinced of all this. "Those who loved virtue. and seeing that through persecution the cause of the Christians has benefited. op. and he considered them deserving his favour those which . 565. 1 . 2 Liban. but certainly not without displeasure. 23 sq..JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 331 " it is not through fire and sword that he could impose renunciation of a false conception of the gods. and with every variety of abuses. he led to the but he used no violence against those who loved evil.. later on.. op. 3." 2 According to the opinion of Ammianus. obtain pardon. that which they needed.. since even if the hand sacrifices. fierdaTaa^ 80^9). . They formed a class which had become opulent from the spoils of the temples. he found the palace full Imperial of the courtiers of Constantius. i. Julian only committed one act of excessive rigour during the whole of his career to once only he gave full vent the hatred that had accumulated in his heart. and there is therefore a shadow of a conversion. ov And then it happens that these. frightful example of corruption. he abstained from truth. the conscience reproves (kciv rj %elp 6vy pe/xcperai rj yvciofJLT)}. 562. He loved to visit the cities in which the temples had been preserved. and 1 gave a tit. wholly or in part had become alienated from the worship of the gods he held as impure. and not y a change of opinion [earn afciaypcKpia Tt<? /xeTa^o\rj<. it. tit. but gave them. Ibid.. : Entering Constantinople. while those who are killed are honoured as if they were gods.

. . in inflicting these condemnations. not so much by hatred of the courtiers of Constantius as by his ire against the Christians. and with blood. found the high officials and counsellors of Con- deprived him of all stantius .. op. The Court who would not have permitted or tolerated the presence of a courtier still faithful to the ancient religion.. and instituted a Commission of Inquiry and Judgment. 1 Julian expelled them with a violence that. this body. cit. 269. cit. despicable the assassination of instigated that and was the most implacable enemy he had near his cousin. 267. JULIAN THE APOSTATE and vice. because Constantius was a bigoted Christian. the beginning of his reign. 13. above all. Julian bility of discrimination. 7 sq. serenity of judgment and possiBut. op. who had eunuch. Marcell. was prompted. according to the honest Ammianus. amongst these. i. i. and his intimate counsellors were Christians likewise. not always justly shed. to whose decision they were believing that they were carrying out the intentions of the Emperor. 2 Ibid. it and partisanship of Gregory to insinuate that Julian. Gallus. as if it was possible that the Emperor would initiate a bloody 1 Amm.332 luxury. treated the accused with the greatest cruelty. 2 of Constantius was entirely composed of Christians. Eusebius. and stained referred. Julian was unable to overcome his desire for vengeance. his was upon these that Julian wreaked But it certainly requires the blind vengeance..

since he is dead. Jove knows that I saying is. in the meantime. speak of those wild beasts who were ! around him. and to an- nounce to them the full and secure liberty of their worship. But for him. he was by no means merciful. as the As to the others. had no hope of hearing that thou hadst escaped from the threeheaded Hydra!' By Jove! do not believe that I — That man was what he speak of Constantius I would was. Thou. in But this does not alter the his conduct. may the earth lie lightly on him. inviting them to come to an accord among themselves. and try and arrive as soon as possible. come. my many friend. most clearly in a letter addressed to his the friend Hermogenes at very moment in which he " Allow me nominated the Commission of Inquiry Oh I to exclaim. and rendered him still more cruel although. and that from this circumstance Julian another is found reason clear fact for his condemnation of Christianity and that. who spied on every one. notwithstand- many he appeared so.JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 333 persecution precisely at the moment in which he called the Christians to his Court. even left . natural. That the courtiers of Constantius were Christians. But as accusers have presented themselves. as if I were a poetic speaker : — ' ! who had no hopes of being saved. he was actuated by sentiments in which religious partisanThis we see ship had not the slightest influence. alone. I have instituted a tribunal. . ing to would not wish them to suffer unjustly. no doubt.

. 2 whom of their wickedness. must have understood. Ibid. 10 sq. Julian.. and now that thou art saved. believe. 503. to which all violence was repugnant.. sat at his table. so that I should no longer be obliged to be annoyed even with the memory I. Julian throws the injustices suffered by " barbarous in their responsibility on those who. op. . above all. and. that Ammianus Marcellinus was when he clear-sighted and earnest in his judgment to a tolerance attributed a part of Julian's religious 1 2 Julian. that persecution would necessarily be inefficacious against a religion already But we spread over more than half the empire. 1 And quoted in another which we have already previous chapter. op. 503." It is therefore indubitable that even this. instance of persecutipn.. however. cit. the only harsh and reprehensible act committed by be considered an Julian. with the greatest joy I exhort thee to come. in the in their souls. by any means. hurling them to Erebus. have annihilated. could not. even without recalling the recent failure of Diocletian.334 JULIAN THE APOSTATE For a long time I have prayed the gods that I might see thee. impious and taking them in hand. cit. judgment. deploring certain the Jews. with the tendencies of his calm This harmonised and well-balanced mind." letter. loved discussion and logical debate. as we shall see from his letters. remained faithful to the principle he proclaimed at the inauguration of his reign —the He principle of religious tolerance.

cit. Dogmatic intolerance was a phenomenon new to the world it was the necessary consequence of the . being his and knew how of affairs to its to take war. being in fact the religion of the State. and the Christians of opposite parties regarded. Julian did not hesitate an instant as to publishing a decree 2 permitting the exiles to return to their homes. and had persecuted and exiled in great numbers the bishops of the Athanasian party. Julian decided advantage of this condition weaken enemy. . Julian. not 1 -' Ammian. had become most powerful. 27 r. in contradiction with its essential tendencies. as if it were a manifestation of divine truth. Tolerance tion of a was a virtue which Christianity absolutely ignored. 559. and a formidable obstacle to the forma- Church whose rule might be accepted with an absolute and unquestioned authority. i. 1 The intestine discords in Christianity were a powerful leaven of dissolution. fact that around the monotheistic nucleus of the faith there new sical had formed a complex of metaphydoctrine that ended by becoming an integral part of the religion. heresy became a crime.. Marcell.. And as Arianism. Because of this. Now. by alliance with Constantius. op.. internal discussions in Christianity could not be tolerated. a'f. 0/.. 17 sq. and fought each other with much greater hatred than all they exhibited fair in towards the pagans.JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 335 calculation of skilful opportunism. 18 sq. hated. a virtue that was. a virtue that it considered a vice.

We find among Julian's his intentions to friendly and confidential letters. parties the great danger for Christianity. left to itself. to assign the final force. succour of the Imperial arm. And Julian here If he had returned vicexhibited great acuteness. Christianity. from any violence against their persons. a few years later. campaign and had enjoyed Christianity. Imperial decrees and manifestoes that furnish us with the best and surest means of discovering and judging That. is demonstrated by most explicit documents. torious from his Persian a long reign. or perhaps Christianity. To Artabius he writes : . and did not hesitate to condemn those acts which took place in spite of his orders. Julian decided to abstain the Christians. as soon as the two were again in contact. requires the assistance of material premature death rendered it possible for Ambrose. Arian as entirely transformed itself. that. to be efficacious. could only exist under And intolerance. their anger would be In this lay rekindled and their disputes renewed. having departed from its pure origin. and with reason.33G JULIAN THE APOSTATE doubting. with the assistance of Gratianus and Theodosius. well as Athanasian. at that moment needed the by discord. his actions in relation notwithstanding his cordial hatred of them. and consumed would have wasted away. Julian's victory to Catholic dogmatism. the condition of being intolerant. and in consequence of popular outbursts of passion.

on their side. and Those who. according to the law given us from all eternity. 2 .JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 337 "By the gods. worshippers of the gods shall be held in the greatest esteem. violence and no one commit let selves. not to insult them. not with blows or or by tormenting the body. I violence. abandoning the worship of the gods. impiety the greatest evil. in themselves. 14 sq. in times exhort all those who of true piety not to do any the Galileans. or that I only insist that the they should suffer any loss. and not to attack follow the teachings hurt to the crowd of them violently. op. since the stupidity of the Galileans would send us to destruction. I have no wish that the Galileans should be unjustly murdered or maltreated. : The misguided should not offend those who adore the gods loyally and justly. 485. 11. We who . he concludes Agree among youror injustice.. We more from ignorance must persuade and instruct sin men by means of reason. and the worshippers of the gods. should not assail the dwellings of those who than conviction. on the occasion of threatened riots between Christians " and pagans. Now.. — Julian. if we were not saved 1 And in a therefrom by the mercy of the gods. vol." manifesto directed to the inhabitants of Bostra. as past. should not hate but com- passionate those act perversely in matters of supreme importance because the greatest good is piety. have given themselves up to the adoration of the dead and relics will find 1 their punishment tit.

then already sufficiently complicated. declaration more modern than Julian. shall see 1 We how Julian. 562. by examining his conduct in the episode of the murder of George. in this more modern. But the situation. op. acted as persecutors. Bishop of Alexandria. which. as we pity those who are afflicted with some disease. in The and destroyed and sacked many fore. cit. because the principle of religious tolerance.. we may also say. and. in their the people. as we have observed. were advantageous to which he could not possibly countenance without wounding that principle of obedience and Julian. after Constantine. became even more difficult on account of the internal discords among the Christians — discords. be impossible to be more explicit. but reciprocal respect which formed the basis of his Julian got over the difficulty. But Julian must have found some principle in the difficulty in fully applying this midst of the inflamed passions of Christians having become. inevitable that It was. promulgated by the restorer of polytheism. 5 sq. . turn. the masters of the situation. certainly. more reasonable and temperate. thereplaces the ancient temples. religious policy.338 JULIAN THE APOSTATE should pity them. when the pagans returned to power they should desire to make reprisals. could not be renewed except by the downfall of dogmatic infallibility.. and we should rejoice We over those the gods. ." It 1 who have been liberated and saved by would.

their bodies were burnt. they catastrophe. On Julian's accession. Artemius. according to Ammianus Marcellinus. who was especially odious to the pagan part of the population of Alexandria. he ordered Artemius brought to Constantinople. and the Arian George was Bishop.. were detested by the population of Alexandria a city that. who. and their ashes Ammianus observes so willed that if averted they could have but that. 28 sq. Marcell. 289. instead. the partisans of Amm. he was condemned to death. was the Governor of Alexandria. where. remained indifferent spectators. lived in fear of Artemius' possible return and a repetition of his arbitrary cruelties. his trusty counsellor. being found guilty of great crimes. because of the tyranny of their government and their accusations to the suspicious Emperor. And fearing that places. were ruthlessly massacred by the infuriated mob. These two men. — the faithful narrator of this episode. op. on receiving the news of his death. 1 was always ready to riot as soon as an occasion presented itself. to be The Alexandrians. Probably these the indifferent 1 had Christians were i.JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 339 During the reign of Constantius. because he incited the Christians to the destruction of the temples. Dracontius and Deodorus.. like their tombs of might become sacred thrown into the the Christians sea. . a/. for some time. George and his two companions in faith and intrigue. those the martyrs. rose up against Bishop George.

account of the insight it gives into Julian's character and his method of governing. and. Arians and Athanasians. persuaded Julian Imperialist to content himself with sending an edict of reproof to the Alexandrians. and aspired Alexandrians. they remained unpunished. who reunited. in a common hatred and under the contemptuous name of Galileans. from his point of view. the great and most holy if " Even god Serapis. Julian. could not. Ammianus relates that he had decided to the And inflict merited chastisement. and . to all intents and This edict. but the friends who surrounded him being. more than the Emperor.340 Athanasius. Caesar Julian Maximus Augustus to the People of Alexandria "The Emperor you do not respect your founder. Alexander. so he could not possibly allow this crime to pass unpunished. still more. is of great interest on preserved in its entirety. I ask of you. JULIAN THE APOSTATE to whom the death of the Arian George was by no means unwelcome. purposes. as restorer of paganism. have been displeased by such a decided proof of zeal on the part of the But he was Emperor. how is it possible. that you forget to consider your duty towards the Empire and towards humanity ? And I will also add the thought of us. so that. and to be a just impartial ruler. whom all t&e gods. as always happens.

in the beginning. Thereupon. notwithstanding your impulse. perhaps. you were induced to transgress the law. and shamelessly to commit. who watched him how he behaved. considered worthy to govern the earth of us who had the right of — instituting proceedings ? against those who had offended you But. and introduced an army into the sacred city. the property of the god. "In the name of Serapis. and impiously sent his soldiers. tell me. illegally. or rather. George. on what account did you become infuriated against George ? You will certainly reply that he incited Constantius against you. which by and always dangerous disturbing to the judgment. so that. violating the images. and induced the Governor of most venerated temple of the god. the sacred ornaments. the enraged of the George. had rightly counselled you. when. to instead.JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 341 the great Serapis especially. and Egypt to seize the Against you. who was an enemy defiled gods. you might have consigned him the judgment of the magistrates. fearing more to than see Constantius. the Governor iniquitously. you sacred city. as a body. which. you were deluded is anger and passion. we should say. the votive offerings. And thus there . those crimes you so justly condemned in others. but rather that he might treat you with and have civility. temperance against this not out of fear lest he might be tyrannical. naturally with and burning attempting to defend indignation the god.

who do not respect the gods. and not turn away from that which. citizens Your have dared. lucky for you.342 JULIAN THE APOSTATE would have been neither murder nor crime. and harsh. that each one of you should respect and love. the majority of you should follow and obey them. but cannot because of your transgressions. that would have protected you. I feel towards you a fraternal . however numerous they may be. the innocent ones. who governed Egypt and your city. deserved this punishment. But George. and after that they were not ashamed to uplift their blood stained hands unto the gods. and punished this sacrilegious wretch. onlyperfect justice. reply. since there are them. that you have committed this crime under my government. and at the same time given a lesson to others. have no regard for cities such as yours and for prosperous populations. because. I admit But if you say by laws your hands. and consider cruelty as a necessary adjunct to power. from ancient It is times. to tear in pieces a man. I say. and one even more severe his actions it. out of respect for the divinity and regard for my uncle and namesake. has been providentially instituted. you will Because of I against you. Compare this letter with the last I sent you some time ago. O Alexandrians. say. no. you Certainly. like dogs. And if it so happen that some one transgresses will reply. and note the difference ! What I praise did I render you ! And even now would like to praise you.

and if there remain traces of that admirable and customs. He. exhortation and reasoning. 488. cit. in place of this. or disorder. for the reasons stated above. does not allow the violence of the Christians 1 who Julian. not allow either Julian. and as the friend and confidant of Constantius. But a pure and rigorous government would have treated the culpable audacity of your citizens as a grave illness which must be cured by a drastic medicine. true to his programme. The insurrection of Alexandria him as a might. not to pronounce it an example it is impossible of moderation and self-restraint. I will offer you. as you are said to be. . Greeks of the old stock. if you are. bloodshed." When we consider that this edict was written by the most decided enemy Christianity ever had. have been considered by proof of zeal and devotion. therefore. as the most solemn demonstration of the favour with which the restoration he had initiated had been received in the capital of But Eastern commerce and thought. by which I feel assured you will be persuaded.. as an intolerant Christian. However.. certainly. noble origin in your souls and "This is 1 to be notified to my citizens of Alexandria. op.JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 343 benevolence. that which will be more acceptable to you. does violence. Bishop George must have been doubly odious to Julian.

where scenes of bloodshed and violence took place. it might still attract to folds the crowds that had strayed away. where the population. promoted by the pagans to revenge themselves on the Christians. with renewed energy. 1 Sozom. in Arethusa.. .. and he was still under the delusion that paganism had in itself such a power of attraction that. The most serious tumults were those of Caesarea-Mazaca. but neither did he countenance the violence of the pagans when attempting to take the His programme was one law into their own hands. op. natural But the it was not easy to exercise tolerance in midst of excited passions. but rather. while. as it appears. Naz. devoted themselves. 487.. — Greg. the temple of Fortune. 91. tit. in Gaza. to the destruction of who were not alarmed. by other cities of Syria. the Christians. very much irritated by this un- the temples. op.. 492 2 Ibid. on its return to liberty of action and its development. sq. in other parts. 2 The Emperor replied to this act of ol a defiance with a chastisement decidedly severe. op.. in great majority Christian. when Julian was Emperor. according to 1 Sozomenes. destroyed.. The example of the Alexandrians was followed. tit. of reciprocal tolerance. tit. but He removed purely administrative character.344 JULIAN THE APOSTATE rushed to persecute those who did not believe as they believed. in Cappadocia. expected restoration of paganism. after having demolished the temples of Jupiter and of Apollo.

promulgated in the year 353. Julian could leave his enemies in peace. We every place and every city the temples be closed. and deprived the town of its priviBut it would be unjust to consider these proceedings as acts of persecution. that no one be allowed to enter them. with the help of Constantine. he with the avengrino. and offend him in that which was nearest and dearest to his heart. for these acts of defence. accuse Julian of violence and persecution. being able to influence and customs of the time. permit them to rebel against him. confiscated the property of the Christian churches. fine. we have and only to consult the decree of Constantius " Constans. imposed a office the heavy leges. and that the liberty of doing evil be denied to the impious.sword. command that every decree that in We one abstain from offering sacrifice. but he could not. and we order that the governors of repressing provinces. forget that as soon as the Christians. obtained the victory. Taking into consideration the principle he had imposed upon himself. who might be . they. became persecutors.JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 345 from Prefect of Cappadocia. to We be slaughtered decree that the to property of the condemned be assigned negligent in the public treasury. with impunity. first not withstand the As an example of the intolerance of the Christian emperors. in their turn. Those who. is If any one per- petrates anything of the kind.

. private interest and beautiful 1 See together with this one.." Certainly neither Decius nor Diocletian would have acted any But the most interesting document. under an appearance of religious fanaticism. Although this discourse was written some years after the reign of Julian. especially of the East in 385. as giving us an account of the manner in which the better. a'/. there- without waiting for Imperial laws and orders. But the Christians seem to have found sufficient encouragement fore. with many one directed to forbade sacrifices. . and. the continuation of such other rites as perfuming with incense and offering prayer. however. and did not order. under the title of " De paganis. be also severely punished. the laws of the Codex Theodosianus. ii. concealing." directed by him to of Libanius Emperor Theodosius. confirmed Prefect Cinegius. sacrifices et templis. it depicts a condition of things that had existed for a long time." See also Liban. the destruction of the temples. Christians oppressed the pagans. and is symptomatic of the animus the displayed rival in the conflict between is the two of still religions. among which were some of the most monuments. 148. or even encourage.34 G JULIAN THE APOSTATE x these crimes. He tolerated. This the origin the discourse. op. they devoted themselves to the work of overturning the temples. in the logic of things. The Emperor and decrees. is the discourse " About Temples. the enactments of the preceding emperors which with Theodosius.

. gained from This impression that we have contemporary documents is strongly confirmed by the discourse of Libanius. practised the old ceremonies. from the into the where by was jealously preserved by the agriculturists. the date of 1 years between 385 and 39 1. was so thoroughly any risk clear that it. Li ban. more especially. forces us to admit that the truth of the accusation.JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 347 avidity of gain. with the tenacity of simple-minded people living far from the social turmoil. peasants. the who. Against this abuse Libanius raised by him to the ascribed to the which must be Emperor. addressed From this discourse we find proof of into the degradation Christianity and had all moral been corruption plunged as which as it soon became powerful. That he could address himself to an Emperor of Christian faith — and such an Emperor! — thus ac- cusing implicitly the Christians and. op. as those priests enriched themselves by the spoliations effected of a divine principle. 1 in the name These revelations are most ii. his voice in a discourse.. at least in part. at. of every kind of violence. the clergy and the monks. 153- . and appealed divinities to their accustomed It and beloved is to protect their work. because of their thirst for lucre. no one could run see in Libanius cities from exposing retired it We how polytheism country. against those clergy that the especially violence of the Christian was exercised.

eat more than elephants. JULIAN THE APOSTATE Rightly to understand such a movement as that of Julian we must bear in mind that Christianity. rush to the temples. Having destroyed one temple. — they. But that crew. and had become a religion in whose protecting shadow retributive justice germinated ought to all those passions and vices which radically it have destroyed. bent their hands. wrench the statues from their places. And the priests silent. O Emperor. and and others. they go on to the second. in spite of the law. some bearing clubs and stones and irons. and then to the third. had abased itself to the level of its surroundings. give a great deal of to those who serve them with wine when they and conceal all this under an artificial pallor. or that fire and incense and the honour of other perfumes should be removed from the altars. in defiance of the law. addressing himself thou hast not ordered that the —he temples should be closed. "Thou" to Theodosius — " says. sap the walls. having- lost its characteristic of and sublime heroism. and who. wearing black clothes. without these.348 valuable. if it had thoroughly regenerated society. We will choose a few examples from the mass of accusations and sneers which Libanius offers us. and hack the must keep altars pieces. accumulating trophies . who work sing. because of their repeated drinking-bouts. on using their feet Then to they pull down the roofs. or die. or that no one should enter them.

but There they pass devastation in their wake. of sowing and of reaping. they its have also extinguished because. as they say.. as if they were victors. the cities. and they were the have increased the souls nucleus of buildings that through many In the temples generations to their present state. they take away. are deprived of their paternal heritage. this is . field that has suffered this damage is ruined. the fruits of the soil. are centred all the hopes of the agriculturists for the prosperity of men. leaving under the pretext of destroying the temples. in . O of the fields. their nutriment — . so maliciously exercised in the country. to serve their . children. together with A all hopes. and when they leave. And in the country. . saying it is sacred ground. Emperor. So the audacity of this crew. and murdered temples are first soul . under these false pretences. women. and thus many. And not enough they appropriate the land of any poor unfortunate creature. They believe their work useless when they are deprived of the gods who cause it to be fruitful.. . It is these men who. This is done . pretending. but the war resolves itself into snatching away from the poor that which belongs to them their provisions. much more like a torrent. when in a field they have laid low the its temple. the spoils of the vanquished. making war on the temples robbery. the confidence of the labourers. and cattle. and has lost. in .JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 349 after trophies. leads to the They say that they are most deplorable results.

and affirm it to be worthy of praise. . as this is the given to thieves if I do not say too — seek to conceal and to deny that which they have dared to do. and are more useful than their oppressors. . and send them where the need is greatest. instead. and to those thou respondest these new walls and all this And why summer work ? To ? . . even these unhappy ones are in the number of thy subjects.350 JULIAN THE APOSTATE on the misery of others. enter upon the scene. The first are like the bees. and thy generals to council. and feel offended when they are called thieves. and prepare arms. the others like the drones. they this As soon a little immediately affirm that one sacrifices to the gods and commits unlawful acts. as they find out that some one possesses field of which they could despoil him. the more. going to the city. and to these thou writest. Nevertheless. god with feast And plain if to is the ' ' Shepherd but ' ' (so they call a man who anything good). as the labourers are than those who do nothing. and expose their Shepherd praises the offenders and sends away the offended. and that they must treat him with violence. dost thou troops. the poor victims. and here the moralists ' ' (ot aaxppovlcrTai. But these. O Emperor.) name now little. And so why. O bring together call many Emperor. and tell it to those who are ignorant of it. comfasting. for thieves boast of what they have done. saying that they must consider themselves lucky not to have suffered sufferings.

is clear all (Zos. it had a judges. certain of thy And therefore. have impoverished " Who were the auxppnviarat.. enacted after this discourse.. in which sarcasm is united to invective and reasoning. by the threats that if any one comes suddenly upon after having suffered they will be driven away. and that the transgressors were referred to the in fact. by the law of 392. 164. a 1 It is interesting to see that Liban. . the rite of incense was still permitted.. and thy administration ? to it are also thy subjects. it was explicitly forbidden. Libanius' judgment concerning the rapacious actions of the clergy and of the monks tallies fully with that of Zosimus. cit. The discourse of Libanius had no effect For while.JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 351 what purpose. although the sacrifices were forbidden. to enjoy the happiness not true that by " * their actions they wage war against thy will ? In this appeal. is it not true that they offend thy Is foresight. They are those "defensores" and "curiales" to whom the Emperor delegated the duty of watching that his interdict against all pagan worship was observed. from his discourse. 449). and country ? To live without tranquilly. result entirely opposite to that which he had expected. cit. 2 sq. more damage than they inflicted. And we words of the orator an accent of recognise truth." . ii. who says that " these under the pretext of giving all to the poor. from a law of Theodosius of the year 392. it appears that. not to be disturbed of enemies.. the to what end is this to the cities fear. op. thy wisdom. Libanius appears truly eloquent and of great in the ability. in if while thou art keeping from check the enemy without. to repose and to be certain us. subjects maltreat others who and refuse permit them common to all. with the threat of confiscation of all places where the incense had been " burnt omnia loca quae turis consisterit vaporc fumasse fisco nostro — adsocianda censemus. op.

one only obtains shadows of conversions. When followed they the their achieved victory. it necessary to persuade.e. in the name being of And Libanius. use is violence. be attributed to Theodosius. if the newly converted are only "In these such in words and not in deeds? matters strain. a'/. failing to persuade. however." 1 cause of this sad condition of things cannot. the Prefect of the Orient.. they forced i. 178. this The Libanius seems to indicate Cinegius. but rather to his perfidious counsellors. a persecuted pagan. that by these means converted. in the name of a new principle. reality. the pagans to become With such proceedings. but. says Libanius. a matron who enjoyed the fame of 1 sanctity.. ii. those proceedings and excesses which had previously been committed an opposite principle. op. have been useless. The passions of men never the change. and they revived. in may believe their that efforts they have succeeded. "This Liban. unjustly trampled upon.. what advantage would accrue to the Christians. Christians example of those who had formerly been masters. . not to conThose who. exclaims Libanius. for whom the able and prudent Libanius has only words of By praise. and the despairing cry of the vanquished. and the husband of Acantia. energetically resists the arguments that the Christian persecutors presented in defence of their violence. And then.352 JULIAN THE APOSTATE sentiment of righteous indignation.

cruel. 194.. in her turn.. this is and tell falsehoods. and to whom all subordinate. — Liban. is those who and obliged to obey make a show of virtue by clothing themselves in mourning garb. and that the contrary. op. whom he defers in everything. ii. thou hast never declared that the worship of others than thine it is is just vol. and fatal to the earth that bore him. On impious." cz'/. dictate to her. a man impious. Libanius continues. avaricious. who guided by his wife. possessing an immense fortune which he misuses. and an enemy of the gods. to is She. act in 1 an underhand curious manner. in the stuff of which This herd of scoundrels weavers make sacks. for greater effect. in her turn. lens strange this diversity of judgment among depending entirely on the colour of the passion through which the objects are Libanius sees perfidy and ridicule viewed where a Gregory or an Athanasius would have of ! seen the most perfect expression intention and action ! of holiness in But Theodosius. to prohibit 1 it. 10 sq. has never issued any law that could sanction these excesses. cheat." How little sketch of a Prefect of the East. who. he 11. is governed by his wife. and even. Thou human " hast soul. is ruled by monks ! And how men. never imposed if this yoke on the that And thou believest the worship of thy God is preferable to the worship of others. 3 .JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 353 deceiver. deceive.

. ii. and does mistrust not a friend because he has put his hope image in these gods.. . cit." x During occurred Julian's sojourn in Antioch. even more than the destruction of the churches. with these arms. offended his aesthetic sense as an ancient Greek. following the example of him who defeated the Persians by his arms. as he called it. is And recalling Julian. Libanius " : exclaims not persecute us. whose never distant from his thoughts. tomb of the martyr Babylas. This adoration of the dead. but. and." his of the alluded to this " worship remarks were replete with sarcasm and contempt. and probably was because it was one of the most of exalting fervour. odious to him efficacious means souls to a high pitch of devotional Whenever he dead. 10 sq. that most particularly irritated Nothing was more repugnant to him than the veneration exhibited by the Christians for the sepulchres of their martyrs and illustrious men. seemed to him absurd. never persecuted dost Thou those of his subjects who were inimical to him. an incident him. in the suburb of Daphne. op. 202. This suburb was a place of delight on account of the beauty of the trees 1 Liban.354 calls to JULIAN THE APOSTATE him as counsellors and boon-companions men notoriously devoted to the gods. near Antioch. he desired the dis- appearance or the abandonment of those tombs Such was the which had become sacred spots.

was changed association. was named Caesar by Constantius.JULIANA ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 355 and flowers... made the walked through Daphne " " —writes "He who 1 Sozomenes — without being accompanied by his sweetheart./ (ktus epcopevrjs (U Aii<pvji (Tvy^avtv. grove of Daphne the resort of lovers. . hard by. was considered a stupid and uncouth individual. the brother of Julian. in the But when Gallus. being a fervent Christian. and." And midst of the grove was the finestknown statue of Apollo. when Hying from into a spot. and put the lovers of sadness by diffusing a veil obscured the brilliancy of the rays of Apollo. Op. self in was struck with the idea of destroying the prestige of this celebrated sanctuary of Hellenism. he the temple this of decided to build. and invested with the government of the East. and. for its view and this its balmy breezes. a tabernacle wherein to It place the relics of Babylas the Martyr. in order to succeed. relics The to presence of the martyr's grove of Daphne that the perfumed a crowd of Christian devotees. Sozom. added to the suggestive beauty of the surroundings. the The legend was that. and this Apollo. 5°3- <j> h SinT/jt/3. and. The 1 religious Clt. in Daphne. nymph bay tree. attracted to flight. he established himAntioch. ifkidtus re <a\ adapts eSoKfi. revolution y»p having taken place. opposite Apollo. a splendid marble temple dedicated to the god. that appears aim was accomplished.

356 Julian. according to Sozomenes. destroying the which they rebuilt the temples — — altars as soon as they were rebuilt. chanting psalms. he would certainly have ordered reprisals. however. accompanied. was the occasion of a great demonstration on the part of the Christians of Antioch. sent by God. that the Christians had comset the temple on In fire. wished to restore to ancient splendour the temple and worship of Apollo. on the were Antiochians. its JULIAN THE APOSTATE upon entering Antioch. a terrible fire The Christians destroyed the temple of Apollo. Julian was greatly irritated by this demonstration. A few days later. and had it not been for the wise counsel of Sallustius the Prefect. the remains of the martyr. for forty stadia. contrary. affirmed that a stroke of lightning. This order they should be transported elsewhere. who do not respect divine ported. mitted the crime. . things. conduct of the Antiochians with that of other in and destroyed the tombs of the atheists namely. and compares the the cities. when we ordered the corpse to be transthose of you. had but Julian did not doubt. and the kindness with which he admonished them had no effect. who. for an instant. consigned the temple to those who were "In fact. which And Julian ordered that defiled the sacred spot. this fact Misopogon he recalls with great bitterness. and this was impossible without removing to some other place the relics of the martyr. the Christians even The committing excesses which he deplored.

and these. and to which your senate was. ti/. We have already spoken of the their intelligent and characteristic foresight displayed calling by Julian in re- to by bishops Constantius on account of theological dissensions. .. while not admitting the consubstantiality of the Father and the Son. in the 2 neighbourhood of the temple of Apollo. gave pleasure to your people. All these partial acts of violence. Sozom.JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 357 indignant because of the transportation of the relics. The ruling party at the court of Constantius were not the pure Arians. lit which horrified strangers. but rather the "opportunist" section of that party. " still remains. sees the exiled In Julian's letters we find the most curious and interesting particulars about this decision. op. and this fire. 511... 1 as maintained cit. by Athanasius and the a Julian. I know not whether secretly or not. to destroy two sanctuaries of martyrs which were being erected in Miletus. op.. 466. which. having simply an episodic character. and being the consequence of the reciprocal reprisals of two parties having almost the same strength. by a decree quoted by Sozomenes. are not sufficient to alter the substantial fact of the religious tolerance that Julian believed to be the most efficacious instrument for the restoration he had intended to begin. indifferent this x ! And it was perhaps in consequence of outrage that Julian gave orders. 1 sq.

Constantius.358 JULIAN THE APOSTATE not affirm the distinction to the Father. according to the Scriptures. and see me." Julian recalled them all without distinction. as " we know. short note " I To * : — the former Julian sent the following recalled from exile all those. To journey to invite thee to come thou my encampment mayst employ one of the state carriages and also an extra horse. As to thee.. it is rather singular to observe the diversity of treatment of the two heroes of these great theological battles. imposed this formula on the two Councils of Rimini and Seleucia. whoever they who were exiled by Constantius on account of the foolishness of the Galileans. . did and subordination of the Son maintained by the pure Arians. but. may be. analysis and forbade a or determination of such likeness. 522. and the great Athanasius. as Council of Niccca. had accepted the so-called " homoian formula. and then he exiled all the bishops who did not Constantius adhere to this decision. the deacon Aetius. which declared that the Son is equal to the all Father. who represented uncompromising Arianism." Who was this Aetius 1 whom cit. not only do I recall thee. the Emperor treats Julian. in the year 359.. the lawmaker of the Nicsean Council. However. remembering our old I acquaintance and intercourse. op. those of the Athanasian "extreme right" as well as those of the Arian "extreme left.

the dialectics of knowledge of the Christian and professed contempt for Clement and 1 Origen. op. 108. also belonged to the Lucianist school. in he was much better versed Aristotle than in the writers. We Aetius was a youth devoted himself to the most different pursuits. he was a Syrian by birth. . and then compare him with the great Athanasius. then a physician. a'/. First..JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 359 with such special favour? He was one of the will first give a cursory glance at his character. and travels to Alexandria to dispute with Gnostics and Manichceans but when Leontius . he made a friend of the presbyter Leontius. is 1 Socrat. Emperor's old acquaintances. he returns there. He raises. Aetius took up his abode in Cilicia. especially in Tarsus. such a storm of discord and dispute around the bishop. little. and in his caster of metals. and one of their most ardent apostles. where he became an intimate friend of the followers of the Lucianist ideas. who Again he rushes to Cilicia. made Bishop of Antioch. however.. when he returned to Antioch. which were the intellectual passion of the age. and thus we shall have before us two characteristic portraits of the Christian type in the fourth century. and is consecrated deacon. little by he became known on account of the restless- ness of his spirit and his singular ability in theological discussions. Having been sent away from Antioch as a disturber of religious peace. If we are to believe Socrates. Later on. and.

in 351. had been elected by opposed the Athanasians. where he fiercely These seem to have attempted to influence against him Gallus. Julian's brother. that the Semi. and took his stand as tions ? an uncompromising Arian of the " extreme left. assisted at the Synod of Sirmium.Arians easily of a "young" Arianism. not succeed. though away from retaining him in the his It appears that. But they did the contrary. But the what faith can be placed in the affirmation of Athanasian bishop. and so thoroughly in the to his brother Julian. when Athanasians and Arians were both most unscrupulous in their mutual accusaIn 356. he compromised him so much by his exasperating attitude. as we know.3G0 JULIAN THE APOSTATE is that Leontius obliged to keep him sacred functions. that he often sent him as his confidential this messenger From arose the acquaintance between the prince and the Arian deacon. and it was the cause of the special favour which he accorded him when he ascended the throne. Aetius was so much master of the situation. the great centre of theological disputes. he position of teacher. On confidence of Gallus.been in the murders of the Prefect Domitianus and the Quaestor Montius Gallus' — horrible fatal crimes." and there spoke and wrote as one of the chiefs Recalled to Antioch by Bishop Eudoxius. who. . of which death was the consequence. Aetius went to Alexandria. Constantius to the office of Caesar. Gregory of Nyssa accuses the counsellor of Gallus Aetius of having.

In 360. denounced Christianity but. occasion of tumults instigated in Edessa Arians. was confined. because we find no further trace of him. as to and impartial regarding him they were all equally by no means written on the by the it And that the Arians were an exception is proved by a letter. To Hecebolius. his deposition declared null. he. Constantius " having finally decided for the homoian formula.JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 361 succeeded in influencing Constantius. and obtained the removal of the Bishop. became even more severe in his treatment of Aetius. who. together with other Arians. a year afterwards. he did not Julian indifferent accepted the same time as was absolutely odious. which merciless in " its is as just in its inspiration as is irony. Recalled from exile. was reconsecrated by a synod convened at Antioch. and Aetius was exiled to Phrygia. visit him. with which he imagined he could impose peace on those who were rending the Church with their dis" cords. — I treat all the Galileans with so much consideration and benevolence that . the Christian sects. deprived of his position of deacon by the Synod of Constantinople. Aetius found his condition much improved. Emperor. if he accepted it. The fiery disputant probably died shortly afterwards. We do not know if Aetius at the invitation of the he asked him to as . who. by his orders. in Pisidia. When Julian came to the throne. a folly succeed in making Julian favour Arianism.

teaches to be to enter the necessary poor heaven all . and it was none other than the great Athanasius. therefore. and comnot be mitted disorders in Edessa that should permitted admirable that it in is A most any well-conducted city. Nevertheless.. be convinced that Julian's courtesy towards Aetius was entirely caused by a We sentiment of personal sympathy. and that he had not the slightest tendency towards Arianism. for this would have in been the truly inexplicable. Semi-Arian court of his fiercest Con- he had found adversaries. puffed up with pride on account of their wealth. the founder of Catholic Orthodoxy. and I do not wish that any of them should be dragged to the temples. kingdom of now to assist them. 547. will obtain the they hoped-for kingdom of heaven. wise. however. the Christians law. con- sidering stantius. These two men. being x become and impoverished.. Thus. . both highly 1 Julian. do anything contrary But those of the Arian Church.362 JULIAN THE APOSTATE none of them have ever suffered violence. and domain. the personage who aroused in the Emperor the most implacable antipathy was to be found in the opposite faction. cit." must. op. have assailed the Valentinians. or forced to to their convictions. we command of the to that the property of the Church of our will Edessians be confiscated and distributed the lands form part the soldiers. that.

and saw where the peril lay. the one representing the past and the other the future. than that of imagination. the notwithstanding ruler the that was sovereign of half the Christian world. Catholic Orthodoxy would never have been founded. to original but which was necessary. Sienkiewicz. and gathered around the imposing If personality of the Bishop of Alexandria. he had a profound knowledge of men. No heroic vivid existence was more tempestuous or more Athanasius. The man was . patible with each other. but rather in the enthusiastic energy of the party who had uplifted the banner of the sacred mystery of the Trinity.JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 363 gifted. Athanasius had disappeared. A novelist of a might weave around him an epic tale. importance of the duel it between Julian and Athanasius. proves that. is necessary to study the personality of the latter. and Christianity would never have has caused it had lose in that its organisation which character. the one reviving Hellenism. who was one of the victims of Constantius. To fully appreciate the order to keep it alive. the other dominant Christianity. must have been incom- The fact that Julian was so bitter against Athanasius. He in it felt that the strength of Christianity was not fact corrupt Arianism. There is nothing that gives so clear an idea of the atmosphere of the fourth century as a study of this great personality and of his adventurous career. notwith- standing his youth.

Julian. Except of during the the the but. which . incessant gigantic struggles. truly great. and Theodosius were two instruments his with which he succeeded in establishing Catholic Orthodoxy as the religion of state. authority Ambrose regency of was never of disputed. the final With passing and. even then. a an of inflexible adversary. in his was absolute. and the transient reign of Jovian. influence the bishop was so much stronger than that of the to this empress as to leave no question as the exception of the influence of Ambrose encounter. Born in in the last Athanasius passed years of the third century. and to his influence are due the first dissensions between the bishop and the presbyter Arius. the first years of his youth Alexandria. The life of Athanasius.364 JULIAN THE APOSTATE born ruler. victory. Justina. was one of hands. But Ambrose's position was much less dangerous and difficult than that is There of Athanasius. If we except against him. he had at his Gratianus in disposal the aid of the Imperial power. undoubtedly a great analogy between Athanasius and Ambrose. a mighty soul. capable the highest flights. on the contrary. by the side of Bishop Alexander. and He had the empire at the Constantine moment of the Council of Nicsea. war against Arianism. he all was persecuted by the emperors who reigned on the throne of life Constantinople during his and Valens. — Constantius.

Eusebius Julian. trusting to his personal influence Nor was he in the wrong . persuaded him to convoke another synod. in 328. but being convinced that his condemnation was a foregone conclusion.JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 3G5 afterwards led to the Christianity. seeing Orthodox first and beginning to lean the accused at towards Arianism. Athanasius was an imposing in and Arianism him the most powerful of its enemies. for the Council and Emperor. policy. he did not wait for the decree of destitution. the lived near the bent on his ruin. inclined more towards . afterwards. were renewed. delayed presenting himself. and the the accusations the newly-elected bishop so failure numerous. himself. however. presented himself at the Council with a powerful following of fifty bishops. Council figure. when accusations Nicomedia. and embarked on the mind of Constantine. called to justify before the him. of his Constantine. his Bishop of Alexandria. recognised At Alexander's death he was elected. and managed privately to persuade Constantine of his innocence and to regain his favour. which sat in He judgment on the Bishop of Alexandria. in 335. placed between the Athanasius. Even great at the civil war of of Early Nicrea. But his enemies were Nicomedia. for Constantinople. Athanasius. and. in before a Council convened at Caesaraea 334. Arian clergy was against that But so the opposition of energetic. at Tyre. of future educator of who Emperor.

sent to Alexandria a Semi-Arian who new bishop. offices all those deposed from their ecclesiastical who had been his adversaries. in of violence. Gregory's was the cause of insurrections and scenes Athanasius.3GG the latter. : and of having threatened to stop the annual provision of grain that was usually sent from Alexandria to Constantinople. and took up his abode Rome . This was the signal Athanasius. only saw with the eyes of Eusebius. who was a tolerant man. On a the throne of Constantinople sat Constantius. and immediately exiled him to Treves. thereby more and more. the anger of the Arians. and so grave as to make a profound impression upon the mind of the Emperor he accused Athanasius tion. He. and reassumed his office. therefore. Constantine having died in 2>37> Athanasius returned in triumph to Alexandria. and found an ardent upholder of his theological opinions in Bishop Maximinus. surrounded to by a strong military escort. JULIAN THE APOSTATE And now this Eusebius made another accusa- time of a non-theological nature. his and put exciting. so as overcome by force any resistance which arrival might be encountered. that all resistance for the was March went into exile in second time. where he received a most courteous reception from the Emperor's son. Constantine refused to hold any further communication with Athanasius. in their places own friends. Gregory. for a renewal of certainly not the trouble. useless. in Germany. recognising 340.

and even to be his opinions. so that. affected to become more friendly in when Bishop Gregory died was Athanasius allowed to present himself 345. in reinstated by him in his see of Alexandria. even in the East. In the West. the indefatigOrthodoxy. a consequence. he was the religious lawgiver. In of the people. In the meanwhile. in 350. owing to the threatening attitude of the population of Alexandria. at Aquileia. 356. was on the side of In the next five years. among whom most important were the Emperor Constans. with a strong force of . able Athanasius devoted himself. unlike his brother Constantius. under the protection of the Emperor. circumstances were becoming favourable to him. to the defence and glory of the faith which he professed with a conviction that was truly heroic. on the night of February the 9th. But. 346 he re-entered Alexandria amidst the rejoicings But the peace was of short duration. In Milan. finally. who.JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 3G7 with Bishop Julius. in Gaul. Constans dying Constantius no longer his partiality felt any necessity for concealing for war against Athanasius was renewed. Various attempts to get possession of the person of the Bishop were unsuccessful. and he was accused of Arianism. the governor. Syrianus. before Constantius in Antioch. the As being the disturber of the peace of the Church. Constantius considering it better policy not to his have any open rupture with brother. Athanasius the found friends and supporters.

but those who wished to keep fled reputation for temperance and wisdom from her. Now. The vicduring which Athanasius disappeared. Athanasius lived the Upper Egypt. returning to Alexandria. hermitages of from time to time. If. . which offer us a peculiar ragout of Alexandria. . though no doubt proved very tasty to the fourth century. for fear that they might be suspected. secretly. JULIAN THE APOSTATE succeeded in effecting an entrance into the church. however. service.3G8 soldiers. where the Bishop was celebrating divine A scene of riot and bloodshed ensued. with whose unfortunate end we are already see. shall But we sanctity and romance. acquainted. rates that Athanasius remained in Alexandria con- cealed in the of in home a beauty of a virgin of singular beauty unrivalled by that of any woman reproduce the words of Sozomenes. . torious Arians regained all the offices of which they had been deprived. which lasted from 356 in 361. Because she was in the flower of her youth. and George. was appointed to the episcopal During to this third exile. the fiery Bishop passed this period of renewed The historian narpersecution more pleasantly. and which to us most heterogeneous. and kept up the spirits of his party by the writings which he composed in his fruitful solitude. to all their " literary this appear account the palates of The virgin appeared as a marvel who saw her. we put faith in Sozomenes. . and of supreme dignity and modesty.

none of citizens of Alexandria were aware of Now." although the 3 a very long time. by no means. kcu oara (pvcris inrofiivdv j3ta£(Tai cv rais KUTtnetyovauiS xp tials - 3 Sozom. induced to save himself by a divine And when I vision. I seem to see in it the hand of God. had. and was such a faithful guardian and thoughtful handmaiden that she even washed his feet.JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 369 Athanasius. not wishing that the friends of Athanasius should suffer harm. or remained concealed innermost recesses of the virginal beautiful maiden. prepared his food. and all other things nature. and was at every moment exposed Alexandria. She received him with courage. vol. a quiet life. 2 that are demanded by also the necessities of procured books that were necessary to him. so that to the violence of a population 1 - incensed against rjs tii fiiv KaWns ov crvvc^copfi vnovoticrOai ev6u8( 8iuyeiv tuv iepta. .. op. or force them to take oath. who we know was a headstrong man. who. led him to conceal himself near one whose excessive beauty would not permit the 1 suspicion that a priest could be found near her. 11. investigate this event. whether Athanasius found refuge midst of the desert. —4 cit. took refuge with this virgin. if ever any one should question them concerning him. this lasted She for from others the And it. t 489. and kept him in safety by her prudence. his actions spiritually felt in the in the home of this and his presence were in the emotional atmosphere of Bishop George.

