Peter Hauge

Dowland and his time in Copenhagen, 1598–1606


his article draws on sources housed in the Royal Archives, Copenhagen which, though they do not always mention Dowland by name, have turned out to be surprisingly informative about aspects of his life, about his professional connections, and about the terms of his employment during nearly eight years spent in the service of the Danish court. Some of the documents discussed are already well known, and I have discussed others, more recently discovered, in essays published elsewhere.1 The facts are not in themselves revolutionary, but efforts to bring them all together and place them in a wider late Renaissance socio-cultural context seem to me to be worthwhile. At first sight the sources on Dowland in Copenhagen are unpromisingly sparse. There are no important musical sources, and no prints of Dowland’s music have survived in the libraries or archives—if there ever were any. In comparison, there are a few of Michael Praetorius’s publications presented to Christian IV still in the Royal Library, even though Praetorius was not employed at the Danish court, having only visited the country once in 1618 to deliver instruments which Christian IV had bought.2 There is very little English music in the collections, implying that the king’s and the court’s interest in English music was non-existent—so, why employ an English lutenist? One of the main obstacles to the study of Dowland is that we tend to look in the wrong places, expecting to find musical works, biographical information as well as information on the composer’s oeuvre scattered throughout the collections of libraries and archives. There is a cornucopia of material relevant to the study of the working conditions of those employed at court that at first sight does not appear to provide us with this biographical information: the documents do not seem relevant

to the lutenist John Dowland perhaps, but they are relevant when seeking information on the trusted agent, consultant, negotiator and well-paid musician ‘Dulandt’ with a wife of some financial means living in London. The lack of information does not necessarily say anything about Dowland’s productivity as a composer or performer; it merely indicates that musicians, being only household servants, were not placed high on the ladder of employees, though they did receive a fairly good salary. They did not wield any power or have any political or economic importance in the business of government. Instrumentalists represented worldly luxury, and were therefore also the first to be discharged in times of economic hardship. When Dowland arrived in Copenhagen (illus.1) in 1598, the political climate between England and Denmark was tense due to, among other things, harsh measures which the Danish king had taken concerning access to the Baltic Sea.3 Some English merchants had been reduced to destitution as a consequence. They wrote to Elizabeth I’s council pleading for action against Danish interference with English trade in the Baltic region. An English delegation objecting to the restrictions, headed by Edward Zouche and Christopher Parkins, arrived in Copenhagen at the beginning of July. Christian IV offered to pay some compensation but the English government was not satisfied, and in late autumn 1598 Parkins was sent on a second mission to Copenhagen to negotiate better terms. It was during this delegation’s visit to Copenhagen that Dowland appeared at the court and received a contract. It is likely that he was part of the retinue or that he travelled together with the embassy in the service of Parkins. It was customary to include musicians when sending delegations to Europe, as is evident from account books and travel journals.4

Downloaded from at University of Macedonia on January 1, 2014

Early Music, Vol. xli, No. 2 © The Author 2013. Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved. doi:10.1093/em/cat042, available online at Advance Access publication June 20, 2013


7 While in London. Dowland might have been approached while in England and offered the position at the Danish court. on the other hand. To understand the size of that wage we may compare it with that paid to another well-known English musician employed at the Danish court. but was to receive a total amount for his sustenance—a specification applied to no other musician or singer employed at court. 1594–6. the queen’s trumpeters were given a present. either through his agents in London or his family connections. 2014 1  Part of a prospect of Copenhagen around 1611. and it seems likely that they would have been looking for a replacement. that is. when a Danish delegation had visited London. no names are mentioned. Copenhagen) An interesting detail regarding Dowland’s employment reveals that ‘His Royal Majesty has graciously ordered and accepts John Dowland to be a lutenist in his Majesty’s service’: the king has expressly requested (‘ordered’/‘reserved’) Dowland. Dowland did not receive any special payment towards board and livery as other instrumentalists and singers did. Dowland. thus Dowland’s basic wage would be around 380 daler. Melchior Borchgrevinck.8 As at University of Macedonia on January 1. was to receive 500 daler. The position as lutenist at the Danish court had been vacant since the death of Johann Spaltholtz some time in 1596. an instrumentalist. of which 60 was the basic wage and 190  Early Music  May 2013 .oxfordjournals. and soon afterwards a lutenist again received two daler for ‘playing for the gentlemen in the evening’. William Brade. made by Jan Dircksen (Johan Didriksen) after a now-lost painting by Johannes van Wick (by kind permission of The Royal Library. Is it possible that Dowland performed on one of these occasions? The entry on Dowland’s employment mentions that he is employed as a lutenist—a specific instrument designation was rarely indicated unless the player clearly had an individual function. but there is a very important distinction: the king ‘intends to let him have 500 daler yearly for his sustenance’ (my italics). for instance with Heinrich Julius.2 for the court musicians arranged by group).Downloaded from http://em. One of the members of the delegation was the court organist. in addition to the basic wage. a few days later.5 Evidently he had heard about the acclaimed lutenist. the Danish delegation heard a lutenist who was given a pecuniary gift. Duke of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel. Dowland was not the only English musician who received a contract on that day: Robert Bosan (‘Rubbertt Bosann’ or ‘Bosenn’). he received 100 daler a year. so between 74 and 120 daler should be deducted from his income when comparing it with that of the other musicians. During Brade’s first period of employment. was also employed and would receive 60 daler (about £30) and. singers or trumpeters (see illus. who was sent along in order to buy instruments for the Chapel Royal. ‘seven daler each month towards board and the usual livery’ (seven daler was low in comparison with other instrumentalists who would most often receive about 10 daler a month). Dowland had to pay for these expenses out of his own pocket. musicians were most often placed in one of the three groups: instrumentalists.6 perhaps in September 1597. too.