He had transgressed the As it was. they would But nothing was mutually weaken each other. with renewed energy. Now. an enemy much more powerful than intuition that himself. was published. but. expecting that. very much incensed at the brilliant reappearance of the Bishop of Alexandria. further from his thoughts than to assist Orthodoxy in overcoming Arianism. this reason. and led them to that terrible act which the Athanasians regarded with indifference. in Athanasius. . there was no one more suspected and more odious to him Julian was. re-occupied the episcopal throne. Athanasius not only re-entered Alexandria. and had an he would render life. his persecution began under the pretence that Athanasius law. and He foresaw. authorising those bishops who had been exiled by his Arian predecessor to return home. the conduct of Athanasius interfered with Julian's policy. and as Julian's As soon decision resumed.370 JULIAN THE APOSTATE him. their long-pent-up fury burst forth in all its force. his work of propa- gandism and opposition. and. as he wished to place the Christian parties on a footing of equality and reciprocal tolerance. by this means. therefore. felt that he could not tolerate him. fruitless the task to which he had dedicated his so he decided to silence him at once. the Emperor. and most probably connived at. without any hesitation. for than the over-zealous Athanasius. so that as soon as Julian ascended the throne.

We. order him to leave the very day on which he receives this letter. has resumed that which they call the episcopal throne. and furthermore. 371 had conceded said to the exiled Christians the right of returning to their homes. therefore. by so many emperors. puffed up by his habitual impudence.. Julian. making many converts to Christianity. 514. not content with fighting the Arians. carried on a very successful propaganda among the pagans. by his audacity and folly. but nothing permitting them to reassume the government of their respective churches. which is most decidedly disagreeable to the pious people of Alexandria. and should not immediately offend decrees.JULIANS ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY in his edict. but not to their churches. as to have no importance to him. if We they seemed have allowed to return the Galileans exiled by Constantius their I to homes. . especially 1 among the women. the laws." that 1 It appears re- Athanasius. And now hear that this most audacious Athanasius. man exiled by so many to the Alexandrians: the "A should certainly have awaited a special authorisation before re-entering the country. cit. did not hesitate had been about an instant to take place of the murdered Julian at once sent the following decree George. in notwithstanding this threat. Athanasius. mained the city. we will condemn him to greater city the and more vexatious chastisements. notwithstanding this. and this he may consider as a proof of our leniency.. But if he remain. Op.

Athanasius.. By all the gods. Thou knowest how slow I am to condemn. before the Kalends of December. thou shouldst at least have informed me about Athanasius. He must be persecuted. And this new order. not only the city. that enemy of the gods. he must be exiled from the whole of Egypt. the : Governor of Egypt." appears that thus far the decree was dictated by Julian to a secretary. nothing could give me more pleasure than that thou shouldst expel from every corner of Egypt. time ago. but also that I am much slower in pardoning." x In his first decree to the Alexandrians. transmitted to the Governor in that 1 Julian. . once that I have condemned. But suddenly overcome by an outburst of indignation.372 Julian. that criminal who has dared. this enemy of the — gods. but also Egypt. op. as thou wast well aware of what I had wisely decided some I swear by the mighty Serapis that if. cit. sends to /Edychius. to baptize Greek wives of illustrious citizens. the following note "If thou didst not want to write to me on other subjects. 484. has not left. the to Emperor had commanded Athanasius from the city. during my reign.. he seizes a stilus It and writes " : With my own hand. I will impose on the province administered by thee the fine of one hundred pounds in gold. JULIAN THE APOSTATE infuriated at this. Athanasius. be exiled This is now no longer sufficient. —To me it is a great grief to be disobeyed.

I sis. Egyptians (since your founder conquered Egypt). member your . you would not have the right to But having had. were the slaves the And now O you offer to those who scorn your country's laws. when all Egypt was united in the worship of the gods. ancient glory and prosperity. as your founder. you do not wish the welfare of the infected you are only the part of its it. and preferred to live illegally and to introduce a revelation and a new doctrine. by disobeying the paternal law. had the merited punishment. . Alexander. the god of . and. gods. to those who. who dare to appropriate to yourselves " I should be ashamed. . if name. confessed the O to only one of you beine a Galilean. Serapis. . is afterwards broadly explained in the following proclamation to the inhabitants of Alexandria : — "Julian to the Alexandrians " Even admitting that your founder would have been one of those who. The of forefathers of the Jews Egyptians. instead. having subjected the you. by Alexandrians. in your voluntary olden times. virgin Queen . as your protector. after Alexandrians. But those who and enjoyed every blessing. the is text wanting] city . Neither do you reservitude. together with [here the Egypt . demand of me Athanasius.JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 373 note composed of a few angry phrases. you kept in chains.

the teachings of those most wicked Galileans the now enjoys ? masters of the means of procuring the opulence it Finally. I hold the city guiltless of : who what has happened. not wishing to go into particulars. Alexander of Macedonia. was city ? a pious man. by Jupiter. nor even the Jews. did not in any way resemble them.' " . ' governed unwisely. presenting himself before you. after expelling the Ptolemies. out of respect for the great god Serapis. not on a few men. when we Romans became city. what me. . Your founder. favours particularly bestowed on your city by the gods of Olympus I will say But nothing. said to the citizens Inhabitants of Alexandria. did they not your city as a favourite daughter ? Did they make or were the town prosper with the sermons of Jesus. have they promoted in your advantage. Augustus. . who was all . The successors of the paternally the Ptolemies.374 introduced JULIAN THE APOSTATE among you tell this new revelation. nor it even one race or Is it city. all Of the is possible that you can ignore the favours that the gods bestow every day. who. treat are. but on the entire world ? possible that you alone are not aware of the Do you not rays that emanate from the sun ? know that spring and winter proceed from him ? and that from him animals and plants derive Do you not realise for how many their life ? benefits you are indebted to the moon. who are much more worthy than they founder.

and who represents him in everyAnd you dare not to bow down before thing ? these gods ? And you believe that for you is necessary the 'Logos' of God. by the help of the gods. will ". that Jesus. the great sun-god. would not be to him whom you desire. intellectual All . if you enjoy. impious words. neither you nor your fathers have ever seen ? that sun whom And whom I all the human race from all eternity contemplate and venerate. not relinquish the right path if you listen to me. and who. There are already too many of tickle disciples ready to your ears. when venerated. arrange things do not ask me for his Athanasius. . as is far as the teaching of the Scriptures concerned. . say. But you " If it you would be willing to be persuaded by will me. and there is no difficulty in choosing. that the or are in need of. have followed it since my twentieth year. who.. is the living and animated and rational and active image of the beneficent..JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 375 born from him. for twelve years." Here the text is interrupted. afford you great happiness. and we lose the close of But later it continues : — this enthusiastic hymn. wish to remain teachings of faithful to the foolishness you and the If evil-minded but among yourselves. Would wickedness of these impious teachings were limited to Athanasius alone You have an abundance of ! able persons. . men. that is. in Any one that you may pick out inferior the crowd.

" wonderful prophecy. always the cause of continual disorder. op. pronounced when Julian was at the apogee of his youth and power.. shrewdness.. as your great teacher. imagines that his life is in danger. — Sozom. 500. op. and will soon disappear.. by the calm 1 and serene confidence of Julian. but a miserable apology for one. to who always and who is Therefore.37G JULIAN THE APOSTATE if And you (they prefer tell Athanasius for that some other a great petition quality me it the intriguer). and so much the more not even a man. . op. and because of that is this. cit. This order be communicated to our " ! citizens of Alexandria * Athanasius opposed no resistance to the order This man of great experience and of Julian. When on the point of leaving Alexandria. at. know ye precisely for this reason that I have banished him from the unfit is because is the man who when he wishes to interfere in everything by nature so to govern. 152. 556. this is 2 only A a passing cloud... to me. he said to the weeping multitude who surrounded him : "Be of good heart. who had passed through so many other perils and adventures. at. understood the folly of Julian's attempt. we first decreed that he should be banished from the city. which reveals. man is make your city. " and now from the whole of Egypt. - Socrat.. prevent any disturbance from taking place.

convictions. that they seriously take into consideration a figure. by means of which the writer seeks to shame the Alexandrians who are willing to submit to the yoke of the they anciently it descendants of those Hebrews whom had as their possible that slaves. as it singularly valuable and enables us to penetrate into his is ideas certain and intentions. Julian wonders how is the Alexandrians have fallen into such a state of intellectual impotence. they and their fathers have — the never seen. to which he But. who is absolutely devoid of all historical importance. and whom life.JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 377 its words. notwithstanding his reveals his in Hymn the Sun with words so Julian and sincerity. to him the story of Jesus was only a fable composed of elements unskilfully woven together. while they daily contemplate the sun origin of and the visible representation of the supreme God! all As Julian invulnerable to the fascinations was absolutely that emanated from the Gospel. allows with feeling nothing to dissuade replete tolerance. He was thus astonished that any one could consider it in a different light. the dignity and greatness of mind of this man. and essentially irrational. him from his predetermined He . Julian's proclamation interesting. much more efficaciously than the hyperbolical invectives of a Gregory or a illustrious Cyril. It certainly possesses a amount of polemical skill. like that of Jesus.

they are free only they are forbidden to listen to if antipathy that Julian cherishes against the Bishop of Alexandria speaks highly in favour of the latter. such be the case. had only served to reinstate Athanasius in his ancient position.378 JULIAN THE APOSTATE deplores the blindness of the Alexandrians. should depart for a while from his customary But by giving to his anger the moderation. The murder of Bishop George. to do so. does not wish that Athanasius should exercise any influence over them. and. whom he cannot succeed in overcoming. he demonstrated that neither failure nor disappointment could . which sidered as an indication might have been conthat the Alexandrians Hellenism. But he does not prevent the Christians of Alexandria from being instructed in their doctrine. irritated by this condition of affairs. This personality. but. and is an evident proof of the sterling merits of this truly great fierce Athanasius. and following the many masters placed at their disIt seems to him inconceivable and most posal. Thus it was only natural and human that Julian. character of a personal contest. wished to return to therefore rendering his Christian propaganda more efficacious. because of his personal antipathy. unfortunate that the Alexandrians could experience the desire of listening to the teachings of the Christians. In Julian there certainly can be detected the anger of the partisan who sees before him an enemy much stronger than himself.

on their wealth. and the Romans. unknown. from a small. there should arise a force Is it capable brilliant of combating and vanquishing the most and powerful traditions ? Is it possible that the Galileans were wiser and stronger than the Greeks? Is it possible that the Alexandrians should forget Alexander. with all its glory. victorious. which <was erected their civilisation. the Ptolemies. laws and history. religion. Ancient civilisation. and Serapis and structure Isis — in truth.JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 379 induce him to be guilty of a systematic and general persecution. it. and their prosperity ? Why should they abandon . only speaks of the Christians as Galileans. possible that. and. all that of men. Julian's argument in this proclamation to the Alexandrians gives us a clear insight into his mind. its traditions memories. would But end by ? destroying how be overturning and Will tradition be ? interrupted glories of the and history closed Will for all the past effaced ever. and cancelled by the intrusion of a foreign element ? But who would dare to compare the value of this foreign element with the orandeur of the historical memories of the nation? his And Julian. barbarous corner of the Empire. appears to him a heritage so precious that he cannot comprehend how they can welcome a doctrine that does not and its recognise if it. has an origin extraneous to it. to express contempt for the humble origin of the new doctrine.

grand. when Christianity had been and ruled over half the world. If a discourse such as Julian's had been in pronounced two centuries Aurelius. and glorious memories to follow the call of Jesus? of a man. All Julian's reminders and reminiscences of a glorious past were vain and ineffectual. fourth century. born in — an absolute stranger to the Greek and Roman world. spontaneous impulse of the human soul which feels the necessity of satisfying certain aspirations. Belief is not a thing of reason. or Faith is born from the opportunity. and. convenience. as they failed to touch the soul that had experienced the charm of Christianity. when born. being attracted by other ideals. also. Then. earlier by a Marcus all its when paganism and flourished Christianity was just born.380 all JULIAN THE APOSTATE these cherished. recognised. it was too late. But in the middle of the splendour. and. untutored and unknown. it have been might understood. of whom there existed only uncertain and contradictory a man so weak and nerveless that he reports Galilee. — allowed himself to be ignominiously killed not this a supreme folly ? ? Is This argument of Julian might have appealed to those who did not believe in Christianity. and have exercised a certain influence. hastened towards that source where they could be realised. no reason in the world is able to extinguish it. but had not the slightest importance for those who believed. officially this dis- .

people.JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 381 course must have had the same results as that of a faint voice coming from a long distance. their discord would the a new flame which would consume acute of power of the Church. The the his was the signal for renewal aims. for the most part. object was against destroy the these influence of it the conquered. Another case to in betray acts him was which Julian allowed his hate into an injustice is that of the Bishop of Bostra. first We recall know all that one of Julian's to those bishops. emperor were soon the exiles The previsions of this return verified. when the heads of the parties into which Christianity was divided came kindle into contact. and powerless to awaken an echo in the souls of those who heard it. who. and assumed the aspect of a personal persecution. observed certainly that. to Once bishops. belonged also And we have this underlying decree. In his duel with Athanasius. Julian's conduct. further his to wished to profit In war Christianity. lacked moderation. which was in itself an act of tolerance. to the Athanasian party. to it. Now by his first Julian. of the storm. though in part excusable. of which his letter to the citizens . exiled by Constantius. would be easier to internal were the master And these discords suggested him an artifice. there was probably the desire and the hope that.

peace to the Church. and. are Quite they would be pleased with the clemency and impartiality exercised by Julian. because they inflame the souls of the deceived and ignorant. addresses himself to the Christian populafurnishes a tion of that city. poor . who used all his influence to make and who. to any one. notwithstanding the fact that the Christians constituted the majority of the by means of prevented them from doing harm population. If it were the bishops zeal. But the artifice of the Imperial into the traps that disputant could hardly apply to Titus. It is the bishops who are responsible. who has restored religious so. his exhortations. making them the instruments of their base covetousness. honestly believing that he had acted in a manner to entitle him to Julian's peace. to ruin the This imprudent phrase gave the Emperor an opportunity of attempting. to assure them that he will not hold them responsible for the disorders that have taken place there. Christian open the their and not bishops had set for them. approbation. that But they must not believe exclusively influenced by the contrary. with perfidious skill. and enriching themselves which belonged to their congregations should fall by appropriating rivals. the Bishop of Bostra.382 of JULIAN THE APOSTATE Bostra Emperor The singular example. had. But the truth is that this clemency prevented higher clergy from making bad use of their them and the rest of the positions. that The eyes.

JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 383 Bishop. those whose goods had been confiscated. and whole multitudes so that. received them back again. Galatia. However. and that the people of Bostra must expel him from the city. and. in of so-called heretics were in murdered. Cyzicus. by means of a law. and entire villages tions. who otherwise would have caused his injunctions. 337-8. The exiled have been recalled. and imprisoned. and pretends all from it that the Bishop claimed the merit of having kept peace among the citizens riots. and who unwillingly obeyed Julian concludes by saying that Titus is a calumniator. He quotes to infer in his letter this isolated phrase. Bithynia. . were exiled. of Bostra. of which we have already noted the exhortations to religious tolerance. Samosata. were destroyed from their foundaunder my rule. Now. persecuted. But we curious will reproduce in its entirety 1 this letter. "To the " I Inhabitants of Bostra that the chiefs of the Galileans believed feel should him who a greater thankfulness to me than to preceded me in the government of the For while he reigned many of them Empire. just the opposite has happened. that from the moment they were no 1 See pp. other places. they have arrived at such a pitch of fury and stupidity. and many Paphlagonia.

according to the with prayers to Now. inflamed with stir anger. deceived in riots just by the clergy. clergy are permitted to act with impunity. " their bodies the gods. up the and make riots. for those who exercised tyranny. it is not sufficient that they are not obliged to evil that pay the penalty of the they have done. fuel on the fire. break out because the In fact. they and to take all for them- encourage every kind of disorder. thus impossible for us to permit would be those any of unbelievers. they begin to hurl stones. they must first purify themselves and It supplicate the punishing divinities. because they desire or pretend to be present at our sacred rites. and dare to rabble.384 JULIAN THE APOSTATE longer allowed to tyrannise. desiring to re-acquire the old power. if I may so say. it is manifest that the crowd. to write wills. they add greater ills to the ancient troubles. but. impious in their actions towards the gods and rebellious to our decrees. before they have purified their souls and law. by lustration. nor to continue the strife among themselves. now that the law no longer permits them to be judges. and oppressed the worshippers of the gods. and drag on the . and we openly declare that if any one desires to participate in our rites and libations. to appropriate the inheritance of others selves. notwithstanding their extreme benevolence. and by throwing. do not permit any one against their will to be We dragged to the altars.

— 559 sq. and render manifest this in by means of decree. II. but is rather due to the power of his exhortations. VOL. so that there should be neither disputes nor violence. Here is the phrase of the memorial which : in this my decree they will the Greeks in tions. 5 . and to make such prayers as they think fit. " I believe it opportune to make this declaration.' So the — I quote ' — Bishop speaks of you. Otherwise. Julian. and come to an agreement among yourselves. I have. we have a'/.. You see he says your good conduct is not the fruit of your inclination. let must not and especially to thecitizensof Bostra. Although the Christians equal numbers. — Sozom. of your own free will. in a memorial they have sent me. accuse the population of being inclined to disorder. restrained by our exhortain no way disturb any one. the magistrates.JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 385 multitude to discord. in spite of their exhortations. 501.. therefore. all are allowed to assemble together as often as they wish.. But they themselves be led into disorderly unless actions. banish him from your city as your accuser." ! finishes his letter Julian with those admonialready tions to mutual 1 tolerance which a'/. the duty of not assisting the clergy causing to be and not permitting themselves persuaded to throw stones and disobey riots. op.. because Bishop Titus and the priests around him. they wish to be punished. decided to to all proclaim. Therefore you should. op.

But the ruse he used against the Bishop of Bostra is so hypocritical that it leaves a stain on Julian's character. and the tendency to intrigue was so clear and universal that the pagan disputant could derive from it argument. support. I have reaped the result of being hated by all. evidently they had become completely corrupted by the high position they had attained. the My . "You very ably puts the he see. there was open war. In this letter the description of the habits of the Christian clergy is intensely interesting and instructive . Christianity. and. The thirst for rapidly acquired wealth. And. who fiercely persecuted one half of the Church for the fact benefit of the other." says. But this arises from the that peace and reciprocal respect are not desired by for heads of the Church. without distinction. and justification in the war he was waging against question. which was yet more grave and reprehensible than his treatment of Athanasius.386 JULIAN THE APOSTATE heard (pp. 33J. asunder. and more than my predecessor. With Julian's the latter point of war was justifiable. But the wisdom of this advice does not excuse Julian's conduct towards Titus. as they only care impunity in their abuse of power and deceit. "I have rendered Julian the Church of the Galileans incontestable services. and sought to put an end to the violence by which it was rent I have recalled the exiled. the thirst for power. 338). have given back the property that had been confiscated. from view. instead of finding gratitude.

we perceive a maleare volent intention.JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 387 system of government. these words If this undoubtedly so. and so intensely dominated by the lust for w ealth and power. because. were miserably dissipated. . and they would prefer power and they would be able arbitrary violence. The of primitive Christianity. to secure their own interests. based upon the the truth. or were. and Christianity had become inoculated with those same vices which it was its mission to extirpate. had not been would divine argument of the disputant have ideals proved wholly inefficacious. with these. that Julian's persecutions only existed in the imagination of those authors who opposed him. so given to fraud. of outraged in Julian's morality. by adapting themselves to material forms. at least. I think that I have clearly demonstrated. and behold a ! few decades of security and prosperity had reduced it to an institution so full of vices. and absolute obedience to the laws. gathered to its bosom all the heroism of which human nature was capable. as to permit those who opposed it to r assume the character of defenders of the weak and vindicators ting that. is distasteful to those who thus find their hands tied. when Christianity. Even admit- words. by the assistance of documentary evidence. which imposes order and toleration of opinions and beliefs. bleeding and broken." Scarcely sixty years had passed since the persecution of Diocletian.

the promulgation of the law by which he sought to forbid Christians teaching Greek literature in the public schools. he wishes to Epicurus. Julian's thought and a tendency that had arisen for the first time in the ancient world. The immense importance attributed to this act. proves how little they must have all. and seek to form a precise judgment concerning it. and it is this same that afterwards a of developed into literary censure. which. one that is authentic. blameless and and sometimes carried to excess untimely zeal of certain prefects. by this decree. at direction all new persecutor. we must origin and in its essence. events. true. But just because of a new it attitude in its examine was symptomatic of the human mind.388 JULIAN THE APOSTATE it is acts of defence. incapable of comprehending Julian's act their inspiration and significance. not always. sincere. and is even now considered by This act is many historians to be the proof of the aggressive intolerance of the Imperial apostate. by the But there is one of Julian's acts. after tive had only an administracharacter. been the action preoccupied manifests by the supposed violence of But. prevent the sacred books of polytheism from being read and explained by masters. We have already seen how Julian advised his priests not to read Now. that aroused the greatest indignation on the part of his Christian contemporaries. according to his ideas. based on the objective knowledge of the con- .

consider the position that the religion had taken Graeco-Roman the society of the fourth century. whose of it were the sanction the and consecration just its existence. the greatest honour on the philosophical spirit of the Emperor. side by side with the national divinities. but the explicit. because affirmed to object multiplicity of the gods. The edict with which Constantine and league Licinius recognised the legal existence of is a Christianity. and absolute abandonment of any State religion. just because it forbade its adherents to those perform these acts. they conformed which were necessarily recognised by the authorities of the State. had a national religion. that which is most singular and original in Constantine's decree is not the proclamation of the principle of tolerance for all religions.JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 389 ditions in the midst of first of all. their to foreign only requiring that. Now. . therefore. and. like all the other states of the ancient acts world." The Roman Empire. did not admit. declared. if his subsequent actions had not demonstrated that this document that would reflect decree was not the effect of careful reflection. appeared as an institution politically revolutionary. but simply a manoeuvre of political "opportunism. after promulgation of his col- the Edict of Constantine. in external rules acts of worship. we should in which it appeared. gods. published in Milan in the year 313. And. Christianity was opposed. But polytheism.

300

JULIAN THE APOSTATE
State,

The

according to Constantine, should be a theism so rational satisfied with pure theism

as to be absolutely indifferent as to the modality And of the worship that men rendered to God.
it

is

just because

Constantine, in the

interest of

the empire and the Emperor, wished this God to be prayed to by all men, that the law affirmed

the
all

complete liberty of worship, and abandoned
claims
to
rites.

the

determined

fulfilment of official and Whatever the external forms

might

be, all prayers are acceptable to

God.

State has no right to prefer or choose for its one form rather than another. The supreme im-

The own

portance to the State and the Emperor is not the manner in which men pray, but that they actually

do pray. Every link between the State and a Condetermined religion is entirely severed.
stantine's

decree
of

is

principle

"libera
writes

evidently inspired by the Chiesa in libero stato."
to

Constantine

— "We provinces:

the

governors

of

the

give to the Christian and to all others free choice of following that worship which they prefer, so that the divinity who is in heaven

may be propitious to us and to all those under our rule. By a wise and most just process of reasoning, we are induced to decree that no one shall
be refused the right of following the doctrine and worship of the Christians we desire that every one
;

should be free to follow the religion that seems
to

him most

suitable, so

that

the

divinity may,

JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 391
with
his

usual
.

benevolence, assist us
. .

undertakings.
peror,

We" — continues
to

in

all

our

the

Emto

— "warmly governor
thy especial

addressing

himself

each

individual

recommend our decree
that

attention, so
it

thou mayst comto

prehend

that

is

our

desire

give

to

the

Christians absolute freedom to follow their worship. But if such absolute freedom be given by us to

them, thou must see that the same liberty must be given to all others who wish to participate in
the
acts

of

their

particular

religion.

It

is

the
that

manifest

sign

of

the

peace of

our

times

every one is free to select and worship the divinity whom he prefers. And it is on account of this
that

we

desire

that

the

exercise

worship
slightest

or

any

religion
. .
.

should

of any special not suffer the
this course,

impediment.
obtain
that

Following

we
will

shall

has on so

many
to
1

providence, which occasions been favourable to us,
divine

continue

be

always and

unchangeably
that acts
;

propitious."

Constantine's
inspired
that
it

decree

and
the

the

principle
rational

is

one

of

most

we
and

ever emanated from a legislative authority may almost say that the legislation of all times
all

nations has never

gone

further.

We

shall

never

know

whence

Constantine

received

the

inspiration of his remarkable decree, which, while

permitting

Christianity the
1

right
375.

to

live

and

to

Euseb., op.

cit.,

392
exercise
its
it

JULIAN THE APOSTATE
particular worship, at the

same time

refused
its

the sanction of that which constituted

essential principle
truth.

— the

sanction of an absolute

and dogmatic

true to the idolatry

pagans and superstitions of paganism,

But between

the

and the Christians, who with their metaphysical religion were about to create a new idolatry and
a

new

superstition,
if

there

must

existed,

we

rightly

interpret

possibly have the words of

Ammianus
the

Marcellinus,

a

party fighting
theistic

under

banner of
the

a

rationally

Christianity.

Ridiculing

theological
that

craze

of

Constantius,

our

a stupid says superstition for the Christian religion "absolutam 1 et simplicem." These two epithets, which, on the
historian
lips

he

mistook

of a polytheist, sounded like praise, appeared
refer
to

to

a

Christianity
tolerant
in

without
its

dogmas and

without

mation — a
the
first

rites,

purely theistic affir"Stoic" Christianity, of which we find
"

" Octavius of Minucius expression in the Felix. Constantine's decree was probably conceived in this atmosphere of rational religion, and therefore

opposed to the invasion of dogmatism. But the readiness with which Constantine abandoned this
serene and enlightened rationalism proved that the decree was not the manifestation of a conviction

formed

in his conscience, but the effect of

the counsel of others.

Therefore, as

soon as

it

occurred to Constantine that Christianity might, in
1

Amm.

Marcell., op.

cit.,

i.

263.

JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 393
his hands,

become a powerful instrument, he hastened
descending
lofty position of rational theism, conferred

to supersede his admirable decree, and,

from the

on Christianity, now Orthodox and now Arian, the
importance of a real and absolute State religion, and Christianity, just because it owed its efficacy
to

a dogmatic truth, rather than to a political necessity, excluded and persecuted all other re-

ligions.

Constantine had
in

written

"
:

It

does

not

matter

do

what manner men pray, so long as they In the Christianity which he had pray."

recognised, the manner condition of the prayer.
in

became immediately the

He who

did

not pray

prescribed manner must not pray at all. The sons of Constantine hastened this movement,
the

which received
Theodosius.

its

solemn and
the

final

sanction from

Now

Julian,

with

all

toleration

he had

declared in religious matters, could not consider the subject from Constantine's point of view, because

he also desired a religion of State, and such for him was paganism, to which he gave a dogmatic
value,

and

in

this

consisted

the

novelty

of his

attempt. Julian was a man of his time, and he could not be expected to revive a decree which

was only a theoretic declaration of
to to

principles,

and

not a practically applied rule of conduct.

Julian

attempted Christianity, recognised oppose as a religion essentially dogmatic, another religion that would not be less so. From this arose the

394

JULIAN THE APOSTATE
him was

necessity of preventing a diffusion of what to

was an
to be

error, and,

above

all,

when

this error

The
by
that

propagated by means furnished by the State. School Law that he promulgated was inspired

this trend of ideas,

and was one of the instruments
in
it

he wished to use
shall

the

religious

conflict.

and decide, if, considering the convictions by which he was prompted, we can really accuse him of having been intolerant and tyrannical.
attentively,

We

now examine

In
dispute,

order clearly to define the

terms of

this

we shall begin by reproducing literally the famous law which was promulgated by Julian in the year 362, a few months before he left
Constantinople for Antioch to prepare for that Persian expedition in which he was to perish

heroically. "
It is

The law

is

as follows

:


it

necessary that the masters of the schools
first

should be most perfect, then in their eloquence.
for

in their morals,

and

Now,

as

is

impossible

be present in every city, I order that those who wish to be teachers must not suddenly and without preparation assume that office non
to

me

repente
after

nee

temere prosiliat

ad

hoc

munus—

but,

being
'

approved
shall

by the
obtain

Government, they
'

authority of a decree of

the
the the

Curiales

[we

should

say

nowadays
not
fail

Town

Council],

which

must

to

meet

the approbation of the best citizens.

This decree

JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 395
must afterwards be referred
to me, for examination,

so that the one elected should present himself to the school of the city deserving, because of our

judgment, a higher title of honour hoc decrctum ad me tractandum refertur tit altiore quodam honore
nostro judicio studiis civitatum acccdat."

We

must,

first

of

all,

remark that

Julian's law

referred exclusively to the municipal schools, which In the were none other than the public schools.

fourth century, official teaching

was almost

entirely

the assigned to the cities, and they maintained schools at their expense, nominating the teachers Of this we have by means of the Council.

numberless proofs,
the
"

1

but
"

it

is

fully

demonstrated

in

Autobiography famous Professor of Rhetoric narrates

of Libanius, in which the
his continual

peregrinations between the schools of Constantinople, Nicomedia, and Antioch, and his Discourses,

which he speaks so frequently of the disputes and incessantly arising between the city authorities the teachers, to whom these authorities were
in

always

with their stipends a condition of affairs by no means peculiar to the fourth century. Furthermore, every one knows that the high-minded
in arrears

and

intelligent

youth

who

afterwards was

known

as St. Augustine, came to Milan, just because the a Professor of city authorities having to elect
Rhetoric, and not finding any one in the city whom they considered worthy to fill the position, addressed
1

Sievers,

Das Lcbcn des Lifam'us.—BoiSSieT, La Fin du Paganismc.

Thus nary. save on extraordinary occasions. at the same time both the City Schools and the State Schools and the election of the masters descended. lies But in this tail. them from being. and not only reaffirmed his right. Now Julian. ut ill i civitati rhetorical magister provideretur. the most cultured man of his time. did not prevent and de jure. we recognise Julian's mania for interfering in everything. However. City Councils to a rigorous exercise of their duties. and the elections made by the municipal authorities. in itself it laudable interest in public instruction. therefore. wishing to resume the guardianship of public instruction. which was decidedly only reveals a very one of his defects. or for absolutely exceptional reasons. if. far. in the fourth century. so that the emperors no longer occupied themselves with the schools." by the authority of the Emperor.396 JULIAN THE APOSTATE Prefect of themselves to Symmachus. the circumstance that the schools were main- tained at the expense of the cities. was truly a case where the sting the . so greatly complicate the organism of our society likewise. in theory ." and Symmachus sent them Augustine. But such rights had fallen into disuse and oblivion. by reserving to himself the the elections of masters made by the Councils. there did not exist those subtle distinctions of competency that . recalled the but also exercised revision of all it. "schematically. there is nothing extraordi- and in this law. so to speak. the " Rome.

because they as still preserve. disposition. And. in reality. with a succession of ingenious and subtle reasons which are well worthy of being examined and discussed. his even hatred more bitter than Diocletian. actuality. and justifies it. Julian did not make any mystery When he promulgated the law. an examination of first we must see what were the conditions which caused the that law. to invest the teachers with a higher title nominations of teachers. comments. of honour. not so innocent. to exclude Christians from the teaching truly. he accompanied it by a sort of circular which has been preserved intact. which he explicitly arrogated to himself. and in it we clearly discern the ends to which it tended. But the reason of this was. A passed since a Emperor to promulgate more than half a century had Christianity had been subjected to the little terrible persecution of Diocletian. that was very much more important him than the ofeneral tion.JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 397 The Emperor all reserved to himself the revision of in order. Under there the appearance of a general existed a precise and wellJulian wished to attain an end to determined intention. But at the same time he explains. of this. management of scholastic administra- The revision of these nominations. would enable him staff. and behold ! an emperor." we say nowadays. into the "charm of But before we enter Julian's reasons. according to the law. because . bitter enemy of Christianity.

were for the and pagans were succeeded by intestine contests between Athanasians and Arians. finds nothing better to do than the to close ! Christians And the public schools against the men most conspicuous the among fierce Christians rise up in a violent and indignation against a decree that must have seemed most innocent to those who recalled the methods and condemnations resorted persecutors. in the bosom of Christianity itself.398 JULIAN THE APOSTATE inspired. still though falling into decadence. lived in the memories and habits of ancient thought. But Christianity. to by the preceding The truth is that Christianity. was society necessarily in inevitable the had become atmosrapidly phere of a which. the cities. not simply was also by reasons of State. but by philosophical convictions. desiring to eradicate the new religion. had become resisted all-powerful. and made itself master of most of the civilised world. in the years that intervened between the decree of Milan and Julian's accession to the throne. and the struggles between Christians in the East. It Hellenised. and were unable to use other forms excepting those transmitted . If the rural portions and tenaciously preserved the worship of the ancient divinities which was so closely united with the cultivation of the all fields. abovei 1 greater part Christianised. proclaimed as the dominant and recognised religion of Hellenic I civilisation. protected by the influence of Constantine and of his sons.

and propaganda should writers adopt the whom. it itself it opposed. by which to Christianity adapted the midst of which Hellenic culture. Christian should lost. in a short time. Hellenic received new life from to as it awakened a is impulse no longer fell be found It in the decrepit civilisation of the ancient world. and. In the Discourses . Hellenic garb of those very from a religious point of view. The schools of rhetoric were with Christian pupils . it was guided by the for life. a Gregory and a Basil . the most renowned lettres in the fourth among the faculties of belles- side with century were seated.JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 399 to them be by the its ancients./ Christian masters occupied the chairs of eloquence :v/ on the benches of the School of Athens itself. were great arenas . in to live had and spread. emitted some few flashes of light. was a struggle say that it. with an celerity which explains how. rapid filled and intense. the Councils that followed one another rapidly in the vain attempt to adjust the terrible dissensions that rent the Church. it in this literary revolution. instinct will. became. in which eloquence was the one powerful weapon become Hellenised Christianity had impetuosity and that in short. that the flower of Palestine. into Greek literature decadence more slowly than was the case true that with Latin literature. even in the fourth century. This process of evolution. And we culture fresh furthermore. side by Prince Julian. with divine that Evangelical simplicity.

became the indispensable t ' instrument of Christian preaching. company of ecclesiastical orators Athanasius to and writers from Augustine. * scathing of Nazianzus inveighs against the it is orations beloved Julian in which Emperor literary undeniable that. Satires. Roman persecution. even from a i point of view. the victory must be assigned to the Christian disputant rather than to the pagan And if we recall that numerous rhetorician. entering as the constituent element of their work. Julian. could not have opposed it by means of persecution. a measure of public safety against a sect that they believed to be dangerous. he the ancient moulds.400 JULIAN THE APOSTATE all in — of Libanius. from Nero to Diocletian. his which he exalts the virtues of of the with Gregory he hated. But such a proceeding could only be instituted by a majority against a The day in which the minority became minority. and the vitality is far more intense. just because it had become Hellenised by recasting its elements in Even if he had so wished. who have filled the fourth century with their fiery eloquence. a police persecution. and above his the writings of Julian Letters. therefore. we compare one either of the discourses of Libanius. . had been naught else but a coercitio. —we occasionally encounter admirable passages but in the literature of Hellenised Christianity there are bolder If in flights. found himself confronted with a religion most powerfully constituted. and certain Orations . we immediately 'recognise that Hellenism.

and he himself wrote theological discourses • and treatises. father. of L "' example and arguments. to menace of death the influence in of the masters with . But the the terrible vicissitudes of his childhood. the positions were reversed. Julian necessary requisites actually possessed all of a Christian. a court exclusively Christian whom the natural antagonism to he saw the murderer of his his other relatives . his deep-seated passion for VOL. whom. II. at least formed half of his subjects. finally. his brother. he conceivedthe thought of converting I persuading them. if I composed fervent use the prayers. and the persecuted became the persecutors.JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 401 the majority. to return to the ancient customs. later. if not the majority. With this idea he attempted to organise a pagan clergy that would. prove itself superior to the Christian clergy. and issued. the continual which he was subjected in his early youth. who. and revealing a tendency which nowadays we might with call bigoted. may word. by his them by kindness. and in its turn had already taken place under the sons of Constantine. Inasmuch as Julian could no longer this persecute the Christians. by its virtues and zeal. him . the Hellenic education which he had received in Constantinople from his first teacher. disgraceful spectacle of Constantius. in court . and the cor- ruption of the Arian clergy that surrounded and. —6 Greek art . "pastorals" replete good advice. he lived Nicomedia the presented by the his cousin.

read and '"tales of Hellenic studied with good-will and without adverse preirresistible influence. Carried away by the theurgic metaphysics which had been instituted by Iamblichus and his pupils. and thus the mythology were for him a series Homer and Hesiod were to jof sacred symbols. must exercise the most and prove the most powerful instruments of reconversion to the ancient beliefs. and made him insensible to the attractions that Christianity might have exercised over a spirit so noble and sincere as that of the young Emperor. Unequalled in his knowledge of Christian literature.402 JULIAN THE APOSTATE culture. which he scrutinised with an unfriendly eye. in accord- ance with those rules which he drew from the source of the very religion which he wished to demolish. He 'him what the Bible was to the Christians. What could : Julian replied possibly be the reason of this ? sacred the schools Because in the public . But. Julian believed in the truth of polytheism transformed into a mystical symbolism. and governed. but to a polytheism metaphysically reformed by means of the symbolic doctrines of Neo-Platonism. Julian set himself the task of persuading the world that Christianity was founded on a false basis. was therefore convinced that those books. and that he intended to lead it back to polytheism. in spite of this. judice. in respect of its morals and discipline. he was forced to admit that the reading of these to books did not to appear of oppose any obstacle the invasion Christianity.

would have been to rebarbarise Christianity. in easy. by means of which. he promulgated his law. by which no one could become a teacher in the public schools unless they were first confirmed in their offices by the Emperor. therefore. Christianity ^ rose up in arms against this law. To arrive at this end. therefore. filled them their great instrument of . who either do not comprehend them. by attempted propaganda. decided to prevent the Christian teachers from holding professorships in the schools. and. or make them and abuse. and he. Diocletian's If Julian had renewed persecution. which he to wrest from move. He the subject of derision therefore thought that one of the most most necessary precautions that he could take would be to protect thej efficacious as well as children from the effects of this perversion. had ever been subjected. it. considering it the I deadliest offence and the gravest blow to which it understand how. to the fourth century. It is it gained converts to its doctrines. which was as much as to say that no Christian would receive the necessary approbation. by wresting from it those literary adornments with which it presented itself to the civilised world. if rigorously applied. or contradict them by their conduct outside the school. Christianity would have fearlessly confronted found Julian's in knowing that it would have But persecution a renewed strength.JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 403 / \ ) books of polytheism are placed in the hands of Christian teachers. The natural consequence of Julian's decree.

would have smiled at But Christianity. we who speak Greek. . considered this decree among the few reprehensible 1 things tit. power. it who ? . by law he wished to prevent the Christians from sharpening their tongues so as to be able to reply this the arguments of their adversaries.. with whom he had fought. Orat. he says. although recognising that Julian did not indulge in any violent and bloody persecutions. op. Paul. Greg. and was obliged to adopt worldly weapons. yet considers him a persecutor. Naz. had transformed itself. 2 Socrat. committed by iii.. " whence.. thou hast said. O Gregory most stupid and wicked of men. for whom the whole wisdom of the world was naught else but foolishness. op. tit. we who adore the gods. the ecclesiastical historian.404 JULIAN THE APOSTATE them with indignation and dismay. and of these Hellenic culture was one of the most indispensable. Ammianus He. because. I believe " ! * Socrates. came " Whence " — exclaims — to thee the thought of depriving the Christians of Was it Mercury. . his emperor. 151. a measured and judicious writer. as we have seen. who was no Christian. to you for whom all wisdom is we encompassed in the word. To you ignorance and churlishness. it had become a worldly such a law. Certainly St. it into thy head ? Was the evil demons We only. 97. as thou the use of eloquence ? thyself hast said. most symptomatic judgment is that of to 2 But the Marcellinus. put .. who felt the greatest admiration for Julian. only have the right to eloquence.

but a man of mediocre intelligence. 289. to a great extent.. an honest and impartial narrator. influenced by the Christians. which was. and. with his pagan. if considered with the serene impartiality of the critic from a purely objective point of view ? — This is the 1 question I wish cit. the wonderful talents with which he was endowed.JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 405 and judges it as an inclement decree." — i — expert soldier. But can condemnation — certainly justifiable from the point of view of Christian apologetics be sustained. He practical common sense. to i. but rather the echo of public opinion. and became a settled verdict. Marcell. op. . deplored that a man so accomplished and brave as Julian should condescend to embroil himself in theological disputes. and these extravagant superstitions. dissipate.. The condemnation and this even to this dav constitutes the principal accusation against that Imperial Utopian. in His judgment is most interesting. no interest in religious disputes. examine. but neither was he a decided and zealous He was perfectly neutral. We Amm. who were so energetic and numerous as to obtain the adherence even of a lukewarm pagan. that should " obruendum be consigned to perennial silence Ammianus Marcellinus was an perenni silent'/o. as it cannot be the fruit of personal reflection. who could take was not a Christian. hurled by the contemporary'' Christians against Julian's decree was confirmed in the following centuries.

demnation would not be justified unless it could be proved that the means chosen were unjust. he was a hypocrite. he being convinced of the perfection of 1 polytheism. could condemn him. no the invasion of his enemy. he was a tyrant . or that while employing the legitimate his control. and are only content when they have convinced. The conone. or exceeded the limits of his authority. means within he failed to give due consideration to the opinion of others. ' The truth that Julian was a possessed with a passion for reasoning. we have for now under him consideration. and has The temperance written his circular to refute it. one of those men who examine and re-examine themselves to discover the reasons that man prompt their actions. and not ''forget that. displayed by his words and reasoning has only served to gain him the reputation of a hypocrite. This unhappy Julian never succeeded in satisfying any one. In the case of the rationality of their conduct.40 G JULIAN THE APOSTATE should put ourselves in Julian's place. but also themselves. Nothing could be opposed . not only others. it seems to me. If he gave vent to his natural indignation. wished to lead the world back to its It was therefore only natural that he worship. Julian has anticipated this accusation. should seek the most efficacious means to resist As far as this goes. if he reasoned is tranquilly. there was no necessity to be a hypocrite.

Hesiod. therefore. that it was not possible to permit these masters- who were those not pagans to adopt in their teachings books that were the sacred texts of This. he writes "that good teaching does not consist in — "We — of words and speech. Julian's argument.JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 407 to the execution of his law. and. But he desired to establish his law on a rational earnestly basis. had the eyes of the Christians. He. his reasons. The with an teachers who were for to inspire their pupils admiration Homer. and the other authors of antiquity. an absolute moral monstrosity. they were teaching that which they believed false. is that there should be no contradiction between a man's' teaching and his faith and conduct. unnecessary the pagans. in their anxiety to obtain their salaries. believe" step by step. constituted paganism. and were for account to any one. of honesty and dishonesty. from which he develops the thread of his argument. But let us follow. of i I which he gives the outline in his famous circular. but rather in a disposition of the mind that has a true conception of good and evil. they must recognise that. the harmony therefore. of which he was not obliged to render besides. should demonstrate in their daily lives their belief in the piety and wisdom of these authors. in Julian's opinion. who teaches in one way and thinks in . whatever they might be. If they did not possess such convictions. no value in And. Julian's fundamental affirmation.

an evil." and experience in their souls not differ from those they This is the most important Julian's argument. to like the merchants. nevertheless." Julian here namely. In but is small things this disagreement between one's convictions and one's words is an evil that may be tolerated. his conduct is similar to that of the merchants not the honest. Julian is then continues : necessary that all those who devote themselves to teaching should have good morals [and by "good morals" he means the public pro. but the depraved ones — highly as possible the wares that are the worse. they could not exhort their pupils to admire and follow their doctrines dishonest : unless. as ab- . He affirms. in good faith. that puts his fundamental principle. In order to avoid this deplorable state of affairs. to sell they seek deceive the buyers and them one merchandise "It for another. deceiving and alluring by their whom they wish to give over that which is spoiled. fession of paganism] sentiments that do express in point in public. having convictions absolutely diverse from those of the authors of antiquity.408 another. when a man thinks one way and teaches exactly the contrary of what — who recommend as praise those to he thinks. But in matters of supreme importance. but it is. could not honestly attempt to discuss them. the Christians. also far from being an honest man. because. is JULIAN THE APOSTATE not only far from being a good teacher.

Lysias. " is still far more continues Julian important for those who are entrusted with the teaching of the — And this" — young and with explaining the writings of the ancients. thinking one thine and But how is it ? For Homer. but of morals. if they wish to teach. more than the others . in fall consequence that the teacher should his conduct and in his personal convictions. praise Hesiod. seems to me absurd that those who explain their works should not But if this worship the gods they worshipped. seems absurd to me. Thucydides. but I would I " them more if they did not contradict and condemn themselves. therefore. the gods are the education. as these or. continues Julian. grammarians. the principle that the teacher of a school has no right to teach that which does not accord with the public feeling. teaching the other. whether they be rhetoricians. sophists. And did not directing power of all some of these believe themselves to be ministers of Mercury. Isocrates.JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 409 solutely admissible. and then con- . Demosthenes. with a bitter irony Certainly" . — — give them all praise for this their aspiration towards these the highest teachings. they must first teach by example. but. I leave them free not to teach that which they cannot believe right. and deduces from this the not. " into contradiction with himself. I do not say on this account that they should dissimulate before their scholars. still better. . are masters not only of eloquence. and others of the Muses ? It.

at are some that there heart. worship " Certainly. The same teacher. until the present time there were of and for reasons of : reasons why one evil did not care to enter the temples. money earned from the writings of these authors." neglected To these he says the gods." Julian insists on the necessity of an accord between the external conduct of the teacher and his teachings in the school.410 JULIAN THE APOSTATE vince their pupils that neither Homer nor Hesiod. he to do this. but who. the stupidity. they condemn the impiety. pagans fearing the emperors who preceded him on the throne. were not such as they represented them tot)e." they must But Julian does not allude exclusively to the He supposes teachers who were really Christian. outside the school. nor any of those others whom they have commented upon. should demonstrate that his belief in the orods O is the as that of the If authors from fail whom he reads to his pupils. and ready to do anyof greedy thing for the sake of a few drachmas. he implicitly condemns the authors continues the whom in he should teach his pupils to admire. and case. and the errors against God. and of whom. the "opportunism. all and the by which we were from parts rendered pardonable the concealment But of our honest opinion concerning the gods. admit that they are immoderately a shameful gain. " this subtly Imperial since the teachers live by means of the logician. threatened . by his exercises of devotion.

votion to the gods. and exhorts their teachers to enter them and read with the faithful the books of their doctrines. they are they do not consider good. and a decided proof of the prejudice that taints judgments in regard to Julian. are let them rival these in de- and explain Matthew it and Luke." must here pause a moment before we give the final words of the document. or put obstacles in the way of their preaching and in the diffusion of Christian literature. recognise. they are convinced that they have erred in their conception of divinity. said that the 1 But he says just the opposite. in such a case. it is absurd that men should give proofs of that which If. therefore. When we think that Julian was most ardent in his devotion to the cause of paganism. but that he gave powerful emperor and opposed we . It is most curious. a clear and explicit declaration. let them enter into the churches of the Galileans. the expounders. It could only have been considered intolerant if he had prohibited Christian propaganda. not only that he was not intolerant. who have made a law that those who believe in them should abstain from our sacred ceremonies. that he was an allChristianity for forced to are dogmatic reasons. He Christian churches were open. after such his law should be accused of religious intolerance. convinced of the wisdom of those of whom they But if. instead.JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 411 now that the gods have given us liberty. all We that.

through that doctrine in which I hope that I myself. for all established from this disease. and that 11 544 sq. might will. as you would say. This a general law for all teachers and educators.. But none of the youths who wish to enter the schools will be excluded. that he prohibited Christian that youths from frequenting the schools in which Greek literature was taught. and the ignorant 1 who suffer. and in this respect he clasps hands with the modern world. a'/. by fear to and against although their will. may always participate. 1 Julian explicitly sayso that the law only refers to the teachers.. is This affirmation of absolute tolerance the last words of his circular. to follow the national customs. ot.. i.. Julian. is appear as is lawful cure them against their But tolerance done with the insane. and all those who think and work ears accord with me. since it would not be in is reasonable to close the right path to children. but not punish. .412 JULIAN THE APOSTATE a truly marvellous example of tolerance./' r we must in- struct. as also it would not be right it to lead them. Julian. addressing him" also evident in "For self to my part" — exclaims the Christians — would I desire that your and your tongues be regenerated. who do not yet know in which direction to turn.e." Such words naturally confute the accusation the ecclesiastical historians have advanced against Julian. reaching over the Middle Ac^es and the intervening centuries.

except so far as interests the critic as a literary or historical docu- But we must not forget that Julian found In his time it i himself in very different conditions. and are their mythology style and affected by the it human part of part we never ment. would all. Nowadays we from a smile at this conclusion. would the youths are free to it after willingly preclude the Christian youths from that which seemed to him the most direct and sure way of obtaining their conversion. who had such faith in the persuasive eloquence of the ancient writers. and such a premise must be absolutely approved by any one who is reasonable and conscientious. because it would of art be impossible to take the the Homer seriously. and men did effectively ' . in order starts from the premise perfect accord between the convictions and teachings of a man. appear absolutely inconceivable that a man like Julian. We admire of Homer and Virgil.JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 413 go where they please. was still possible to believe. let us proceed to Having examine that Julian's fundamental its to analyse value. From this premise teachers he deduces did the conclusion that those who not believe in the gods wor- shipped should not read and explain these authors to their pupils. by Homer and the other ancient writers. but to the mythological give a thought. deduced rightful principle. poems. He there should be a argument. And. cleared the question from these accusations based upon equivocation.

thus presenting a spectacle that seemed to Julian inconsistent and immoral. Here we the will note a curious circumstance : regulations which govern religious instruction in the Italian elementary schools. Now. and lawyer.414 believe. might use them as an argument and an opportunity to oppose polytheism. and it wish them to polytheistic culture were really was quite natural that he should be respected. which was the fundamental doctrine of these texts. For him the books of sacred texts. for greed of gain schools (through being. were actually inspired by that same principle which was enunciated for the first time by the 1 Julian. and he had taken in hand the cause of paganism. or the Christians. as Julian says. Aristide Gabelli (1830-1891). and thus offend the religion that the State and the cities recognise. from the wish to restore the ancient worship. and are i work of the subtle and well-balanced mind of 1 Aristide Gabelli. What the 1 moment did Gabelli say? He said that from Catechism the was taught in the schools. ala-^poKepSiaraToi). celebrated pedagogue —Translator's Note. with the arms that this very State and cities have placed in their hands . might profess one doctrine in the and practise another outside. in order to retain their position as teachers. . in JULIAN THE APOSTATE the truth of polytheism : the struggle between polytheism and Christianity still raged intensely. explaining in the schools the texts of the ancient writers. two cases might : present themselves either the Christians.

JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 415 teaching ought to be entrusted to persons who believed the doctrines they interpreted. be it political. was. more reasonable or more considerate. in truth." he which every page speaks of the gods of Greece and of Rome. should fall into the "that the books hands of teachers interested It in demolish- ing the faith in these gods. same " thing. in I do not wish. by which the pupils learnt how to become orators. Christians of the fourth was more complicated and from the circumstance that the books that serious. should be clothed so as to make it acceptable and comprehensible. and in the absence of these. how to employ those literary forms by which thought. the true question texts which could serve for educational purposes. it it competent. in the< The teaching in consisted only of rhetoric. Julian said exactly the said." difficult to find a persecutor seems. schools know what science. although is would be repugnant it it permit a subject of confutation or derision. legal. and half the civilised world. ' The the ancient world did not modern sense of the word. but once admitted. to every honest conscience to be taught by those who might make to Now. for the Undoubtedly. or religious. the priests. in which I. still believe. wished to take out of their hands were the only Julian century. to the only teacher really its decidedly a subject of discussion whether the Catechism should be permitted in the schools. This art could only be acquired by studying the examples .

had been obliged chairs. from their Now. In all this. commit apostasy. Julian did not offend religious tolerance with his law. I same manner.416 JULIAN THE APOSTATE of ancient literature. It was a most which a event the for him. instruction ? and cannot be by overwhelming him with eloquent denunciations. should be derived consequences of such a substantial importance. and the prohibition to Christian teachers to use this literature was tantamount to excluding them. that enabled him to arrive at his aim of barbarising fortunate fully Christianity. as it was interpreted by him. as Praeresius in Athens not wishing to to retire and Simplicianus in Rome. religious tolerance v had not been wounded in the slightest manner. can it if But be said that he did not interfere with the liberty of The question is a most delicate one. public teaching. to and use one as he had right lawful * weapon. He confined the Christians to the study of j the true texts of Christianity. from And thus teachers of great fame. after the manner of the settled . in the most absolute manner. and reserved for the pagans the books that were truly pagan. it is certain that this Julian must have been greatly pleased by circumstance. that from the principle of intellectual honesty which he had propounded. A Christian emperor would not have permitted the Gospels to be explained and held up to derision by a pagan teacher the Julian could not allow the Christian teachers to treat Homer and Hesiod in .

proceeding directly from the authority of the Emperor. He did not interfere with those schools. We must. city' remember schools. of scientific civilisation of our century has promulgated. because the problem involves the great question of the rights and duties of the a problem that is still a subject of disState cussion. by the financial and administrative organisation of the State. that Julian's law referred to the which represented public teaching main- tained at the expense of the cities. vital that. Therefore Julian affirmed that the teachers should not in opposition to have opinions 1 those of the State. with the modifications necessitated by the different conditions of culture. that intelligence is absolute VOL. as one of its fundamental canons. it was really State teaching. It would therefore be absurd that the State should be willing to permit these functions to be exercised by those whose aim is to injure it this would amount to suicide. ii. who not taught in the Christian but he did admit that Christian teachers should enter the schools of a polytheistic State. Julian reasons thus : "The State is an organism created to exercise certain functions. and arguments are found to sustain it. therefore." This process of reasoning is so . — — that glorious achievement living in the milieu — 7 . and will continue to be such as long as — social order exists. even in our days.JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 417 ancient disputants. it still exists. It is true that modern thought. and. as they might attempt to under- mine its basis. in the first place.

Civil Service against those who have French instruction the State schools. an organism destined to exercise certain functions. while leaving a free fetter its hand the to its enemies. but the aspect changes when we con- sider those doctrines that directly influence the moral tendencies of the individual and determine his actions. and are even to-day of such importance that in France they suggest a law to the action State in proposed to close the by not the Minister Waldeck. cannot impose its But it might be physics. said. being also constrained State. and. possibly. and give more prominence and power of the matters pertaining to public instruction.418 mistress of JULIAN THE APOSTATE itself. astronomy. duty. and should leave the field open to the discussion and diffusion of all There cannot exist a State science of doctrines.Rousseau. in science. Therefore. and reasons confide exercise it ? of its functions to those who wish are to destroy tacitly All these understood in Julian's law. it cannot be asked to open its doors to an enemy and consign to it the arms of defence which it has in hand. this is all right and true as far as positive science is concerned. The to defend State has not only the right. the State opinion on others. but the And could it its organisation. better Parliament. and. in Government received still. or philology. therefore. own. is likewise based on a moral doctrine. the law just voted by the which denies the right of . just because it The is to enter as a combatant into the contest of ideas.

but this cannot be said of a law by which the State seeks to prevent itself from being destroyed by those adverse ideas which are even being pro- pagated in The teacher or official expense. reactionaries and irony of human things radicals mutually reproach each other as to their choice in their methods of government. who. by word or deed. Against this French law there arises a cry of protest similar to that raised against Julian's law. the in the most : luminous manner. but they do not hesitate to make use of the same methods when they tend to their advantage. However. once more we see demonstrated. at its acts against the State from which he receives his employment and his salary.JULIAN'S ACTION AGAINST CHRISTIANITY 419 teaching to those religious corporations which have Even in this not obtained a special authorisation. but they do not seem to us tyrannical. when these methods turn to their detriment. seventeen centuries asfo. Such would be a law that sought to stifle the free expansion of ideas . the school or the office. each of these laws has a rational basis. Julian was loath that the youths who frequented the public schools of his time should be educated by teachers necessarily inimical to the pagan State that he wished to preserve. not wish the Civil The French Premier does Service of the Republican State he governs to be accessible to youths educated in those schools where they are taught to hate and plot against the Republic. They may be considered inopportune. presents a most immoral . case.

and that has given to those who wish to defame him. but. of wielding a moral influence over humanity. may often bring about results exactly The Emperor Julian opposite to those expected. the opportunity of making a great noise about his persecutions.420 spectacle. His decree. was most unfortunate. therefore. in questions of the moral order. like many others after him. And who a consideration that should prevent those have the responsibility of power from making provisions which. of course. had not the slightest intention of making victims. a tower of strength to those who are desirous world. JULIAN THE APOSTATE The by is end to this. and much more injurious to himself than to his enemies . appearance of being persecuted is. because. recognised those who consider themselves offended. and nothing like playing the victim to persuade others and ourselves that this is we are in the right. he had the misfortune of appearing to do so. although rational and justifiable in themselves. State has the right of putting an But this right is never. judgment there is necessarily obscured by passion. for the in this .

.

Julian. E. Paris. .) in the The same. Enlarged Photo of Sardonyx Intaglio Cabinet des Medailles. Babelon. a (By permission of M. (Actual size.) To face page 421.

the instructions relative Julian. during his brief career. I have only met those who do not care to offer sacrifices. had met but with little success. those devoid of enthusiasm for Christianity ex- hibited an absolute indifference to the restoration of the ancient cults. although promulgated and directed by the Emperor Even himself. he writes bitter significance.. organisation of m ." And closing his letter to the High 1 Priest of Galatia. Julian's most strenuous efforts were void of results. and his acute understanding enabled him to appreciate in their Cappadocia. op. " : Point To a me out friend in all Cappadocia a single man who is truly a Hellenist. The polytheistic propaganda. so far. very soon have understood that his most carefully laid plans had failed to accomplish the aim so dear to his heart. the 484. for The He must which he had only himself to blame.. and those who are 1 in- clined to do so. On all sides he was confronted with the proof of this state of affairs.JULIANS DISILLUSION unfortunate Julian. because. was doomed to be the victim of a sad disillusion. do not know how. containing to ctt.

had declared Julian. op. propitiate the they endeavour to . not only will is reprove them. even in this respect. Antiochians desired to appease * the indignant emperor. in the graceful letter written by Julian to Libanius. 555.. cit.. to interest therefore. Julian was obliged to resort to threats to spur on the exhausted zeal of the inhabitants. am ready to come to the assistance of if the inhabitants of Pesinus. although to say so." a strange and a symptomatic fact that in the very city that harboured the sanctuary of the It is goddess. Convince them. Arriving at Litharbos. the first post of his journey. they must unanimously devote themselves to the Mother of * the Gods. Mother of the Gods I if they neglect it her. . the most important figure of reformed polytheism. and incite them to honour the gods ! But particularly is interesting. that if they desire me myself in their welfare. with which he says I we are already acquainted.422 JULIAN THE APOSTATE " : priesthood. gifts To me A it is not permitted either to receive or load with mortal under the ban of the divine ire. on leaving 1 their city. to whom he gives audience in is It most probable that the his lodgings. which he describes the march from Antioch 2 to Hierapolis.. 515. Ibid. but. they will unpleasant for me experience the consequences of my anger. op. who. cit. Julian is overtaken by the Senate of Antioch..

the modest Imperial palace. From Litharbos he goes to Beroe. Julian travels to Batne. the gardens that surround it less splendid than those of Alcinous. a spot of surpassing beauty. alack!" exclaims Julian. " But Senate concerning the worship of the gods. to sacrifice and to confer with its and warmly praised my discourse. but very few were convinced. where he remains if one day to visit the a white bull to Jupiter.JULIANA DISILLUSION that he never intended to return to it. citement and display of luxury appear to him unnecessary. with a smile both ironic Acropolis. the beds vegetables and the trees laden with fruit And. of in to this. only to be compared with From Daphne. and he seemed to find a . before the Temple The loveliof Apollo had been destroyed by fire. and those few were sad. "all already convinced before hearing " ! Beroe. the worship of . and the of offering But even here the insatiable Emperor was not wholly content the excess of his religious zeal left him no peace. added truth. the perfume of incense that filled the solemn pomp which attended the sacrifice. The great expleasure in tormenting himself. According to his ideas. for he has not already heard it. — full all. when they meet again. but similar to those of Laertes. charm and delight him. the exquisite groves of green Cyprus. ness of the plain. preferring to acquaint Libanius with it viva voce. 42 o He does not give the result of the conference. the suburb of Antioch. air.

he affairs. the philosopher. the most evident proof of Julian's lack of success is furnished by Ammianus Marcellinus. and brought together a fleet of river To this we boats laden with flour and biscuits. he decides that he will. and his reading. and kept himself free from the prevailing disease (ouk £krj<\>dr) He does not write to Libanius jfj v6aa>). concerning would be impospolitical But sible to discuss so many things in one letter. presided over military tribunals. However. where he on received by Sopater. and because is when he had entertained Constantius and Gallus and they pressed him to forsake the worship of the gods. arrange it everything as Julian should be. the more so. them as transport. he valiantly resisted. . His joy is cause Sopater immense. saw in Perhaps the suspicious these excessive manifestations a desire to throw dust in his eyes. and not a proof of sincere devotion. later on. as it and military notes that he has sent a mission to the Saracens has organised a service of information. must add follows his great epistolary correspondence that him wherever he never interrupted. bepersonally dear to him. the pupil and sonin-law of Iamblichus. He finally arrives at Hierapolis. goes. has collected a quantity of horses and mules for to secure allies. which is Certainly no man was ever so thoroughly occupied.424 JULIAN THE APOSTATE and the gods should be conducted with tranquil dignity. in order to give him an idea of what he is doing. Julian's god is earth.

we must refer to the "Necrologia" of Libanius. him but Julian's enterprise does not in the slightest. The truth is that Julian was only understood by the rhetoricians and philosophers who belonged to the narrow Neo-Platonic coterie. He than sarcastic allusions to the Christians. It would therefore be himself apostate with the that. as he only sees in it a a philosopher's day-dream. he would and welcome in his person the long case. As we have teachers of the use of pagan books as excessive (" inclemens ") and does not hesitate to express his disapproval of the ritualistic mania of the overzealous Emperor. he considers the decree which deprived the Christian consideration. indifference. which. we might say in the social that Julian body to whom the ideals of Hellenism had become absolutely extraneous. if this was the case with Ammianus. But such was not the Ammianus on makes some this subject is icily indifferent. Now. while noting Julian's many glories and merits. also attributes to . interest fad. it his culture. If we want to encountered see his work appreciated. judging from ancient cult. in writing the history of the express enthusiasm concerning the attempt he had greatest initiated. who hate each other much more fiercely ferocious beasts. Emperor. a man who. expected restorer. unworthy of serious previously seen. ought to have been particularly devoted to the is easy to imagine the profound hostility.JULIAN'S DISILLUSION 425 He was supposed not a Christian.

603. of his This. evident were we are acquainted is that of Bishop Pegasius. had a few consolations. op. Great must in the midst of his many disillusions. not averse acknowledge this and love I the And it I do not assert because have heard from those who are either in the habit of speaking by love or hate. so that. .426 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 1 him the re-establishment of the religious sentiment which had been so long banished from the world.. cit. at.. 2 Emperor thus answers: — " We should certainly not have received Pegasius if so readily before. by so doing. it appears. have been his joy of the Christian when some conspicuous personage Church returned to the bosom of however. op. by the gods. is such a living picture of the atmosphere in which he lived. 249... we had to not been assured that even of the Galileans. and it exhaustion of paganism narrated by Julian himself. But Julian. had wounded The the susceptibility of some strict Hellenist. he when he was Bishop was gods. Julian. nevertheless. polytheism. in a letter that is one of the most precious in his collection of Epistles. I believe I concerning 1 when moved other ought to have hated him more than any 2 Liban. and. Julian. The complete vanity attempt and the The only case with which to all. in my deal of idle talk hearing. there has been a great him. happened only on extremely rare occasions. had promoted the apostate bishop to some high especially because it is sacerdotal dignity. as even.

when called by Constantius to the army. that should honour a brave their man. Turning asked. What ' is the meaning of persevere of the ? I without wished. is it thinking. and there. the to Pegasius. . And he acted and in such a manner as to awaken doubts me as to whether he was really ignorant of his duties towards the gods. among and arrived at Ilium at the hour of the market. If you ever visited the spot. I discovered still alight. strange they manner of ' Why ' fellow-citizen. this ? I ' fire might almost on the altar. in a little temple. Ilium a sanctuary dedicated to Hector. But. Minerva. as we honour our martyrs ? The in- comparison was by no means opportune. and the I statue of Hector shining with ointment.' And he.JULIAN'S DISILLUSION individual I 427 was my those wicked people. you see his is "There in statue in bronze. Opposite to his statue is that of the great Achilles sub coslo. He — enter the temples — he offered to visit came to meet me. full of good-will. conducted ' I .. to find out his in the Do the inhabitants of Ilium still And he replied. was praiseworthy. and on my saying that I wished the city which served me as a pretext to to be my guide. worship gods appearing to put the question.. say burning brightly. After this Ilian Let us go to the temple of the said. considering the moment. I began journey from the Troad in the early morning. but the tention. and accompanied spoke in me everywhere. you will remember what I am describing.

And I heard from in others who were his enemies that he secretly prayed and knelt to the sun-god. o-ods themselves ? who are better judges than the And should we have named Pegasius priest if we knew that. in any manner. me opening the temple with his own hands. and he pointed out to me with great concern. " Of these two facts I have already spoken people in these two things. And he respect. to save the temples of the gods. as he through the desire of power. that all the sacred images were safe. nor did he do. stood before All this I an attitude of the deepest saw myself. But I I found out that it was he who had discovered it it. as they are wont to For the acme of all theology among these lies murmuring imthe sign precation against the demons. and either . or. as if it were of importance to him. and making of the cross upon their foreheads.428 JULIAN THE APOSTATE thither. and showed me that the sepulchre was intact. he clothed himself with those rags. followed me to the sanctuary of Achilles. he had sinned against the gods? If in that time. neither did he make the sign of the cross on his forehead. And with thee. thus receive faith in Did he not me when private? as yet I only professed my Of our individual disposition towards the gods. and did not make any of the acts in which the impious ones indulge. mumble unto himself. himself often told me. must not keep silence concerning He a third that just now comes to my mind.

thus they will more easily hearken to us who invite them to follow that which is best. gives evidence of great subtlety and shrewdness.JULIAN'S DISILLUSION 429 pretended. who only desire to see him suffer? thou hast any regard for me. If we repulse those who spontaneously come call. and Julian. like all over-zealous apostles. The art with which he knew how to insinuate himself into the good graces of Julian. ingenuous." This Pegasius must have been a cunning. in words only. notwithstanding the jealousy of Constantius. man and the The converts that . to us. shall we blame him to treat for this in Should we not feel ashamed give him the If such a manner as to pleasure to Galileans. no distant day. . but all others who become converted .rogue. apparently so candid and yet so non-committal. no one will heed our . to practise their impiety (he in fact did no other damage to the temples than to knock down a few stones from their roofs. Probably he had some information about Julian's Foreseeing the eventuality of Julian. being called to the throne secret at Hellenistic tendencies. the astute Bishop was preparing the ground for a future volte-face. thou wilt honour not this one alone. let himself be hoodwinked. and that without compromising himself with the then ruling powers. in order to save the ? rest). the sole male heir of the Constantinian family. and mistook a sharp intriguer and a bit of clever acting for a serious proof of a profound conviction. .

And long pamphlet against the inhabitants of Antioch. and to find in imposture a reason for recompense. of the rhetorician. and lacks spontaneity and genuine inspiration. he never fails to maintain the irony with which he accuses himself and assumes the this end of . excepting of course some of the Letters. but it seems forced. the Ccesars as we shall see a satire not spirit and sentiment. speaks ex abundantia cordis. confession of Julian's disillusion we find in the bitter sarcasms of the Misopogon. for was obliged to content himself with even the appearance of success. which are most beautiful. but the unhappy Emperor. without Julian really Misopogon. there is too much of the who writes lines of pedantic litterateur. is a perfect revelation during of the character of the man and the sovereign. The But the full Misopogon his {MiaoTTOi^wv) is Julian's masterpiece. of no little art. The Banquet of later. and his satire. is. In other writings. accorded to these lack of better results. and of the embarrassing position in which he had vivid picture of the become entangled. His friends and followers protested against the honours . besides being a In the corruption of a great city Lower the Empire.430 JULIAN THE APOSTATE he made from among the deserters from Christianity could only be men as despicable as Pegasius. the writer gives proof from the beginning to the because. species of essays on the restricted predetermined models.

Conyear stantinople. Julian arrives at Antioch. for Antioch.. he Pesinus to worship at the shrine of . 1 Now Antioch. and during the night he writes his mystical dissertation. Marcell. there was a radical discord. what The after following circumstance gave birth to this spirited philippic of the offended Emperor. . the Mother of the Gods. between the Emperor and the Antiochians. By way of Ancyra and Tarsus. 1 who welcome him as the new But the popular enthusiasm Star in the East. in the summer of 362. left there. which he decided to make his headhaving remained nearly a for quarters. He visited Nicomedia. Julian. where he had passed a part of his youth. cit. and it soon became evident that.JULIAN'S DISILLUSION part 431 witty of ! his slanderers. did not forget the principal in the object of his reign. it sayings What cutting how many all. 3 sq. the re-establish- ment of a moralised paganism. 287. i. Amm. op. underlying bitterness and disillusion ! and. amusing episodes. and was greatly distressed at seeing how much it had suffered from the earthquake which had just taken place stopped at passing through Nicsea. that is to say. and is there received by an immense multitude. was not of long duration.. even midst of his great preparations for his Persian expedition. at Julian. the preparation of the expedition against the king of Persia. then the goddess Cybele. And how many repartees.

and an increasing feelino. with the imprudent over-zealousness of the religious reformer and preacher. and abuses which inhabitants.432 JULIAN THE APOSTATE a city in which Christianity had taken root ever since apostolic times. he found among the Antiochians a hostile indifference. luxurious. openly disapproved of their licentious habits. of course. prejudices. unflinchingly assailed the habits. this great revive city. In repressing these abuses. pervaded their side. of the religious enthusiasm which place burned so ardently in his heart. of whom there seemed to be a great number in the city. and they Greek used them the acuteness deride and the .of distrust and dislike between the Emperor and the Antiochians. horse-races. was almost entirely Christian. and expressed the greatest disdain for theatrical pageants. They possessed subtlety. gave rise to the most spirit. he wounded the interests of those highly-placed and the jobbers. and all the other amusements so dear to their effeminate souls. the Julian. and was In obliged to recognise that his moralising tendencies were in absolute contradiction to the confirmed habits and the irreparable decadence of the public This. disturber. and depraved East. This. however. did not prevent its being one of the cities of most corrupt. strident discord. But the Antiochians lacked either the energy or the inclination all for open to rebellion. The at this on were indignant to rites who pretended and ceremonies long since fallen into disuse.

his unpolished manners. II. and has handed them down to the lasting ridicule of posterity. And who would have said then that his revenue would be really more efficacious than any other ? their coin.JULIAN'S DISILLUSION Emperor. own he had followed a contrary course. but probably a sovereign of to-day. by the power of his martyrs . easily times. his insulters If would either have been forgotten or glorified as on the contrary. VOL. by nature kindly and long-suffering. was as peculiar as it was unusual. He repaid the Antiochians in and composed a satire against them in reply to those they had written against him. for an emperor.faces of the Antiochians jeer. and above his beard a most unusual si^ht amone the — clean-shaven and effeminate -looki no. his untidy clothes. If pre have avenged himself on those who scoffed at him. might have acted in this manner. and punished the offenders with prison or death. But Julian. and subject - formed this the greatest of amusement for eminently worthless and frondetise. or even a harsh and violent ruler. conscientious . decided to avenge himself in a way that. and thus have put an end to their disFor not only a tyrant of ancient respectful jests. all 433 harsh and Julian's severe aspect. Julian had been a tyrant. — were city unfailing filled The was the sources of jest and with libels written in these libels verse ridiculing Emperor. wit their kept memory alive. he has —8 Ammianus Marcellinus. he would very only population.

admired those works of his citizens. Like all the rest of Julian's writings. as he was a pedantic writer. in liberated from bonds of his school. true insight into his wit and Believing appreciative tion of a great part of the Misopogon. this pamphlet lacks the arduus limce labor. but could not appreciate the elegance Julian. . Emperor in which the latter followed the scholastic methods of the which rhetoric of his time. and therefore inclined to excuse his fellowmoreover. faithful and devoted to Julian. most probably. may be readers. But and passionate emotion.434 JULIAN THE APOSTATE soldier. seemed to him an exaggerated and imprudent satire. with composition. But the good Ammianus was an Antiochian himself. narrator. whom as it he admires for his virtue and intellieence. we it will offer agreeable to our few but them the transla- and is irregular in its it has the great merit of being the natural absolutely living. outpouring of his inmost heart. of this the discourse. he did not possess a taste for literary beauty. did not approve of the publication of the Misopogon. shines forth in the pages of this bitter and brilliant satire. The curse of the Church is also has put under ban and condemned to unmerited oblivion this little volume. He. The personality of the author. for many reasons well worthy of consideration. which its original a speaking picture of public life during the fourth century. and. gives us a his poetic talent.

but who are. 435 we must from beginning to end. op. notwithstanding. their many made use they to of poetry to render the invectives with more bearable which themselves spirit for- familiar inspired them against the wicked. bids me to accuse by name those The law whom I have not offended. against himself the part of his slanderers. it is a bitter and ironic jest. evilly disposed towards me. Muse constrained to be sad. reasons. I But for this. . sing banks of the Rhine. and certainly 1 exaggerating their expressions.JULIAN'S DISILLUSION In order fully to understand the satire. yet they seemed to take pleasure in their songs. and that Julian assumes never forget that. at.. But neither to Alca^us nor to Archilocus did the gods permit that their For should sing of joy and pleasure. and the fashion that now rules the education of free men debars me from writing songs. 433 sq. as long as it is the intend to avail myself of the help of I remember having heard the Muses. and their voices could hardly be distinguished from barbarians along the the croaking of crows . reproducing their words as if they were his own.. possible. for it appears that the fact of their being disagreeable to others does not prevent 1 Julian. as it is now considered more shameful it to write poetry than once was to enrich oneself all dishonestly. " com- the fates allowed him himself. poet Anacreon posed many graceful odes to enjoy " The " — thus he begins — .

together with Pan and Calliope. confirming them. too. sing for song. And I. But. the jeers of his slanderers. But you say that of my hair sing of Daphne. and will contain much how could contumely not against others. . nor to And am not able to drink in great gulps. forbids a man writing praises however great may be my desire. made in beautiful. beginning with my 1 personal appearance. for purposes of sarcasm. being able to receive or give kisses. of or insults to himself. not permitting me to press 'pure lips to sweet lips. and contempt this thick have as if beard. for I must be overcautious As to not not to swallow my hair with my food. grown disgust. in Muses and will My be ! — — And no law against the poet and singer himself. which makes the kiss sweeter.' according to one of the poets who. as that Julian. Because neither on this my face. to tell the truth. and on the contrary I have many reasons to find fault with myself. if the law forbids it? myself. 1 It must not be forgotten if repeats. made me riot pretty. eat immoderately. like wild beasts in a forest. though in this respect. that does not worry me very much. . to revenge myself on Nature because she has not pleasing. however. my beard is most inconvenient. prose. which Nature I. nor graceful.436 JULIAN THE APOSTATE in their bad musicians from taking pleasure performance. as in others. . I have no reason to praise myself. And I permit the lice to run through I my beard. by Jove but rather I possibly venture. own the .

can add something I hate horse-racing as much as debtors do more. and one who pays a tribute. I am I not satisfied with the roughness of is my my head also trim all dishevelled. as . my chest lion is rugged and as rules full of hairs as that of a who over the wild beasts. uncle. seldom do my hair or cut my and very nails. only the question would be if you could pluck it off. as was the usual habit of my cousin. rarely present. to . and. being so tough. . and by Jove! certainly not with the air brother. because of I my roughness and negligence. I am the market. and never spend the whole day there. for. But to this I of the gods. and more But let us speak of other things. I have undoubtedly the most disagreeable habits. only on the feasts of bad habits.JULIANA DISILLUSION one might easily twine ropes. And if you wish to hear something that I have never before acknowledged. it have never taken the trouble to render soft tender than any other part of the body. But chin. . My churlishness with so great that I keep away from the theatres. . and After having witnessed six races at the utmost. Not satisfied having such a body. it might injure your nerveless and delicate hands. and my fingers are often black with ink. willingly offer it 4:J7 And I would most you. . . and ungracefully hands over what he has to a hard This should be sufficient proof taskmaster. that unwillingly. at the New Year. and in the Imperial palace permit only one is theatrical representation.

but from causes quite different. imprudence produced giddiness. his dear Lutetia. . 10 sq. the frozen Seine." self to it with too much Julian here relates that it only happened to him once in his life to vomit up his dinner And — a habit which. 440. Julian.438 JULIAN THE APOSTATE of one enjoying the amusement. it is reasonshould 1 elicit the scorn of a beautiful. accustomed myself able that it But if this rough habits. but rather as one thoroughly bored. This digression is charming. and the barbaric vigour of the inhabitants. like the Rough Man to ' of Menander. fainting and nausea. Antiochians. Having warmed with live embers the room in which he was sleeping. induced me to make war I A my stomach. But if such be my habits. cit. with its description of the Gallic winter. into which I have childhood. I am only too happy to get away. this "Thus" — continues Julian — "in 1 ' the midst of I the Celts. is no on fallen since my grave error. fault of yours. was usual it among had once been among incident the the Romans.. op.. as he was not brought about by eating too much food. as it appears. and fill have never accustomed myfood. makes it me for churlish and inimical to a city that only cares amusements. was to the taste of the uncouth Celts. It And this his sojourn in Paris — took place during calls it. and the food which not sufficient to surfeit me. But who can tell how much on I have offended you ? The sleepless nights is my rude couch.

that thou imagine it embellish because. tolerate their superiority. like you. and. that it is also wisdom to abstain in public from any pleasure that would be compromisthat he ing and not commendable. to disdain. and some one might as is fitting. and these customs of men. submit. as it has often happened to thee. but brave men. not giving way to temper. we do not know what wisdom If name. is . was possible Thou with wisdom ? it to art adorn and mistaken. . misanthropy. anger. mimes more numerous than the citizens. to be prudent . and populous city. but ignore what it does. but And dost thou by deeds. treat obey gods equals as equals. where there are many dancers and flutists. manner you show your contempt for the law. is ? to harmonise with O thou most stupid and hateful apology couldst that which the ignorant call thy sapient for a soul so silly and inept. and abuse. not to — imagine" Julian him — " in words. go to bed in the morning In this after having spent the night in orgies. but controlling it. be we hear its careful to see the rich. that it was possible harshness for thy roughness.JULIAN'S DISILLUSION 439 happy. . and suffer even this serenely and without irritation. knowing and the the must we that laws. makes the Antiochians reply . in the persuasion . and not the slightest respect for its Weak men blush for certain habits sovereign. first of all. and that the poor are not offended by for all this. add to this. the in this consists in what thou doest. .

because it is odious to the sovereign. and by him considered as a ridiculous superstition. man of gentle words and of acts all intents thou enough tormentest the rich by forcing them to be moderate in the tribunals. going. — do not the tolerate the name of servitude. to obtain the same effect by means of our good humour. so fervently practised by the Christians. excepting thy pedantry that seven months. ! gods nor the laws. so that. . above all. there remains nothing good. most harsh And not becoming informers. and of which we have tolerated for we hope to be liberated silly by uniting in prayer with the processions of old 1 women who wander around among the sepulchres. would it not be better that thou shouldst call thy- self master. who cannot and delights in theatre. to should be free. By sending away the actors. neither to things is Thou sayest that thou art not the master. have sought. mimes and musicians. thou art on the road to perdition. cannot act wisely in the privacy of his home if this be wisdom. thou hast ruined our city. and restrainest the poor from this is . and wouldst take us with thee we who. and then thou But obligest us to obey the commands of the law. sweet. and that we. and We 1 Here Julian derides the cult of the tombs of the martyrs. because of thee. ? O and purposes. and wilt not tolerate that name. in the meanwhile. And what irony Liberty in all and art so indignant as to force those who had the ancient habit of using it to discontinue doing so.440 JULIAN THE APOSTATE restrain himself.

thou. The Antiochians were not badly disposed towards him. and receive thee there. They did not in the least appreciate the spirit of religious reform that was so dear to him and constituted the supreme aim of government." — so Julian makes " O thou rough. odious man. O valorous one. And thou. and. especially the magistrates. The And. he chided them. as in the theatres. crowd. in all respects. nor did they deny him their applause. When he entered the temples. as with arrows. cil. rush into the temples because of thee.. wishing to be more wise than God 1 with shouts and applause. But Julian was his much more struck by the lack of respect for the holy places than by the flattering reception they accorded him. which eives us a orood insight into Julian's soul and intentions. " Thou enterest the to them say him.JULIAN'S DISILLUSION have wounded thee with our 441 jeers. . But the fact was. — 1 temples. the crowds accompanied and saluted him with shouts and applause. how shalt thou withif stand the arrows of the Persians. Julian. instead of thanking the citizens. op. 443. before our raillery ? Here follows a ' thou quailest most curious passage. awkward. did not understand this strange emperor. The sceptical Antiochians. and. and laughed at him. that between the Antiochians and himself there existed a profound dissension.. instead of being pleased. and praising them for what they have done. 15 sq. true children of an expiring civilisation.

and fill the holy places with ' : disorder. But who would be able thou sleepest all this. on the contrary. but you come because of me. express it more truly. saying come into the temples to adore the gods. to ask in silence for the favour of the crods. the habits or the of men. some spectacle that would be . that the night alone. exhort thee. must accustom thyself to be hated and vituperated in private and in public. refusing everything that soul ness. . . praise or. since thou dost condemn as adulation the applause received in the temples. . takest pleasure And.442 himself. And I think it would be best not even to praise the gods excessively. who love to laugh. It behoves wise men to pray sedately and . . you flatter men. and to offer to this population. thank those so ! who. JULIAN THE APOSTATE speakest to the crowds and rebukest You seldom severely those who shout. moreover. Thou . thou becomest angry with those who tell thee Thou shouldst. ? might soften thy harsh and ugly tenderthat Thou And holdest thyself aloof from the worst of the evil is all thou enjoyest this kind of life. to men. But you. out of kindness and with great anxiety. art with It is which thou wert evident that thou to unable to adapt thyself either life the con- venances. to stand And even so be it. in their verses. instead of praising the gods. but rather to serve them with wisdom. and in that which all others detest. to pluck out the hair from thy face. instead of praising the gods.

But who then could tolerate an emperor who . instead. makes such frequent visits to the temples. Of . boys so beautiful that they can be mistaken for women. when he should be free to disturb the gods only from time to time and to celebrate. may take their ? that to the may be common part These. and after that. and in which even those who do not know the orods. but also on their whole bodies. sacrificed once in the temple of Jove. but by Jove not the sacred ones in which it is necessary to comport ! oneself gravely. in fact. and the Emperor . festivals. musicians. processions. and of whom the city is full. men who are so entirely without hair.JULIAN'S DISILLUSION 443 agreeable to them. women without shame. and the Emperor immediately presents himself at the temple of Jove then comes the general festival. The not know how many — Syrian festival arrives. not only on their cheeks. the temple of Fortune he went three times in succession to the temple of Ceres. forsooth. mimes. again goes to the temple of Fortune he abstains on a day of bad omen. those festivals whole population. that they are more smooth-skinned than women themselves. and we do Emperor has in then times to that of Apollo that temple betrayed by the neglect of its guardians and destroyed by the audacity of the impious. The this sort . we are we have had enough thoroughly surfeited with them. beginning by thyself. and then immediately offers up his prayers again in the temple of Jove. would give us pleasure and enjoy- .

looking at dancing men. 449. and infers of his stepfrom this that the inhabitants of a city that had been called after Antiochus must "It be no less devoted to pleasure than he was. I add. understand the And for all this I am conhabits of this town. who became enamoured mother. but I am not dissatisfied with my- — the Antiochians — — I " self.. 3 s q- . too. On the contrary. since even the trees transmit their peculiarities. abuse do not become angry with those who my manner of living. in every respect. but not without bitterness is — — to reprove posterity for founder and endeavouring to rival its name-giver. However. and because I it is right that it should be so.' When so Julian pretends to answer the I think of this" congratulate myself on your happy frame of mind. op. to I the witticisms they hurl at me. at. since. my are dear to me. the stem from which of the they spring. as you well know. so that the branches resemble. with men. JULIAN THE APOSTATE and be accessible to all. habits through the grace of some god. vinced that no man " ! of my age has read as many books as I have And then Julian relates the well-known tale of Antiochus. as far as I am able." 1 Julian. these insults which I unstintingly shower upon myself. the habits ancestors are transmitted to their descendants. so. in the beginning.444 ment. the many boys and women.. impossible" he then continues in a bantering 1 " it is impossible tone. did not.

But. in never being affected by tumults all this I love yea. my I begin by asking pardon for myself. severe. and wishing said that praise Autolicus. superior the Greeks. Thus Julian continues among if to all and the Athenians But they maintain it is in their customs the ancient ideas of virtue. the Thracians. Now. . the Peonians. for preserve the love of your national traditions ! On you And all Homer to also. . the Mcesians. and this pardon may be of some use even to you. it ! . . from the last-named race has sprung. and so immovable in its purposes. and I inherit from them my harsh. but excellent dancers at the balls ! the contrary. he surpassed others as a thief and a perjurer. natural that this should also be the case with the Syrians. on the banks of the Danube. disgrace. with the same purpose. I mean it as praise. infatuated with my churlishness. the Celts. the Arabs. who live between the Peonians and the Thracians. It is not with the intention of giving offence that I apply to you the line of Homer — Liars.JULIAN'S DISILLUSION 445 are first And this is the reason why the Greeks " : nations. intractable character. who are so attached to the habits of your forefathers. in not regulating my affairs according to the desires of those who pray me or deceive me. I find in myself many . if I think of it. roughness. so refractory to Therefore love. I And my I also am delight in not being easily influenced.

at the price they permitting desire. are at present displeased at seeing the illicit gains from both sides wrested from them. if a handsome boy. when. this Syrian rabble is angry. Hast thou forgotten that there is a difference between ourselves and the Celts. not them to sell their wares. though free. . . the Thracians and the Illyrians? Dost thou not see not to . I might I of the hair. I wished to appear as an old grumbler and a rough soldier. know how how many shops there are in this city ? Thou renderest thyself hateful to the shopkeepers. And. The merchants accuse the proprietors of lands of being responsible for the high prices. in the meanwhile. . Thou makest these also thy enemies by compelling them to act according to justice. Arriving in a city which. does not tolerate any disorder in the arrangement my hair uncut and my beard as long as if there was a lack of barbers. . . and to imitate the polypus that assumes the colour of the stones to which it clings. and appear quite not in age. being at the same time merchants and land-owners). to the inhabitants as well as to strangers. city. entered it with have passed youthful. as it cannot dance and get drunk And thou thinkest that thou canst feed ! goaded by the double them sufficiently by providing them with all the . with a few artistic touches. Thou dost mix with men.446 other JULIAN THE APOSTATE faults. at least on account of the for freshness and softness of my face. And the magistrates of the reproof (as before they enjoyed double gains.

. goes on to say that by the study of the ancients." pp. And thou. op." tial — the Antiochians justly. and especially of Plato. Would it not be better it through the market perfuming conducting in to pass with incense. ironically . to whom he owed the peculiar bent of his mind. thou shouldst desist from constraining to act men and permit each one act The peculiarity according to his will or his ability. during his boyhood. to whose care he was confided meant. of our city is to desire unrestricted liberty. 28-32). 1 reply. which the pungent writer attributes to his adversaries. cit. he learnt that the Julian. "But. and who in thy suite a bevy of graceful girls. wouldst govern it Julian. 458. he replies with the To account of his education with which " we are already acquainted (see Life of Julian. after sovereign has the duty of leading his subjects by his example and wisdom to the practice of virtue.. . 10 sq. not comprehending 1 this. Even here the words of Julian must be taken as they are apparent reproof to the eunuch Mardonius. and his but an expression of the admiration and respect that Julian nourished for this man. and choirs of women whom we " ? are in the habit of seeing our midst these questions.. is having given an account of his education.JULIAN'S DISILLUSION grain 447 thousand thanks. would attract the notice of the citizens. but dost thou not know that one cannot find an oyster in ? they need A the town ? . . — "for prudento reasons.

and no one forbids it. for you amuse yourself. But you are much more lucky than the Tarentinians. and both ye who are the authors of the jeers and ye who hear them and are amused by them Because it is evident that it gives as much citizens. . when. so that liberty should be respected See how is And thou wouldst have our and think about subjects pleasing to youths quiet thee. but the whole year round. being drunk at the feast of Bacchus. they insulted an embassy of the latter. Emperor." Tarentum " Julian for their jeers made at the expense of the Romans. and of his effigy on the coins. ! pleasure to those who crack the jokes as to those I who listen . so that to them. and they indulge in them without any — thus — continues "received condign punishment "The inhabitants of restraint. not for a few days. O wise offending.448 JULIAN THE APOSTATE ? with wisdom But dost thou not observe that is amongst us there asses and camels ? the porticoes as absolute liberty even for the Their drivers lead them under if they were tender young girls. concord congratulate you on your you are indeed an united city. instead of foreign ambassadors. or at least say that which you like to hear ? free our city ! But they are accustomed to the greatest freedom in amusements. Well done. your and this because of the beard on his chin. these wish to pass under the porticoes. The uncovered streets and the squares seem have been made to be used by pack-saddled ! not to asses .

they would become similar to slaves. II. which is the most powerful and acceptable instrument. the children. and. as be angry or displeased about it. and educated. would really all things there must be liberty. not O ye men. be a decapitation of liberty if men were not to be allowed to say and do what they Therefore. fearing that. who in this manner have rebelled against all servitude. VOL. the insults of the city wound us to 1 The Christian altars are here indicated. being submitted to a more severe discipline. the gods do not concern with this city of the free and do not part. but with wild animals. —9 . you have allowed the women to act according to their pleasure. what do the altars women do ? They lead their sons to their 1 through the seductions of pleasure. happy ones. For. their in relationship with left restraint. as you know. so that. first towards the gods. and would learn while young to respect the old. finally becoming perfect not as men. it being well understood that in please. by adopting this bad habit.JULIAN'S DISILLUSION it 449 to would not be either convenient or desirable is repress that which It irrepressible in the youths. Now. then only with towards the laws. temperate. Then you they know no to them the education of you. ! towards those who are the custodians of the laws foolish But it would be on our themselves punish it. Note the awful insinuation. and thus be wholly ruined. wise. but as slaves. and thirdly. end by respecting even the magistrate.