detail of ceiling showing the court musicians in groups.Downloaded from http://em.1620 (by kind permission of Rosenborg Castle.9 All salaries were constructed in individual ways reflecting personal conditions such the size of the musician’s or singer’s household and other obligations. However.oxfordjournals. reduced to 80 daler a year. the total still amounting to 320 at University of Macedonia on January 1. This was about 60 daler a year less than Dowland received in the same period. Rosenborg Castle. Brade’s basic wage was raised to 200 daler while that for livery and board was set to 12 daler a month. During the years 1599 to 1606. 2014 2  Francis Clein or Søren Kiær. yet livery and board was raised to 240 daler. during 1620–22 Brade’s wage was. Copenhagen) 40 was for board and livery. making 320 daler in total. for some unknown reason. c. It seems that there were circumstances in Brade’s life which meant that expenses towards board and livery were Early Music  May 2013  191 .

the court priest and the court apothecary. and the amount itself are extraordinary when compared to those of numerous other court musicians. only a few such contracts have survived but formulations of allegiance appear in various documents. having been especially requested by the Danish court: the organist Vincentius Bertholusius’s agreed wage was 1. In 1590.increased during his last period in Copenhagen: 12 daler a month is a large amount compared to most other servants employed at court. which has not survived. Merlis’s and Bertholusius’s salaries were inclusive of unspecified amounts for board and livery. (2) ‘instrumentalists’.oxfordjournals.12 The organization of the Chapel Royal is clearly reflected in the account books. 2014 The specification that Mynor was to be available wherever and whenever the king demanded does not appear in Dowland’s entry. received 416 daler a year. personal circumstances. From 1599 to 1611. so were not as large as they might at first appear. It is remarkable that Dowland did not receive payment for board and livery separately but accepted a total sum. John Mynor (‘Johannes Meijnnertt’ or ‘Meinnert’)13 is one of these. However. his contract also notes that His Royal Majesty has graciously appointed and accepts John Mynor to be a singer in his Majesty’s Chapel Royal and he shall always be available with his music in his said Royal Majesty’s chambers and otherwise in the church or to wherever his Majesty lets him be summoned and ordered. Musicians’ salaries were constructed in distinct ways depending on assignments.14 Downloaded from at University of Macedonia on January 1. This might reflect the fact that he did not have a household or family in Copenhagen to support: his wife and family remained in London. might have contained a similar passage. all of whom worked outside the court and did not participate in its daily duties. Only a few musicians’ contracts were outlined in a similar way. Gregorius Trehou. and (5) ‘several other court servants’. implying a 192  Early Music  May 2013 . and the second includes musicians receiving a much higher salary. two Italian musicians from the court in Poland arrived in Copenhagen. the ‘singing master’. agents. the admiral’s basic wage was 500 daler . The higher wages reflect the fact that many musicians and singers could read and write and were therefore employable in other contexts such as messengers. under the heading ‘Court Servants’ are: (1) ‘trumpeters and timpanists’. When the lutenist Giovanni Baptista Veraldi was employed in 1618. 192 for board and livery. teachers and dealers. consultants. (3) ‘singers’. The chapel master belonged to the fifth group together with the court tailor.15 Later it was common to include an oath of allegiance to the king when contracts were given to elite musicians who had access to his private quarters.11 The year after Dowland’s discharge. However. Both the way in which Dowland’s contract is summarized in the account book. Nevertheless. although the original contract. before the chapel was reorganized. It has been argued that Dowland’s wage was comparable to that of an admiral of the fleet.10 Indeed. like Dowland’s. as was required of all the other servants. but he also received additional income from various lands and taxes given to him by the king which significantly supplemented his basic income. Dowland still needed to support his family financially. unless it had a separate source of income in England.000 daler while the lutenist and violist Jacobus Merlis was to receive 600 daler a year—both larger sums than Dowland’s. The chapel masters Borchgrevinck and Pedersøn received contracts of this kind. in 1606 he also received earnings from a canonry in Roskilde. (4) ‘boy singers’. and 24 for leasing a dwelling. talent and demand: each wage must be evaluated judiciously and itemized before a comparison between individual musicians makes any sense. Musicians were not at the top of the hierarchy of employees even though their salaries were more than triple those of ordinary workers. The group of instrumentalists corresponding to halberdiers and kitchen personnel may be divided into two distinct categories: the first consists of a large group of ordinary musicians receiving the same wage including board and livery (about 144 daler a year). a contract was drawn up stating that since he had access to the king’s private chambers he would be paid for his ‘loyal and keen service’. Though it is possible that he was able to sit at the table together with the king’s counsellors and did not need a uniform.16 Whether the inclusion of this phrase was due to his Catholic faith is an open question. of which 32 were for expenses for taking care of eight singing boys. he still had to have lodgings somewhere in town.17 but the tone became even more pronounced in later contracts.