— The people are angry against me. having found interpreters. atheistic. and to you alone among like Romans. that I should scold myself as I offer you so many reasons for disliking me ? And here Julian relates with " much wit and subtle irony the episode of Cato's visit to Antioch. .450 as well ' JULIAN THE APOSTATE ' Ch city. wholly devoted to the traditional rites of divine worship . May the gods concede to you. I the merchants. and. 1 By atheism. however. . we were of names. you openly and without reserve. and stood one for Christ (Xpiaros. although I have not those in . above all. informed that those letters were the crack. I have. deprived them of their dancers and their theatres. still I show less interest in them than I do in the Is it not. the insatiability of all the his friends ! . Julian intends here Christianity. offended the should say all the Senate. and that is of to not having murdered me after creating me Caesar. power because they are prevented from selling their wares at usurious prices. the enjoyment of many men Constantius. . greater part of you. they part.) the other Now let me speak for Constantius (Kovo-TavTios). Constantius is guilty of one wrong against you. and all are discontented to a man for. therefore. —This wise It is said that neither the as the gods. natural frogs of the marshes. have ever done injury to the nor the ' K ' riddle of yours was a hard nut initials to but. and the people. because being if for the greater 1 I am not see entirely.

and uncivilised than the Celts are as compared with the Romans. the Germans. and passed a long time. I am much more rough. I attained in early youth of the ideas of Plato and to live simply freely Aristotle rendered to look for me unfit to mix with people. Because he.. and first happiness in diversion. having been born in as Rome. who ignore Venus Copulatrix and Bacchus the necessities Potator. was consigned to the Celts. living as a hunter in the midst of wild beasts. hard. the . lived there all his life. as soon as I reached the years of manhood. but gave me their property and forced me to accept it. . what 1 is more important. because of the similarity of our . compared with him.JULIAN'S DISILLUSION and the insults offered 1 451 citizens. But I. him by the is and then continues: that to-day for. except for of The Celts became slaking their thirst so devoted to me. op. 463. and the Hercynian Forest. but on an equal footing So my early education and the knowledge with all. however little it was my wont to ask. . In the moments of my myself warlike in manly the midst of independence I found the most valorous and among the nations of the earth. finding that the people there I around wished me knew not how and to fawn and flatter. species and to take up arms exclusively for me. and in all things were ready to obey habits. I "It not to be wondered at receive from you the same treatment. of my Julian. propagating with wine. 15 sq. And.. that they were not only willing me. the fame cit.

ropes. have the conviction of never having done everything in the — so. thou hast turned world topsy-turvy I. starting from the temple of Jupiter Casius. and just. affable. in following which he is not aware that he is exposing himself * by the excess of his zeal "In the tenth month falls the feast of your national god. 1 sq. 467. cit. the sacred dances I And and incense.. you say that with that I my beard one can ' make and wage war against the ' Ch. pictured to myself. the libations. not only strong in war. and all acclaimed me as valorous. .' and that you ! May the protecting gods of this " a city concede you pair of the last-named The indifference of the Antiochians was unK. and merciful. with the expectation of enjoying the spectacle of your wealth and magnificence. Again. the pomp and the sacrifices. prepared 1 Julian.' regret the conquerable. intentionally or unintentionally. prudent. as in a dream. The little better to indifference. I also went. and young men around the temple magnificently attired in white vestments. But you reply to this : — In the first place. and a proof of it was the burning of the temple of Apollo an act said to have been — perpetrated characterise by the this tells Christians. and it is customary for all to assemble us the to ridicule : — at Daphne. op.452 JULIAN THE APOSTATE deeds extended from there even to you. the author of the Misopogon story. on the contrary.. but capable of governing in times of peace.

no one on his own account. priest about the sacrifice the city was supposed to offer on the occasion of the annual festival. me and supposed that you were outside waiting for to appear and give the signal. or.JULIAN'S DISILLUSION in their souls to 453 But when I entered adore the god. it does not even offer a bird. I think. I Council this severe reprimand. but when it is a matter will of your salvation. all should combine to offer in common one bull. at the annual feast of its national god. and that of your sacrifice city.' Then. he great bring from my house a goose for the god. that such a great city should be so niggardly this would not have in the worship of the gods ' . the first time since the clouds of atheism have been dispersed. when in my severely alone . every one of you in your own homes is lavish in his banquets and entertainments I know of many who dissipate . to his offer sacrifice. In spite of this. overcome by indignation. the temple. happened in the poorest village of the Pontus. and notwith- standing this. as I am the But when I questioned the Hierophant. I addressed to the ' replied : Well. but the city has not prepared anything. I did not see either incense or offerings I was of fruit or victims. when its it should offer an ox for each of wards.' I advisable that I should record ' : said. all their property in orgies . and not even the left The priest is municipality for the benefit of all. It is shameful. if this were too much. which it is. The city owns large tracts of land. profoundly astonished at this.

instead. they feed the making atheism appear most admirable to those in want. But it is on the city that falls the obligation of offering sacrifices. victims. Now. he would have the right to return to his home. I do not know how a wise man if would judge you at least " he saw your conduct. thus And these form the greatest number. for there they would find nothing to feed them. so that. neither libations.' This little history narrated by Julian and the discourse that he made are among. so interesting. But when the annual festival comes round. carrying. How entirely must he have been disillusioned by in pamphlet that Poor enthusiast ! . every one of wives to you permits your carry everything to the Galileans. poor.the most curious and instructive episodes is. and divine service. omitting And you to imagine that you do no evil in honour the gods. individually and as a whole.with him a part of the great quantity of offerings that you should have presented to the god. with your money. but it I am sure that is displeasing to the gods. nor incense. behold he prepares a sumptuous dinner and supper. the practice of virtue. no one brings oil for the candelabra of the god.454 JULIAN THE APOSTATE opinion. But if one of you celebrate a birthday. in the small every respect. and invites his ! friends to a well-spread table. No poor people present themselves at the temples. The gods command that the priests should honour them by their good conduct.

comicality temple of Apollo.JULIAN'S DISILLUSION 455 the evidence of facts and the luminous proofs of the complete failure of the restoration he had Polytheism was dead. repeatedly did not offer sufficient basis a religious for explained. on the adapting without which other hand. was quite an impossible polytheism. It Christianity attempted ! nobility of had. from an intellectual point of as view. priest the encounter. and neither mind nor strength of soul could reanimate The very corruption of a great city that was it. Julian wished to render the world moral by means of a reformed polytheism. put a stop to the social enterprise. when taught by to the Christians. had much lost of its sacredness. which to Julian seemed monstrous responded to — the necessities of the that expressed in its time. because This. of God with depraved society. and likewise. had not been able demoralisation. reconstruction. and was the formula But how amusing its is exigencies. because this alliance of the with the " K. no institution can live. acquired the faculty of itself to the prevailing atmosphere. in the deserted between Julian and the poor who ! Muses bringing his goose to the god of the And how symptomatic is the navudtd of is . able to maintain at the same time its depraved and customs demonstrated that Christianity." as Julian calls it— of Christ and Constantius. from the moral point of view. it exhausted we have "Ch" was impossible. transfusing into it those virtues that even.

a bishop who wishes to reprove his flock for their lack of zeal in the divine ministry " ! These. were angry with you. Therefore your jokes about this ugly beard. op. 12 sq. at the foot of his statue. near the altar of the You. abused me in the market-place. . and might even at present serve. and neither my But I was myself nor scolded you. before the trary. on the congod. it Christianity. And by becoming It made a if I mistake. 3 Julian. . and about him who never .. whole population. . I was pretending to appear devoted to the gods..456 Julian in JULIAN THE APOSTATE making this episode the text of a And how speech before the Council of Antioch much light is thrown on the character of Julian's ! intentions by the fact that this speech is so by simply altering a few names and certain secondary particulars. imbued with coujd have served. that. vanity. . less I. — "I remember. 469. reproofs. therefore. . my I words. And overwhelmed you with useyou were right to defend I yourselves and exchange positions with me. would have been much better had held with many of those who came tongue. since it is incredible that benevolence could have worried inspired me with those words . like me. among the citizens disposed to amuse themselves. influenced by ill-humour and foolish vanity. continues. and And this is ridiculous benevolent towards you." — Julian 1 ironically . the truth is. abused you before a few. cit.

you have showered on me. on this head. nor taken wives.JULIAN'S DISILLUSION did 457 adopt your pretty manners or life which you desire to be adopted by your sovereign. been considered by you as ignoble and displeasing. nor have we distributed among ourselves the prefectures. among whom I will go. and not torment with the bad odour of my temperance and the wisdom of my friends. so that. nor have we induced the population to incur great and lavish expenses for banquets . deriding the city. nor envied your Assyrian wealth. and I will neither will never kill you. were heard all over will and never imitate the style of But as regards the insults which. I Not that for a moment. nor permitted the abuses of the magistrates. I have decided to leave I. but I consider it best. considering that am I the first accuse myself. nor fine you. nor On the flog you. listen to Since the wisdom exhibited contrary. nor built houses. and may not seem to them just and good. privately and publicly. and as I have not succeeded in presenting you with a spectacle to by myself and my friends has your taste. me. the city and go elsewhere. I give you full I liberty to use them as you like. do you any harm. none of us have bought fields or gardens. nor imprison you. even though I may not be acceptable to them. After all. to distribute among all the suppose that shall please those blighting shadow of too much this city my presence. nor have become enamoured of your beauty. me to in your stanzas.

. and not being able to learn how to found itself unable to do either. therefore. now kite. and praiseworthy also the moderation and wisdom of your sovereign. my vigilance concerning the tribunals. since you are disyour good graces. a fifth of the usual impost. or silver. I shall most willingly leave the city. similar to that of other birds. prosperity. in to neigh it like a colt. my insistence temples.458 JULIAN THE APOSTATE this population whom we have made so prosperous. my absence from the theatres. nor have we increased the taxes. and. that is to say. because of this. we have condoned. which. we However. pleased with my rough cheeks and my unkempt hair. For it would not be easy for me. . I should be neither . and so entirely free from all fear of want that they have time for writing stanzas and theatres — against those who are the criminal authors of their And we did not demand either gold.. together with the arrears. and finished by having a voice worse than that of any other bird. having forgotten how to sing. it seemed natural should have gained that. to us that all this was praise- worthy. above all. As it appeared. that I am nearing mature age. according to the It is happened havingits to the said that the kite a voice mind. to avoid that fable. neigh. And I believe that the same thing would happen to me. And so. On the contrary. and the severity with which I repressed the greed of gain in the on serious behaviour so prevalent in the markets. decided.

. is it not natural that your actions should appear enigmatical to you that in I me ? But of all I have awarded common with my other subjects. perhaps. the untidiness of my appear- . diminished taxation. protector of you expose yourself to the accusation of being ungrateful. then. and have.. as I might appear to be singing my own praises. while I had promised to cover myself with the vilest vituperation. unable to obtain justice. moment at which.JULIAN'S DISILLUSION rough nor gentle. . and revile us Is it as the actors do Bacchus I and Hercules? not perhaps true that to abstained from doing harm you. you have used your verses to make our name a by-word in the public squares.e. the gods. because as you see. us rather examine not my personal conduct. although deserving your ingratitude. nearing. and because I was guilty of many more serious faults than those aforementioned. to no small extent. please God. on the contrary. and by Jove. i. the cause of your insults and your anger? When I see that I have not in any way is diminished the popular expenditure which was at the charge of the Imperial treasury. Let which was. . so now I am forced to defend myself against you ? What. Were you ever offended by me either in private or in public ? Or shall we say But by that. as the poet of Theos " sings. but did not prevent you from speaking evil of me. 'the white hairs all mix with the black. it is best should say nothing. inconsiderate and thoughtless. the I 459 am.' this city.

4G0 ance and JULIAN THE APOSTATE my reserve in all that concerns love. though a Thracian a Greek by education. of Greece. We my now come to the principal fact which gave birth after to this arrival. entirely due to my thought- Julian then mentions certain facts of his administration in will. which he had oriven evidence of his good- but which. oppressed by the rich. but everything is too dear The following day. and that am This was the lessness. and without taking the necessary steps towards a mutual understanding. and sought to persuade them that it was necessary to renounce illicit gains. which. were taken in bad He then continues x part by the Antiochians. supposed that our affection would be reciprocal. Almost immediately ' the people. had studied so 1 little it seemed as 1 if nothing Julian. elders The promised it me question. without waiting for experience.. but." first error. being more true. only remembering that you were sons I myself. they that that cit. in order to improve the condition of the citizens and the strangers. First I began with great tenderness to sing your praises. after they would study the three months of waiting. and could : — not have made the city inimical to me. I : ' ! held a conference with the elders of the city. notwithstanding. . is naturally more culpable. " But all this was of little importance. sq. bitter hatred. began to shout at me in the theatres Everything is in plenty.. 476. I naturally by birth. op.

thousand .. . because there- would not permit that wine. to other surrounding cities. . what were the rich people doing ? the They had secretly sold at a high price the grain they in their fields. In the meanwhile. the grain to ' had come city. but on I When account of the rapacity of the proprietors.' and besides. and that the market was suffering. ten thousand all of those measures called that modia. or that. 'EniWxf). and by their private 1 consumption I. the grain stored away in the granaries of the rich should be turned into gold and silver. the . fruit. I aggravated the general condition. 587. and vegetables should be sold to you for their weight in gold. sumed. 461 saw that the people's complaint was well-founded.. oil. and Autobiog. on account of the drought which had caused a very and of the short crop... for all of wine. and. 85. fore. I ordered. 5... price all. Liban. ' lastly. . at your expense..JULIAN'S DISILLUSION would come of it. and decreed just There was abundance of a rest . and had forty myriads of measures [of grain] All this having been conimported here. I well knew that. to me from Egypt I handed over ' making the same price for fifteen modia as had at first been demanded for ten. 10. For and to this I sent to Chalcis. first five thousand then seven Hierapolis. I would not 1 See for this episode of the price of provisions. in so doing. fell from your good graces. of but grain was lacking. .. not for lack of merchandise. I established things.

So. I devoted the land. and as the one opinion will establish myself . though concerning me. and others. And yet you seem to believe that by . the breeders of race-horses have. . are ungrateful. we have fed you with our money. and of the magisBut now that city is of it is who were with me. best — some hate me.462 please all. until now. has never city ? happened to any not And the fed you splendidly ! And did we punish caught red-handed ? Allow me to remind you of one or two facts. perhaps. and not troubling myself about the unpaid taxes (although they ought to have paid them. In this way. to the most important and urgent needs of the 1 city. they were apportioned to I those who did not need them. among another race and another But why are we hateful to you ? nationality. . and this through me. fed by me. free from taxes. — also go and I go away. even more than the others). three thousand lots of land. started an investigation. by taking unjustly land away from those who had possession of it. and you were asking for them. so that it might not be said that all this is mere rhetoric thieves when and the figment of that my there existed imagination. It was asserted three thousand lots of un- cultivated lands. Because. that which. had come here trates for us to for and of the strangers who the love of me. this and found it to be true. When you got them. JULIAN THE APOSTATE but that was not of the slightest importance to me. since I considered it my duty to come to the aid of the people.

same bene- volence as you have shown towards me. gressed the laws of public economy. we had is a disillusion. ills. the fault of to which to be attributed the ignorance of economic laws which reign of Julian. because reveals with practical examples Julian's foresight and administrative zeal a zeal that sometimes — overstepped the limits of prudence. Julian it In the last part seems to us that the literary value is taken the place of irony weakened. it From the profound dissension between Julian and the also a misunderstanding. or. it But it is always extremely interesting. There was better say. Antiochians. not by your In the future I will manage to in be more prudent my actions And to you may the gods grant the that regarding you.JULIAN'S DISILLUSION 46 o punishing thieves and evil-doers I am turning the world upside down. is And this occasioned by my free-mindedness. this last shot. and trans- does not appear that it was exclusively religious and moral reasons that produced this. thoughtlessness. and the same honour as offered which you have publicly closes his bitter me " ! With satire. Thus my speech returns to where for it had started. my many have only myself to blame because I bestowed my favours I l I on those who did not appreciate them. and that anger has in the hand of the writer. We was universal during the must here recognise that the .

is which is much inferior to that which necessitated moment. and. failed him desire to entirely. and fixes the price. This caused an immense immigration . perhaps owing to his excessive and open a way curry favour with the Antiochians well during his to obtain a greater influence over their souls. and to arrange the matter.464 JULIAN THE APOSTATE administrative prudence and unerring insight into the true state of things which had guided Julian so government of Gaul. So Julian steps in. very soon cleared of those be sold at a price provisions which were obliged to which did not suit the vendors. As soon as he arrives Antioch. these do not arrive at any conclusion on the subject. and provisions. he imports other places enormous quantities of grain. The rich pro- ] at exorbitant prices outside prietors sold their grain for their use in Antioch that Antioch. Julian hears the populace loudly complaining of the high price of He examines the circumstances. The market of Antioch was. so he invites the municipal authorities But three months elapse. by the commercial conditions of the This economic violence of the Emperor result I had the inevitable which he wished of augmenting the ills! to diminish. as the corn price from crop has been very deficient. and fixes for all provisions a that is not to be exceeded. in feels convinced that the principal cause is the greed of gain on the part of the proprietors and merchants. and bought which the Emperor ordered to be sold at absurdly low prices. of course.

however great might be the difficulties. — 10 Liban. 15. a general disorder. In the circles by which Julian was surrounded. to succour poverty. while he. equity. some should revel whilst others absolutely lacked the life. ." l But necessaries of good intention. i. in a flourishing market. Antiochians. which upset all things. which we 1 VOL. The discourse of Libanius. because he was giving proof of a generous soul. 492.. and wished in and thought it a painful condition of affairs that plenty. thus rendering the Emperor highly unpopular. in fact. kind. by which he tries to persuade them to repent of their conduct towards " I could have wished the Emperor. op. applied in complete ignorance of economic laws. a'/. 11. is able to say in his discourse to the : that you would have admired the initiative of the Emperor. so that. in his turn. the Christians were held responsible for the difficulties in and opposition that the Emperor had found Antioch. much to the disgust and anger of the highest class of proprietors and merchants. and.JULIAN'S DISILLUSION 465 from the country to the city.. the poor should have no better consolation than that of witnessing the pleasures of the rich. attributed to party prejudice and perversity of spirit that which actually blunder. was only the necessary consequence of a great Julian's intentions were undoubtedly and inspired by a profound sentiment of And we can well understand how Libanius. simply ended by baulking its this own ends.

466 JULIAN THE APOSTATE is. nor by shouts. . the public games. their repentance by abandoning the to the " theatres.. long before you saw the Emperor. It is the Christians who secretly instigated the Antiochians to revolt against the economic arrangements of the Emperor the Christians who prevent the citizens from expressing . most inter- entirely based on the premise that the true authors of the opposition of the Antiochians to Julian are the Christians. by studying Homer you acknowledge that these poets play a most important part in education. as attention to allusion is were repugnant to him to call a sect so odious and wicked but the . 502. esting. you were well acquainted. continual. i. and the habit of loafing. nor by embassies. exercise of acts inspired by selves " —exclaims Do 1 Libanius — not deceive your"it is not by pro- strating yourselves olive branches. and by consecrating the city Jove and the other gods.. with whom. and you make the children learn by heart and recite Hesiod. if it an open Libanius never names is the Christians. op. but rather by renouncing your bad habits. that you will be able to calm his indignation. nor by waving nor by crowning yourselves with garlands. It is on this head. have mentioned above. 1 and Now Liban. 1 sq. and that the onlypossible way to to effect a reconciliation conversion paganism. on the ground. so general and returning true piety. to even when children at school. nor by sending a most eloquent orator. in Antioch. at.

In appearance you give. . you bring forward. Just as if a person who has the measles as a child should keep the disease this all his ? life. At this price he hopes to obtain pardon for the insults of which they have been culpable towards the Emperor. Libanius. you are not be taken and you prate of your 'now ancient faith. for of the morals of the city. 467 importand other now that seek the teachers. However. in you receive." Libanius wishes to see Antioch reconverted to paganism and truly penitent. But why should is : I pro- yours either conspeech long a double advantage. you run away from them.JULIANA DISILLUSION their verses. And we can see that. but allow yourself to in tow by those who should be subservient to your orders. ance. by tinue to be hated. and you seem to see in the circumstance of having thought evil from the beginningthe necessity to think evil unto the end. you temples are opened. as your authorities. in things of greater although you so greatly grieved closed. your mother and your wife. and the cellarman and the cook. or obtain acquiring the The choice favour of the sovereign. and by recognising the gods who truly govern in heaven. the greatest obstacle. when they were And if any one quotes Plato or Pythagoras to you.' yet ashamed of all this. not only to a return to the ancient faith. You are in a position to help yourselves while giving pleasure reality to others. but also to the expurgation of evil habits and the purification Christianity is.

appeared scandalous. blinded by the glorious rays of expiring. however rude they might be. They believed religion to be a matter of reason. and they did not perceive that the former. in even society and in feminine influence. wholly with Hellenic art and thought. found arrayed against them the Plato and Pythathe partisans of the ancient the house. this contrast between it the highest manifestations of human intelligence and the fantastic and worthless lucubrations of abject slaves. were terribly shortFour centuries of Christianity had taught sighted. however sublime. the strength of the new religion lay in the lower strata of the fourth century. is truly betrayed. were only the presentment of phantoms exhausted and lifeless. istic is How hicrh characterculture of this contrast between the the intellectual aristocracy and the humility of the forces opposed to it In this the history of nascent ! Christianity goras. and ridiculous. them nothing. The Misopogon is one of the most important . invoked by creeds. came through the cognisance of a living God.Hellenism. and the latter. ignorant old women and most and How- ever. Libanius Julian. women of To these imbued rhetoricians.4G8 JULIAN THE APOSTATE in a city in which Christianity was most widely diffused. absurd. the cellarman and the cook. to these philosophers. and they were aghast at the thought that the affirmations of the cellarman and of the cook were worth more than those of Plato.

Christianity had. Corrupt customs. Christian Antioch was on a par in with pagan Antioch. Although the truth has been concealed and purposely misconstrued by Christian polemics. Julian And awakened in to us the fact that Julian wished to save Hellenism which was being destroyed by Christianity together with its traditions of religion and patriotism in . The — the Emperor himself character — Utopian the strongest proof of the of the attempt. the fact is. dancers and mimes this was the spectacle offered by Christian Antioch. changed or improved the moral condition of men. because the pagan Emperor opposed the most severe morality and virtue to the vices of his The Misopogon makes clear Christian subjects. true — that Julian was moved by an essentially moral intention.JULIAN'S DISILLUSION 469 documents. orgies. —though apparently paradoxical. but that Julian also hoped to find Hellenism to moral force which would be sufficient evil habits. reform mankind — a and a complete regeneration of force that the Christians themselves effect had not been able to develop from the principles reception that the corrupt Antiochians gave to the exhortations of the Emperor a reception most vividly described by which they had proposed. nevertheless. — them an intense aversion. Moralised is polytheism would have failed in the effort to re- . no way. if not worse. and the best adapted to help us to penetrate the intimate signification of the attempt initiated by Julian. theatres.

whatever it may be. bend and adapt religion. according to the intellectual condition of the times. Religion has neither the force nor the possibility of controlling human passions but it is rather the passions that . Man remained what he was. to their invincible exigencies.470 JULIAN THE APOSTATE generate mankind. just as Christianity had failed. .

by attempting to realise an impossible ideal. the lasting imprint of If his memory only lived in the facts. caricatures sketched if by the Christian to writers. and he were exclusively would suppose that be judged from these. truly great emperor. he but might have certainly could not have arrested. had dissipated powers of they been liberated from religious preoccupations. — the terrible catastrophe by invasion of the on the Imperial throne may be compared with that of a brilliant and evanescent He did not. retarded. who on the us in all its brilliancy. the fatal decadence of the ancient world. Julian's apparition leave on things and his personality. and perhaps prevented that which it was overwhelmed barbarians. and if he had devoted himself entirely to the defence and organisation of the empire. might have made him a If Julian's reign had been a long one. foolishly mind and soul which. one life-work his 471 was restricted . throne of the Caesars.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN In the course of our study the singular nature of this enthusiastic prince has already appeared to This prince. therefore. have time to meteor.

and his prudence setate. from a psychological and historical point of view. contem- But Libanius prejudiced. Marcellinus to is not a to sufficiently writer to opposed Gregory of Socrates.472 to JULIAN THE APOSTATE the he waged against Christianity in short. the most curious and interesting fact of all seems to have been lost sight of. in every action — "virtute senior quam studiosus cognitionum omnium. says that he was always noted for the chastity and temperance of his life. and far superior to any of those men who appeared on the horizon of public life during the Lower Empire. war — and of the spirit. was. . So to Julian's genial figure posterity. after having narrated his heroic death. bearing the has been handed down brand of apostasy. and interested was much Ammianus powerful Nazianzus. because he also and compromised in the enterprise of the polytheistic restoration. his character. which are a genuine reflection of his intentions. his writings remain. and to all be the Catholic traditions. Sozomenes. Fortunately. that he was a hateful and infamous man. in The good Ammianus the course of his panegyric on Julian. Marcellinus. It is qualities and defects of his noble true that Libanius and furnished excited is Ammianus of the his Marcellinus have both Julian proofs in admiration that poraries. an essentially virtuous man. respects. that this accursed apostate. in who all attempted to suffocate Christianity. and. namely.

. unequalled the valour most admirable he fought. however." contemptor. always among the first. and an excessive facility and abundance of words. he wished to Amm. moribus was his justice his tempered by clemency. individuals and the Imperial treasury. This caused him to attribute to the of exterior forms 1 the religion o ctt. 40. regendis 1 mortalia omnia despiciens. our opinion. also easily detected among those writings which in of But expression of his soul. restore the conditions of the miserable financial and. Marcell. op. which. Julian's gravest fault.. conceal the failings of his hero they are. A too great hastiness in his decisions.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN censor 473 opum Perfect acerrimus. acquaintance with everything pertaining to war and the authority with which he governed his soldiers. the inevitable consequence of his philosophical system. . was his tendency to are the genuine superstition. encouraging his troops and reconducting them with in the tation. placidus. so that he was able to lighten the taxes and settle amicably the litigation between private cities. 29 sq. very light in comparison with his virtues. finally.. which midst of the fray at the first sign of hesiHis administration was most wise and moderate. ii. stop the frightful disorder that reigned in the extortionate and parasitic government of the But the honest historian does not empire. must have been the reflection an excessively impressionable temperament.

—an object of ridicule to the Antiochians. it is impossible not to recognise the expression of a true if We and profound sentiment. trustworthy the descrip- we must examine once more given of him by his two contemporaries. Libanius and Gregory of Nazianzus the first — with the idea of exalting his memory. whom he furthermore describes as having a figure at once Ammianus of strong and agile. . begin by observing that. This sketches the his moral that emperor. which consider that is intensified we the Necrologia all and of the the Monodia were attempt to written when traces restore paganism had disappeared. the second with the intention of reviling him and bespattering him with mud. but we may still be able to gather some more interesting items of information. — by his sparkling which beamed the geniality of his mind eyes. In the course of this study we have largely borrowed from these writers.474 JULIAN THE APOSTATE restore an importance that often bordered on the ridiculous. tions his writings. a face that had a most singular aspect on account of the shaggy beard that finished — yet whose beauty was enhanced in a point. and seriously is militated against picture his propaganda." But before studying Julian from which are undoubtedly the most source. qui mentis ejus argutias indicabant. in the lamentations of Libanius over the death of Julian. from " venustate oculorum micantium flagrans.

. reorganised good principles. . leaving his life entirely in the hands of the gods. that of Augustus. prove a great 1 exclaims: Libanius How can we reconcile ourselves to the thought that the infamous Constantius. mortally wounded but 510. and for a still shorter time the highest 2 office. this rapidly vanished as if in flight. the highest. Julian. sacrificed herds of sheep and oxen. after having ruled over the earth that he contaminated for forty And he illness ? years. was taken away. was only carried off by who renewed the sacred laws. rebuilt altars. and again outside it. .THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN when in 475 more held sovereign swaythe Court and among the people. if great virtue was this multitude of ! But had not so suddenly overwhelmed us good fortune had no sooner appeared to us than it evils By Hercules. who were sometimes by day and sometimes by night. when cif. op. and when the Christianity once expression of such the grief might danger " to writer. recompany of the hiding in darkness. after recalling the desolation of army Liban. At least. is 2 The minor position that of Caesar .. the placed priests the dwellings recalled the of the gods.. restored the statues. so that the earth which had after filling for a short just left begun to appreciate such unsatisfied. is too cruel.. who time a minor position in the empire. and must be the work of the demons ' ! Then the 1 Libanius. 5. now in the Imperial palace.

thou hast almost in lost " ! the same ! moment Alas acquired and thy sway and vigour * for the earth's absolute ruin is This explosion of grief to in natural contrast the recital of the hopes which Julian had aroused. now trodden under foot ! O ! reason. says that the Muses were weeping for the death of their pupil. attributed a The expectations Emperor. says. To Liban.. cit. in you an emperor who ! war provided for all O laws. was transported from the battlefield to his tent. and that misfortune had encompassed the earth. over the orator eloquent of speech and skilful in criticising the discourses of others . and of which soon there will only remain the shadow O whose object to despoil ! magistrates. 516. the pleaders. over the man who explained the doctrines of Plato the exclaims " : And all : . the sea. and the air.. how much ! will the dignity of your names be have lost reviled O battalions of soldiers. op. . rhetorician. and supreme importance to education he believed that the doctrine and the worship of the gods should 1 be united by fraternal bonds restore (vofil&v a8e\(f>a Xoyovs re ical 6e6iv iepa'j.476 still JULIAN THE APOSTATE alive. 15. Libanius . and of us weep. a judge wiser than Rhadamanthus. each one the loss of his particular hopes the philosopher. with reason believed to your necessities have been dictated by Apollo. O of unfortunate those peasants sole who is will be the prey ! O you power of justice already weakened.

" a reflowering of Greek a thought. . and ideas. should be governed by men of culture. he himself wrote disHe also courses and treatises on philosophy. a'/.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN instruction. the restoration of Hellenism does gifts enjoys discourses much more than he Julian's journey . op. and he is — — " and the chances of preferment lay knowledge. 575. in the acall quisition of He made 1 efforts It was truly to revive the love of the Muses!" 2 " Primavera Ellenica. that reanimated spirits. and by the predominating tendencies that were in open In order contradiction to these ideas and customs. "The garden philosopher.— Translator's Note. nor leaves unheard a or poet. customs. . to its former position of honour. he immediately There is indeed a breath of poetic with office. the 1 attempted by Julian. . 477 which was entirely neglected. 15. he nant thought. " exclaims Libanius of wisdom blossomed again consumed by his of mind and of body. restoration in its bearing and significance. discouraged and broken by incipient barbarism.. in the enthusiastic picture that Libanius desired that the cities inspiration o-ives of from Constantinople to The Emperor is moved by one domiAntioch. to comprehend. rhetorician. . and prodigious activity never neglects a temple. is 2 "Primavera Ellenica" an allusion to Carducci's well-known poem. and as soon as he found a man invested him capable of ruling. he weeps with emotion. . we must Liban..

" l Of tion his activity " : he gives us this interesting descripHaving always been most abstemious. able to fly from one occupation to the other. Julian was able to respond to the excessive demands made Endowed on him in his task of religious reformer. and with prodigious activity. in its predomi- with the faculty of concentrating his thoughts. but which they imagined could be restored to its ancient splendour by creating a retrograde movement nant circumstances. op. general. listen to reading of despatches. to the commanders of his armies. "Julian and sorbed in them. cit. competitions. When he gave a banquet. so unable to secretaries keep 1 pace with Liban. "When obliged to be present gazed abstractedly around. and on the same day respond to friends to several ambassadors." Libanius relates. nor applause could divert him from his meditations. at and statesman. who were the absent and to friends who were his arrived. rapidity of . honouring at the same time the festival by his presence. 5. he remained just long races. despatch letters to the cities. enough. the 579.478 JULIAN THE APOSTATE appreciate devotees of a the endeavour to surviving rapidly emotion of these civilisation which was approaching its sunset. he was. his own thoughts by being abNeither wrestling. and that his examine requests.. so that it could not be said he was absent. if I may so express it.. and never having overloaded his stomach with excessive food.

. alternately appearing writer. compositions of others reading 1 earlier than the birds. In another part. dis" ! awaking composing thy and the courses. and soldier. secretaries affairs. renewing transformations in in his actions the of Proteus. 479 were obliged to rest. And his — he never ate more then more food. but not he. because this succession of service and this resting by turns was indispenHe changed the form of his work.. judge. His he had luncheon. a'/. was absolutely — and necessary. amount of who had passed their day sleeping. never ceased working. who passed from one occupation After he had transacted his official to another. he was once more called to the business of the State. The cares of augur. . frugal than his first supper was even repast.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN dictation. " * but always as a saviour state did not prevent him from ! continuing his favourite studies. resting amidst his books.. thus exclaims " Thy great and beautiful and varied culture is not : exclusively due to the studies that thou hast made before thou didst become Emperor! force But thou conwisdom. the character general. 580. addressing himself to Julian. but he sable. Liban. of priest. considering the small And then came other amanuenses. until. 10 sq. op. in the afternoon. Libanius.. tinuest to study simply for the love of The Empire did not The night is still thee to neglect thy books. and his hours of sleep were few. than sang most melodiously. young and thou already singest..

"O gods. why did ye not ratify your promises Why did ye not make him happy reproach that who knew you? With what could ye him? What was there in his actions was not praiseworthy ? Did he not restore the altars ? Did he not build temples ? Did he not honour with the greatest solemnity the gods. and it is most reveals how many and deep-seated were the illusions cherished by the Hellenistic party who surrounded and Julian. the fountains. the heroes. the air. his the enemies? as Was not your enemies he not wiser than Hippolytus ? Were Just Themistocles Rhadamanthus ? More thoughtful than ? More courageous than Brasidas ? truly save humanity. rivers ? the earth. because we seem to hear enthusiastic in it the echo of the conversations that must have taken place at Antioch the between former his the Emperor and Libanius. the sea. when means by the of preparing to hoped-for victory over seal was the Persians. Libanius breaks out in the following apostrophe to interesting because it the gods. give. ? O demons. Did he not which was on the Was he not the enemy of point of perishing? the wicked ? Merciful to the righteous ? Adverse to the overbearing ? friend to the simple-minded ? A How grand were ! his enterprises! conquests How many trophies ! How many O end un- . definite and sanction to the reconstruction of ancient civilisation. the heavens.480 In JULIAN THE APOSTATE another part.

some wisdom honoured congratulating things. style of dress. and not making themselves of others. offer up sacrifices. he had that if the war terminated in reported that. and cutting in In our mind's eye we saw sophists and rhetoricians. would reduce ! to nothing public Ah the crowd adverse demons rendered vain behold ! all our expectations. changing its language. the tombs of the martyrs give place to temples. and the prosperity of families revived through many it causes . in prayed the gods a manner of that rendered the it possible. Susa and temples ornamented with the spoils brought from there. and not disdainful as it because of and and formerly had been. educating with their great discourses the sons of the Persians. because is midst of dangers. altering the flowing hair. narrating to posterity the our magnitude themselves enterprise.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN ! 481 We believed that the worthy of the beginning whole of Persia would form part of the Roman Empire. by the re- duction the of taxes. and all with one accord crowd around the altars. receiving from us its rulers. paying us its its tributes. and the conquered the light emulating those who praised admiring this. — Happy those II . of the victory. and the very same who ran away in horror at the sight of blood. he taxes. VOL. of that. and the athlete about to receive the laurel crown is brought to us on his bier! II. rebuilt by those who had destroyed them. governed by our laws.

Liban.. This was the beginning of every good for him and for all the world. a more quiet city. but. hast divested thyself of thy fierce hatred of the gods. no sooner thirsty realised than raises ended as ! We suffer like a man who ! to his lips it a cup of fresh and limpid water." Libanius addresses himself directly to Julian. he (the his Emperor Constantius) did not wish that fame should become too widespread among were many him to live in Nicomedia. which with difficulty had Scrutinisescaped the hands of the impious ones. in every respect. O cities that thou hast founded! rebuilt ! O that cities that thou hast to O wisdom honour! thou hast virtue exalted the highest ! O that O justice descended anew was thy strength from heaven to earth. and this being the general opinion of it "As those who knew him. ! ! . op. . he was made to rule. for in that city there yet remained a breath of divine science. therefore. 5 sq. thence to return immediO radical revolution O heaven to ately ! ! universal happiness. 617. ing by the population of a city wherein restless spirits. " thou. later. 1 —here — thou When. He.. cit.482 JULIAN THE APOSTATE died after unhappy those who live Before him there was night. and after him there his reign was a pure ray of sunlight is night who him. sent means of this the occult questions. " x touches them. he sees it snatched away : Libanius thus narrates Julian's conversion — appeared that. ennobled by study.

like a lion. even before thou couldst promote the interests of religion. breaking thy chains. hearing that which he taught concerning those spirits who have created and preserved the universe. evident to those near thee. by means of Plato.. the legitimate ancient gods to the that one who. thou didst taste the most pure of beverages. and." action in Gaul. so that of the rhetoricians that of still men with high conceptions thou wert able to attain to greatness of action). already strong by thy flow of words and by the science of things. preferring divinities truth to to false falsehood. neglect commiserating that which making After had been oppressed. op. . cit. the one. 2 40S. and admiring the beauty of philosophy. who. some time ago. future salva2 tion in the present grief. to Maximus..THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN didst 483 go to Ionia. thou all didst liberate thyself from the mist of ignorance. and shaking thyself free from error. thou didst let it be understood that thou wouldst not them when the occasion presented itself. is of a man who and didst make the acquaintance 1 credible and wise. has perfidiously Uniting to the companionship insinuated himself. 5 sq. describing Julian's " Libanius thus exclaims Certainly thou couldst : 1 Probably Libanius here alludes Liban. lamenting over that which had been destroyed. expanded thy intelligence. more wise (and even here we see the hand of the gods. grieving over that which had been contaminated.

that his personality seems 1 to be liberated Liban. cit. brandishing thy sword. and didst make the best use of thy arms. The pages full A courage. flourishing thy lance. op. he embodies so thoroughly the living spirit of Hellenic civilisation. instead. the young Emperor appears truly worthy of the admiration and love with which his teachers. not remaining seated in thy Thou wert. 10 sq. ideals. a leader in all enterprises. tent to await the reports of the battle. with all the most extraordinary manner.484 JULIAN THE APOSTATE all this not have done without the help of Minerva. there in his heart. 413. thou wert able to comprehend all things by means of reason. On the other hand. of enthusiasm for all the most noble generous and heroic. is so much heroism he is so overflowing with the vigour and boldness of youth. and his soldiers But certainly Julian lacked encompassed him. . and encouraging thy soldiers with the blood of the enemy a king in . was combined. the goddess assisting thee in counsel and action as she had once assisted Hercules to overcome the monstrous dog. But from the time that thou didst leave Athens. his friends. 1 council. however. a hero in battle!" of Libanius present to us a figure man of spirit and both attractive and genial. inciting thy troops to follow thee. His fervid and disordered imagination balance. pedantry of the rhetorician and in the formalist. ever to be found in the van of the army. calling them on by the gesture of thy uplifted arm...

in this fatal more ardent than he cult in promoting those exercises of the which he there were believed would o-ive him the favour of the gods. and dominates even in the portrait sketched by Libanius. superstitious. by means of Neo-Platonism. and is but too evident. sacrificing with his own hands. therefore. and soothsayers free from all restraint. and reek of sacrifices. none. and Lucretius. at least. offered to the gods. go every day from the and as at the .THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN 485 from all its errors and defects. and oxen singing that he (Julian). This blemish was superstition. and. that is to say. and fires. "On all sides" — exclaims Libanius — " altars. they are concealed by the pure rays of a dazzling light. No logical causes of effects. Epicurus. and incense and expiations. and saw one more than Julian pressed onward direction. For it to have been otherwise. to afterwards fed the venient for the But as it was incon- Emperor Imperial palace to visit the temples. it ended by placing the superrational and the supernatural above reason and nature. But one of these blemishes remains. it chose the opposite direction. On the contrary. . followed the direction human thought must have indicated by Democritus. it refused to seek the in all things the continual intervention of an absolute arbiter. and blood. We have already noticed this in our remarks concerning Neo-Platonism antiquity was. or. There were pilgrimages and on the summits of the mountains. and with the meat of which he people. above all.

a sanctuary to the god who brings the day. he offered libations.. superior and inferior. : deploring the death of his hero. and their altars were filled to overflowing with oxen and sheep. all.. cit. 15 sq." 1 And in the Monodia.486 JULIAN THE APOSTATE is same time there inside nothing more profitable than constant intercourse with the gods. op. .. he was accompanied by til. a care due to it. the palace. the augurs were obliged to adhere because his eyes were able discover in all 1 strictly to the truth. 10. Liban. he had erected. and he raised separate altars to each of the gods. 582. 50S. he was especially devoted to the science of augury." 2 Furthermore.. and he participated and made the others participate in those Mysteries in which he had been initiated.. the quantity of blood shed by night and by day. op. and Libanius relates that he was so expert in it that when he was to present. because they have neglected the care of that beloved head. Ibid. gods and goddesses. the continual perfumes.. 10. 3 And we have 2 already seen his undertakings. Ibid. He was not devoted to one and negligent of the others. in return for the many prayers and the many offerings. And the first thing he did as soon as he arose from his bed was to unite himself by sacrifice to the gods. op. 3 564. scrutinise and that. he thus asks "Which of the gods should we accuse? All equally. cit. but to all those who have been made known to us by the poets the generators : and the generated.

and legitimate was more a observer of the cult . but it — has introduced into the new new ideas. and much better has not originated any 1 The principle. Marcell. superstitiosus magis quam sacrorum legitimus observator. . ii. merits of Christianity purified worship One is of the most evident especially that of having and of having freed the altars from the repulsive spectacle of victims with their throats cut. recognises that the Emperor was addicted to an excessive use of omens. which simply posed the sublime idea of a paternal God. and anything without having first 487 that he never attempted examined the entrails of the victims. And honest Ammianus. the re-establishment of sanguinary sacrifices. offered to the divinity forms. we shall find that the conception of a redeeming the sins and obtaining the pardon of the god. essentially superstitious. and the birds in their flight. 42. .. sacrifice. real and uninterrupted in paganism. But if we examine the inwardness of this question. collective and symbolical in Christianity. exists on both sides.. of an omnipotent Amm. with his good sense. and in it appear that. but metaphysical and dogmatic Christianity ones.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN numbers of augurs. cit." this To would us all seems perfectly odious. superstitious " — than a prsesagiorum 1 sciscitationi nimiae deditus . Christianity — we do not mean cult that of the Gospel. op. in his attempt to revive really puerile and absurd he was proving himself a reactionary. and rites. 30.

and were we to give credence to his description. the brilliant versatile writer. the of severe habits and principles.. and one deficient in intelligence. Julian. (xotfiia.. we should believe Julian to have been a wicked man. as depicted by the enthusiastic Libanius. that Assyrian. him that sympathy and admiration which always inspired by men of genius. op.. op. avotyos lv' avras ovofixaco.488 arbiter. and in the wisdom. of a fool. that apostate. enemy schemer. Ammianus and We and is to lament his errors and misfortunes. The hero of the man and that against Gaul and Persia. Gregory of are drawn feel for Nazianzus presents a figure absolutely the reverse. intellectual Notwithstanding that he was deeply tainted with superstition and bigotry. is transformed.. who has poured out his ire on the earth and his threats. 50. Julian. cit. even on this score." 1 Gregor. if I may so say. tit. . was neither - nothing He did reactionary nor progressive. else but live and act according to the environment of his times. into artful that dragon. had not been eradicated. in the Disenterprises " courses of Gregory. to JULIAN THE APOSTATE be appeased by dint of victims. 2 Ibid. " and has hurled 1 even up to heaven jests. 49. presents a most attractive figure. their his iniquitous words. both as man and sovereign. that common and corrupter of all." And the writings of Julian are malicious discourses and only strength being found in their profaneness.

. the persecutor asserting that the Emperor was only influenced by his desire to bring back unity into the divided Church. after all. cit. did not hesitate to become the enthusiastic apologist of the Emperor Constantius. 3 64. we cannot forget that he is the son of the Emperor who gave the foundation 1 of Imperial ("regor. persecutor of the pagans. But Gregory fierce is so anxious to exalt to Julian's enemy. . Clt. that Constantius inflicted 2 seemed. tov ftaWopevov rrjv KpTjulda rf/s tfacriXiKrjs rco xpicmarrjv opOfjv viafia 8vva<TT(ias nai Triarcas. the polemist exclaims. 2 Ibid. power to the Christian faith. And he lessens the importance of the heresy of Constantius.. Ibid. And. to those around him. Op.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN 7 489 So great was Gregory's hatred the pious writer. cit. so that the great Athanasius had to bear the brunt of his anger. that he of his dares excuse in him. by attributing it to the influence of others. op.. Christ. 8 8o£av TrapaKiveiv Zfto£ep. but also of Orthodoxy. in order to to the accusations of perfidy which of Julian that give greater force he brought against him. op. who had deceived a simple soul overflowing with virtue. he says.. brothers he forgets that union with the Arian errors was 1 detestable and fatal. a great shock on OrthoIt But this appearance must be accredited doxy. Here that we have an intentional and deplorable concealment of the For we must remember the Arian Constantius had been not only a truth. and in saying this.

490

JULIAN THE APOSTATE
cannot
forget
that

And we

Constantius,
1

he died, left Christianity all powerful. is no greater proof of the blindness of passion, and also of the moral distortion into which Christianity

when There

had

fallen,

than this praise and exaltation

of a tyrannical,

heretical,

and

cruel

emperor by

one of the princes of the Church.
In

Gregory's

Discourses,

Julian

becomes a

sort of infernal

dark Once,

and
while

demon, around whom all sorts of have accumulated. stupid legends
he was
sacrificing,

the

viscera
;

of

the victim took the form of a crowned cross

the

spectators were terrified, but the wicked apostate explained the apparition, saying that it was a
2 On symbol of the discomfiture of Christianity. another occasion, Julian, guided by a master of

the

sacred

And

Mysteries, descends into a cavern. behold he hears the most awful noises, and
!

most horrible phantoms appear to him. overcome by fear, almost involuntarily,

Julian,

as

a

defence against those foul demons, recurs to that exorcism to which he has been accustomed since

makes the sign of the cross. Immediately the noises cease, and the demons Twice is this strange experience disappear. repeated, and each time Julian proves the power
his

childhood, and

of the Christian exorcism.

He

is

but the master of iniquity, who to him "What dost thou fear?
:

deeply impressed, is near him, says

The demons
a'/.,

dis-

1

Gregor., op.

cit. t

2

119.

Hid., op.

70

sq.

THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN

401

appear, not because they are afraid of the cross, And Julian, perbut because they despise it." this suaded by affirmation, again descends with

him

into the cavern.

Legends absurd but sympto-

because they reveal the bent of popular imagination, and at the same time the credulity
matic,

and cunning of the Christian
transformed the

controversialists,

who

Utopian Hellenist, devoted to naught but Homer and Plato, into a demoniacal figure, destined to inspire with a nameless terror
the timorous Christians of the lower classes.

Gregory's greatest effort is to make Julian appear as a ferocious persecutor. The defenders
of
Christianity

were

especially

irritated

by the
Julian

moderation

and

tolerance

with

which

imagined he could lead the world back to ancient

seemed impossible to oppose Christianity except by violence, and they saw in this attempt an infamy and a serious peril. And thus the real aim of Gregory's
Hellenism.
these apologists
it

To

discourses

is

to

demonstrate

that,

in

spite

of

appearances,
tians.

Julian
in

had

And

this

persecuted the Chrisdemonstration Gregory

proves himself a disputant of singular ability. He employs, with great efficacy, the weapons of

sarcasm and irony, and often arrives at the truth.

That
with

Julian's

clemency was undoubtedly tainted

may also hypocrisy is very natural. affirm, without doing the Emperor injustice, that the tolerance of which he so often boasts in

We

492
his letters

JULIAN THE APOSTATE

was not so much due to an impartial judgment and a true respect for the opinions of others, as to the conviction that tolerance was a surer means than persecution to attain the aim
so dear to his heart.

But Gregory does

not,

in

to the Christians

the slightest, appreciate the advantage that accrued from the attitude of the pagan

" "Julian" he says arranged things in such a way that he persecuted, without appearing to do so, and we suffered without receiving the

Emperor.

honour that would have been due to
been seen
difference

us, if

we had
1

to suffer for the sake of Christ."

The

between Julian and the other emperors
persecutors,
is,

who were

that the latter persecuted

openly, and in a spirit manifestly tyrannical, so that they gloried in the violence they exercised. Julian,
instead,
in

his
2

persecutions

and despicable. "Julian" an acuteness which, though poisoned with
at
least

miserably astute affirms Gregory, with
is

hate,

power This last, being of and that violence. persuasion the most inhuman, he left to the rabble of the cities, whose audacity is without bounds, because
unreasonable and most fierce
this
in its violence.

truth

— "divided

partially

succeeds

in

reproducing

the

his

into

two

parts, that of

And
not

without public decrees,
riots.

but simply by
office,

preventing the

The

more benign

and more worthy of a prince, that of persuasion, he kept for himself. But he did not succeed in
1

2

Gregor., op.

cit.,

72.

Ibid., op. tit., 75.

THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN

493

maintaining this to the end, since it is against the laws of nature, for the same reason that it is
impossible for the leopard to change its spots, or the Ethiopian his dusky skin. ... So he was

everything but merciful

towards the Christians
1

:

humanity was inhuman, his exhortations, an excuse for cruelty, his courtesy, violence
even
his
;

because he wished to appear to have the right to act with violence, from the moment that it

was

impossible
2

for

him

to

succeed

by

per-

suasion."

Gregory there is unquestionof a foundation truth, cleverly employed by ably the disputant, who, with an acute opportunism,
exasperated the
facts,

In these words of

and described as a deliberate

stratagem, and as premeditated actions, that which was the natural outcome of the situation. Following
the thread of this necessarily hostile interpretation, Gregory reviews nearly all those actions of Julian

which we are already acquainted, and for which we have proved that the Emperor was not
with
directly responsible, or,
justified
if

responsible, that he

was
his

by provocation

;

and he naturally makes
against

these

so

many

causes

of accusation

enemy. All this is, of course, artificial and partisan. But this is not the case with the admirable invective
which the orator compares the positive Christian 3 virtues with the fallacious and apparent virtues of
in
1

Gregor., Op.

cit.,

73-

«"'

')''

Xtav anuvdpanrov dvra to (piXuvOpioirov.
3

2

Ibid., op. cit., 74.

Ibid., op. cit.,

76

sq.

494

JULIAN THE APOSTATE

the pagans, and breaks out in a paean of victory. Here speaks a man inflamed with zeal and

enthusiasm

defending he alludes to the martyrs and their glory, Gregory finds words of the greatest power. But
is

for the truth of the cause

he

When

more interesting still is that part of the speech where Gregory, with an originality of thought and
no longer possessed by the exhausted orators of Athens and Antioch, announces
intensity of feeling

the essential antitheses of Christianity, which are the natural effect of the contrast between the
pessimistic conception of the present world optimistic conception of the future one
antitheses,

;

— those
glories

and the

by which the true Christian

in his earthly sufferings as

a process of initiation

into the felicity of heaven.
their

These

antitheses had

most sublime expression

in the divine

paradox

of the beatitudes of the Gospels. Gregory marvels that Julian did not yield to the fascination of such

a profound and novel doctrine, and attributes the resistance of the hardened pagan to obstinacy,
stupidity,

and perfidious designs. Gregory was mistaken. He should rather have sought the

cause of Julian's inexplicable resistance in the fact that these beautiful antitheses no longer represented the true conditions of Christianity, by means of
which, at that time,

men no

exclusively at a future
at

longer hoped to arrive celestial felicity, but rather

and besides, that it presented a deplorable display of discord and covetousness.
an earthly
felicity,

THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN
Certainly,
in
it

495

was the moral conception, culminating the apotheosis of the humble and the unfortunate,
gave
in

that

to Christianity

its

strength and

its

victory.

But,

become
reality

century, this conception had a simple rhetorical expression, to which the

the

fourth

no way responded. natural that a soul educated
in

It

was, therefore,

ancient

wisdom and
in

the worship of virtue should find these most
in

luminous
it

comparison with the others, and that

should see in a return to the ancient faith the

salvation of the world.

The

when he
politician

Christian disputant is certainly in the right says that it was not the act of a wise
to

polytheism,

attempt to lead the world back to because at that time the Christian
too

movement was already

widely diffused, and

there was no possibility of arresting it. Constantine's successors could do nothing but follow its direction.

A
the

return,

even

in

a more moderate form, to the

policy of Diocletian

would have

still

more weakened
of

empire,

by rendering
it.

the

majority

the

citizens inimical to

Gregory, however, exaggerof the opposition encountered

ates

when he speaks

by Julian

in his attempt.

As we have

already seen,

the rural districts had remained, for the most part, faithful to paganism, and continued so for a long

time

;

for full thirty years after the
in

death of Julian,

Libanius,

his

great

discourse,

"About

the

Temples," could appeal to the Emperor Theodosius, supplicating him to protect the rural temples from

and asked to be allowed to return the gifts they had received from him on the occasion of his anniversary. tit. 164. because the truth is certainly that.r) 3 Gregor. 1 The army ever remained wholly and securely in the hands of Julian. in Julian's army.. in this account. tit.. in his grand and desperate 2 Liban... against 1 Constantius.49 G JULIAN THE APOSTATE the destructive fury of the Christians. 2 is true that Gregory relates a great scandal that to him. says Gregory. it is the ardent and boundless devotion that his During the arduous and exhausting campaigns of Gaul and Germany.dprvpas epydcrtrai tovs oaov to eV dvTois /xuprvpas. in the daring and hazardous adventures of his rebellion soldiers for had him.. op. Gregory has magnified some isolated episodes into proportions of a solemn scene. 85. the took place in the camp. they had committed an act of Julian only punished the rebels not wishing. cit. Gregor. receiving the pagan worship. . with real exile. 75. there was never the slightest If there is one tendency to breach of discipline. But. p. ii. op. because they found that by burning a grain of incense at the moment of gifts.. although Gregory affirms that he abolished It the standard that bore the sign of the cross. Op. trait above all others that proves the extent of the power of attraction possessed by the young Emperor. 5 sq. to make martyrs of those who were already such in 3 intention. 'iva p. According Christian soldiers presented themselves before the Emperor.

the matter was shrouded and the secrecy of the were true. moment Julian. to and even monasteries. sweetly order to seduce them by the harmony hospitals. being unsuccessful in his attempt to take Jerusalem. and wished and exhorted them establish a priestly hierarchy similar to that of the Christians. of his words. desired to imitate that Assyrian general who. even the suspicions of Libanius and Sozomenes the by a javelin hurled the mystery in which by the hand of a Christian. attempted to treat in with speaking Hebrew. the honesty of his intentions. Gregory Julian's is forced to initiative.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN campaign against with Persia. One of the acts of persecution attributed to the Emperor by Gregory was the famous School Law. So Julian founded schools. the Hebrews. that Julian was killed plot are the strongest proof that no plans of rebellion could have had the slightest possibility of success among Julian's devoted troops. — 12 to exercise charity . ever hesitated to obey orders. But we have elsewhere gauged the value of his judgment on this score. says Gregory. humanity of but he refuses to admit the recognise Julian. to consider the manner Let us rather stop for a in which he attacks in the institutions of his because he imitated reformed polytheism the institutions of Christianity. VOL. has never been said that the Christian soldiers. although in there must have been many of them If army. the soldiers followed 497 him But it enthusiasm and unswerving fidelity. II.

1 ency that comes with time. this is one of the most interesting points in the personality of this enigmatical Emperor. and recently revived by the writer (Allard) who 1 Gregor. principle of That Julian ever abandoned moderation. and for such would also have been his fate. For all that.. no impartial writer has ever been able to affirm. let themselves be caught. Julian's know. since Christian virtues are an intrinsic part of the nature of Christianity. cit. because if it had continued it would have revealed his ape-like tendencies. .498 towards the acutely JULIAN THE APOSTATE "I do not poor.. he would have become entangled in his own nets. a thesis sustained by that acute critic. not through human wisdom. The most strenuous efforts will never succeed in transforming the Neo- Platonic dreamer into a persecuting sovereign. and by the consistus. in trying to imitate men. but by divine power. and not such as can be imitated by any of those who wish to follow after they being triumphant. Rode." The whole of Gregory's first discourse is an As attempt to prove that Julian was a persecutor. that rule of conduct which prevented him from having recourse to violence in order to obtain the triumph of his cause. "if it was a remarks. by the death of the Emperor. 102 sq. The apes." Gregory good to thing for Christianity that attempt at its Christianise paganism was cut short birth. we this will examine it once again. op.

Thus. were very near akin to them. and responds to a preconceived idea. now Christians against pagans. • It First of all.. but which only a partisan writer like — Gregory could colour with a sinister — light so as to i. so that although he began under the inspiration of great moderation and equanimity of mind. impossible to say that he fomented these insurrections in order to repress the it But is . one of the acts of the Emperor an error. Julian's reign was so short as to pre- clude a fundamental evolution of his mind. there was a ten- dency to a sort of evolution. As to the riots. he would. in Julian's actions.e. and again the latter against the former. appears to us that this thesis is absolutely artificial. attempts prove that. there were many during his short reign. besides. was written from Antioch. according to our opinion. appear a religious persecution the condemnation of the courtiers of Conit make took place quite at the beginning of his reign. and. little by little. while his edict of disapproval of the Alexandrians for the murder of their Bishop George stantius.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN to 499 has published the latest study on Julian. his actions cannot possibly be arranged in that chronological order which would have been necessary in order to deduce the conclusion that Julian was rapidly inclining towards persecution. have become so exasperated that he would finally have arrived at the point of committing acts of severity which. although not exactly proceedings of persecution.

must. they rebel. to have proved that the " persecutions of the that is Christians happened by cocercitio. exactly the only possible against a day in which the minority way in which the Christians acted from the moment .500 JULIAN THE APOSTATE have Christians with the greatest severity. on the other hand. in the slightest degree. grave cases. and employ against their ancient adversaries those such systems of persecution of which they were for is And this a long time the victims. But these proceedings are The slender minority. because dogmatic persecution was absolutely unknown to them. therefore on certain the is nowadays Imperial authorities ordered what called a "raid. that. in even seen. they were con- demned police to suffer capital punishment." and if the arrested refused to perform the required act of adoration before the image of the Emperor. on the contrary. through did The de simple police" proceedings not. recognise that We would have been impossible for Julian renewed the classic persecution of the preceding As we have already said. The Christians were considered as forming a sect to dangerous occasions the State. it is now emperors. he contented himself with inflicting We punishments it of a purely administrative order. to say. and they did not even inquire into the crimes of which the Christians were imagined to be guilty. becomes in its turn the majority. concern Romans themselves with the doctrines of the Christians.

question from their point of view. to . was so impartial which had taken refuge heaven. But it is useless to ask from Julian more could not become a than he could give. could not have persecuted the Christians by means of the ancient systems. Julian had simply reall established the ancient equality between that citizens — a modes of government. This was his programme. And he never attempted to do so. of judged. Julian protector of Christianity. and desired to put He place Hellenic polytheism. have seen in Sozomenes and Socrates. with such criteria that the administrative rigour of Julian. he had wished.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN that Constantine 501 had given Christianity a even if legal and recognised status. In the administration of justice. Julian. returned. attempted to stop in its its wished to oppose it. while he was Emperor. must be The truth is. and we cannot expect that his actions He should have been in contradiction to it. which we have already spoken. could neither favour the Christians nor leave them in possession of the privileges and prerogatives that they had managed to acquire during the half- The Christians. he that in was said that Justice. and course of action was necessary it to accomplish his programme. diffusion. as we century of their dominion. they were right . but Julian's conduct because of this was neither It is that of a persecutor nor even condemnable. protested Considering the against this return to antiquity. therefore.

without violence. point out as proofs had arrogated the idea of giving to these actions the logical sequence of the aim which Julian wished to attain. the appearance of a perto itself. has to secution.502 earth. nor could he ever be upbraided with the reproof of having deviated. to ecclesiastical writers.. 288. Marcell. are only measures intended to deprive the Christian Church. Now. of the privileges which it Rufinus. none of his statements of cases be contrary to the truth. by which Christianity could be forcibly eradicated and replaced by paganism. Socra*tes. from the narrow path of ncc argui unquam potuit ob religionem. either on account of religious questions or were found to of any other considerations. decides the question in the most unmistakable manner. seeking Amm. . Julian. who never concealed the faults is and blemishes of his hero. at. quite impervious to all religious fanaticism. us the effect of a most in partial judgment —a judgment totally 1 lacking objectivity. op. i. furthermore. equity vel quodctimqtte aliud ab czqiiitatis recto tramite — deviasse" 1 This explicit declaration from the impartial historian. part of a perAll the acts that his enemies and the secutor. Gregory. of persecution. except in the case of his personal antagonism never assumed the Athanasius. Sozomenes. JULIAN THE ATOSTATE good Ammianus explicitly tells us "although Julian sometimes indulged in inthe And that opportune questions regarding the religion of each of the litigants. and who.

order to express the magnitude of Julian's wickedness. Temple of Jerusalem a promise rendered vain by — The narrathe miraculous interposition of God. because of the unjust and partisan spirit with which it is written. All the admirable preparations and the extraordinary? the Emperor triumphantly ability by means of which led his army as far as Ctesiphon.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN a fault 503 of with it. he must be called at the same time Jeroboam. than his in No nature And this is discovering and proved by the favours/ which he liberally bestowed on the Jews. III. op. Hanoi) tSpetriV Ka\ (nivoiav. and those which he from In the inexhaustible store of Biblical literature. Pharaoh. where they could more easily be defeated Gregor. and the promise that he made to them of rebuilding the.. are persistently denied by Gregory. 1 he is perfectly eKeivrfg els ov yap iyevero iropiputrtpa <pi<<ris .. 1 Nebuchadnezzar. the pre-established intention finding The second courses is of Gregory's two virulent dis- The fallen fertile a cry of joy for Julian's catastrophe. tion he gives of the campaign against the Persians is most exasperating. terrible orator heaps on the head of the all the insults suggested to him by culls his imagination. lure the who attributes this success to a stratagem of the Persians —a stratagem designed . was more ready devising evil. cit. to enemy to the interior of the country. Ahab.

on the other hand. Gregory does not know to whom to attribute the merit of the killing. and he depicts him as a raging lunatic. O hierophant. . sophistical discourses. possibility He makes having no allusion to the the of its been work of a Christian. . As to Julian's death. abuse. thy meditations. so that and might be believed that he had disappeared ascended to heaven. Julian secretly and he his relates that body should be it had given orders that thrown into a river. and was numbered the among party and obscure the truth prejudice travesty judgment Behold the transformation wrought in the affecting ! gods How greatly does ! and sublime scene described by Ammianus and But if critical Libanius by the hand of an enemy ! sentiment rises in arms against this tempest of unmerited. of thine infamous . We compare them with to us. like " overpowering eloquence of the triumphant The peroration of Gregory's discourse is clang of Give me" — he the a cries — "give me thy Imperial and thy irresistible will clarion saluting a victory. the sound of thine instruments Divest thyself.504 silent JULIAN THE APOSTATE concerning Julian's heroism. syllogisms. Emperor. still. . it is impossible to resist the orator. or at least excessive. as But he glories in the death of the if it were the salvation of the world. that which untutored fishermen have said But my prophet commands me to silertce the echo of ! thy songs. and against this intentional caricature of the historical personality.

we to whom thy great and admirable law would have forbidden the risrht o to speak. from the. 126. they are clouds. op. the immaculate tunic of Christ Let thy message of dishonour be silenced. even Nile falling from Ethiopia into Egypt. ! the enemies and opposers of thine attempt. and their union. . " thy Thou seest.. and let priests. thou didst reserve for the final battle. nor stop if. . knowing to be renowned and famous in the whole of Greece. . their doctrine. obscured by passing nor to silence the tongues of the Christians publicly reviling thy conduct This Basil and Gregory say unto thee. numberless war-machines that were invented. for a moment. many myriads of men. let us open the books of the prophets and of the apostles ! ! the . 1 Gregor.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN stole ! 505 yourselves with justice. for their life.. ! O robe Closed message of divine truth resound must be thy books of falsehood and magic. we do not remain silent. applied to Julian. the glorious stole. What benefit did accrue to thee didst from the from the great armaments thou prepare. cit. that though condemned by decrees. but raise ! freely No on high our voice which curses thy folly one dare attempt to stem the cataracts of the the rays of the sun. and then exclaims : These things we tell thee. whom thou. Much stronger were our God!" Gregory exults 1 the numerous battalions ? prayers and the will of in the idea of all the torments of the Hellenic Tartarus and of others still worse.

those warning rebellion to others. would meet with the same punishment attempt so great a because the same crime to " ! * Before such diverse. ciL. believe me. together with thee. more lofty and splendid than the Columns of Hercules. being movable. and perhaps thou didst hope. We have already examined a in great part of these writings in the course of our study. This one. may It will be. from which is not form an exact idea of the character and talents of the man. The latter remained fixed in one spot. and thee and will be a branding thy enterprise. or rather. had we been obliged to receive thee on thy return from Persia. " I .50G JULIAN THE ArOSTATE as a splendid and triumphal offering to the demons. while for others he is naught else but a vile and he is unclean monster. . we did not possess it the writings of Julian difficult to himself. visible only to tremendous invective dedicate to thee " — — thus this " who visit them. transmitted even to posterity.. . Hades. never against God. for some of whom a sort of demi-god endowed with every virtue. op. discover the it would be a hopeless task if to truth. be seen by every one and from everywhere. . in thy perverse thoughts. contradictory statements regarding Julian's personality presented to us by contemporary writers. 132 sq. and we have found 1 them the necessary Gregor. to drag to us. Gregory closes his column.

opportunism that Caesar the may have suggested of to the new idea composing these eulogies. we cannot look for assistance from the two tiresome him as he really is. to an exercise of imitations of examples taken from ancient history But we must admit. for the sake of truth. and must see try to penetrate into the soul of the purpose. where the art of writing was reduced to the application of deterartificial mined formulas. Raised suddenly to the pinnacle of power. therefore.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN indications to appreciate his 507 philosophical plain his and conduct of considering religious problems. he could easily imagine that a new era Because of all this. sustained. by the vigilant and powerful influence of Eusebia. . For this declamations composed Constantius. by no means the echo of his convictions. and and literature. only readable as the proof of the fallen dein cadence into which Greek letters had the schools of the rhetoricians. and to exin the complex conditions l>y mode which he found himself surrounded. by Julian in honour of when he had re-entered into the Qood These are two compositions graces of his cousin. that these discourses reflect anything but honour upon It is easy to understand the reasons of Julian. and. as he knew he was. invested with an authority that rendered him almost a colleague of the Emperor. written under the pressure of political prudence. But now we man. he did had opened for him.

and that he has no time to devote to the Muses. and considered by them almost in the light of a spies. we hear the author excusing his family It is himself from giving proofs of the virtues with which he has decorated the personality of Constantius. on the plea that this would take too long. tit. . that he impressed by the duplicity when he assigned to him the name and the power of Caesar. op. later to the Athenians. 1 was immediately of Constantius. admitting all this. above all when we that which Julian himself related a few years i. the murderer of with a positive feeling of relief that. by dedicating to him the first-fruits of his intellect and his But.e.. and attributing a great part to the emphatic and scholastic formulary of the rhetorical school to which he belonged.. We must needs attribute to Julian an extra- ordinary power of dissimulation.508 JULIAN THE APOSTATE not wish to compromise either his present or his future. and was obliged to curry favour with the suspicious and vain-glorious Constantius. to send these hymns of admiration and gratitude all to his ! wicked cousin. 277 sq. because he found himself surrounded by looked upon with suspicion by his generals. as the 1 Julian. we studies. find in these eulogies such an excessive adulation that it recall produces a painful effect. notwithstanding the most precarious circumstances by which he was surrounded. on arriving at the end of these declamations.. even prisoner. if he was able.

but veiled. For this it would be necessary. 130. aAX' u>pa Xoittvv trpos i'pyov Tpintadai. cit. did not take seriously the fulsome flattery he lavished upon his cousin. for in such a manner that his have written hearers and readers to him might be able to guess them. although hidden by words conveying a contrary meaning. there can be no doubt most secret thoughts. D'Alfonso. for the trustworthiness of its information and the impartiality of to its judgment. instead of being the expressions of a deplorable opportunism. But this is not sufficient to give his discourse the characteristics of irony. if he had some reason to reveal his true thoughts. with which we only became acquainted after publishing the first edition of this book. op. D'Alfonso sustains a thesis that to us the studies appears rather bold.. they were effectively bitter.. The Essay of R. so that. is. attacks against his new but ever perfidious protector. the writings of Julian. namely. an excellent contribution Professor concerning Julian.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN necessities of the this action 509 1 moment call him to action. in his Now. that Julian. f'/xoi 6(paiT(V(iv. Now. these panegyrics were written during the lune dc micl ov o-^oXr) ras fiovaas (Vi Julian. 1 toctovtov . that Julian's panegyrics on Constantius were written with an ironical intention. and was possibly the great campaign against the German coalition headed by Conodomarius — on the campaign that was closed by the glorious Professor battle of Strasburg.

and with repeats. and are thus in part justifiable. Julian had accepted this new position. probably. those to excuses which Constantius attempted extenuate his crimes. this. thou didst not prevent others from committing . This being the case. or at least to dissipate those suspicions which yet lingered in his soul.510 JULIAN THE APOSTATE . that made him the second person in the Empire. in his own name. against thy will. the second in Gaul. What in folly it would have been in if. he should have offended him by the thrusts of a too The two panegyrics were transparent irony written with the aim of eradicating the distrust that the consciousness of his own perverse actions ! aroused in Constantius. of Julian's reconciliation with Constantius the first. forced by circumstances. and Julian speaks of the wise made by Constantius when he assumed then adds this " phrase : But however. perpetrated by Constantius at the time of Constantine's death. provisions the Empire. during his sojourn in Milan. it was only reasonable for him to desire to strengthen his claims and to gain as much as possible the favour of the Emperor. in the ! very moment which he received from Constantius the office of Caesar and held it his name. Julian clearly takes his position. in Notwithstanding his first discourse. on the eve of one of his first campaigns. The most delicate point in the renewed relationship between the two cousins must have been the memory of the murders of the father and relatives of Julian.

perhaps. and all sentiments of horror and anger. as he says in his manifesto to the Athenians. official and to fill up the ordinary lines of panegyrics with that stuff (excepting. Op. Having taken for this step. as if it were an of faith. this 1 511 As we have shown in our demonstraexculpate excuse does not in the slightest Constantius. Julian." tion. that he had resigned all thoughts of vengeance. which must have been repugnant. and at the court of Constantius was accepted with article closed eyes. vno rcov Kaipmv S. (ripovs t^afxapTavtiv ov SitKcoAucrar. must have been considered as a proof and a guarantee that he had forgotten the past. he at least wished to appear so. that of throwing the responsibility on the shoulders of This explanation was officially admitted. 19. it hole by which he might escape gave him the loopall blame. the idea of an ironical intention in his discourses ought But if 1 ttXtjv «! irov fiut<T$f\s Julian.. others. does not change the fact that his declaration.KWV . to enter on the mare magnum of the rhetorical adulation of his epoch. at any rate. but.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN excesses. in our manner of seeing. But this not put the slightest faith in it. did at the moment in which he made it. he was not sincere. it Julian the most painful and was easy work. and. cit. with the hypocritical recognition of the virtues of Constantius.. some points in the second panegyric) which was to be found " ready-made " in the rhetorical stores of the school.

from the very first make us day when he was and the certainty of being betrayed by Constantius. be excluded. in believe. perhaps. an harmonic intelligence. by word and deed. In official the same with In style. "a correct education. familiar. we must allow a great deal for the effects of historical "perspective. we detect an accent of undoubted respect and an expression of real this. who had brought. But we must not blindly accept all that the able And. believe the only conclusion that these panegyrics were written intention by Julian with the positive of making himself agreeable to Constantius. he had a presentiment of the truth.512 to JULIAN THE APOSTATE Until after the battle of Strasburg. to persuade have faith in him and in his work. is and on the same line of discourses. . of a secret tenderness for this noble lady. Julian believed he would be able to live on good terms with Constantius. We." that diminishes distances and gives reality. on the disputant says in his own defence. Eusebia. in happened that at long intervals. the panegyric on the part of which we are Empress already however. And on his side he tried. other hand. as her marriage portion. and that they are a true reflection of a determined moment in the life of our hero. is therefore. and. Julian wishes to that. passing triumphantly through the streets of Milan in the Imperial coach. gratitude. his cousin to Certainly. a fore-shortened view to events which. his later writings.

by means of a genuine inspiration.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN 513 a flower and breath of beauty such as to eclipse that of all other virgins. being decidedly doctrinal in their intent. we recognise the man as he really in his is. . and acute writer.. Amonothem all. Julian's spontaneous originality. II. r/A. light of the stars. — 13 Julian. exposing their vices. the witty. and does honour to Julian as a In this satire he writer. prince and his and powerful We and have already spoken of the philosophical discourses religious which. vivacious. therefore. and this is Marcus Aurelius. are. Banquet of Themistius and Epistles. and. But. the the Discourses to Sallustius. The Banquet of wit the Ccrsars is a satire full of and wisdom. r>/>. already revealed its to us in appears in untrammelled Ccusars. shall we shall and we beautiful attempt to discover the nature of the relationship between the young cousin. Most admirable indeed their failings. all his predecessors. In the brilliancy. 109. in the Misopogon. and an emperor. a man. passes in review errors. and their ] VOL. succeeds in overcoming the pedantic and scholastic formalities in which he had been reared. in the other writings that have reached us. one alone finds grace with him. who." 1 Concerning speak more this Eusebia. above all. as the rays of the full moon eclipse and obscure the panegyric on fully later on. useless in our present researches.

now Then Tiberius. Julius Caesar comes first. who chooses as his model the most wise among all the All his other judgments are in emperors." he him. tells and Julian begins. are The the gods. they are always inspired by a high sentiment of morality. first having arrive. After greatly amuses with his jokes and witticisms. might Mark how if tall and handsome he else. and Silenus exclaims ' : Beware his of this man. accepted the invitation. he of thy sovereignty. " Romulus.514 this JULIAN THE APOSTATE young man of thirty. his baldness After him ' He ! comes Octavius. full now of and again sores and ulcers black. . like a chame- grey. of the and expressed with extreme elegance. to and occupy magnificent thrones in the prescribed Silenus is next to Bacchus. and Silenus greets each of them with a allusion. as. red. whom he order. The which it friend agrees. . and if the severity of these is sometimes excessive. O Jupiter. is. proposes to a friend to narrate to him an interesting myth. Julian at the feast Saturnalia. decided to invite the gods and the emperors to a banquet on Olympus. the gods are all seated. who changes colour leon. this with harmony preference. ruler of the world. " in order to celebrate those same Satur- nalia. now yellow. the emperors enter one satirical by one. on account of attempt to rob thee love of power. in naught in resembles me. not being able to do either. during was a duty to laugh and divert oneself.

and behold Constantine with his rivals. O Romulus. Then art Silenus. is Thus they all pass in succession. exclaims ' : Thou wrong. with the laurel wreath. Magnentius being chased away by the thus arranged. thy successor. and he is chased away and hurled back into Tartarus. ' lyre and crowned with a turning thee ' ! And to will I ' Silenus imitate to Apollo : This one ' : tries And this vile And Apollo replies imitator of his wreath ! deprive And Nero. for without them he is only a "super" in here. Finally. at. Then arrives the quartette of Diocletian and his three associates —a most excellent and harmonious combination. Constantine alone and gods. swallowed by Cocytus. — whom excepting Nerva. bereft of his wreath.' the Here comes Nero. Licinius a strident discord. fault and — the over- who has no other but his excessive severity. and Probus. whom the gods refuse to see." each one beingchides for accused and scoffed Aurelius. Marcus his child. to invite this. without his freedmen Narcissus and Pallas. Mercury proposes to open a competition to decide which of the emperors is worthy of winning a prize The banquet being . to this harmony succeeds remains. Silenus indulgence towards his wife second Claudius.THE SOVEREIGN ANT) THE MAN 515 then Caligula. were it not for the discordant note sounded by Maximianus. Summon them tragedy. seeing Claudius. together with his wife Messalina.

Marcus Aurelius. the giving to the Roman Empire well-defined boundaries. and this is The gods decide granted him. while the arguments former. for a that Alexander should also be called. only allowed to stand hall on the threshold of the one of the six in of the £ods. well re- long to be to have desired some one time. however.51 G JULIAN THE APOSTATE This proposal is awarded by the gods. the Danube and the Euphrates. most noted among the emperors mitted to compete. certainly not one of Julian's favourites. Trajan. Each rivals is called on to make a speech. order to glorify his own undertakings. only the should be per- that and they choose Alexander. who is. Julius Caesar is and Alexander vie with each other as to which Caesar due the greatest glory. also Constantine. Caesar. These our with a are written subtle by poet speeches acuteness. permitted But Hercules insists of his successors near him. . the ending of the civil war. and healing the wounds that conIt seems tinual wars had inflicted on the State. especially as Romulus has. by calling particular attention to the fact that Caesar's triumphs were mainly due to the inexpertness and lack of talent This last-named was of his adversary. and. Octavius. endeavours to were much more of the difficult prove that his enterprises and heroic than those latter tries to refute the of Alexander. Octavius pleads his wise administration of the Empire. finally. on the recommendation of Bacchus. Pompey. ceived.

is unwilling knowing how the others. 421. he had instead of wacnn< r 1 Julian. that. Constantine. gods. by government.. citizens. But as from the gods nothing is hidden. and also when it was commendable to " remain silent. says: Jupiter. Trajan reminds them his military enterprises. and at once Silenus whispers to Bacchus " Let us listen gods. a'/. Finally.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN to Octavius that 517 two that. give me the prize which I deserve.' Marcus Aurelius appeared marvellously wise.. inferior are his actions to those of But feeling obliged to say something. who had remained on the threshold of the to speak. of enemies with whom he had for. for he 1 to the gods as one knew when it was useful to speak. you will. op. that he is he awkwardly attempts to prove superior to the others because of the the character foucdit. to make discourses and take part in competitions. warlike besides he has governed better than the emperors. it would be ' O O advisable that I should acquaint you with them. he treated the and the mildness of his words. If you were ignorant of my actions. so he gains the sympathy of the his ' After him comes Marcus Aurelius. 19. . gods. war against honest as Cajsar and Octavius had done. : knows how many paradoxes and marvellous maxims he will reveal to us But Marcus Aurelius. looking at Jupiter and the other to this Stoic ! Who ' ! It is not for me. well hall. of And course. he can boast of the kindness with which citizens.

make up with small flower-pots. and then rapidly fade away.." It is And easy to perceive that Julian entertained a profound antipathy to his uncle. must have been Constantine's greatest crime.' he foolishly adds.518 JULIAN THE APOSTATE ' overcome perverse tyrants. However. besides. perhaps Julian did not wish to attribute to this event. in their eyes.' Constantine blushes.. But it must seem stranofe that in this sort of examination to which the emperors are submitted by the gods. he did . well understanding the 1 allusion to his work. he discharges at the apostasy of Constantine. . 423. Conorigin in the privileged position bestowed by stantine upon Christianity. no other allusion should be made to that which. ' : us as thy Constantine. thou dost present And what dost thou work the garden of Adonis. as we shall see later. in honour of the lover of Venus Aphrodite. The speeches having ended. 10 sq. in ' ' which they have planted sweet herbs. the competition 1 Julian. which for him was nothing more than a passing episode. op. and sought to This antipathy had its natural diminish his fame.' ' O to ' mean by gardens of Adonis ? They are those which the women. has demonstrated by his silence And Silenus rejoins that he is inferior to us all. a greater importance than it seemed to him to deserve and. For a short while they are green. " Marcus Aurelius. not wish to diminish the effect of the parting shot which. cit.

and Trajan." Augustus. but also not be considered. interrogatory. " hast worked and so greatly exerted thyself ? And Silenus. Marcus Aurelius alone. "What seems " to thee. in which Fortune a great part it is necessary influenced also to scrutinise the intentions that have ." he says.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN should have yet 519 been closed. because. induces Alexander to recognise that he had not been "To able to conquer himself. of " "And what has been of the thy object Caesar. who admits having had the same aspirations as Alexander. conquer all. by the simplicity of his answers." he replies. demands Mercury and not only not be. but in greater moderaare both subjected to the taunts of Silenus. with a long and humorous address. in order to determine the merits of each one. pretence of who says that his aim in life was to govern wisely. the noblest aim in life ? To . "To be the life ? first. god." Silenus remarks. "thou wert the most powerful of thy fellow-citizens. may have played these actions. it is not sufficient to be acquainted with their acts. notwith- standing thy philanthropy and the adulations you showered upon them. " for which thou addressing himself to Alexander. but the gods are not thoroughly satisfied. second to any one. vanquishes the sarcasms of that satirical tion. Hereupon Mercury begins a new "What was the aim." Mercury " asks " Marcus Aurelius. but thou didst not succeed in making thyself loved by them." "Certainly.

" Silenus inquires. thou mean. the victor to choose each a and the vanquished. " if would strike thee with my thunderbolts the turn thou wert not my who . Alexander. and who once said quoting I his actions to Mars." And And thou. which is necessary to reproduce . and to do is power to do." Silenus. and of very little my poor miserable body. . much indulgence towards But Marcus Aurelius defends his wife and by Homer. between Jupiter and Saturn received by Mars and Venus Trajan places himnear Hercules . And now we come it to the strange finale. didst not need And Marcus " I myself had need in thy the good that then Silenus adds all : " " — anything ? of nothing. and invoking the examples of indulgence given by Jupiter. having exhausted all his resources. as soon as he hears this. all of them.520 imitate JULIAN THE APOSTATE the " But what dost gods. places himself whom Marcus near Apollo Caesar is Aurelius. commissioned by Jupiter. through divine bounty. the jeers of Silenus is absolutely annihilated by and the gods finish by voting in a majority for Marcus Aurelius. son. Octavius. near they can live in safety. Then Mercury. ." Then comes of Constantine. are allowed tutelar god. therefore. " by imitating the " And Marcus Aurelius " To have as few gods ? — wants as possible. who taught that we should be tolerant with wives. . self near Alexander." he replies. announces to the rivals that. seeks to embarrass this wise emperor by accusing him of too son.

if only ye will heads and breasts. near whom was Jesus." 1 This is indeed a most shameful mockery and a 1 supremely iniquitous interpretation of the inspiration Julian. " Constantine. ." their relations which At the close of the scene. She received him most kindly. who ! cried ' : Corrupters.. among the gods an archetype to and perceiving Incontinence in his neighbourhood. Submit thyself to his self as the last of the : commands. and thou wilt find a wise instruction and a safe path for thy life. and led him to Dissoluteness. 431.' Constantine your your most happy to be with him. op.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN in Julian's 521 own words. come unto me By washing yourselves with these few drops of water. arrayed him in a glittering peplum. I will again give ye means strike felt out fear anew. tormented him and those belonging to him. But the demons. I will render ye clean in an instant. runs to meet her. Julian presents him" emperors. embraced him.. exewith- crable and criminal men. murderers. cit. 8 sq. avengers of this impiety. and made them pay dearly for the blood of they had shed. and the good hope of having as a guide a merciful deity when the moment comes for thee to depart. and Mercury says to him I permit thee to become acquainted with Father Mithras. and if ye should sin again. and together to cleanse yourselves with his sons left the assembly of the gods. not finding his taste.

so that appear to us as saints. by the conditions this on the contrary. r harmonising with the character of existing customs morals do not create customs.522 of Jesus. at . only those proit who were susceptible of exalted convic- and were capable of heroically all sacrificing themselves. Whether pagans or Christians. as we have previously pointed out. Julian's text this appears evident it from the fact that was possible for the writer to accuse Jesus of having been the demoraliser of the world. wholly relative conception. because man cannot be moralised by means of a doctrine imparted from . it was in Julian's time. But Christianity make man moral. But when Christianity was recognised as a religion. that Christianity had. In the early days of Christianity. but to a personification of the Christian religion as it appeared to him. without he is. when it was most fessed tions. on the : contrary. moralised the customs of mankind. Christianity had taken root because it had been able to satisfy certain aspirations of the human mind at the moment could not in which it appeared. and as Now. in no) In respect. and medium the direct cause of that morality. JULIAN THE APOSTATE But here we must observe that the name "Jesus" does not refer to the personality of the Evangelical Christ. the truth is. but. morals are the outcome of prevailing customs. only made better of the medium in which he is lives. dangerous to become a Christian. men were equally endowed with a certain amount of good and evil qualities.

merciful. and. a mere cloak. although which every rotten abomination fermented. From this arose his feeling of abhorrence. were to be despised. later on. in his his cousin. saw them exalted by the all Christians and freed from effects of stain. and Libanius. We among had had the power of washing away have said above {vide vol. considering the special conditions in which he lived. converts to Christianity. i. Constantine's was a hotbed in Court. 1 in a determined moment of its evolution. good and bad. who remained pagans but Julian. was as much to be admired for his morals as Constantine and Constantius. and was repeated by Zosimus.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN first all 523 tolerated and. And . that leaves unAmong changed the man whom it envelops. among pagans. one must acknowledge that error to it — an was most explicable. uncle and Julian recognised. and levity. the assassins of his family. as a pagan. 145) that the report was current the pagans. Now. cruel and Ambrose might have been a better man selfish than Simmachus . p. to Julian's error truly that common most men — was for imagine some one was responsible thus. he attributed to the Founder of Christianity the responsibility of that which was the consequence of human 1 nature. like other religions. that Constantine inclined to Christianity because he believed that this religion the sins committed by a man. dominant. Christian. there were no than less Christians. and generous. and. it became. at the same time. with sacrilegious the inevitable. by the simple a purely formal conversion.

It appears that even the ideas. and he proved that. had the need this report We also added that It is waters. on the other hand. Julian. he resembled.. in reality. therefore. above all a warrior. once again. not to recognise in Julian's words an allusion to this report. should have been glory gained in war found little a most peace-loving emperor. nature vanquished preoccupation. impossible. notwithstanding his that religious beautiful theories. that he only asked for baptism on his death-bed. Constantine perpetrated his most atrocious domestic crimes. . could only have had a legendary origin. however. that grace in his eyes. and. and we must therefore conclude that. And so lofty are these he has naught but disapproval for the emperors who preceded him. He gives us his ideas concerning the duties of a sovereign. i. with the one exception of Marcus Aurelius. entirely devoted to propaganda which was his most lively But. his first of being cleansed. of his infant grandchild Licinianus. of his son Crispus. like all his other works. more than any other man. as soon as he reached the throne. in many respects. this was the current explanation of Constantine's conversion. among the pagans who were his contemporaries. the murders of his wife Fausta. reason. that. so little did he crave the purifying Constantine. only lacks the arduus livue labor to be most excellent. that Alexander whom he did not spare with his taunts through the medium of the sarcastic Silenus. and the attractions of glory for possessed him an irresistible fascination. many years after the promulgation of the Edict of Milan. This crowned Neo-Platonic philosopher was. So we see although he was unwilling to confess it.e. and did not constitute a merit for those who had attained it.524 JULIAN THE APOSTATE This Dialogue of Julian.

with the to the destroyers of so many and he replied king that ambassadors were unnecessary. he himself was coming to visit him. and Discourse describes the Necrological ardour with which Julian rushed into this hazardhis ous attempt.' The King of Persia sent Every one implored him to accept this proposi-/f tion. which was only undertaken to satisfy 'his adventurous spirit and to astonish the world by such a colossal enterprise. all the while shaking with suppressed fear lest some one should mockingly say of him that he was of the same family as the cowardly Constantius. in a short time. as in other acts and who fought sadly and much preferring to have passed his in his time immersed melancholy meditations ! But . Libanius especially alludes to his great anxiety in and impatience. as. but it would never have issued from the lips of wise Marcus Aurelius. declared it would be dishonourable to condescend to a discussion cities. He with difficulty acquiesced in the drill short delay indispensable to men and horses. was only all guided by conscientious motives. But he. throwing the letter angrily aside. him a letter proposing submit the differences between that they should Persia and the Empire to a Court of Arbitration. pertaining to his office.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN 'thought j 525 was to throw himself into that insane Persian war. who. in making war. Such a response would probably have been natural to many of those emperors from whom Julian withheld his approval. passionlessly.

doubtful as to the text. it is greatly to be desired that the light of modern criticism should be directed towards them. philosophy and even pedantry are blended with youthful ardour and a strangely strong longing for action. others are edicts and manifestoes to cities and magistrates. and one of the most interesting in all history. and this makes him a highly original figure. witty. and with and disfigured interpolations so that for as well as for the rest omissions. these. exceedingly rich in striking contrasts. and with these we are already acquainted. upon the growing darkness in which ancient civilisation was about to be engulfed. historical. as that of a passing meteor. already made of the work and writings of Julian has given us a clear a personinsight into the nature of his personality The long study we have — ality so fascinating and paradoxical that it cast a brilliant ray of light. in order that an edition might be published. But we do not wish to leave him until we have sought in his Epistles some more foibles. their bearings. illustrating literary. precise indications of his merits and Julian's letters are among the most inter- Unfortuesting documents in Greek literature. nately. them in and. above all all.52 G in JULIAN THE APOSTATE Julian. Some of these letters are merely rhetorical exercises. Many are short. and emotional expressions of the im- . even the small number that remain are in a bad state of preservation. philological. often of his writings.