an Englishman who had been in the king’s service since 1597. Matthias Bettmann and Artur Bettman. he finished the manuscript to his Second Book of Ayres.25 It seems strange that Baxter would have borrowed money from Dowland’s wife unless she was affluent. [In left margin: 130 daler]. an additional sum which was not part of the wage that he received regularly every three months. again shall perform and give to John Stokes and Master Lamb of London in England.e. Roose was often employed by the king to negotiate deals and transfer funds to the king’s creditor. whose detailed reports make interesting reading (though there is no mention of music or musicians).18 Dowland did not receive any wages during his first year. he was involved with the community of English musicians: when the bass singer John Mynor and the viol player Daniel Norcombe (‘Daniell Norckum’) fled in 1602 with money belonging to the king. Herman Roose. rent of boat as well as other essentials and needs in England and on the return from there to the kingdom with the mentioned five trumpeters. indicating that he might also have had teaching responsibilities. board and initial payment of the musicians. except the 30 Daler that he was given for these needs in July month last in the present year 1600 by his Royal Majesty’s own chamber [i. and diplomats were sent back and forth between England and Denmark.much greater awareness of the problems involved. the king’s ship trumpeter John Baxter (‘Johann Bagster’ or ‘Hanns Bastier’). Dowland’s salary was paid routinely and. In June. There is no indication as to the reason for this rather sudden and very gracious gift. their instruments— including a ‘Fiol de Gamma’—and other possessions. notably amongst the numerous informants attending the court. he contacted the book-keepers who entrusted to John Baxter. who. his Royal Majesty’s ship trumpeter. Baxter did not have enough and had to borrow from various persons in London. either as a lutenist. The surviving documents give no clues as to why they absconded. Edduardt Lorendhs. which they had left behind. 2014 Baxter had contacted Dowland’s wife and might have handed over the manuscript for the Second Booke of Songs or Ayres which then was sold to the publisher George Eastland and entered in the Stationers’ Register on 15 July 1600. as of May 1600. also to Master John Dowland (his Royal Majesty’s lutenist) his wife the mentioned money he had borrowed from and lent of them in England. It seems plausible that he and Dowland may have met in Copenhagen in the autumn of 1599. for a larger loan or obtain a bill of exchange. It is possible that Baxter had received the proceedings of the Early Music  May 2013  193 . but he must have satisfied the king in some way. In particular. Given according to his returned and signed statement. Likewise. whom he according to his Royal Majesty’s gracious command in the present year 1600 in England has appointed and accepted in the service of his Royal Majesty. were confiscated in Roose’s house.oxfordjournals. On 1 July. Political relations worsened during the following years. Lesieur played a central role in requesting Dowland to obtain and send on information concerning Danish governmental decisions. left for England. Though the amount more or less corresponded to the yearly wage of a carpenter.23 He was provided with 30 daler towards expenses such as boat rental. the king’s private purse].org/ at University of Macedonia on January 1. while Dowland was in Elsinore. he was regularly referred to as both ‘Master’ and ‘His Majesty’s Lutenist’. on his said Royal Majesty’s behalf. Thomas Knadt. in London. as he could easily have asked the king’s creditor in London.24 Downloaded from http://em. And which money then was given in the hands of the five English trumpeters. so it is impossible to say whether the incident was linked to the tense relationship between the two countries. when Lesieur arrived with protests from the English queen regarding the mistreatment of some English fishermen. whom he had already contacted. Many incidents occurred over the years. while the Danes on the other hand complained about English pirates ransacking the North Sea searching for Spanish contraband. Johannes Gudiem (?). who often created problems since they had a closer allegiance to their sovereign than to their employer. Having returned to Copenhagen in October with five new trumpeters. composer or political mediator. Secretary of State Robert Cecil used Stephen Lesieur.20 Presumably Roose was Dowland’s primary connection to England.21 The king was so infuriated that he sent agents all over Europe to apprehend the two musicians. with instructions to engage new trumpeters. John Stokes.19 As a rich merchant living in Elsinore with an extensive network.22 A few years later. John Stokes. lent him 200 daler. and the following month received 600 daler as a gift from the king. expenses are due for board. and therefore the king’s grocer.