— Sozom. Although he was not clique. he was a But being of a lofty and all. But before reading some of j Julian's letters. 205. things from the point of view of rational theism. 1 very salutary Socrat. and enjoyed the Theodosius.. .. and find it 527 is in these that most genuinely portrayed the soul of we him who composed them. in by him. has remained 1 In this discourse.. op. before the Emperor order to persuade him to desist from his persecution of the Orthodox Christians. above religious tolerance. Themistius influence must have on the soul exercised of Julian. we must glance a t t wo f n s other works. a the emperors from Constantine to having even held the high office of Prefect of Constantinople. he Constantinople. generous delivered spirit. and remains wholly indifferent to the forms a of worship. Themistius considers famous. op. cit. which for a moment inspired Constantine in his Edict of Milan. and possess the characteristics letters. cit. men A at all had a school protection of famous writer and rhetorician. member of the Neo-Platonic most fervent Hellenist. liberty of thought and The discourse Valens.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN pressions of the moment. which are most interesting. Themistius was one of the most celebrated of his times. he recommended. a pagan. 565.. These are the of his treatises and Epistle to Themistius and the Exhortation to Sallustius.

as subtle as it is dignified. and. one of his best efforts. he were guilty him of the magnitude of and upbraiding him almost as if of longing for idleness and peace. Certainly the man who could feel and write in such a manner was not the infernal monster that Gregory at-j 1 " tempted to depict in his Colonna Infame." "I Julian — thus begins pray with all earnestness" "that I may be able to confirm the hopes I — of which thou hast written me. Julian did not willingly accept the reproof of his philosophic friend. at the same time.528 JULIAN THE APOSTATE Epistle to Thcmistius is a genuine indication of the character of the young Emperor and of the tendencies of his mind. Manzoni. It The seems that no sooner had Julian ascended the throne than he wrote and confided to him his anxieties. the difficulties that beset him. and reveals the his heart aspirations nurtured in fate did not permit —aspirations that him to realise. — Translator's Note. but fail fear that I may to substantiate those exaggerated expectations 1 The author here and elsewhere alludes to the well-known book of A. and a living testimony to his honesty and good sense. than this There is nothing more characteristic familiar and friendly discussion between disciple. his regrets at being obliged to renounce for ever his peaceful life and studies. reminding his new duties. in master and which the latter gives the reasons for his anxieties and doubts. . and addressed to him the following Epistle. La Colonna hifavie. Themistius must have replied to him rather harshly.

that was my Alexander and Marcus Aurelius. I and O my by thy recent letter. and should act in a manner worthy of these And then thou callest to mind the wilt that I add lawgivers. II. — 14 . weights. even more than these. and was delightful to me to recall our conversa- only desired to sing to you. by telling me that God has entrusted me with the same mission as that through which Hercules and Dionysus. I I duty to emulate to mention am overcome should appear entirely to lack the courage of the former. not others. impeccable I in my justice. celebrated for their virtues. cleansed the land and the sea of the foulness by which they were defiled. and thou dost that I am expected to be. the lest by a great fear and agitation perfect virtue of the latter. felt Thinking of life all this. in the slightest degree. hast greatly augmented my fears. am astounded. should divest myand repose. But thou. and rendered the struggle more arduous. at the same time sages and kings. Lycurgus. I myself inclined to praise a it without cares. a long time ago. since know that thou wouldst never stoop either to flattery or deceit. to similar those who. I am well aware that nature has VOL. Thou self of all ideas of quiet endeavour to expectations. I Reading these well words. carrying great friend.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN concerning yet 529 me that thou hast aroused in others. and more in thyself. Solon. and be incapable of emulating. Pittacus. Having convinced it myself. and. as to myself. sing to lessen their suffering. tions at Athens.

perhaps. And here I will not mention the adverse circumstances have rendered fruitless this my that. I. thou wilt of it until the last day. and consider thyself fortunate if thou canst sight a distant ship. but there thou shalt see neither lighthouse nor rock. until now.' —dost thou believe that he who would hear this discourse would choose for his . did not know what to to think of thy words. and even not be sure ting that all this will happen. and by exposing to me the extent of the difficulties with which the life of the statesman is surrounded. so that thou mayst give over the ship intact. should hear predicted by some expert in the art of divination. and admitgive thy body to thy native earth. one devotion.530 not JULIAN THE APOSTATE endowed me with any special quality. But this discourse. when God suggested hadst desired to me that thou. restore the sailors safe and sound to their families. to permit thee to enter the harbour before thy life is ended. except one. far manner it. the love of philosophy. that he is destined soon to cross the yEgean and ' Ionian Seas. of life. therefore. encourage me with praise. and venture afar on : the high ocean. and again and again thou shalt pray God to let thee touch land. and the soothsayer should add Now thou dost not lose sight of the walls and the harbours. and be able to speak with the navigators. from encouraging me in this rather dissuades me from adopting If and even that with one accustomed to navigate the Bosphorus. difficulty and not willingly.

" Julian goes on to affirm that he does not deserve these indirect reproofs. of foreign friends." demonstrates the power of affairs. 1 sq. presents a double danger. And it is many special gifts. the saying of obscurity ? this. the Macethe donians. because no one abhors a lazy existence natural that in he hesitation only experience the greatest assuming an office that requires so more than he should does. the Syracusians. . the Persians. as most wise. 328. marvellous " Here who. the generals of Rome. op. my own convictions. and 1 And by combating. thou hast likewise in the in Epicurus. well knowing all wished to warn me by including me reproofs that thou hast addressed to Epicurus. consider as illustrious cities.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN abode a city 531 near the sea.. invokes the testimony of Plato. fortune in the government of human 1 and Julian. in him. cit. one in which. men. who teaches us to live And it looks as if. us. and when favourable. because adverse corrupts it And Fortune it when is it brings us low. of nations and and adopt. or would he not rather the advantages of comnaught the acquaintance of bid adieu to wealth and merce. the Athenians. and Julian in thousands of emperors and kings. And it is even more difficult to issue unscathed from the second danger than from the first. Julian demonstrates that prosperity caused the ruin of Alexander. luck has a greater influence than virtue. his Laws. after all. magistrates of Sparta..

" But it is not the authority of Plato alone that renders the young Emperor timorous and 1 hesitating. trembles to see himself dra^ored into such a it him that he only desires the idleness of Epicurus. should become. and the gardens and suburbs of Athens. full of dangers. a daemon. a divine being. — letters "that were neither filled with complaints. on account of the suspicions of Constantius. 335. when. Julian exclaims " : This text that it I what does mean? have here integrally reproduced. nor gave evidence of littleness of soul. he was exposed to most deadly perils. After quoting the text of Plato. Now if a man. that a man chosen to rule over for nations must strive to emulate the virtues of a god. and the myrtle does appear to thee that it may be said of l With an groves and tiny house of Socrates ? accent of just resentment against his teacher.532 JULIAN THE APOSTATE is what means Julian far more serious. except that which necessary for the preservation this. and the he had sent to Themistius when before leaving for Greece. casting aside everything that of his is coarse is and mortal in his soul. teaches.. It tells us that a king. tit. 12 sq. " Julian exclaims " : to preferring ease to remind him of his youth letters Never have hard work ! I " —and given evidence of he goes on at Milan. . nor cowardice. even though by nature he be a man. nor lack of dignity. by force of will. Aristotle also in- agrees with Plato in explaining the great and Julian. life. considering body. by of a myth. op.

Pittacus. 340. of whom thou art chosen as the champion..THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN 533 superable difficulties to be found in the government of nations. commented on the text of Aristotle. Solon. which he also considers a task beyond After having quoted and the strength of man.' Certainly such words would fill must Well. I fall short of my duty. thy fellow-citizens. and above all. where thou shalt have as spectators the Now Greeks here gathered together from all parts. Lycurgus. and thou must from thy domestic gymnasium to the stadium pass of Jupiter. 1 1 sq.. or let am 1 a complete 8 thou wilt very soon 2 me know. and tremble even before the ordeal. The fault of this rests with thee. Ibid. by thy words thou hast put me in the same condition. I often permit tinues 1 : myself to regret my previous existence. 337. op. but because thou hast advised me to carry forth my philosophy outside of sub my That it ccelo. so that thy country may appear most terrible to them. . domestic walls. a'/. op. and some barbarians whom thou with awe." Julian. would be exactly as if thou didst say to some one in infirm health.. And if I have judged rightly concerning all this.. who with great difficulty was able and demonstrate to take very little exercise inside his ' own house : thou art arrived at Olympia. 20 sq. not because thou hast proposed to me illustrious men as models. deprive him of all courage. Julian con" Because of this great fear. cause him to and if in some respects failure. cit.

and awake him his initiated. that work Themistius.. Thou sayest that an active life is more worthy of praise than the life of the philosopher. quoting Aristotle 1 as thy authority. and still less of kings. it not express at all the wishes to convey. and of those who are exclusively addicted to mental work. be happy to find himself in a position that required continual action. I must speak to thee of another subject in thy letter that has rendered me uncertain and perturbed. it appears.. 21 sq." Then Julian maintains that the text of Aristotle does idea that Themistius speaks. had written to a life of action is more desirable and enthusiasm for the more to he had more worthy of praise than a life of contemplation. who accused him close his letter lukewarmness. 240. worthy of all my veneration. 1 say greater than the son of Julian. therefore. thinkers are the most happy and useful of men. since true. Aristotle political is of legislators and philosophers generally. .534 After JULIAN THE APOSTATE having to thus replied with dignified modesty the of reproofs of Themistius. and that he should. but not in the least of practical men. Yes. is much that conquerors. says Julian. that and of their glory " I tit. op. Julian answers in a tone in which we recognise the note of a lost ideal: "Oh. my beloved master. Julian does not without refuting one of the stateto recall the still ments by which the master sought disciple to a sense of his duty.

the victories of Alexander ? What him ? city was more wisely governed became better ? because of What man many who none who Thou wouldst through him were made more . and these aspirations towards appreciate all To the tranquil and serene life of the philosopher. op. . . on the morrow after havincr attained 1 his ends. But all now saved through the power of can be said to be saved by Socrates. Julian concludes by invoking those are who with filial reverence.. saved by greater .THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN 535 has accomplished much things Sophroniscus Who was than Alexander. as far the Balkans. the life of Themistius. by confirming his teachings by means by demonstrating in this manner how he would wish others to act. a'/. The philosopher. they grew more vain-glorious and haughty.. we must remember that they were expressed by a man who had just undertaken the most hazardous enterprise. himself to Julian. order to wrest the Imperial crown from his cousin Constantius. abandon 342. . 7 sq. the peculiarity and interest of these considerations. find rich. is a much more powerful and efficient counsellor of his actions." 1 philosophy. than he who prescribes them by decrees and laws. a man who as had in come from the extremities of distant Gaul. with a handful of men. as an example. of and noble acts. How could such a man. became more wise and prudent on the contrary.

" as Julian did. nor Bonaparte after the 8 Brumaire. and would not have accepted the Imperial purple from his soldiers. any one that it reading this sustains true is letter is must feel that the thesis Julian the not wholly artificial. which possessed by one single idea. neither Julius Caesar after passing " 1 the Rubicon. or of one who wished to curry popular favour. there is a part which is nothing more than a scholastic exercise. a contemplative soul. he considered it was his duty to realise. in aspirations of his soul.536 JULIAN THE APOSTATE discouragement. as in all the other writings of Julian. but rather that of a man This idea. It would have expressed themselves cannot be denied that. But. notwithstanding. He was not ambitious it was not lust for power that plunged him into his If there had not been a perilous enterprise. His conduct in Antioch was not that of a man wild for applause. and expression of the condition essentially of his mind. and express a desire for studious solitude? Certainly. in the Epistle to Themistius. in which the ideal of true happiness was a fantastic absorbed of his hallucinations it The secret of all was that he believed himself instrument of a predestined to be the necessary . motive that strongly impelled him in tion. Julian would probably never have this direcleft Gaul. caused him to assume a part not life at all consonant with the study and the mystical dreams. Julian was endowed with . and to extend and consolidate his position.

or love ease.of bitterness towards his friends. that 537 of the restoration of Hellenism. Libanius — discerned Maximus. said from the beginning. and We have seen in that he attributed to the will of the gods his safety and his designation to the Imperial throne. him the only hope of salvation growing tide of Christianity and was threatening to sweep away they stimulated him and spurred that from the everbarbarism that everything. education necessary for nor the natural aptitude. in this believed idea. this indefatigable general and wise administrator. that Julian thus " closes his Epistle to Themistius The gist of my : letter. and at the same time of modest and high-minded dignity. is and desire pleasure and I longer than I it is not because idleness. Iamblichus. complain of political life. and did not hesitate to - accuse of faint-heartedness the hero of Strassburg o' . A in Sallustius. which has it already grown that — intended I to fear fatigue. which virtue. Themistius. have been. fearing sufficiently he might not prove himself enthusiastic in his action. I have neither the it. Julian was wrapt up all and willingly dedicated his strength and intelligence group of illustrious men — to its ends. that as I But. And he. this. . most certainly.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN enterprise. and him on. to him meant the restoration of wisdom and the allegory of "The Discourse against Heraclius" that this enterprise was for him the expression of a divine order. And it is not without a slight feelino.

in my good moments. moreover. I have not acquired. not attributing to my merit the work of others.helped first But I the need of also I by you. being a great man. Not less . in these days. but to leave all in the Thus I shall not be responsible for and. and. and I now repel your accusations with which although all my strength.538 JULIAN THE APOSTATE I and. and. and proof of the serene tranquillity of the mind and judgment of the young Emperor. as is just. May God it ! grant me good feel fortune and a wisdom equal to being. I shall be wise and temperate. furthermore. dearly love. is not honoured by I I have our contemporaries. I beg and entreat you not that I to ask o-reat things hands of God." I shall The highly Epistle to Themistius is a document an eloquent creditable to Julian. now that of all whose sakes I run If God through me means to these many risks. to him. 'I am conscious do not possess any other good quality except not that. therefore. Attributing. fear to do harm to philosophy. failures. from me. for irritated am on account of my words. and I acknowledge my gratitude advise you to acknowledge yours. bestow some benefits on mankind greater than those to be expected from my education and the opinion I have of myself. O by the Omnipotent. and students of philosophy. I am aware of the fact. already written to you about this. ye must not become called to guide you. all the success to God.

suspected 1 his cousin on account of his very virtues. the perfidious Emperor decided he to recall Sallustius... was the most renowned and the most those wise among men with whom Constantius surrounded the young Caesar. - Zosim. in is 539 interesting or less adapted to reveal the nobility the Exhortation. 6.. And the historian Zosimus aggravates this accusation. and endeavours to find Sallustius some reasons for courage and comfort. op. But when Constantius heard of the rapid and signal successes obtained by Julian. and when he was on the point of leaving Gaul to hasten to the attack of Constantius. Whatever the cause may have the fact is and the that Julian felt the separation bitterly. directed 1 which he expresses to him his great grief at seeing him depart. rft. and confided to that him the government and defence of 1 great Julian. he summoned him. due to his having followed 2 the teachings of this wise been. because. to as Julian himself says in his manifesto the Athenians. bia rrfV dperf/v tvBias i\vt<7i yiyovev vnmrros. . when he sent him as his representative to Gaul. because that he was the only one who was truly friend. intercourse with his distant friend was never interrupted. 206. and was the only one he his in felt whom Julian had entire confidence. affirming that Constantius was prompted by his envy of the military laurels gained by his cousin. cit. counsellor. op. % 2Rr.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN of Julian's character to Sallustius.

already half and we can find. in who. there which Julian takes leave of obedience to the orders of is. in this its very raison condition of aristocratic intellectualism. Sallustius' JULIAN THE APOSTATE The the wisdom fact and he perspicuity of judgment appear most wonderful when that we consider alone compre- folly and the danger of the Persian and that he wrote to the Emperor. op. 1 In the letter his friend. aiming at retaining power. But.540 province. and a refinement of sentiment and culture that decadence." in Italian politics. 2 Amm. is about to leave him. and not to rush hended the to his ruin. who was preparing for this unfortunate undertaking. Consorteria. Julian begins affection. expedition. 1 when supported with courage. is the union of a few men. in Constantius.. i. Julian of society represented the select few in the fourth century. mostly of ultra-conservative views. scholasticism which sable element of all is a large dose of that rhetorical the tiresome but indispenthe literature of the Hellenic the same time. " — - Translator's Note. as in his other writings. d'etre.. his letter with words the of the that find greatest and expresses idea misfortunes. . Marcell. there is the expression of a deep and sincere affection. imploring him to desist. cit. 316. at demonstrates sorteria 2 — to us how the Hellenistic to use an ugly modern word — consur- rounding the barbarised.

of man. will know how to choose a middle path. 212. cit.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE their -MAN 541 they sages remedy the in themselves. accents of " most sincere emotion. exclaims But if I examine myself to ascertain how I support and will support thine absence. 1 I feel that I am as Julian. the most indigestible food is not only innocuous. robust and healthy.." To this point friend the rhetorician has Now the the appears. 7 sq. and sickly during the whole of their lives. accustomed to eat anything and everything. even the simplest food while those who are delicate produces the most serious disorders. but in is sometimes even strengthening. and find comfort x even in the most adverse circumstances. because " strengthen character The say that to those the most terrible than evil in their who are possessed of intellect. or the impassibility of Polcmon.. misfortunes brin^ more orood train. but have remained even moderately healthy. those the development of their characters and have not permitted them to to who have given thought become entirely corrupt. Mount Hymettus it sweet from which makes its And we see that in persons naturally honey. and. in : spoken. Now. by nature and from habit. . though they may not be able to rival the strength of Antisthenes and Socrates. op. the courage of Callisthenes. Thus the bee from the most distils bitter herbs that grow on juices.

or rather. was in a everything comes back to my incurred together. because to thee. for they wished to wound me I through of thee. . through we near each other. couldst say. our frank and wise conversations. . second.' Since the same condition as has taken thee away. therefore. thou art much safety. not more anxious about my in With me. under circumstances. our partnership in all noble enterprises. memory. who. knowing that in was only vulnerable succeeded depriving me I am sure that thou dost suffer no less than because. as he once did am now in now that God I me if . recall the line of . and the am aware that thou comfortest thyself in same manner with me. detestation lived of the wicked. I have no thoughts. Hector. And in Homer : Forsaken was Ulysses. just participate in my being able at present to fatigues and perils. well they the companionship of a faithful friend. with friends united in same inclination habits and desires. and a sure colleague in times of peril. and. the dangers we have our equal the and inflexible all. I do. I of mind. interest thy I affairs is not less than interest in my own. from the shower of darts that calumniators have hurled against thee. behold. against he was.542 JULIAN THE APOSTATE I deeply grieved as I was the first time For obliged to part with my teacher. a valorous comrade-atBut arms. our simple and guileless intimacy. . I am much all grieved. connection with 1 this. ' And.

' l I alone am the cause of <nief and inquietude. and leaving only that which is All this I reaped from thy friendship. 313. . 4. for the Then he continues help that we mutually : gave each other in matters pertaining to government.. a'/. and deprived as I am of these many benefits. reprove us with kindliness. and who will exhort us. I am and that I must withstand intrepidly the ordeal " which has imposed upon me ? 2 Julian. op. that I feel my heart is breaking.. forced. without showing arrogance or presumption. 315. as he is. cit. difficulties in which he will the upon find himself.. op. and which rendered it easy for us to resist the machinations of fate and our adversaries. for God 1 Julian.. by extracting in ? all dis- agreeable them. now that nearly dying from the anguish of losing thee and thy wisdom. freeing the words of their stino- as do those who that is prepare beneficial medicines. what reasoning will be able to persuade me. but also for the threatened lack of all consolation and pleasure. that I must not tremble. who will spur us on to the beautiful and the good. 1.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN all is 543 Sfoine well. - Ibid. to govern without insists then quotes one of Plato's any friends around " But it is not alone him. in order to find some consolation." Julian and sayings. To what other kindly disposed friend can I now With whom can I have the same sincere turn ? and guileless intimacy ? Who will advise us with wisdom.

op. 322. all of whom Then he resignation the absence of their friends. And Julian. and there is no one with whom full alone. Cato. and quotes Plato. magnanimous man. his still accordance with advice." And with subtle delicacy he continues: "The first that henceforward thought that presented I shall be itself left to my mind is an ideal company. 5. I. narrates the experience of Pericles.. to attributes wishing to make his case parallel. which of rhetoric. Democritus. comfort and guide myself with arguments more human. Pericles a discourse replete with is argument.. ancients. since I can converse with confidence. supported with Scipio. example of the Pythagoras. And I seek to lessen the —a Such were the high ideals with which Pericles — depth of my grief by forcing myself to find some comfort for each of those sad and painful images 1 that appear unto me out of the reality of things.544 Sallustius JULIAN THE APOSTATE refers to the and himself. . for me not perhaps very easy to converse with myself? Or. 1 Julian. is there not is it But some one perhaps who may deprive me of thought. deprived of of free intercourse. " naught else than an artifice Having : he continues thus — finished this scholastic speech. cit. who was born free in a free city admonished his soul. who although obliged to forego the companionship of Anaxagoras when he departed on continued to act in his expedition to Samos. born of the men of to-day.

and impossible that a in the Omnipotent should be wholly abandoned and it For is God will help man who trusts On the contrary. therefore. He put it in his mind' indicating thus exclaims Socrates.. so the communication between the spirit is Omnipotent and the sensations. Therefore.. us. his his letter with flowers of Homeric reminiscences. of him. or to find out the imprints let by the wing of a flying bird. and prevents him from doing that which he ought not Thus the voice of the daemon followed to do. as no one can deprive us of this.THE SOVEREIGN xVND THE MAN 545 and compel me to think and admire against my own will ? This would be as wonderful as to write on water. spiritualism as pure as is by a amuses sublime. God takes possession neglected. Julian dictated himself by adorning rhetoric culled from vol. ii. suggests to him what he should do. we can believe that in spirit. lost in introspection. inspires him with strength. nor God a voice to teach . Because the soul needs no ear to learn. And Homer. left to cook a stone. God we is near and that we beautiful it shall be united shall divest our grief of its intensity. when the makes itself one with God. without anything being able to prevent it. preventing — ' — the God who mind. : and then he concludes as follows — 15 — . independent of all . him from doing that which was wrong. If. so long us find ourselves always together within ourselves." After these words. us. imparts to him courage. watches over our thoughts. speaking of Achilles.

not inexpert in philosophy. after thou hast left me. and not permitting us to apply ourselves to incredible myths and paradoxical prodigies. famous for thee. I equity and for every virtue. teaching us to attain truth by means of reason. and prefer that thou shouldst return to us. in any case. perhaps. the country. If I compare myself with place myself amidst the Celts. in their souls. of which the Greeks alone have penetrated the most secret parts. and the God of friendship guide thee safely on goest earth ! If ! smoothly thou must navigate. and thou wilt be received with great joy.546 " JULIAN THE APOSTATE A report has reached me that thou wilt not be sent merely to Illyria. and the cities. I do not wish to be found unprepared and without comfort. I will not further insist. this is generally the as But whatever I may be. desire this. and reason that I which we have been it is for this congratulate them who will see thee. all love for us is not yet extinguished. may the billows roll Mayst thou appear to all amiable and . amidst those Greeks who live by the seaside. with thee who art amongst the first of the Greeks. among whom I was born and bred. But. a high exponent of rhetoric. and where I learnt to love tenderly the men. And. but to Thrace. and thou must give them in exchange that of But I do not deprived. as case with most of the barbarians. May a merciful God guide thee wherever thou ! May the God of hospitality receive thee. must now take leave of thee with words of good wishes.

326. and had assisted him in his hopes. As soon as he heard it. live happily. Those who fought in his camp.. op. 8.. 2 a'/. even the case on which he was about 1 Julian. Marcell. his designs. 547 mayst thou bring joy with thy coming ! and grief with thy departure to May God render the Emperor benevolent in ! thee. a'/.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN honoured . 273.. ardent. and concede thee reason. and illusions. and hyperbolical" admiration that he felt for his teachers an admira- — tion that often to induced his him friends. Amm. and may the gods grant thee every blessing. and. received from him a species of worship. when Julian was announced presiding over the Tribunal of Constantinople. op. even sistent with the dignity of Marcellinus tells us 2 an emperor. and to return to thy thee. and I add Greetings to thee.. he unceremoniously jumped up. Ammianus that one day. to commit actions appeared incon- which. they to him that the philosopher Maximus had arrived from Asia. forgetting everything. 1 sq. i. His enthusiasm. . : and also for all home in thy beloved fatherland " ! l Julian displayed in his affections the enthusiasm of a soul imbued with lofty ideals. of which we have seen many proofs in the writings we have cited. is manifested in the unlimited. and send thee back to us everything For this I pray to God for safely and quickly good and wise men.

Libanius says Julian had revived the old custom of being present at the sittings of the Tribunal a custom — which Constantius had abandoned. and . quite without that restriction. Julian suddenly the door. Julian's act. By . was not an rivalled all orator. did not participate in the mystical aspirations of his Emperor. as selves. for. runs to by the same emotion as Chserephon coming of Socrates. the Court . a proof The of ostentation and vain glory. and reverently leading him. he embraced and kissed him. he ushered him into although he did not belong to it. considered this excessive admiration. Julian considered that. Having found him. he honoured. and was in the gymnasium in the and world of the master was Supreme wisdom that demonstrated he his action Court. publicly who rendered to the philosopher. impatient to welcome the philosopher. at the rising in the moved midst of the judges. returned to the Court. when arrival of the Maximus was announced. by so doing. is him. as everything that is is admirable in royal prerogatives due to philosophy. because he eloquence. Honest Ammianus. the is Libanius opposite. The Emperor was absorbed in the duties of his office.548 JULIAN THE APOSTATE to pass judgment. rushed from the palace. But Chserephon was Julian Cha^rephon. judgment of He admires. was more worthy of respect than royal prerogatives. Receiving him and embracing the habit of private persons among themalso of sovereigns. while Julian. in his Nestor and Ulysses.

but also to invite all. because that is neglected by but that which by him is honoured. neither excluding selves. . he had been transformed from the man of the man. a fervent Hellenist. on the sincerity. through the influence of the philosopher. 5 sq. but the place by the Julian. before the whole he had been into the man he was . the most contradictory tendencies were united. they went ? Why did he do this for the education he suppose. who more clear-sighted than Libanius. taking Maximus by the hand. 374. in the all other. and they manifested them- according to the circumstances and events of the moment. then.. Ammianus and Libanius in their judgment see things from opposite points of view. to had received from him. In the paradoxical personality of Julian. Julian. at. presence Court. op. is followed 1 by all. as away together. some might young and which is all. admired sovereign the homage rendered by the Emperor to the . to educate themselves. old. and neither despised by the sovereign Ammianus.. deplored all that might diminish the apparent dignity of the is the one nor the other Libanius. inspired this " Re- practically was much But Ammianus. the good sense of an honest official. narrated that. deceived himself when he imagined that there was any ostentation in Julian's act. ideal which philosophical naissance" of polytheism. 1 Liban. both Not repay Maximus only. with wrong.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN not the 540 man by the place.

His letters overflow with expressions of ardent admiration for the philosophers who had initiated him into the mysteries of regenerated Hellenism. But Eunapius is an historian so untrustworthy and confused that we feel authorised to doubt the accuracy of his assertion. and. forgot that he was an Emperor. here and there altering the text. put the address of the most noted chief of the school to which Julian gloried in belonging. And. because. so that it appears to us impossible to deny their authenticity. our hesitation. Besides. thou shouldst write to us without stint. Anion". before Julian could have known him. It 1 Iamblichus wrote to Julian to The reprove him for the rarity of his letters. 680). on the other hand. Iamblichus died while Constantine was still living. therefore. 21). the excuse for his fault lies in the natural timidity with which he is overcome at the mere idea of cor- seems that responding with such a man. Perhaps they were not addressed to Iamblichus. and introducing particulars.550 arrival JULIAN THE ATOSTATE of his master. these letters. and then he exclaims "Oh. and. Maximus or Chrysantius. e. we cannot understand what could have been the reason for inventing letters from Julian to Iamblichus. according to Eunapius (p. But as they did not bear any address. deceived by the hyperbolic sentences. as far as possible.g. for the time being. was the fervent and sincere Neo-Platonist. bear the unquestionable imprint of Julian's peculiar style. Prince replies that even if the reproof is deserved. generous one! thou who art the recognised : preserver of Hellenism. a copyist. when is it emits its purest 1 It is true that their authenticity doubted by Zeller (p. but to some other leader of the Neo-Platonic movement. these the most enthusiastic are those directed to Iamblichus. on his own initiative. . As the sun. that do not correspond with the real facts of Julian's life. of which we shall examine some parts. and excuse. long afterwards. especially in the XL a th Epistle. when Julian's tragic death had destroyed every trace of his attempt.

build up let is would be mere mud But who." 1 1 Liban. is natural to art who in the physician of the soul and the mind. always ready for the food that thou bringest us. Even it if we wrote thousands and thousands of times. op. This thou shouldst also do. do not render unto Even ^sculapius does not thee the equivalent. inundating the Hellenic world with shouldst on those unhesitatingly bestow thy treasures even who. even when he has no adversary at hand. fail and do not to support us with thy virtue. order to of virtue. but simply follows the philanthropic impulse that him. ing- by its rays. and for thee for us. cure men for the hope of a recompense. on buildings which they thy slightest Homer the tide destroy.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN who may benefit 551 without considerrays. and do thou write to us continually. when we receive thy masterfor thee. if I am not mistaken. safeguard by every means the teachings like a good archer. 16 sq. who. eambolline. 540. word dearer more efficacious than the most fecundating is current.. for thou hast the thee. by chance. a'/. so thou. like those children in the seashore. keeps his hand ready for every con- Certainly the result is not equal for us tingency. when.. out of timidity or respect. receive some sent by us. while light. slightest affection one who loves —and that thou hast. thou dost strokes : . to and a single all letter of Iamblichus If me than the gold of Lydia. — remember we are like chickens. acts according to its nature. .

In fact. outside the door. the letter and read it. so that I could not get rid of the I fever. as soon as I heard that. soon as I had the letter in my hands. when they announced to me that a friend had arrived bearing a letter from thee. I jumped thee by the gods. with pains all body. as if frightened away by the invincible Then. all my pains and the fever disappeared. there was one who was bringing up. But. just now. And as rushing. he had brought me a letter that it was not only a source of pleasure because contained news of thee. when I had opened presence of a saviour. and I I from the philosopher I am with thee.. and the absent. I swear to thy letter. to whom thou dost write. that spirit. I had been for three days over afflicted my with a gastric disorder. as me one beside himself. through whose instrumentality I had received thy writings. as said. and by that very affection that binds me to thee.552 JULIAN THE APOSTATE Here we have another outburst of enthusiasm on the reception of a ". see thee with my soul as if thou wert present.' as thou truly loving intermediary of thy virtues. Like a bird helped on by a propitious breath of wind..out before even he could be there. even when thou art absent. letter : and can never have too much of thee. Thou never ceasest to benefit those with thee. of mind and the thou mayst imagine my state I fulness of my happiness ! thanked and kissed that 'beloved callest him. are rejoiced and saved at the same time. but also dissipated my .

in a the end of the rhythm. thou must not spare me. did ! I unite the end of it repeating. 553 felt Is it possible for ? me to describe it all I in reading this letter to find Would read it words to sufficient I be possible to express my love? half through. as in the arrangement of a strophe. with the beginning.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN ills. and I am permitted to visit thy sacred hearth. treating me as a deserter of the Muses. as if it were the providential and redeeming castigation of a devoted father. and allow it would be wish. and with a grateful soul. like a deep-set the trace of thy hand. kissing it. the ! How press often did I carry the letter to child ! my lips. as. and correcting me by means of punishments. and gazed the superscription that bore. the thy sainted right hand grants to ! . O wonderful man I ! me the greatest bliss to attach myself to thy . And native if ever Jupiter me to return to my soil. form of the letters the imprint of the fingers of at. benches of thy school. but thou must chain me. have I spoken to. For if thou wouldst rely on the judgment that me for to act as I would pass on myself. as a fugitive. for me How did I many times did the and then returned besfinningf! How often not fear to forget that which I had learnt in it How often. . . And I will submit joyfully to the beloved to the castigation. as a mother I who lips kisses her How often did my on it. seeking to find in the seal. as if ! most ardently beloved mistress embracing How often. at melody of the beginning song.

in his relation to Hellenism. the homogeneity of soul in both.. we recognise the influence of a fictitious exaltation. and he would not have hesitated. Julian.554 tunic. tit. for an instant. JULIAN THE APOSTATE and never leave thee. 1 joyfully He therefore. — movement of religious restoration and moral refor- mation. a deep sense of veneration. No other sovereign has ever written to a professor of philosophy as Julian wrote to his teachers. to encounter death. in reality. op. the ardent phrases of this letter. 578. like all saints. it is impossible not to admit that it is Notwithstanding that." in friendship. before which his Imperial dignity paled and bowed humbly to the very ground.. Julian. hero as he was. and follow thee wherever thou goest. but. the champions of a great — of humanity. passionately espoused an idea which they saw He earnestly adopted and understood by so few. 21 sq. and. but remain always with thee. was in almost the same position as that of the primitive Christians. as those twin men de- scribed in the old fables. in the tie that unites 1 them. they allude to that which is most sublime And representing. Julian was a saint of Hellenism. probably the fables in which this is related appear to be mere jokes. who appeared to him as the initiators. . a who mission on which depended the fate and therefore he felt for those. intended to exercise the mission of an apostle. for any reason what- soever. to embrace martyrdom. in the manifestation of a sincere feeling.

and had degenerated into a In the second coarse and confused symbolism. the confused creations of the NeoPlatonism of his time could easily take possession of his excitable fancy. which had been the ornament and glory of the Greek world. because he was a fervent Hellenist.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN gloried in 555 humiliating himself before the ideal grandeur of the heralds of that principle of faith in which he had found the regeneration of his spirit. lacking a divine figure and a well-determined worship. It certainly makes a curious impression. had necessarily become corrupt. His enthusiasm for Neo-Platonism was a secondary consideration. the and preservation of its laws. the colours of his mystical teachers. in the first place. a holy banner. In the war he waged against this new power. must not that we Julian was a young place. a scholar devoted to the ancient civilisation. that which really heart was Hellenism. that to see such exaggerated devotion for the teachers of this superstitious Neo-Platonism had already so greatly degenerated from the pure pantheism of the great Plotinus. For but not a profound or precise thinker. literature. and its arts. He saw in the Julian symbolical religion of Neo-Platonism the only possible substitute for militant Christianity. forget enthusiast. we have seen how Neo-Platonism. But. was a fervent Neo-Platonist. . lay nearest to Julian's restoration its Besides. which threatened he raised. its customs. this reason. as his native civilisation with destruction.

is a sure indication of the generous and excitable nature of his character. this is to remind thee to pay thy debt. for example. as thou knowest well. for in these three days thou hast 1 really cit. for thee to pay and most pleasant for me to Send me. in a style that reproduced the exquisite artifice of a mind delighting in they are couched in impressions and its own thoughts. to express it more clearly. 21 sq. in the name of Mercury and it to me at once. and he writes to me that he must still delay). if the Julian.. . This disposition is especially revealed in the letters to his friends. thy discourse and thy but. and a form and style which we at the present epoch would consider "decadent. So Julian writes — and it failed to Since thou hast forgotten thy promise (it is already the third day and the philosopher Priscus has not yet arrived. a debt which. and by the subtlety of its art weakened the efficacy and power of its sentiments. to send arrive. a master whom he venerated no less than Iamblichus and Maximus. Yes. . " Libanius had promised 1 i him one of his orations. those short notes he wrote to Libanius. 482. consumed me. and for the men who represented it. send therefore.." or.556 Julian's JULIAN THE APOSTATE enthusiasm for the idea that was so dear to him. holy admonitions of the Muses. is most easy receive. op. in See. the endless elaboration of its own But there was withstood and Julian the writer a grace that overcame all the artifices of style.

THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN

557

saying of the Sicilian poet be true, that expectation If this be true, and I know it ages one in a day.
is,

thou hast aged

me

three times,

O

dearest friend

!

I
I

dictate all this in the midst of

my

occupations.

longer capable of writing, because my hand is much slower than my tongue, although even my for lack of exercise, has become slow and tongue, embarrassed. Keep well, O most longed-for and

am no

beloved of

men

"
!

And
"

having received

this

long-expected oration,
1

the enthusiastic

Emperor
I

writes to Libanius:

Yesterday

read

most of your
I

discourse

before dinner.
ping, the rest.

After dinner

read, without stop-

Happy

thou

who

canst so speak,
!

more happy thou who canst so think What logic, what skill, what synthesis, what analysis, what argumentation, what order, what exordia, what style, what harmony, what comand
still

"

position

!

beloved Maximus, who, after having remained some time near him, desires to go away, he writes 2
to his
:

And

"

The

wise
all

Homer

decided that

we should

hospitality the guest who arrives, and let him go when he so desires. But between us two there is much more than the benevolence

receive with

arising from

the
is

duties of hospitality, that

is

to

say, that which

derived from the education
to the

we
;

have received and our devotion
1

gods

so

Julian., op.

cil.,

494,

1

sq.

Ibid., op. a'/., 537, 4 sq.

558
that

JULIAN THE APOSTATE
no one would be able
to accuse

me

of infringinsr

the law of

Homer,

if I

wished to keep thee a longer
frail

time near me.

But seeing that thy
I

body

had need of greater care, home, and have provided

allowed thee to return
for the comforts of thy

Thou canst, therefore, use the state journey. coach. May yEsculapius, together with all the other gods, travel with thee, and permit us to meet
"

again

!

When
becomes
"It

the affection

is

less strong, the

phrasing
in the

more
is

artificial

and laboured, as
*
:

following- note to

Eugenius

said that Daedalus,

when he fashioned

the wings for Icarus, dared by art to insult nature. I praise his art, although not admiring his thought
of entrusting the safety of his son to soluble wax.

But
says,
I

if

it

were granted me, as the poet of Theos exchange
not
fly

to

my

nature for that

of a bird,

towards Olympus or a sighing mistress, but to the lowest slopes of thy mountains, so that I might embrace thee, O my one thought, as

would

Sappho

sings.

But since nature, encumbering

me

with the bonds of the body, has for me to soar to heaven, I will
the wings of with, thee as

made it impossible come by means of
write
to,

my
did

words, and
as
I

I

and

am
no

much

can.
call

And

thus, for

other

reason,

Homer

words 'winged,'

because, like the fleetest of birds, they are able to

penetrate everywhere, and alight wheresoever they
1

Julian., op.

cit.,

498, 10 sq.

THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN
choose.

559

Do

thou, therefore,
if

write

also,

O my
much
to

friend, since

thou hast equal,

not stronger wings

to thy words,

by means
friends,

of which thou canst easily

overtake

thy
if

pleasure as

give them as thou thyself wert present."

and

To

his friend Amcerius, his wife,
it

who had announced
is

him the death of
pathetic letter.

he writes a most sym-

In

much more humane

a kindly Stoicism, than the unmoved and serene
there
1

Stoicism of Epictetus and Marcus Aurelius. " Not without tears did I read the letter that
the death of thy consort, in which thou hast expressed the depth of

thou hast written

me announcing

thy

affliction.

Because, not only

is

it

in itself

a

most piteous circumstance that a woman, young and wise, beloved by her husband, and mother to good
children, should

expire

prematurely, as a flaming

torch

that

burns

brightly

and

is

tinguished, but to me it is no less that this misfortune has happened to thee.
least of
affliction,
all,

suddenly exsad to think
For,

did

a

man

our good Amcerius deserve this so wise and the best beloved of
if,

our friends.

Now,

in similar

circumstances,
I

it

was

my

duty to

write

to

another,

should

feel

bound to indite a long discourse, to impress upon him that such occurrences are natural, and ought to
be borne, as they are inevitable, and so inordinate weeping is of no avail and I would repeat, in short,
;

all

those platitudes that might comfort an ignorant
1

Julian., pp. ciLy 532, 10 sq.

560

JULIAN THE APOSTATE
in

man

his sorrow.

But, as

I

am

addressing one

capable of teaching others, it would seem to me out of place to write a discourse that could only be

Permit me applicable to those who lack wisdom. all other considerations, to instead, putting aside

myth, and at the same time the reasoning of a wise man, with which perhaps thou art already acquainted, but which is ignored by the If thou wilt use it as a generality of mankind.
recall to thee the

consoling remedy, thou mayst find
tion for thy grief, equal to that

in

it

a consola-

which Telemachus

found

cup offered to him with the same intention by the woman from Sparta. "It is said that Democritus of Abdera, when
in

the

he

failed to find

words wherewith

to console Darius,

who was mourning

the death of his beautiful wife,

promised him to recall the departed to life, if he would only furnish him with all that was necessary. Darius having answered him not to spare anything
the accomplishment of the promise, Democritus, remaining a while in doubt,
that
facilitate

would

added

that
;

he

possessed

everything

that

was

required one thing only he lacked, and he did not know where to look for it, but that Darius, being king of the whole of Asia, would be able,

immediately and easily, to find it. And Darius asked him what was the thing that the king alone was able to discover. Democritus is said to have
answered, that
wife the
if

he could write on the tomb of

his

names of three men who had been

entirely

THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN
free

561

from
life,

affliction,

to

thus

she would suddenly come back transgressing the laws of death.

Darius was much embarrassed because he could
not succeed in finding any one who had escaped all misfortunes, and then Democritus, smiling as usual,
said to

him

'

:

Why,

therefore,

O

most unreason-

able of men, dost thou grieve so excessively, as if thou alone had experienced so great a misfortune, when it is impossible for thee to find in all past

generations a single person some domestic trouble ?
'

who has not suffered Now, one can underand passion, had
art a

stand that Darius, an uncivilised and uncultured
barbarian, a slave to pleasure
to

be taught

all

this.

But thou who

Greek,

and hast received a most

liberal education, shouldst

find the remedy in thyself, and if it does not become stronger with time, it would be a slur

cast

on reason

"
!

Julian,
to

when

he

became
of his

Emperor,
old

desired

retain

the friendship

schoolmates,

and was never more happy than when one of these evinced a disposition to approach him and
visit

his

Court.
to

To
to

his

friend

Basil,

who had

written
plies
letter "
:

him
the

announce

with

following-

his coming, he rekind and encouragfiner

The proverb
and
I

'

says,

Thou

dost not announce

war,'

add

to this the saying of the

comedy,
on,
actions,

'Thou announcest golden
then,
VOL.
II.

promises.'

Come

and follow up thy words with thy

I

6

562

JULIAN THE APOSTATE
to

and hasten

come to us. The friend will welcome the friend. Our continual community of occupations in affairs appears troublesome to those who have not accustomed themselves to it. But those who have these cares in common become serviceable,
courteous,

and ready

have experienced.
me,

make my

to do everything, as I myself Those whom I have around task more easy, so that, while not

neglecting my duties, I am also able to rest. associate without the hypocrisy of Courts, which I believe, up to this time, is the only thing with

We

which thou

art acquainted, and,

under the cover of

while profusely praising one another, in their hearts hate each other with a hatred greater
this, courtiers,

than that

of sworn

foes.

We, on

the contrary,

though reproving and scolding each other, when necessary, are most loving and intimate friends.

Thus we
For when

are able to labour without

effort,

not to

be intolerant of work,
I

and
I

to

sleep

peacefully.

keep watch,
in

keep watch, not so much
is

for myself, as

the interest of others, as

my

But perhaps I bewilder you with my idle duty. chatter and nonsense, and, by praising myself, I cut
a poor figure, similar to that of Astydamas. have, however, written all this to thee, as I wish
I

to

persuade thee to

profit

by the occasion

to render

thyself useful to us

by thy presence, wise man as thou art. Hasten, therefore, and use the Government courier. When thou hast remained with us
as long as
it

is

pleasant to thee,

we

will

give thee

and only despised by Basil." 1 56 g wherever it will appear to The Basil to whom is addressed the letter that we have quoted.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN our permission to go x thee best. is who had " sent him the book. It is easy to detect the impostor. recognised by all the nations of the earth. we find another letter (p. cannot be attributed to Julian. if perchance the Bishop should have the audacity to refuse. answer was by some attributed to Sozom.. of Julian. for if thou couldst have understood." And the Julian. thou wouldst not have condemned. but thou hast not understood. undoubtedly authentic. he alludes to a young man who has been accustomed to associate only with courtiers a proof that it could not have been Basil the Bishop. moreover. Gregory of Nazianzus at the school of Athens. Now. narrates that Apollinaris of Syria. the Bishop of Ca?sarea. reported to have in only the I have read. and. the counterfeiter who has invented Julian's letter has put at the end of the letter. in which the forger falls into the most absurd blunder by misquoting This historian particulars furnished by Sozomenes. in the ending. But it is clear that Julian could never have addressed himself in such friendly terms to one of the strongest champions of Christianity. op. is not less undoubtedly addressed But in the Epistles to quite another Basil than the Christian Basil. I have bishops are reported to have answered on their side: "Thou hast read. which he needs for his expedition to Persia. he orders him to bring an enormous contribution in money. the three words with which the Emperor . Sozomenes says. 507). evidently cannot be Basil the Great. The ignorant conceit that inspires this letter. apparently without rhyme or reason. — the greatness of his power. Therefore this letter. nor would he have asked advice of him. but this is no less undoubtedly apocryphal. written after the style of the classical models. Julian describes in this letter. author of translations of the Bible into Greek verse and of moral tracts. with an hyperbolic conceit. the companion of the two Gregories in the struggle for the Orthodox It is true that Basil was a fellow-student with Julian and doctrines. To punish him for his hostile attitude. which appears to be written by a vulgar boaster. and threatens to destroy Caesarea. The contents and the style of this letter are quite sufficient to demonstrate But the most evident proof of all is given its apocryphal character. who writes after all the events have happened. : having read the treatise. in this letter." And Sozomenes adds Basil {-i>- that this r//. a Christian scholar. 596) which is undoubtedly addressed to the Christian Basil.. I have understood. answered the bishops three following words condemned. with whose wit and modesty we are thoroughly acquainted. had composed a treatise to refute the philosophical errors professed by Julian and his teachers.

5C4 JULIAN THE APOSTATE A most charming and interesting : letter is that addressed by Julian to his friend Evargius. to make him the present of a small property l " I place at thy disposal a little property of — four fields in Bithynia. Ah ! what delightful peace to lie down among them. and. 549. 18 sq. a It is certainly not sufficient to make man who comes into possession of it imagine that he has acquired something very great.. at a short distance from the house. but thou wilt have around thee evergreen trees. from an eminence. unreasonable. However. op. thou wilt not tread on fucus and seaweed. its be allowed to jest with thee. to tell if thou wilt permit qualities. many who art so full of wit is and amiability. I me may thee. and thyme. which I inherited from my grandmother. and fragrant herbs. thou wilt be able to still see the Propontis. and quivering. idly perusing a on this occasion. become proud . are answered the 1 treatise of Apollinaris — words that. wholly displeasing to thee. nor be disgusted by the nauseous refuse cast up by the sea on the shore and other unnamed filth. its and the islands and the town which has taken name from the great Emperor . about twenty stadia distant the and there are no merchants or boatmen to spoil the landscape with their chatter gifts and aggressiveness. The from property sea. and therefore incomprehensible. on that but the gift will not be account. . Julian. cit. one by one. and. the of Nereus do not fail there the fish are fresh .

as coming from a friend to a friend. most rare among the letter is This a little ancients. but will be acceptable. do not or as reproach me too harshly does another. save . There you will find a —a tiny vine grapes. press. and with reason. resting the eye on the cheerful picture of the ships and sea When I was ! a youth of its this property was most dear to me. a delicious bathing-place. and I went there often. I often longed to see the old place. and the new wine. is a draught is not this vineyard larger ? far-seeing agriculturist." one rhetorician In it there masterpiece. Ah why was not a temperate in say with Homer. from time to time. and to the house from the house. and.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN 565 book. amphora. man. and an exquisite delicacy not possible. Thou wilt see The bunches of on the vine or passed through the have the perfume of roses. and When I became a kitchen-crarden and trees. so if thou findest some mistake. O my dear chief! It is small. that produces a sweet knowledge and perfumed wine not needing time to perfect there Bacchus and the Graces. because a limpid springs. in the still modest specimen of my agricultural it. ! I may of nectar. I wrote this letter most hastily by lamplight. was — for thee. vibrates a feeling for nature. Perhaps as I I But and am my I tributes to Bacchus. modity always among gift is prefer the much Nymphs.' as the wise poet ' Pindar has it. only planted that which sufficient for myself and my friends a comscarce This men.

cit. I believe. and believed himself successful in his efforts to curb all his passionate impulses. and Constantinople in This last son of Greece experienced the distance all the magic influence of Hellenic thought and ! civilisation. con- templated the sea. . and the second with the wicked. to give it a new of — those We whom his favourite poets gods had so divinely sung life. the first so needed with the docile. to save the poets a world that who had brought so much now repudiated them ! glory to see how. the management are happy of affairs. the ships. must have crossed the mind of the medithoughts tative youth who. To a friend he writes: in 1 "We to hear that. thou .5G6 to a soul JULIAN THE APOSTATE How many open only to the beautiful. which the religion of his tormentors wished to destroy. immersed in the pages of Homer. is a proof. the soul of Julian was able to remain serene and susceptible to all the emotions inspired by nature and art. 11 sq. of this no ordinary character and in view. With end we pray thee to harmonise these dispositions 1 to the general good. from the solitary hill. for their correction. from time to time. and he dreamt to save this civilisation. He endeavoured to act in all things rationally.) 521. for dost strive to temper severity with kindness to unite forbearance and kindness with firmness and strength. in the midst of his tempestuous adventures. virtue. His counsels are always inspired by the most clear ^ wisdom. op. Julian.

the Mayst possible. But when he attempted to make me third. just and courageous. it kept silent even more duty to do. not receiving the next. refusing to listen to this one. when he treated the inhabitants of I province most unjustly.to After having Julian I related trees. but not permissible under existing circumstances. financial abuses he was endeavouring. do? In the presence of servile. whose rectify. his physician. to Oribasius the dream about the two 1 of which we have already read. the second. than was my a partner in his shameless frauds. by forwarding to me his infamous reports. what could I do ? Be silent. . and not believing the ever attributing his faults to those who were around him. or fight it out . it is known that several times. thou O live as long and happily as it brother most longed-for and beloved is " ! The and so and rectitude justly and courage possessed by Julian. therefore. should like to know well he said those things you refer to me. knew would repeat to See p. most evident in the letter directed by him to Oribasius. before or after he had met me. admired by Ammianus Marcellinus are Libanius.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN since 567 most wise among the ancients justly believed that such should be the aim of all virtue. S6. at the time of his disagreements with Florentius in Gaul. this As to his actions. thus continues: "As if for that vile eunuch. i. and wicked many persons whom 1 I well vol. ? The first course was ignoble. What did I.

as they are most reprehensible. 496. it would not grieve me.. we have God on it fall my us our position. he refused to act with committed crimes which would wisdom. . because a short and useful life is to be preferred to one that feel is long and full of evil. cit. op. 1 5 sq.568 JULIAN THE APOSTATE him my words.' Notwithstanding that he had heard this." 1 Julian's account corresponds so exactly with the description of Florentius related by Libanius that raise and with it the episode to seems impossible any doubts concerning the identity of this But that he should call him a "eunuch" person. and was so near me. and let them fall a prey to thieves. or defend them by every means in his ? power ? But to me it appears shameful that while in war the officers who abandon their troops are condemned to death and deprived of all funeral honours. and have been im- possible to a tyrant who still possessed of reason. lot to suffer on account of this. 1 Julian. besides. it should be permitted to abandon the ranks of these unfortunate people when they must struggle against thieves our side — God to . I exclaimed ' : He must certainly rectify these reports. And now. who gave And I if shall myself not a little encouraged by my conscience. how should a an atom man who follows the doctrines of Plato and Aristotle act on such an occasion Not take any interest in the unfortunate people. And even if I were obliged to yield my position to a successor..

This simply meant as an insult. Julian had a morrow of his victory. as Florentius had a wife and of children. undoubtedly. in this enemy whom eunuch hatred. The case and serves real to throw liVht complications and mania for thanked the Empress when he was about to leave Milan Eusebia. notwithstanding this great wisdom with which Julian strove to direct his life. and it is far more reason" able to suppose that the word dvSpoywos" was is. therefore. on his figure so full of contradictions. and pursued Julian with this end. Kaiser Julian. Julian speaks the courtier Eusebius that ruled at his will the Court of — Constantius.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN is 569 inexplicable. he. his bitter To they imagine that Eusebius was sent by the Emperor to Gaul to make an conflict inspection. rather than as the indication of a real condition. who. 1 what transports reading. possible. Some who see. . 1 of course. however. and that hence arose the with Julian. invented. as swe have seen in the course of these studies. of joy he We have seen with Kock. or to justify his plorable excesses. However. 449. we fury In his private correspondence find traces of untrammelled desires and of deis. made him a present of a whole library. curious. impossible to conduct towards the courtiers It is certainly admire either his of Constantine on the against Athanasius. for Gaul. but is. sometimes abandoned himself to the influence of passion.

therefore.. and many all that contained the I Galileans. some good the same time. 487. therefore. he writes to the Prefect of Egypt " Some love horses. op. When Bishop the Alexandria. he displays an energy that degenerates into injustice and cruelty. Julian. but did not further punish to them. who do not consider gold sufficient to satisfy their lust for riches. 1 1 sq. 1 See vol. do me a signal favour by collecting all the books of George. : 2 ferocious animals. cit. It would. As soon as he hears of the death of George. p. of them concerning philosophy and He had many rhetoric. others again. Julian seemed preoccupied by only one thought. and think that they may easily deprive me of them. that of getting possession of the books belonging to the murdered Bishop. 340 2 sq.. Make..e. useful did not fear that at and books might. George was assassinated in Emperor sent a good scolding 1 to the Alexandrians. would if I doctrine of the impious willingly see the last-named destroyed. i. I. have never loved anything more than I do books. You will. therefore. others love birds. To gratify this desire. . the most In this search minute search concerning them. ii. from my earliest childhood. by mistake be destroyed.570 JULIAN THE APOSTATE that knowing he was absolutely without books. and it is no hasty judgment say that he was not displeased with a tumult apparently fomented by hatred against the Christians. be absurd that I should allow these men to take possession of them.

and George may be of great help to will afford you all necessary information concerning them. . a little time afterwards." It I might copy them. But if he try to deceive you in this affair. in order that then took them back. I know most of George's books. ci(.. seems that he did not have much success in his efforts to collect the books of the murdered Bishop. submit him immediately to the torture. if not all of them for he lent them to me when I was staying in if he really . and appears that the Prefect of Egypt was that unhappy yEdychius who. 20 sq. for we find among the his letters following note * directed to official Porphyry.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN the secretary of 571 you. and remember that thou wilt if expose thyself to a most severe punishment thou dost not take every precaution to find it .. 351. and send it to me in Antioch. not an inferior number of books of the Galileans. and if thou dost not succeed by means of threats 1 Julian. This the is evident. give him his freedom in recompense. Cappadocia. and that even the torture inflicted on the secretary did not help him to attain his aim. op. George had a There were books many histories. of philosophy of all schools. and Search again for this library in great haste. who must have been an " : in Egyptian Administration large and magnificent library. felt all the brunt of Julian's anger because he did not show himself sufficiently energetic against It Athanasius.

as we have seen in the Misopogon. ." Now. and from attending to an infinite affairs. although such a love for books and culture appears most admirable in a man like Julian. apply the torture unsparingly. absorbing cares did not prevent him. This is indeed a great blot on the character of our hero.e. in that time. We was must remember in that. and if slaves have anything to do with it. variety of religious and all administrative But. i. he still retained such freedom and serenity feel of mind as to the longing to possess the In philosophical library of a murdered Bishop. But we believe the case to be unique.. from indulging in polemics with the Antiochians. with innate contradictions and his marvellous at versatility. that powerful and wise in every respect should lose his head to the extent of becoming positively a man iniquitous for the love of in books! Here we all have before us the man his his entirety. in the midst of these preoccupa- tions.572 JULIAN THE APOSTATE and oaths of all kinds. Persian — an expedition he was able organise the difficult occupation to which he applied himself with all the intensity of a mind These most nurtured on military experiences. and oblige those who are suspected of having stolen some of the books to come and return them to thee. to where. Julian Antioch. it by no means justifies the violent proceedings that made him appear cruel and tyrannical. a few months.

many of which were already known to him. we have found the most striking proofs of his lofty idea of justice. If Julian had not been absorbed in his religious Utopia. he empire on the basis of a wise government. In the intercourse would have been able to reorganise we have had with Julian. and recalled to his memory the beloved studies of his youth. and a wise administrator. and under the many aspects in which he has been revealed to us. and to be able to unroll respectfully and tenderly those papyri. Imperial power. which is not only recognised by Libanius. because his crotchets as a scholar and man of letters did not prevent him from being a heroic adventurer. than his A most singular hoped-for victories over Persia. 573 he would have been much more pleased to have these volumes in his possession. to scan these least known documents of Christian literature. and had not rushed to his own the ruin. to we able to of have been much more accepthim than all the pomp and circumstance would even. as he had done in Gaul. to find in combat more maintain. efficaciously — Christianity them new arms this. and perhaps. but also by his that impartial and severe seen judge. containing the treasures of antique wisdom. that And we have already one of most determined purposes was . in the various contingencies of his existence.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN reality. Emperor! And even more than singular. and restore its prosperity. a great captain. Ammianus.

hasty. which Julian accomplished as soon as he entered Constantinople. Imperial Court. and the most eloquent affirmation of the young Emperor's justice. tated heavy contributions from his subjects.574 JULIAN THE APOSTATE that of directing the administration of public affairs and the Imperial Court. in the official and that all privi- leges should be abolished. as we have learned from Libanius. to may have been Socrates. thus lightening the burden under which people groaned and steadily diminished in numbers. so as to free the State from the appalling abuses by which it was corrupted. according Ammianus and but was undoubtedly most beneficial from a financial point of view. Finally. The of and the expulsion of the numberless parasites enriched at the public expense. to whom the previous emperors had exclusively — . the Emperor had declared. Gaul had hailed him as the restorer the of the public fortune the Hebrews were delivered from the arbitrary taxes with which they had been . that his victorious return would be the signal of a financial reform economic the conditions of the by which the exhausted empire would be radical purification thoroughly relieved. If the Persian enterprise still necessicharged. the intense care with which he enforced the law that no one should be excused from taking part duties to which they were called. thus rendering all citizens equal with regard to the risks and duties of public administration a law against which the Christians.

which greatly facilitated traffic for the Government and the The public. These curious allusions refer to one of the acts of administration in which Julian was deeply interested. to use the Government con- When he invited the Arian Aetius to come to him. and also his ability to descend from the nebulous heights of his mystical speculations.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN 575 granted these privileges. violently protested. On these roads they and a regular service of transports and of couriers. he allowed him to use an extra horse. the reorganisation of the Imperial consisted Postal Service. that is to say. and to set apart his preoccupations as a general and a reformer affairs. however. as if it were an infringement of their must be rights — to cordially approved by all impartial judges. the greatest pride of the Roman organisation. to frame practical arrangements of In the letters and notes which Julian addresses to his friends. The communications between the rendered different parts of the all of almost empire which the known world were — — possible relatively easy by an admirable network of roads. There is. organised expenses of maintaining this postal system were . proves the solicitude for the public good by which he was inspired. we have often seen that he gives them permission veyance. post-houses for the relays and the accommodation of travellers. one act of Julian's adthat ministration since it we especially desire notice.

The Councils. and surrounded by all the luxury of a corrupt and overbearing clergy.to the public service. Ammianus. . under the reign of Constantius. Even into this service abuses had penetrated. free passes. which." and adds that Constantius was in so intent his efforts to regulate theological doctrines according to his arbitrary will. which the prelates hurried more especially brought confusion and disorder into the postal management. completely to officials.576 JULIAN THE APOSTATE supported by the provinces and the cities through which the roads passed. because a 1 Amm. with horses and carriages belong-ino. and attended by their theological attendants. cit. already exhausted. had distributed to whom they best liked. using in which an ironical intention is most evi" describes the multitude of bishops careering dent. to in shoals. so that. the Episcopal Synods. in the most remote sees. had to bear the expense of the citizens who travelled.. that he " cut off the sinews of the postal system rei l vehiculariae succideret nervos. 263. Marcell. in the times preAll ceding Julian's great as government.. and the municipal finances. the Imperial high and low. followed each other with increasing frequency. and forced upon the tax- payers most enormous expenses. backwards and forwards from one Synod to the words other. op. they had become so disorganise it. i. evectiones." Libanius gives — most curious description of the deplorable conditions into which the service had fallen.

.. thus continues: "Julian stopped the abuses. with his usual — Libanius cmes — "a thing exaggeration " seemed incredible. — 17 cit. in each case. as they had once suffered from the effects of over-v/ork. and regulated by law the bestowal of free passes. i. 1 Julian was no sooner on the Imperial throne than with a firm hand he put an end to all these abuses. and affirming that gratuitous services were equally dangerous to those who granted them and to those who on that received them. were totally ruined. exercise. And we saw i. 11 sq. on which the expenses rested." 1 they now suffered into from the lack of consideration cit. Ibid. 2 Taking II.. VOL. and. The inferior magistrates had a limited number of them. they were obliged to obtain special authorisations from the Emperor. op. The effects of this reform were most salutary and rapid.. 9 sq. the evectiones. coachmen their horses . Libanius. prohibiting travel that was not absolutely necessary. due - the Liban. op. after giving the singular description which we have quoted above. to say. died of to no longer withstand the exigencies of the travellers. and saying that the Town Councils. 569. the drivers obliged to exercise their mules and the for. 570.THE SOVEREIGN The city authorities could AxND it THE MAN 577 of the terrible abuses to which had been subjected. fatigue. that only could be granted by the governors of the provinces. i. The animals the drivers to and couriers escaped the mountains free themselves from a labour that had become insupportable..e. .

mostly due to the good intention of the sovereign. therefore. and to the absolute ignorance of economic existed. This law established by Julian must have been strictly obeyed. principles in which in ancient too society we cannot find Julian's short reign a single act that does not justify the assertion of Libanius. he would have restored the prosperity of the whole empire. to obtain before. as he had already restored that of Gaul.578 JULIAN THE APOSTATE of the apologist. who says that if time had been conceded to him. The integrity and kindness of the private . that he committed was administrative error only the leader the economic violence he exercised concerning the markets of Antioch. With the exception of this mistake. Julian's conduct as administrator of an immense empire Julian is. The scrupulous care with which he applied this law remains that it is evident from the very few permits for free passes that he granted to some of his friends whom he desired should visit him. no of less admirable than that of powerful armies and the The organiser of great and hazardous enterprises. was only a short the acknowledged right of the a favour that. if it was necessary to have the direct permission of the Emperor time majority. hyperbolical tone the fact still was a great merit in Julian to have devised and effected this wise and civilising reform.

579 by his many of which we have examined. We have also seen that to diminish the responsibility of Eusebia. if not among the people. even though a friend of Julian and an admirer of having murdered Helena by means of a slow poison. according to his which wife Julian himself. 1 the aid Fortunately. encampments. Eusebia. itself great ease deBut the fact in possible. proves that. the Ammianus says that it other calumnious reports were circulated.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN individual letters. i. have woven a net of suspicions and legends. and concerning which his contemporaries. Libanius can with molish the aforesaid accusation. one circumstance in Julian's history that has remained obscure. 94. 1 See vol. accuses the latter of good was done to prevent Helena from bearing children. p. who had passed the best years of his life amidst the hardening influences of war. We have already seen that Ammianus Marcellinus. and they evidently are demonstrated give evidence of the exquisite delicacy of soul possessed by this youth. and conduct towards wife Helena. groping in the dark. was with said to have of poisoned a doctor. Julian We allude to the relationship between of his and the Empress his Eusebia. There atmosphere of military however. which was given to her by Eusebia but in order openly . that such an accusation was com- bined with the extraordinary reports related by Ammianus. in the unrefined is. .

perhaps have found. Gregory circles. Julian 1 was banished to Como. 2 See vol. 52 sq. i. Vie Litterairc. . later on. but rather from conduct towards his wife Helena. 45 and p. he was evidently not acquainted with the bust of Acerenza. 252). as far as we know. in the overpowering manliness of Julian's figure. p. Julian. say in the scandalous because. La nature du sentiment qui unissait Eusebie who Tel qu'il etait Eusebie l'aime" guere douteuse. and this would have him with most precious oratorical and it is easy to imagine what joy it would have afforded the invectives. is the affirms the positive existence of a love affair between " Eusebia. an additional proof of the possibility that the most beautiful Empress loved her unfortunate cousin. story had disseminated among the people. critic wrote the above-mentioned lines. When the witty French {vide A. we know. . If he had seen it. when he was summoned there after the murder of Gallus.580 at least in JULIAN THE APOSTATE Court the circles. if Eusebia had not intervened. If 1 terrible polemical writer to have such an argument for one of his eloquent we examine with greater attention this obscure episode. he would et Julien n'est . would certainly have heard it. Anatole France. . iv. Among and only writer Julian the moderns. 2 came Empress was there the first time in 354. scandal was rife that in some the sort of love drama had been interwoven young life Court been sovereign. and. if of We furnished matter. we find that suspicion might have arisen not so much from the public relations of Julian with his cousin his Eusebia. as twice to Milan while the beautiful . France. to be impeached and probably killed.

but not that of a passionate lover. the Prince could possibly have had secret intercourse with the Empress. But it might be observed that this panegyric was an official betray document. reverence. and that Julian could not Eusebia and himself. and who would have snatched at any occasion to prejudice the against this hated prince. But the greatest importance is to be attached to the narration made by Julian himself in his manifesto to the Athenians. Julian. in his panegyric on Eusebia. 581 the second time at the end of 355. Now. Here Julian undoubtedly 1 tells the truth. for fear that the letter might be discovered. 53. before which he experiences sentiments of timidity. when See vol. to be invested with the dignity of Caesar. speaks of her as a divine apparition. The Court of Constantius was filled with the most determined of Julian's enemies. always through the influence that Eusebia exercised over her husband. it and profound We recognise in the devotion of a devoted subject. it seems highly improbable that. i. who spied his every movement. . Gratitude. during these two visits. mind of the Emperor and together with him the irresistible fascinations audacious the woman to whose enamoured Constantius willingly submitted.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN sent to Athens . p. in tation to in which he speaks of his hesisend a letter to the Empress on the day 1 which his election to Caesar was beimx decided. In 361. This reserve was imposed by the most elementary prudence.

she necessarily religious customs of those who surrounded her. therefore. Julian was a declared and there was no not speak freely. Eusebia was dead. therefore. Julian besides her beauty. and entering a court in which the great dignitaries of Arianism followed the supreme. rebel. Their all. 1 But her for intellectual in preferences must have been Hellenism. aspirations. much a love intrigue. civilisation . believe him. 5 sq.. when he affirms reason why he should We that his relations with Eusebia were so far from being intimate that he was not only unable to speak to her. between these less cousins existed no intimacy.. in the very midst of the traditions and habits of the ancient says. had remained away from she must have heard of his passion for Julian study and of his intimacy with the philosophers of the time. op. mutual sympathy must have above tellectual from the identity of their inEusebia. and had been educated in Greece.582 Julian JULIAN THE APOSTATE wrote his manifesto. 140. a cultivated intelligence Married to a Christian emperor. . Now. so that. ruled she brought in dowry and a o-ood education. although the court. no scruples of prudence necessitating him to conceal the truth. must. was of Greek descent. Therefore. which she had been educated. arisen. but did not even dare to send her a there note. . saw in Julian a genuine Greek she could understand his aspira1 Julian. Eusebia. a'/. born in Macedonia.

583 and admire the manner in which he behaved. But she wished honour this name. soaring in an We are. 58. Gaul was transformed of Greek books. Julian. — and why which he she employed every effort to preserve intact the 1 It is Emperor's benevolence towards me. who although obliged to to loving it most fervently. atmosphere of pure intellectuality. — a reason why imagine nor she has so true saviour. it is Eusebia. therefore. op. save him from the From this arose the desire to storm of Christian barbarism that threatened to destroy him.. when starting for Gaul. a'/. I can neither understand any other effectually assisted me. i. is rounded by a glorious aureole of sanctity 1 represented as surshe is . had been applied to me. who furnishes Julian. thus explains her reasons for protecting " him She was for me the cause of so many : benefits. because she wished to honour through of philosophy. I do not know why. being sent to Athens. Eusebia. . where he could immerse himself in his 2 studies . Julian himself. with that rich and varied library. me the name This name. us as two spirits in the panegyric of Julian.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN tions. have been cease from practising it.e... Eusebia and Julian appear to of poesy and wisdom. by means into a museum of which. in his panegyric on Eusebia. as he says. i. p." Eusebia to whom Julian owes that considers the greatest happiness of his life. as we r already know. 154. 16. - See vol.

op. . in the lofty position in which she was placed. and knew all she favour of Julian. as it is sketched by her devoted and grateful admirer. it We this But we is have already must examine it more the necessary to dissipate a mystery that might have a sinister influence on attentively. by relating an episode in which the beautiful philosopher is transformed into a wicked and alluded to odious woman. and attributes the actions of the Empress in favour of the persecuted prince to the just estimation she had formed of his But..her portrait. Ammianus darkens qualities. fact. We know to in that Constantius. all of a sudden. 240.584 JULIAN THE APOSTATE In examining. the purity of this image. and that. has only words of praise for her virtue. in the of Caesar. Empress exercised centuries and a half Ammianus at the in Marcellinus. though writing after her death.. who had seen Eusebia had done Court of Milan. as judgment we have pronounced on Julian's character. and affirms. 'Amm. we seem to experience something of the fascination that the beautiful fifteen over the Milanese of ago. does not seem to suspect any illicit Ammianus relationship between Julian and Eusebia. dignity when he be- promoted Julian stowed upon him Helena. truly a divine figure. Marcell. order to marriage his own sister render stronger the bonds cit. she had been able to 1 preserve the humaneness of her soul. i. that she had no rivals in beauty of form and mind.

should true take part in the in- Roman oculate festivals the motive was with a to the unfortunate woman subtle poison that would cause her to miscarry whenever she was pregnant. But it seems that Eusebia was not satisfied with this crime. therefore. with an intentional error in the obstetrical operation. in 326 had been murdered by her husband Constantine in a horrible tragedy of jealousy. It appears. and she. together with Constantius. had arranged simply a mariage de convenance. 150. arranged by Eusebia. the daughter of the unfortunate Empress Faustina. op. according to Zosimus.. op. Eusebia bribed Then. attrisq..THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN that united 585 re- him to his cousin. whom he had stored to favour. years afterwards. in November 355 could not be who. former unhesitatingly a'f. hardly alluded to by Julian and Ammianus. according to the nurse. -Zosim. 1 . 2 less than thirty years old. The pretext of this invitation was her affectionate anxiety that Helena . death a mysterious death.to Julian himself. this 1 Helena. 1. 159. But Helena became enceinte in that Eusebia the following year.. Ammianus. a'/. killed the child at the moment of its birth. in 357. but which caused her — the 1 enemies of the Julian. It seems that the slow action tion of of the poison undermined three the constitu- Helena. She invited Helena to come from Gaul visit to Rome on the occasion of the solemn paid by her to that city.. and. in Gaul. marriage was According.

58G JULIAN THE APOSTATE as if 1 buted to him. possible that such a noble woman. and which was revealed the infanticide prevent her cousin from having first time by that she caused to be committed by the nurse. would condescend to base envy at the mere idea that the man she had saved and admired 1 so See vol. mistress The as jealousy of the must be excluded predetermining cause. defying the hatred Is it and machinations of powerful courtiers. on the second occasion. 94. who had done so his much to place Julian in a lofty position. p. she Helena her dible in to Rome in order that she might give poison. i. as it is almost impossible to understand a jealousy that is exercised tion of passion at such a great distance. which is without that exasperacaused by the propinquity and sight of the beloved. where virtues could be recognised and given free scope. . appears inadmissible and increEusebia. he himself had been the to poisoner of his wife. All these passing naught else than the tattle rumours appear be consequence of the idle of a wicked Court accustomed to crimes. The jealousy of the Eusebia had no children childless mother — — who wished the atrocious to any. and the subtle way in invited which. a woman possessing such high culture hesitate and generous impulses that she did not to undertake the perilous enterprise of saving a persecuted prince.

THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN greatly. a neglected facility wife. i. his wife. must. and repeated them without any qualms of conscience. with even greater shamelessness. who speaks and writes of every one and everything with such and abundance. from infer that some indica- we can Helena was an unhappy Julian. public in his writings. we have no document whatever upon which we can construe credibility. he only mentions his that it marriage to say her.. either or private. though she was his companion for the five years In his panegyric on in which he lived in Gaul. should 587 Is it be the father of children? it possible that of her " tamque viri diligens opera l might be navabatur ne said " tanta fortissimi soboles appareret ? It seems to us that the most probable hypothesis is that Ammianus accepted the inventions and calumnies against Eusebia that were in which he had lating in the Court circles circulived. Eusebia. admit that. woman. and. at. just as. 94. We however. . there must that have gave been some at facts or circumstances them of least an appearance and possibility Now.. if these calumnies could have been spread abroad and believed. Nevertheless. the enemies of Julian turned directly upon him the odium of this grave accusation. op. had been 1 arranged by Marcell. in his Amm. the true history of the relationship between Julian and tions. alluded to his wife. has never.

3. during the winter of 360. authors of a death that was really caused by the slow and continuous persecution of a relentless fate. than a natural development of unfortunate circumstances. Julian's wife is one of those pallid figures that pass. the far-off" horizon of surrounded and consecrated by an aureole of a slow and secret Married when she was no longer martyrdom." This icy living" (eVt tv}? yd/Aeri}? ^ao-^?) is Julian's funeral oration to the memory of his wife. The consideration to that Julian evinced transport her remains to Rome. when the in of the was resting his wife's "still — "who 1 troops surrounded the palace.." beside her sister of the Constantina. where they were interred in a sepulchre "Via Nomentana. and afforded elements that permitted them to create legends concerning her. he the upper storey in a room next was still living. and there where was naught else.. across history. and to find mystery and crime perhaps. The unhappy fate of this woman aroused the imagination of her contemporaries.588 JULIAN THE APOSTATE Athenians. he records that. only She died in Vienne. like a fleeting shadow. amidst pomps and solemn only towards her was to act as festivals. cit. at military pronunciamiento at manifesto to the the moment Paris. when her husband had already begun Emperor. op. . 1 Julian. 266. Eusebia and Julian were believed culpable.

she her husband nor be understood could exist No intellectual sympathy by him. and Julian proclaimed Emperor. a neglected by a husband who was about to throw himself into the tempestuous seas of a most audacious adventure. which she might have found in maternity had been snatched from her. his plans. During. too well And aware she knew her brother if not to be that. away. rebellion having and placed usebetween the two broken out. judging with our . Every day she saw the between her husband and her brother struggle growing more imminent a struggle to prevent — which she had lessly. conclude. soul. took no heed of her. his dreams. Helena wasted victim. therefore. wholly terror of a fratriin his prepara- tions.THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MAN 589 young to a man who did not love her. been sacrificed as a symbol The being of peace. between the two who had been united The joys by a simple tie of convention. a Christian. absorbed Helena was absolutely cidal war. and educated in Court circles. he was victorious — and everything his victory — seemed to indicate the probability of he would take a terrible revenge. from which aU Hellenic could iniluences neither understand were severely excluded. rivals. overwhelmed by the Julian. these cruel anxieties that Torn by tormented her inmost and disappeared. meek We can.her trying sojourn in of anxiety Gaul she lived in a continual state and peril.

although not guilty of any domestic crime. had been the cause of his wife's great unhappiness. most probably. . and even. not excluding those fault A most grave in itself. but one which might have extenuating circumstances in the history of the husbands of all times. of the present day.590 JULIAN THE APOSTATE accustomed impartiality. that Julian. was by no means an exemplary husband.

to a careful After having devoted ourselves study of his life. because there is not. the has the poop waves. Julian's work was as fleeting and vain as the furrow ^ As soon as of a ship on the surface of the water. another example in history where such varied and noble gifts were uselessly squandered in Few men appeared on the a foolish undertaking. perhaps. the inexplicable The Church. no sooner had Julian expired 691 in his tent Thus. and the furrow is no longer visible.CONCLUSION When we had ever vagaries began fate this study. revenged itself by concealing his noble figure under an odious mask. they passed through reunite. and no man has more completely disappeared. on the far- . and by rendering execrable for against which his efforts ever a name well worthy of the respect and admira- tion of posterity. were ineffectually directed. we find that our sentiments of commiseration for his destiny are more and more accentuated. without leaving a trace behind him. we said that no one suffered of more than from Julian. world's stage better qualified to leave a lasting impress on history.

that These causes we have in the scrutinised and discussed well course of this work. because the study of the causes that rendered possible the growth of such a gigantic illusion in a mind otherwise us with the all its intelligent and clear-seeing. upright soul. none more interesting. at the sunset of the Empire. the religious revolution caused the ruin of ancient civilisation. in His whatever! his life had no were transient and fruitless. importance. world around him. of its its way. and. But it would be for us to review and lay they justify our interest in on them. than all memory of his ephemeral attempt vanished. and because. Its propaganda was not for a moment impeded it pursued the even tenor . and History continued its course as if he had never existed. G f strong" and spite of efforts all. ever capricious. ous idea. and was uninfluenced in its aim and ulterior manifestations. was possessed of an entirely erronewhich influenced him to act in a manner He that could only lead to disaster. We may even say that Christianity was hardly aware of the war he waged against it. Roman Fortune. because Julian's life. effect And. furnishes in means of understanding and gauging. at the same time. stress . He went his way as a sleep-walker who is unconscious of the real In history there is no sadder spectacle than this dissipation of great possibilities.592 JULIAN THE APOSTATE plains away of Persia. placed upon the throne of the Caesars a man of brilliant intelligence.

of violence and of injustice. established on love and the recognition of human brotherhood. II. polytheism had become deprived of all substratum on the other hand. so that when it issued victorious from the secular struggle that it had so a heroically confronted. its was pro- only able to accomplish the negative part of gramme. lies the object of the long and patient study we have undertaken. hand. it did not complete its positive part. which had become a world for which the ancient . although it shook from its foundations and overturned the ancient civilisation. and its divine laws remained naught but luminous ideals without VOL. it had instituted new society. — 18 .CONCLUSION in 593 their analysis. adopting as its two levers these two innovating principles. had offered to the world two principles in which responded to the On the one condition and necessities of the times. for. but one still founded on the superiority of force. which was based on the superiority of a law that glorified the weak and the unfora law that hoped to inaugurate a new tunate force . Christianity had succeeded because entirely it overcoming ancient civilisation. it new —principles to offered indispensable monotheism. . First of all. we must endeavour to cast a com- prehensive glance at the whole picture of which we have examined the various parts. it offered a moral law that was in direct contrast with the ancient organisation of society. But Christianity. society.

but. according to exterior forms. they were always equal to themAccepting the idea of a supernatural and superrational power. men might change their appearance.594 JULIAN THE APOSTATE on the actions of men. in substance. already recreated that imposes a moral law. selves. but rather in it. a value that should be considered a sort of compensation fixed by contract. humanity would a transcendent always have been able to elude the laws that weighed upon it. anthropomorphic conception of the and the anthropocentric and geocentric conceptions of the universe. direct influence What was the reason it was How strange phenomenon? that. itself and its conception the As long as there existed divinity. of possessed of absolute Being authority. in the essential conditions of its spirit at a given moment in history. and by. The renewal of society could not have taken place until the conception of a supernatural arbiter was . it not society Now. although the ancient evils had been of this overthrown by a divine Gospel. and render that power subservient to its passions. evils arose much Greater than those which had been fought and overcome non law is is cause of this historical phenomethat the categorical imperative of a moral ? The not to be found beyond and above humanity. by forcing it to make terms. a society is never recreated until it recreates its manner of comprehending of the universe. the moral law that recreates society. and as the It is is consequent necessity of its organisation.

He deceived himself by supposing that he could save civilisation and render the world moral by returning to ancient principles. necessary that humanity should bring itself and the universe into conformity with truth before it can organise itself in harmony with law from which it cannot is escape. Julian cannot. divided by intestine strife. The moral law created by Christ . Julian came to the throne. on the one hand. but just because it was morally based on truth. the most sublime of all it is absolutely perfect. More than half a century after Christianity had I triumphed. the Church. and all parts of the Christian Empire terribly corrupt. because he was not able to present to the world any new intellectual principle he only desired to . and. and found vice and crime dominant in the Court. To . and the clergy.CONCLUSION exchanged for 595 the conception of the unalterable It is determinism of a natural system. clothe the ancient forms in those theological and — those principles that had given moral principles which Christianity had proclaimed it its victory. But neither can we consider him as an innovator. he sought to convert the Hellenic pantheon into a monotheistic hierarchy. therefore. this law was ineffectual in a world intellectually based on what was false. be considered an enemy of the advance of civilisation. on the other. he recognised the virtues that Christianity might have diffused among humanity. and by founding a sort of Christianised polytheism. because.

and. Reason and Science. who announced sanctity of life as a sine qua non of the rehabilitation of their race. as a natural of arrogance and consequence. in the condemnation abuse of force. so of original. According to Jesus. in the was the person and the teachings of its Founder. . and. as it appeared in Palestine. Julian had not even the faintest conception Christianity. because of Jesus. the intuitively divining the possibility of delivering world and man from the terror of an absolute and transcendent superstition. and the downtrodden. and of of in this lies the novelty of his Gospel. the promoter of a Julian should have become religion without sacrifices and without worship. man the suffering. expression of a moral sentiment.506 JULIAN THE APOSTATE initiated a truly genial have and fruitful revolution. followed in the footsteps of those teachings initiated by the crreat prophets of the Israelitic decadence. preachings irresistible breath of poesy that animates them. in the exaltation of the humble. and because of their simplicity of form. holiness life consists in the acceptance of the brotherhood before one unique Father. itself to and the meekness with which opposed the iniquities of the world was a protest fulminating The the in its eloquence. an aspiration pure towards an it ideal of justice. authority and from laid the bonds of he should have based on the foundation of a civilisation But of all ! this.

religion essentially moral and true. were able to which they were apparently not adapted. all And when it this God and take upon himself die the miseries of humanity. existence there therefore. With its first considered as right. while the revelation of this divine Christ responded to the evident desire of the world to possess a God in whom it could believe. the early period of existence. wholly dependent on sentiment. revelation of a divine Person. and apotheosis of misery Christianity all became the religion to which flocked those who were was a unfortunate. persecuted like the veriest slave. who had had an and was a well-determined and concrete personality. thirst for the Christianity quenched justice that tormented a world stifled by the abuse of might Olympus.CONCLUSION 597 The two tian to truths inculcated to take teaching. Paul. in place of the ancient deities in whom saw it no longer had any faith. in Christianity. its therefore. it is . impending transformation that would change the face of the world by punishing oppressors and The second affirmed the uplifting the oppressed. owing root even in a soil their by primitive Chrisefficacy. and in whom. the was accomplished. no longer be accorded of the Hellenic one could believe with a security that could to the exhausted divinities promise. because lacking the preThe first announced an paration of tradition. upon the subject of whose historic existence. was no possible doubt.

and does not seem to have exercised an important influence on the doctrinal evolution of Christianity until a long time afterwards. and its good tidings. had but one faith common a monotheistic founded on the revelation of God throueh life the medium of Christ. sought to give a rational explanation of the process of redemption. new doctrine the crowd For nearly a century and a half itself Christianity maintained of simple faith without doctrine. It was the influence of his personality. the Epistle of Barnabas. possessed of a strongly logical as soon as he mind. prove the complete absence of any apparent doctrine among the primitive . in this atmosphere any attempt at systematic to Those who faith called themselves Christians all. of his spirit. Being. the " " Letters of Ignatius. at first. in the diSaxv. Pauline conception. The the First Epistle of Clemens Alexandrinus. Saviour of the oppressed. remained only as a purely personal fact. above all. Paul did not become converted until this But the process was thoroughly clear to him. and a consciousness of the obligations assumed with baptism to lead a life in correspondence with the example given by Christ.598 JULIAN THE APOSTATE became converted. the hope of an eternal guaranteed by Christ. it was the announcement of the impend- ing regeneration of the world by the reappearance of Christ. that called to the of believers. the writings of Papias. Christian writings anterior to the second half of the second century. of his will .

" justice the end of this Epistle. Ciceronian writer. . 18-21. hope And at love. . . " Three are the dogmas . and. in his eloquence. i\nis. Minucius Felix was a lawyer the reign of of note. on certain promises by Christ. is not even We find in the " Octavius " of Minucius Felix a singularly interesting proof of the poverty of philosophical doctrine in genuine Christianity even as far down as the second half of the second century. and did not find tells us what they were. therefore. the of way light and the way of darkness. and more exactly during Marcus Aurelius. Ibid. he traces a programme.. and in which there 2 the suspicion of a doctrinal principle. the two paths describing that lie open before the believer. I n the time of the Antonines. rp\a ovv Suyfxara iariv Kvplav. at which period this was Dialogue composed. 1 of our Lord. 1. His defence of Christianity gives us. 2 c/f.CONCLUSION Christians. 599 on a few revealed whose only rule of conduct was based truths. a classical and an erudite philosopher. cit. i. These primitive Christians lived. by complexity were the dogmatics of these Christians ? Barnabas faith. ^iKaiocrvvrj. op.. above all. which is naught else than a faithful echo of the Evangelical moral. op. . Christianity began to find recruits even among the more cultured classes of Roman society. an exact idea of Barnabas. with all the strength of their souls. 6. for this it necessary to represent it a of determined What doctrines. ayanrj..

deo qui justitiam. was not. it was. the simplicity of worship that constituted the attraction of nascent Christianity. Opera. God. Chris- tianity could not long retain this state of dogmatic simplicity. deo libat propitiat qui fraudibus periculo deum . . it was the monotheistic idea. dei ille sacra sunt. the rationality of The positive character of the Latin genius impeded the flowering of parasitical metaphysics. . and asserts that the conscience of man is in direct contact with supplicat abstinet. in the Hellenic world. But. origin. in 1 its 32. fore. there- possible that religion should it remain aloof from metaphysics. because is an in- bond that It was destined unites the world to its cause. deo optimam victimam hsec Hsec nostra sacrificia. 1 Sic It religiosior est qui justior. And we see plainly Felix is that the Christianity of Minucius only an extremely simple and rational monotheistic deism which does not contain the slightest trace of a theological and metaphysical system. Judaism had already stitution in which is represented the suffered this fate. " Oui innocentiam . The Greek mind was wholly imbued It with metaphysical speculation. which abhors the exterior forms of worship. however. although. to become metaphysical. like the Minucius Felix.GOO JULIAN THE APOSTATE to what Christianity meant these men of culture. colit. 3. in short. subripit." apud nos was the high morality of Christianity. qui hominem cedit.

a short time. on the basis of the Philonian Loeos. as it was the immediate emanation of the supreme God. Christianity lost its character of a revelation. human and was transformed into a complicated cosmology. which probably had its root in Hebraic Gnosticism. where the process of creation resolved itself into a divine dualism. We have said that Christian Gnosticism was — .CONCLUSION religion of to all 601 Mahomet. between the two terms of which a hierarchy of spirits and minor divinities was introduced a hierarchy in which the Logos had the first place. a true and determined metaphysical It system. Gnosticism was the first-fruit of the union of Christianity and the Greek world. establish. it was absolutely impervious philosophical speculations. of a regenerative principle of the soul. As soon as Judaism extended itself into it means and of its colonies. was in this atmosphere of Hellenised Judaism that the writer of the Gospel of John evolved the identification of the Logos with Christ. and thereby opened the door in to philosophical speculation which. Platonism — a was premature Neofantastic and exuberant metaphysical species a of conception that encompassed the idea of the Logos and stifled it with its luxuriant overgrowth. took possession and made itself master of religion. the Greek world by was obliged to succumb to the modifying power of philosophical thought. In Gnosticism. Christian Gnosticism. a degeneration of Philonian philosophy.

Now. it had fallen into dualism. who had descended perfected by the Logos. recreated a real polytheism under the wing of a theoretical monotheism. on earth for this purpose. because this idea of redemption implies the premise of an error or a fault in the world. This is exact in the sense that each of these systems.602 JULIAN THE APOSTATE a species of premature Neo-Platonism. in which good and evil have a relative value. and each its raison d'etre a process to which the its — idea of redemption is absolutely extraneous. consisted in the victory of the good God and the consequent liberation of souls from their servitude to matter and this sin. has it is combated Gnostic pessimism. and attributed to a wicked God the creation of matter. by means of the multiplicity of divine emanations. But. able to explain the creation of an evil world by a merciful God. The process of redemption. openly through Plotinus himself. most odious genuine Neo-Platonism for NeoPlatonism the world is most excellent. cosmological system must have been to . a profound antipathy between the two systems. and also possible . that Neo-Platonism to it fails to see and which reverence for the conception Platonism. adopted its pessimistic con- there existed And not being ceptions concerning the world. appears a lack of Neoof a God. perfect in all parts. because Gnosticism. notwithstanding this. engrafted on the trunk of Christianity. and represents a phase of an evolutionary process.

in this Orthodox theology.CONCLUSION that. an Orthodox theology. which was only to be distinguished from the Neo-Platonic philosophy that rose up beside it. as an antidote to the false doctrine. The theology of Irena^us and Tertullian was not inspired by the creative Logos. in 603 this direction. Now. on which Clemens Alexandrinus and Orio-en transformed it into an immense system of cosmological this raised Christian speculation to a height metaphysics. it it encountered Christianity. but rather the process of redemption. as long as remained its Latin surroundings. the idea of not the cosmological process. Carl Schmidt. including The 1 polemic against Gnosticism. could not extend to very lofty metaphysical flights. and the development of Christian thought : We are we have seen how Christianity was transmuted 1 into a luxuriant system of dogmatic of See about this point the recent study Plotiris Stellung zuni Gnosticismus. however. it was premise. in Christianity. that constituted for it the essence of religion. The Greek and spirit prevailed. already acquainted with the fundamental lines of Origen's conception. ing wings Notwithstand- the divine Logos. apparition of Christian Gnosticism. the consequences that were derived from it. that it as its first assumed. 1901. which it served as an instrument to repel the Gnostic errors. . which in its threatened to bring back Christianity to polytheism. had the consequence of developing. by the presence of Christ the Redeemer. but by the redeeming Logos.

604 JULIAN THE APOSTATE theology. who had committed every his and had son and his wife. essential transformation naturally tended to impoverish Christian morals. In the heroic times of primitive Christianity. the profession of a doctrine.. in the eyes of the great Athanasius. or. It was. doctrinal and scholastic. stantine. in to profess a determined doctrine. as indicated by Octavius in the Dialogue of Minucius Felix the third and fourth centuries it was necessary . an emperor to be venerated because he had called together the Council of murdered Nicsea and had sustained the Homoousian formula. philosophy. In the theological struggle that for three centuries agitated and divided the Church. and how the world was agitated by a whirlwind of metaphysical disputes in which all religious interest was completely exhausted. be this transformation of religion into science. Now. the Epistle of Barnabas. and the adherence to a certain given by This peculiar and system. The Sermon on the Mount. to be a Christian it was necessary to practise certain virtues. viz. was. to more exact. The wicked Concrime. and the JtSaxv had been superseded by those dogmatic formulas that . both contending parties only demanded one thing of a Christian. on the contrary. signified that the necessary requisite for being a Christian recognition of a rule able aspiration of being united with as revealed was no longer the of moral conduct and the ineff- God the Father Christ. the of a given complication of philosophical recognition dogmas.

merely copied the work of Cicero. and which were upheld by the partisans of the opposing doctrines. as Paul had taught. in its turn. in the midst of the theological edifice. and these doned its were so completely forgotten that when.CONCLUSION the Councils 605 hurled one against the other. in his book Dc Officiis. into a doctrinal as well as ritual. of love and brotherhood. its But Christianity could not lose entirely moralising efficacy. in this condition of intellectually. it became Hellenised primitive ideas aban- of morality. which had been the cause of its and its raison d'ttre. Even Ambrose. and. which. The transfirst victories . they did not return to the Gospels. when it this Christianity must intel- lectually lost itself in the arid desert of meta- physics. a religion that no hopes of salvation on the renewal longer based of the inner man. they desired to recreate a system of morals. and transmuted complicated superstition towards the ideal which it had affirmed at that luminous aspiration its birth. But redeeming efficacy necessarily have become extinguished. its what worse. It is the marble imacre of a virtue nourished on the abstract idea became a religion of formalities. was only a traditions of revival of the treatise all by the Stoic in Panaetius. but revived the Greek and Latin Stoicism. When Christianity. or even to Paul. affairs. but rather on its recognition of exterior manifestations. and morally abandoned the living principle to replace on its pedestal of duty.

and Christianity only seemed. the only member of the family of Constantine.G06 formation ganisation. destroying all the traditions of patriotism and culture on which the ancient civilisation had been founded. And when surviving Imperial philosopher. to The most the world. and were loth to content themselves with the mundane opportunism of an official religion. disappeared the isolation of the convents. JULIAN THE APOSTATE of the Church into an intellectual that or- only required the profession of a determined doctrine. to those outside the pale. and originated monachal asceticism. Christianity became perverted in order to adapt itself to the exigencies of a society of which it formed an essential element of organisation. This then was the spectacle offered by Christian society in the second half of the fourth century. brought with it the natural consequence of the secession of those spirits who sought something more in their creed. and this was the refuge that sheltered those ideal aspirations that Christianity had spread abroad in the world. All these retired from the world and social intercourse. this . to which we have already alluded. when the consequences arising from Constantine's recognition of Christianity as an approved religion had already become evident. rendered its ruin inevitable. lofty ideals which it had revealed inapplicable to the real in life absolutely of the times. as a destructive force that.

disorganised Hellenism and deprived it of all force of resistance. it is true. there a free scope. educated in the Neo-Platonic schools. that of Plato. Julian found the doctrines of Plotinus and Porphyry. still further back. and. As a severe moralist. but. in reality. Wholly devoted to Hellenic civilisation. The most Christian display. In this condition of affairs it seemed to Julian . he wished to prevent its destruction. desired the usufruct of the write Hellenic heritage. wishing to speak and according to its teachings. For this reason he hated Christianity. it was from this point of view that he regarded Christianity.CONCLUSION 607 ascended the throne of the Caesars. Antioch offered Julian a scandalous He could not conceal his astonishment and anger. considering them only as the corruption of the source from which they were drawn. he was disgusted at the defeneration of the Christian Church as soon as it arrived at the dignity of a recognised religion. so he became most antipathetic to the Antiochians. preferable to the doctrines of Origen and Athanasius. who more easily forgave his hatred of their religion than his scathing o criticism of their o customs. and he considered it his supreme duty to defend it from the perils by which it was encompassed. which. As a thinker. All passions and all vices had Neither the Imperial Court nor the great cities of the Empire were moralised by their conversion to Christianity.

the king of the universe. as we have seen. a follower of this. and no one believed in their Julian.G08 that tion it JULIAN THE APOSTATE — Hellenism. above all mundane pleasures. exception of the principle that inculcated the giving of alms to the poor. Now. he completely excluded the possibility of With the Christianity being a factor of morality. he initiated the to reformation of polytheism. But he knew that it would be impossible intention unless. which. original and interesting But is that which is really that Julian. of Hellenism. be was his duty to restore the ancient civilisa- as he called to it —and he thought he would able do so by reconstructing and polytheism by directing towards it the current of popular sentiments and customs. was. The naturalistic and national gods of the Graeco. was represented by the existence. he was only a Neo-Platonist. in its turn. especially in its . at the accomplish his same time. an idealist by nature and education. Julian did not recognise that the Christians gave proof of any virtues. sun. tried to preserve them by transforming them into certain symbolical expressions grouped around one unique and divine principle. in the revival saw the victory of a lofty principle of morality and virtue. and by no In who means an innovator. Julian was a man preeminently virtuous. And. Iamblichus rather than of Plotinus. in which he had strongly admonished his followers to imitate the Galileans. austere. for Julian.Latin Olympus were completely exhausted.

among incontinence. a separation between religion The and the State was necessarily the it inconceivable . — and this is singular features of his attempt. A religion of the antique world was naught else than a function of the State. also wished . note of Julian's attempt. and. furious disputes. the dominating power however. beauty. into Now. Julian. and he believed that he could do that by reviving Hellenism. and justice. because was the needful instrument. by inverting their relative positions. his — desiring to make one of the most religion vol. made religion. for him. 609 only saw introduce virtues the bishops themselves. which. To world accomplish this. he wished every-day life to the practical those worldly Christianity forced to take This was really the keyrefuge in the convents. itself But as power independent of the soon as it was recognised as a by the Empire. and violence. Christianity had not that made the world moral. the indispensable element of its preservation. he avidity of gain. a discord. of a subservient State. Persecuted Christianity gave to the world the conception of a religion that established State. was the summum of wisdom. conflict. — 19 a moralising institution. organised and disciplined by the Church. Julian wished to lead the back to polytheism. but to a polytheism essentially reformed. ii. it as a religion admitted revealed its tendency to overrule the State. ambition.CONCLUSION highest sphere. religion was handmaiden of the State.

for purity of intention and for the to We nature of the advice that he gave to his priests in relation to their conduct and habits. so that it there would purification. to found his polytheistic a basis of holiness. Church on in fact. a genuine of that Gospel which Julian so cordially despised. escape his notice. We have noticed. that its organisation formed one of his principal preoccupations. and that no detail concerning it was too small or insignificant of the instructions also noted that. he therefore attempted to organise a true and proper polytheistic Church.610 to JULIAN THE APOSTATE separate it from the State . he tilted against the prevailing habits and customs of his time. they are. The Emperor wished. and example of the doctrine analysis and virtue. transmorality in the name of Bacchus muted into symbols of mystical and philosophical . his letters mieht be considered as the "Pastorals" of some Christian ideals. inspired effect by early Christian is and as the they at produce most echo peculiar. To of the Neo-Platonic sect. attempt this union of Puritanism and polytheism was an idea the mysticism only possible to a dreamer educated in Julian was a polytheistic Puritan. this The world rebelled at it a severe strange attempt to impose on and Apollo. which would be the ideal. times. in given by Julian to important personages of his Church. And to succeed in the enthusiasm of his propaganda. bishop. emanate from a breath of moral in this.

CONCLUSION 611 Society. organism. metaphysics. which in so short a time had conceptions. which at the the efficient time. and he believed he would be able to . its beliefs — of all that complication of principles is and sentiments But. civilisation that was gradually falling to pieces by the dissolving action of Christianity. it of its traditions. been able to corrupt Christianity. if of the social and individual be almost impossible. supreme fascination. which deprived in a word. its ideals. he only met with indifference his and mockery. genuine But with tedious its and severe worship. was. mi^ht his have of been understood. not less impossible. by no means. and was so profoundly modified through the influence of Neo- in the exterior forms of Platonism and the Mysteries as to appear almost its duplicate. so he devoted himself to the enterprise. Possibly a return to the joyous and free religion of Hellenism Julian. its despoiled polytheism principal charm. disposed to allow itself to be corrected and disciplined by this reformed polytheism. He saw that Christianity in its cult. same that Christianity into all had so effectively insinuated itself we may so express it. of Christianising society and religion. without allowing them to its become Christian. and with the exception of the initiated few who surrounded him. that the return to the ancient cult would the pores. he cause of a felt civilisation. It is easy to understand He wished to retain the ancient intentions. and had so nearly approached polytheism.

the institution of which he would reproduce. its poesy. but with a greater Church.G12 abolish it. with metaphysical goblins. even when official and its transformation into a function of the State deprived it entirely of that character of protest against the iniquities of the world. and to its become more and more powerful. Jews had not been a God exclusively and. JULIAN THE ATOSTATE by putting in its place the philosophy of Plotinus and Iamblichus. and the rites of the as a Mysteries. a guarantee of the Power that rules the universe. its glories. a representative. purity of life. with symbols. needed. together. If the supreme God of the national. it phantoms . to which this philosophy served adding as a basis. perhaps the would and would have been converted to him. Jesus . an historical God as an image. with civilisation. lacked real power keep of Chris- which enabled recognition o to alive. imagining he could save Hellenism. its traditions. cement to hold the edifice a sacerdotal hierarchy. the hierarchy of the Christian in By means its of this the young enthusiast deluded himself. if we may so express it. of The world felt the necessity believing in a God for it to content itself with it was not possible fascination had exercised at . its and arts ! ! Julian did not understand that his reformed the it polytheism tianity. if there had not been the in- world superable obstacle of circumcision. besides. which had been the genuine cause of the it its first appearance.

In the same .CONCLUSION have been the real 613 Messiah of Jahveh. above all. and concerning whose existence there was no possible doubt. and an intermediary between him and the world. precise. in order to be accepted in the West. and the errors of man had wrought in the essential principles of his doctrines. and Julian's on high the Sun and Mother of the Gods. divine. for the world. this God was always there. Notwith- standing the theological cloak that hampered and concealed the divine figure. in his Confessions. As this was not possible. The ship of faith. was obliged to be Hellenised. after having breasted the angry billows. Jesus was. who became at the same time a son. and. most lovable. his irresistible attrac- Compare the hymns overflowing with invocations to love that Augustine. notwithstanding the abasement that the passions. and exercising over the souls tion. The great force of Christianity is to be found in the fact that the reality of this proceeding was assured and guaranteed by the historical objectivity of the personality of Jesus. the prejudices. the Hebraic God. had at last found its haven of rest in which it could safely anchor. raised to God. by placing beside him a revealer. and we shall immediately be convinced that the Christian was animated by a the and deep-seated sentiment. this representation. while the pagan needed an overpowering incentive of reason to true arouse in him a fictitious enthusiasm. determined. raised by the contending systems of philosophy. living.

in the members of it and elevate it to the ideal was founded on a positive reality. what was the essential cause that gave it such a marvellous victory over the powers of the world. neither comprehended nor appreciated what was the real strength of Christianity. JULIAN THE APOSTATE we have already seen that Julian was greatly exasperated by the worship which the Christians rendered to the tombs of the saints and martyrs. what possible efficacy could be found in those pallid and confused phantoms which Julian had evoked from the gloomy sanctuaries of the Mysteries and from the mystical lucubrations of the Neo-Platonic philosophers? If Julian had a possessed truly religious spirit. certain who had a given moment of history. of those But who very natural that the memory sacrificed themselves for their faith it is should excite a special ardour this faith. before the Christ just because Before these lived in images. who was a true Neo-Platonist. Julian. he would immediately have felt the duel that he had promoted between the sun-god and the Christ would be fatal to his astral deity. and revealed divine promises in who had a language human and comprehensible to all. This strength and this cause were to be found in the principle of redemp- .G14 manner. a spirit which was pervaded with a thirst for the divine. It would be really obliged to cede the field and vanish before the GodMan who confronted him in the plenitude of His reality.

it held man the possibility of redemption. the human souls fruit not the turn passionately towards the promise of happiness beyond the tomb. and aspirations from the wickedness of the earth to the justice. religion . hopes. it to festive most deep-seated roots. which was to be achieved by raising his thoughts. Julian could not understand that Christianity it was strong because was the religion of the un. The . and ceremonies and formal rites Certainly. the world appears evil. An optimistic conception destroys its it severs reduces entirely thinker.CONCLUSION tion. and remains bound down by the preoccupations of a cheerful worldliness. but. cannot have a strong influence on the it A religion human soul if is When of a pessimistic conception. because it announced evil as a fact inherent in the world and humanity out to . 615 the of which Christianity was welcome messenger. which was its corner-stone. at the same time. and felicity of heaven. raise himcontemplation self to a rapturous vision of God. through a perfect universe. and the entire self to the abandonment of joy of sacrifice and the ascetic rapture of divine love. a sublime the Plotinus. Faith in this promise inspires devotion. pardon. happy. heroism. could. the religion of misfortune and repentance he was unable to penetrate into the conception of redemption. but the multitude is unable to follow him. Christianity was a pessimistic religion. devoid such of as of soul.

judging from false appearances. more than any one else. Julian's polytheism had been victorious. it would have been Perhaps. with its naturalistic conceptions and its national forms. because the polytheistic theocracy would never have . and. but his mind was the negation of all that He. Julian desired the preservation of polytheism. because he saw in it the balm that might save Hellenism but Julian . He had a taste for metaphysical specu- is scientific. he was certainly the absolute living antithesis of what to-day is called a free-thinker. recognised the necessity for a continual and direct intervention of the deity in every every event of life. he did not want the polytheism. it H e intended to reform and reorganise But if according to the exigencies of the new Julian was not a reactionary. In this he was truly a man of his time. phenomenon of nature and in The pagan superstition which he restored to a position of honour was even more impossible and obscure than Christian superstition. he drew away with him the souls palingenesia. as some. lations. less fatal to science than Christian monotheism.616 JULIAN THE APOSTATE symbolic Neo-Platonism. for ever disappeared. with a power that none could withstand. might consider him. by an unlikely hypothesis. if. who were thirsting for a moral was not a reactionary. of an epoch which had era. but Christ the Redeemer find a rival in the Logos Christ might deities of conquered everywhere and everything.

But ancient civilisation declined and became extinguished in Neo-Platonism. the transcendent inaccessibility . although ancient dissolution. its and its customs. Augustine and St. Julian was not an inventive genius. in heaven with its between these two extremes. as it had formerly served Plato and Plotinus. But he did not appreciate the Christianity hastened its fact that. Julian's calculations to promote Neither Julian nor his Neo-Platonic teachers had the slightest intuition of what science was. and its in accompanied which were concentrated so traditions. this . Julian was not inspired either by Epicurus or Lucretius. But certainly it never entered into liberty of thought. as an affirmasuperrational and the supernatural. Rationalism served Julian. an impenetrable obscurity. when it refused to acknowledge reason. Considered in this light.CONCLUSION 617 been so rigid as the orthodox theocracy which for centuries has hampered the world and obstructed human thought. with his passions. Thomas. Julian's attempt appears to lack all the charm of novelty. and as a means of imprisoning in its affirmation the tion of the thought of mankind. and would later serve St. many of memories. He imagined he could save all ancient civilisation by keeping intact of the religious institutions that had its the pomp development. without allowing it a possible escape to examine the world and become cognisant of reality. There only remained man on earth. or even Aristotle. as well as in Christianity.

which it rules with an absolute authority. sentation is determined the life of the individual and of illusory society. by means of his faculty of abstraction. because.618 civilisation JULIAN THE APOSTATE would naturally have disappeared it in the course of events. of pro- gress. The essential principle of progress is science. without conscious objectivity. not the science of hypotheses and fantastic metaphysical conceptions. which discovers and follows the rational process by which the phenomenalism of nature is determined. arise from an illusion of the human mind. and thus could not arrest the dissolvent action of time it had become decrepit. ideally recreates in his thoughts the universe. and immobilise errors in life in a net- work of which it becomes more and . imagined as a power placed above The and beyond humanity and nature. Man. when and fallacious —and this representation it is cannot be otherwise itself — when its it is the fruit of a reason that feeds on is result a determination of life which is is absurd and incapable of improvement. Now. but objective science. and was unable to resist the victorious onslaught of youthful and aggressive barbarism. : it had lost all vital force. because lacked the essential principles of progress. representing it by a series of causes and effects that develop in And in such an ideal represpace and in time. truth anthropocentric conception of the universe and the anthropomorphic conception of the divinity. that to say. remains hidden.

really . because the falsity of the conception in which the human mind is living. which. The Gospel been Good Tidings Jesus had come to reveal the sublime principle of brotherly love and human the solidarity. the world that society. had truths — a and fantastic become the negation of itself. 619 to as it endeavours extricate attempt to introduce into this fundamental error of conception a just and true moral principle is To absolutely useless. Christianity has given the most marvellous proof. could spring. brutal. . application impossible.CONCLUSION more entangled itself. the effective moral only fount from which regeneration of the world But this fount was at once clogged. renders its it. passionate. in the actions of its omnipotent hierarchy. because of ceptions of the erroneous metaphysical conuniverse and of divinity. soon its became a religion of external forms doctrines imposed as absolute religion that. The world has not been moralised by Christianity. of which the Divina and has imposed on savage. Of this. the human passions that long to be satisfied immediately seek to find liberty of movement in a religion of forms that enables man to obtain from God had the desired impunity. and terribly Commedia and the tragedies of Shakespeare present the living image. a God who can be bribed by prayers and homage and offerings. and sterilises and corrupts When we imagine that the world is governed by a God made in the likeness of man.

and which were indispensable in order to render life tolerable to man. the problem of human destiny.620 JULIAN THE APOSTATE Leopardi. reality of when reason to reason which nourished on errors and phantoms. alone. Humanity. in the solitude of his native village. buried himself When Giacomo with a tragic abandonment in the immensity of his thoughts. would have rushed to its ruin if there had . and rendered From unhappiness. the abuse of reason that alienated man from the state of nature. therefore. and became entangled as in a net from which he could not liberate himself. Leopardi found in this. was lost. with a singular acuteness of observation. from reason it man. stage of culture and civilisation. is And it supremely interesting to see how Leopardi. his conviction. scrutinising. because it disordered and destroyed with it its own hands those illusions which had created. instinct is an infallible guide. the confirmation of the Biblical myth It was the use and concerning the fall of man. he discovered in reason the cause of social disorder. came all the evils in the midst of which human responsible for reason. In this state he was guided by appears. as yet only a youth. reason became no longer sufficient to itself. and imagines a world that does not correspond with the truth. separating himself from Nature. instinct. because limited to the phenomena gives way to reason. . finds in his system the explanation of Christianity and the victory it had When men arrived at a certain gained.

Animal communities are infallible infallible. of in by erroneous be crime. But human only controlled by reason. violence. because it created an ideal world based on that which is false. But Leopardi does not seem to understand that . like would have crumbled edifice without cement. of But. concealed under this theory of the thinker Recanati. 621 beyond and above reason. to organise misfortune. From this only a world of necessary illusions. because. and able illusory interpretations itself reality.CONCLUSION not appeared a divine revelation which. there is always the sentiment of Nihilism. guaranteed to man the existence of an ideal world. recognising the errors of reason. arose the despairing attitude of the unhappy poet. in the exercise of their functions. by till an instinct. himself demonstrated the vanity. who. guaranteed by revelation. Leopardi was right when he attributed to reason the cause of the errors and evils of humanity. the sentiment of the infinita vanitct del TtUto. they are guided society. because of the irreparable to pieces errors of reason. saw no other is means of salvation than in an illusion of which he it. without the certainty of which the human an structure. and Tantum is rcligio potuit suadere malorum ! a line that is not only applicable to the sacrifice of Iphigenia. while affirming Now. The ideal world. will.

Now. it is not in the renunciation of reason and in the persistency of the irrational that we can place the salvation of the world and humanity. divests the deity of the anthropo- morphic covering for which it alone was responsible. so that. itself it a human by based on correcting also possesses little organisation the faculty of little. but rather with the day in which reason began to rend . and. even from its beginnings. the ever-increasing light and that of an ideality it. rationally represents and symbolises It was to scientific thought that gave a new the ship of humanity. reason substitutes a conception of law for a conception of force.622 if JULIAN THE ArOSTATE its reason. at the same time. and made it an irrational illusion. in the explanation of the universe. so it idealised it. in The whole history of human progress proves that this salvation lies in truth alone. But reason. and man of his anthropocentric prejudices. The day in which this movement towards a new horizon was direction begun does not coincide with the day Christianity offered to in which the world a new moral principle. which are also its gift. perfect and sublime though it was. although it made every effort. with premature and arbitrary abstrac- tions. has the unfortunate faculty of attributing to the organism of the Whole arbitrary and fallacious causes from which arise error. was unable to explain it rationally. The universe is a rational fact.

to the notwithstandChristianity had offered world the principle of human . Bacon. necessary that the duties inherent in the solidarity of humanity should be impressed on him. is Man is does not exercise virtue. man organised society. Newton were the course centuries it Copernicus. is precisely that of having established the organisation of human energy on the basis of science. by a causal determinism from which he cannot withdraw. ing its And on this ideal basis. Kepler. Galileo. it is . it is an essentially intellectual phenomenon. was only able a tissue to recreate. falsity. efficacious But many had to pass before the rational knowledge in of truth evolution. the pilots who turned the ship from had until then pursued. recreating the world in dawn of scientific know- ledge. the achievement for which we may call it The par excellence the century of innovation. not influenced by his respect and love for his fellowmen. Civilisation is not a phenomenon of sentiment. of errors. we should rather say. of phantoms and fantasies. because this respect and this love are taught or preached to him for this to be the case. in the surroundings in which he lives. or. became an factor social great achievement of the nineteenth century.CONCLUSION 623 asunder the dogmatic veil that obscured reality and to observe and experiment on its objective consistency. that to say. with his imperfect faculties. We his thoughts before the have seen how man. on the basis of truth.

human In order that the true principle of solidarity should develop in safety. that were which trampled Christianity upon ruled the centuries during as a religion. perhaps. a respect for in those centuries of darkness took root. — The fundamental virtues strong of here and there. in some elect souls. and thus left intact this fallacious ideal creation on which was founded In the structure its of society. sheltered. regard to human work was necessarily barren. because progress the truth of the sentiment it had offered the world was sterilised by the intellectual errors which it encountered. efficacious. be a reproduction of the real is The office of scientific knowledge of the to render possible the real itself. natural essence. conformableness world. when Christianity has become a religion controvertible and and controverted. reveal themselves as the weak — Christianity brotherly love. charity. from time to . principle of humanity should be the ideal world it it is creates in its necessary that thoughts should world. ideal world to the presents in its And The in here a phenomenon but singular in appearance. undiscussed and undisputable to-day. initiating among men a solidarity that should have inaugurated the reign of Justice. in the cells of cenobites . humanity.624 JULIAN THE APOSTATE brotherhood. it is that necessary the fundamental truth . moral principles proposed by Christianity. But Christianity did not dissipate the darkness in which reason groped its way.

and we see. The was conception of life professed by the Christian influenced by the divine revelation of a rule. proposed by Christianity nineteen centuries ago. through which the moral principles. The necessity for the virtues that Christianity imposed is felt even by those who rebel against it. although great masses of lowering clouds still obscure the sky. In ancient times. and society is engaged in a struggle where right too often gives spiritual world there is way to might. was sacrificed the — 20 . the dawn of better times. and this produced a society in which II. To-day there is a radical change. in the distance. and cruelty were recognised and uncontested rights of the strong. philosophical conception. victory The Church succeeded two in forcibly these This of conceptions in an organic reunion was necessary for the Christianity. man's conception of the acknowledged that social progress is universe was of derived the from the speculations great thinkers metaphysical of Greece. to these virtues as a remedy for ills the but violence. its 625 had recourse . In the no phenomenon more wonderful than this stability of the Christian ideals. and which con- luminous that have become so powerful and now it would be impossible to it imagine a society not based upon them. arrogance. and is nothing else than the evidence of their application. but to in it the moral conception VOL.CONCLUSION time. moral uniting whole. stitute its essence.

besides its knowledge of organisa- .626 the JULIAN THE APOSTATE moral ideal was it trampled under realise foot it. by those whose duty was to The conceptions of antiquity having of disappeared before the scientific conceptions ideals modern thought. as in representation interdependence of all conception of the manifestations of life the created a it acquire an ever-increasing efficacy. as a categorical imperative from which it was more and more difficult for man to withdraw. If antiquity. civilisation. has by The rational knowledge of phantoms. which is to-day manifested by the horror inspired by war. a phenomenon been taken the scientific turn that. and. putting to flight errors and to enabled man represent ideally in own thoughts this a universe based on truth. the genuine Christian philosophical and they reappear reappear in all their force. at one time the normal condition of humanity. and by the high ideas of duty that unite man to his fellow-men. that is. divined by primitive Christianity. condition of things in which the moral virtues. This Christianisation of society. therefore. proceeds indirectly from in the nineteenth century. imposed themselves as a moral duty. his reality. contain the germs of an eternal just because they truth. so that develops the sentiment of responsibility belonging to each indiit vidual in the solidarity of society.

its 627 poesy. the science that.CONCLUSION tion. foreseen power . of steam as a motive and that Hipparchus Ptolemy had applied the application calculation to the observation of celestial phe- nomena . discovers the unalterable laws by which it is ruled. would have followed an ever ascending thereby gaining a few centuries for human This lack of scientific tendency in progress. and it scientific spirit. that indis- pensable instrument in natural research . to the summit of modern of thought. that Galen had made profound observa- . investigating objective science the universe by observation and experience. later on. descending curve. ascend again. and the course of tion. line. The motive process. and it subjugate the invasions of the barbarians would retarded . considered as the product of a direction. the old civilisation appears inexplicable when we note the manifest inclination of the ancients in this great mind of Aristotle proposed the principle of the existence of a law intrinsic in the universe. that Archimedes had discovered some of the principal laws of mechanics and physics that Hero had . investigable and determinable by human thought. — uses them to enslave not nature and civilisation would have been have been repulsed. instead civilisa- to making a deep. And when we remember that Euclid had already refined and brought to a high degree of perfection mathematics. — had possessed the would have been able to create its arts.

with it the means progress but labour. furnishes . on all science. and the consequent lack of freedom of labour. which vital contained germs Science of and labour transformations. which. employs incites these it means. should. uselessly wasted in a work From this arose the consequence also servile.G28 tions JULIAN THE APOSTATE on anatomy that and physiology. and not natural results beneficial those who produced Everything in the impulse totally to obtain increasingly fruitful lacking. if and it so a precious force was lost. condemned we believe. imposed it. freely. on. it to an inevitable decadence. after arrived at the threshold of objective knowledge. be sought in the organisation of that society which was based essentially on servitude. hesitated and was unable to enter its sanctuary. by depriving society of the possibility of recreating itself and progressing. — we must havinof recognise ancient thought. The machinery of the ancient world was fed by the material force of man. its by experience. which. in its when turn. that labour being to. and discoveries inequality to their latent possi- The of human rights. petrified was remained enclosed and no of given continual forms. The cause of this ancient fatal hesitation. urges it on to benefit wrest from bilities. had been permitted to develop itself world have transformed the would . reacts. barred the roads that human activity was destined to tread.

when it became an established and predominant Church. . that is to bilities of progress. it rendered thought. still more decided and predominant the conception of the supernatural. but it did not rationalise in the ideal representations of human which. Now. corrupted by victories and prosperity.CONCLUSION and enabled ancient that civilisation 629 to participate in possibilities continual augmentation of the say. ised morals Christianity had rational- by offering to the world the principles of brotherly love and justice. This decadence was by no means retarded to by Christianity. On the contrary. imprison thought within destroy all and to liberty insuperof liberty movement. engulfed in a decadence from which there was no deliverance. gave to this conception a form vigorously dogmatic. it. cipitated patriotic base by overturning the on which the civil had prereligious and it life of the empire was founded. liberty of thought and of labour are both essential factors of the scientific without these there cognisance of the reality can be no advance of civilisation nor secure . Christianity. Ancient the possi- societies were exclusively based on the strength of their natural but these natural dispositions were dispositions . and they rapidly retraced their steps along the road which them was the road of progress. of mastering nature. on the contrary. and made it an instrument to able barriers.

Therefore. tending . because it did not <nve the faintest indication of a thought that strove to free itself from the fetters of the prevailing ideas of the times. it was no longer subjected to those conditions to which it owed its virtues. and weaken. in another aspect. the anthropocentric and anthropomorphic illusions by which man recreates in his mind a of the real world. From a philosophical point of view. based upon an conception. to substitute Hellenism for Julian's The Emperor Christianity. secure from persecu- and recognised as a legal institution and instrument of government. if not radically destroy. liberties became allied in and opened to the human mind path by which it might arrive at rational knowledge.630 morality. and only represented. neither of these worlds possessed proThis civilisation did not gressive civilisation. JULIAN THE APOSTATE To the ancient world the the liberty of labour was unknown. is most interesting. when. because it is a symptom and a proof tion of the corruption into which Christianity had fallen. and Christian world thought. But Julian's attempt is to be condemned from a philosophical and historical point of view. false common image erroneous attempt to overthrow Christianity and to persuade the world to return to Hellenic polytheism. a thought that remained unchanged. was equally ignorant of the liberty of dawn a the until these two cause.

and smile no less over the illusions of this thinker who did not perceive that he revolved in the same circle of thought as his enemy. and to substitute the fruitful principles of Christianity the sterile formalism of lifeless phantoms. the vivifying — we principle that Christianity presented to the world.CONCLUSION to sink the reason of 631 in the man deeper religious myster- ious and gloomy shadows of the for irrational. disappearing from the still world at such an early age. and that. if we reprove the intellectual prejudices that did not permit him to discover. him who promoted if we smile at the transport of mystical superstition in a man who pretended to oppose Christianity. foresight in attempt was foolish and reveals a strange lack of it. conqueror even of the bar- barians. But although this if it destined to perish. Christianity alone remained standing . sign sign that the ancient world was rapidly falling into ruin. cannot exclude from our souls an for the intense sympathy man who. among these ruins. under the corruption of Christianity. to whom it transmitted the miserable relics of a civilisation of which having destroyed that the it. without leaving the slightest trace. It was the was to save it sole heir. It has no historical value. It was only a of the a times. left in his actions . because it passed as an ephemeral dream. after this civilisation from their unhappy Julian sought tombs the exhausted battalions of the gods of to raise Hellas. Christianity.

his he called irarplha. of that Greece which. poet and power he had conquered to one idea. then suddenly raised to the summit of glory and power. and ever kept before him the idea that was the guiding star of his existence.632 JULIAN THE APOSTATE who an admirable example of heroism. which to him was the Holy Land of civilisation. persecuted in the early years of his life. soldier. . and faith. only true country — rrjv aKijOwrjv THE END. the mother of all that was good and beautiful in the world. seldom permitted the serenity of his thoughts and will to be disturbed. The Emperor and luminous apparition on the horizon beneath which had already disJulian fugitive seems as a appeared the star of that Greece. with filial and enthusiastic devotion. enthusiasm. fearless of all consequences. sacrificed his fortune and the immense who.

iEdychius. 145. Aligild. 603. 77. 344. introduced into The Banq7tct of the Ciesars. contrast . 165-6. 498. 122-32. Prefect of Syria. 362-81. of the Misofogon. its struggle with Orthodoxy.. St. Bishop of Milan. orders him to transfer his 57 troops to ''. 173-4. 155 . of Julian's death.INDEX Acacius. 159. his writings. Ccrsars. his personality and career. Julian's sojourn in. 165. Julian's letter to the inhabitants of.. friend of Julian. 146-8. Acerenza. Ammonius Saccas. 633 . Arbetio. d'Alfonso's Basilina. his opinion of the School Law. 144 . 193-4. 187. 367. 337-8. 339. 137. . his description of Julian's personal appearance. St. Clement of Alexandria. his letter. 166-8. Julian's treatise against the. 41. 354"7I 1 . 509. 55. 109. 240. Aetius. 68-70. 290. 599. Basil the Great. Constans. A!lard's/«//j« TApostat. 144 worldly forms. Constantius 11. 181. dissensions between them and Ammianus . Constantine II. 9° i furious at news of Julian's revolt. 56T-3. 170. 21. 161. Arianism. massacre at. 44. 150. apocryphal letter to. 166. 404-5. 584-8. 425. Conodomarius. Caesarea Mazaca. names Julian Ca:sar. mother of Julian. 119. 47-51. Basil of Ancyra. 164. Amid. . Chrysantius. 181 . 291-4. Callistus. 352-3. Babylas the Martyr. 157-61. 148 39 . 513. its gradual transformation during the second and third centuries. Marcellinus. 68. 346. Basil. sonofConstantine. 559-61. Arsaces. 222320. Alexander. and sends him to Gaul. 206-15. 56. 168. regenerate ancient society. Arethusa. 106. 5-7 his account of the Persian expedition. master of the whole Empire. perseAthanasius.. 27 the Orthodox cause. Constantinople. (See also Athanasius. 314-20. its origin. 133. . Bishop of Alexandria. Artcmius. 108-n. defends . conspires with the barbarians . Julian.3- Essay on Julian. 25. '< 202. 92. and to Nicomedia. Barnabas. 145 political motives for his treatment of Christianity. 389-93. 432-70. Boissier's chapter on Julian.) Christians. 396. . Bostra. 372-81. 40 instigates the assassination of Gallus. ideas.. Athens. 25. Augustine. Julian's love for. Julian's edicts to the. Cinegius. 272. 156-73 opposed to monachits distrust of metaphysical ism. 25. 161 Julian's description of him. 207. 107 . Arianism. 156. . Constantine I. 168. 606-16 its failure to . Bidet. his hostile action. Arius. 181-3. 28. 27 sends Julian to Macellum. Arsacius. Epistle of. and many other such names. 19S. of Julian's religious enterprise. xxviii. 421. 187. 37-9. 4. 16. Julian's letter to. 108. 120. its court purged. his panegyric on Julian. between Christianity and Julian's reformed polytheism. liylides. massacres his relatives. 433. 570-1. 145. /Edesius. 290. tumults 19. 579. moral corruption in. 321-420. Acantia. Alexander. xxxi . Constantina. . 163 . . Amoerius. 66. "Quos ego. Julian's attitude. Celsus. 47." 158. . his career and character. Julian's letter to. 143 its strong organiits assumption of pagan and sation.. 131-86 . 171 . 472-5 his accusations against Eusebia. Antiochians. 153. 43. bust of. 290. 271-94-. King of Armenia. dissensions in. 205. Christianity. 90. 174-80. 33. 16. 352-3. 297. Alexandrians. at. sends Julian to Athens. 190. 606 . 372. wife of Callus. 25. 27. 515-24. 106. 109. Apodemius. his doctrines. 164 cuted by Constantius. Julian's triumphal entry into. 183-4. Ambrose. High Priest of Galatia. returns to Alexandria. 344. convenes Council of Nicsa. 4r. 37-8. his death. 257 . 181. xxvii-xxxiv. 340-4. 381-7. 358-62. 156-60. 172. growth of monachism. 198. 622-30. Hanquet 0/ the Barbatius. Canius.

634
;

INDEX
Gospel, the Fourth, 234-6, 601. Gratian, 172-3, 181. Gregory of Nazianzus, 171 his bitter enmity to Julian, 320; his discourses, 12; ? contrasted with Libanius, 12 his account of the confinement of Julian and his of the corGallus, 34-6 recognition ruption of Christians, 39 ; his description of Julian when at Athens, xxx, 49-51 ; his general account of Julian, 488-506.

against Julian, 95 his campaign against the Persians, 115 ; his death, 106 ; favours the Arians, 164-9, 222 > h' s anti-Pagan edict, 345 ; praised hy Gregory of

n

;

Nazianzus, 489; Julian's discourses in his honour, 507-12 his dealings with
;

;

Sallustius, 539. Constantius, Julius, father of Julian, 25. Crispus, murder of, by his father Constant ine, 261.

;

Ctesiphon, siege abandoned by Julian, 127.

Gregory of Nyssa,

171.

Cumont,

290.

Cynicism, 253-4. Cyril of Alexandria, 272, 320.
Dagalaif, 102. Decentius, 77, 82.

Hakusaki, 269-70. Harnack's article on Julian,
;

21.

Deodorus, 339. Dionysius of Alba, 166. Domitianus, the prefect,
Dracontius, 339.

360.

Hecebolius, tutor of Julian, 40-1. Helena, wife of Julian her marriage, 57 her death, 94, 579-90. Hellenism, Julian's education by Mardonius his boyish defence of, 36 ; in, 28-32, 37 his conversion to, 42 ; his restoration of, in, 187. (See also Neo-Platonism.) Heraclius, Julian's discourse against, 252; ;

Elpidius, 94. Epictetus, Bishop, 96. Epicurus, 305-6. Eugenius, Julian's letter to, 558-9. Eumenes, 218 Julian's letter to, 219. Eunapius, his history and Lives of the Sophists, 16 ; his account of Iamblichus,
;

60.

Hermogenes, Julian's

letter to, 333-4.

Hilary, 171. Hippolytus, 153. Hosius, Bishop of Cordova, 161.

Iamblichus, 193, 203-5
xvi, 550-4. Irenaeus, 603.

;

Julian's letters to,

203.

Eusebia, wife of Constantius 11., protects Julian, 45-7 ; persuades Constantius to name Julian Caesar, 55 Julian's affection for, and panegyric of her, 58, 512 ; her death, 90 ; her alleged poisoning of Helena, and illicit relations with Julian,
;

Jesus Christ introduced into the Banquet of
the Ctzsars, 521-4. Jovinus, 100. Jovius, 100.

94> 579-9°.

Eusebius the Eunuch. 89, 109, 332, 569. Eusebius the Neo-Platonist, 4T, 206-9. Eusebius, Bishop of Nicomedia, related to death Julian, 25 teacher of Julian, 27 accused by Alexander of heresy, of, 33 his Semi-Arian formula, 163 re158 admitted to Constantine's favour, 163
; ;

Judaism, Julian's account of,. 275-89 his attitude towards the Jews, 303-4, 310-4. Julian (Flavius Claudius Juhanus), the per;

;

;

;

;

his hostility to Athanasius, 365-7. Eusebius of Vercelli, 166.

Euterius, 92. Evargius, Julian's letter

to, 564-6.

Evemerus,

67, 87.

Florentius, Prefect of the Pretorium, 72-5, 77, 80-2, 101, 567-9. France, Anatole, on the relations between Eusebia and Julian, 580. French Associations Law] compared with
Julian's School Law, 419.

sonification of the Pagan reaction, xxiii ; polemical attitude of ecclesiastical tradition towards him, 1-5 ; interest of his character and career, 2 ; sources for his biography, 5-22 ; his writings, 13-5 ; his career, a singular historical problem, 22his birth and parentage, 25 ; child4 hood, 27-33 ; confinement at Macellum, 33-9 ; sent to Nicomedia, 40 ; conversion to Hellenism, 41 ; protected by Eusebia, 45-7 ; stay at Athens, 47-51 ; intercourse with Gregory of Nazianzus, 48-51 ; called to Milan, 52 ; named Caesar, 55 ; married to Helena, 57 ; sets out for Gaul, 57 ; his
;

Gabelli, 414.

"Galilean,

Thou

hast

Conquered!" the
;

famous saying, 141. Gallus, brother of Julian, 26, 33, 355, 360 appointed Caesar, 39 ; assassinated, 43 ; his character, 44. Gardner, Alice, her Julian, Philosopher

and Empe7-or,

22.

Gaudentius, 80. Gaul, Julian's campaign in, 57-100. Gaza, massacre at, 344. George, Bishop of Alexandria, 36-7, 338-43,
369,. 5.7°-2.

Germinius, 168. Gibbon's Decline and Fall, Gnosticism, 151, 601. Gomoarius, 106.

19.

marvellous administration of Gaul, 62-5; campaign, 66 ; defeats Conodomarius at Strassburg, 70 ; campaigns of, 74-6, 358, 359, : proclaimed Emperor by the troops in Paris, 79 ; reasons of his rebellion, 91 ; his letter to Constantius, 92 fresh campaign across the Rhine, 94 ; death of his wife, 94 discovers conspiracy between Constantius and the barbarians, 95 ; conceals conversion to paganism, 97 advance along the Danube, 100-4 ; entry into Constantinople, 107 ; purges the Court of Constantinople, 108-9, 33 I_ 4! restores the worship of the gods, in campaign against the Persians, 113-32 death, 132 ; attitude towards Christian divisions, 169 ; his Neo-Platonist teachers, 203-18 ; his theology, 225-320 his discourse to King Sun, 231-41 ; his Discourse to the Mother of the Gods, 241-51 ; his Discourse against Heraclius, 252 ; reasons of the failure of
his first
; ; ; ; ; ;

INDEX
Anti-Christian propaganda, 264-71, 319 ; his treatise against the Christians, his desire for a Christianised 271-94 polytheism, 294-320 ; his letters to Arsaand an unknown person, Theodorus, cius, 297-320 his tolerance, 324-62, 498-503 ; his edicts to the Alexandrians, 338-44, 372-81 ; his conflict with Athanasius, 36281 his letter to the people of Bostra, 381-7 ; his School Law, 394-420 ; his description of JSIisopogon, 430-63, 469 him by Ammianus Marcellinus, 472-4, by Libanius, 474-8, by Gregory of Nazihis superstition, 485-8 anzus, 488-506 his Banquet of the C&sars, 513-26; his his Epistle to Theletters, 526, 550-72 mistius, 527-38 ; his Exhortation to Sallustius, 539-47; his wise administration, his relations to Eusebia and his 573-8 wife Helena, 579-90 ; reasons of the failure of his schemes, 591-631. Julius Caesar, introduced into the Banquet
his
;
;

G35
first

Milan, Julian's
visit to, 52-7.

stay at, 45

;

his

second

Minucius Felix, 599. Misopogon, 28, 140, 273, 430. Monachism, 181-3, 295, 299, 606. Monarchianism, 151-4 its two schools, Mother of the Gods, discourse to
;

152. the,

241-51.

;

Mflckes Flavins Claudius J ulianus.
Miiller, 175.

20.

;

Nahrmalcha, siege of, 124. Naville's book on the philosophy of Julian,
20.

;

;

;

;

Nebridius, 82, 93, 99. Necrologia of Libanius, 474. Neo-Platonism, xiv, xv ; its influence on Julian, 41-3, 555; its belief in the super12T, natural, 226-9 ; ' ts ideals, 144, 184-221; its exponents, I93~2r8; comwith pared Christianity, 144, 186-8, 199,
22t, 228, 601-3. Julian, 20, 272. Nevitas, 100, 103. Nicaea, Council of, 161-3. Nicomedia, Julian's stay in, 40-3. Nigrinus, 104.

0/ the Cizsars, 514-20. Julius I., Pope, 366. Justina, 172.
Keim, Theodor, 272. Koch's work on Julian,
Lenormant,
F.,
20, 88,

Neumann's work on

Oribasius of

Pergamum,

17,

86-7, 215-6

;

on the bust of Acercnza,

xxvii-xxx. Leonas, the Quaestor, 93. Leontius, 359.

Origen, his doctrines and profound influence on subsequent speculation, 150, 173, 186,
198, 603.

Julian's letter to, 567.

Leopardi, 620-1. Libanius, 5 ; his literary career and writings, 7-9, 400 ; his enthusiasm for Julian, his discourses, 9 and 10 ; contrasted 9 diswith Gregory of Nazianzus, 12 pleasure at Hecebolius' influence over Julian, 40; Julian reads his lectures, 41 his account of Julian at Athens, 48, of the treachery of Constantius, 96, of Julian's advance along the Danube, ioi-2t, of the Court of Constantius, 1 10, of the Persian
; ; ;
"

Origenism, or Semi-Arianism, 162-73, 357-8.
Palladius, iog. Panaetius, 605. Paris, Julian's revolt at, 76-93. Patripassianism, 153. Paul, St., 265, 270, 277, 598. Paul, courtier of Constantius, 109. Paul of Samosata, 152, 154-5, *73Paul, a spy, 80. Paulinus of Treves, 166.

expedition, 122-33, OI Julian's death, 133-7, 139, 144, of Julian's tolerance, 330 his discourse "About Temples," 346letter of Julian to him, 422-4, 54, 495 556-7 his discourse to the Antiochians,
; ; ;

Pegasius, 426-30. Pentadius, 80, 82, 92. Persians, Julian's campaign against, 70, IJ 3i 5 2 5 > Constantius' campaign against,

general description of Julian's character, 474-88. Licinius, the Emperor, 145. Logos doctrine, Controversies, i48-6r prologue of the Fourth Gospel compared with

465-8

;

Pharianus, 218 ; Julian's letter Philostorgius, the Arian, 18.
Plato, 188, 281, 531. Plotinus, 193-200, 602. Polycletes, 94. Pontitianus, i8r. Porphyry, the Neo-Platonist,
197, 202-4, 272-3.

to, 219.

;

Julian's teaching, 234-6.

Lucian of Antioch, 154-5.
Lucillianus, 80, 102. Lupicinus, 77, 81-2.

151,

193-4,
letter
of,

Porphyry,

official in
_

Egypt, Julian's

Macellum, Julian confined at, 33-9.
Magnentius, 27, 165. Marangas, battle of, 130.
Marcellus, 67.

to, 571-2. Postal Service, Julian's re-organisation

Marcus Aurelius, Julian compared with, introduced into the Banquet 0/ the 63
;

Praeresius 416. Priesthood, Julian's ideal of, 300, 304. Priscus, r6, 206-7, 2I2 ~3Proclus, 193.

Casars, 513-20. Mardonius, teacher of Julian, 28-32, 447. Marius Victorinus, 171. Martianus, 104. Martius the Quaestor, 360.

Procopius, 120. Pyrisaboras, taking Pyrrho, 305.

of, 124.

Reinach, Salomon, on the bust of Acerenza,
xxix, xxxiii-iv.

Maximus,
557-8.

17,

41-2, 87, 206-14, 322-4, 548-9,

Milan, Council of, 166. Milan, Edict of, 145, M7i 389-

Rimini, Synod of, 169, 358. Rode's history of Julian's reaction, 21, 38,
498.

636

INDEX
Tatian, 327.

Rufinus, his continuation of the History of Eusebins and his account of the reaction of Julian, 18.

Taurus, 101.
Tertullian, 153, 603. Thalia of Arius, 159.

Sabellianism, 153. Saints, Worship of, 177, 287, 354, 614. Sallustius, 81, 100, 121, 217, 539 ; Julian's Exhortation to him, 538-47. Sapores (Shapur), King of Persia, 115, 129--30. Scientific spirit, lacking in the ancient

Themistius, Julian's letter to, xxx, 527-38. Theodoret, 18, 40. Theodorus, Julian's letter to, 297, 309. Theodosius I., 10, 145, 171, 173, 181, 346-54. Theodulus, 327.

world, 622-30.

School Law, Julian's, 394-420.
Sebastian, 120. Seleucia, Synod of, 169, 358. Shapur. See Sapores. Simplicianus, 416. Silvanus, 6, 51, 55.

Theognis of Nicaea, 163. Theolaiphus, 106. Tigris, passage of the, 126. Titus, Bishop of Bostra, 382-7.
Ursacius, 168. Ursicinus, 9. Ursulus, 109.

Sirmium, conspiracy

at, 51, 54.

Vadomarius,

95.

Socrates, the historian, his account of Julian, of the expurgation of Constantius' 18, Court, in, of Julian's tolerance, 328-9.

Valens, 168. Valentinianus II., 172. Vespasian, 44.
Victor, Aurelius, historian, 103.
Villari's

Sopater, 424.

Sozomenes, his re-editing of the History of Socrates, 18; his view of the murder
of Julian, 137, of Constantine's conversion, 46, of Julian's alleged persecutions, 329-30. Stoicism, 254. Strassburg, Battle of, 68-71. Strauss, 19, 229. Sun, discourse to the, 221-31. Syrianus, 367.

Vollert's

Barbarian Invasions, 19. work on Julian's opinions,

21.

Waldeck-Rousseau, 418.
Zenobia, 152. Zephyrinus, 153. Zosimus, his testimony to Julian's greatness, 17 ; his account of the Persian
expedition, 122.

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&

Gibb Limited, Edinburgh

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