in 1601. which he has purchased for his Royal Majesty and for his Royal Majesty’s beloved wife. was contracted and was to receive 200 daler.31 It is possible that Sandon and O’Reilly had been contracted for a specific occasion in 1602. also for lute strings and a golden cord around his Royal Majesty’s lute: 3 daler . for the harpist. strings for the king’s tennis racket. apparently they did not satisfy the corps of trumpeters and timpanists. which was to remain the property of the king.28 Like Baxter the year before. Dowland then passed on the case of viols or violins to a from Mrs Dowland in order to deliver it to her husband but had unfortunately found it necessary to use it to cover expenses. furthermore. Lesieur arrived in Copenhagen at the same time.27 He also received half a year’s wages in advance. It seems that Mrs Dowland’s business role should not be underestimated. the high-born princess Queen Anna Catharina: 72 daler . Dowland engaged Henry Sandon (‘Henrich Sanduoon’). But if that were the case. returned and satisfied John Dowland. Besides buying musical instruments—a box of viols or violins. presumably an Irishman. 2014 As was customary. One should also keep in mind that she had to take care of the household while her husband was abroad. Two of the trumpeters. arriving in Copenhagen in May 1602. Dowland and a few other court musicians around at that time were presented with a small portrait of the king. In September. He bought an instrument. to whom he delivered a letter from Elizabeth. Dowland. Dowland did not have enough money and had to obtain a bill of exchange from a company of English merchants. Besides the one-year agreement. as the king and his court were to go on their customary summer progress around the country. it seems strange that the accounts mention that the money had to be returned to Dowland’s wife and not to Dowland. also given for several pairs of English gloves. this time in connection with controversies between the Swedish Duke Charles (who in 1604 would become King Charles IX of Sweden) and the Danish king. a dancer or a dance-master. Dowland approached them in England and paid part of their salary in advance. In October 1601. thus on this occasion he has now according to this settlement of accounts received what he by his Royal Majesty’s public treasury has been disbursed and paid as above mentioned: 217 daler. he promised them an allowance of 10 daler a month. for racket strings: 15 daler . whose wage was to be 300 daler. for a case of viols [or violins]: 102 daler . He then handed over a list of expenses: According to his Majesty’s own most gracious command. Dowland received 300 daler from the customs in Elsinore—part of the king’s private purse—so that he might purchase ‘several instruments’ in England. London] he has according to his Royal Majesty’s most gracious command appointed and employed in the services of his Majesty on account of their future salary and board which also has been given them and settled here in his Royal Majesty’s public treasury a short while ago. Against his abovementioned expenses which he on his Royal Majesty’s behalf has raised on a bill of exchange in London in England (from some English merchants which are called the ‘Mellsingsche Company’): 289 daler . thus his expenses amount to in total as written above: 506 daler in accordance with the handed-in statement and list which is signed by his most gracious Royal Majesty himself. and those musicians not needed on the tour were paid in advance. first. an arrangement which he negotiated independently and without the king’s knowledge.29 By mid-June. while Dowland presented the royal couple with gifts consisting of several pairs of English gloves.30 Downloaded from http://em. and 20 daler for expenses which arose from transferring the mentioned case from England to this kingdom to his Royal Majesty. for 289 daler. Thomas Knodd and Edward Laurence. were dismissed just over four weeks after their arrival in Copenhagen. who on behalf of his said Royal Highness out of his own purse most humbly had taken with him and spent in London in at University of Macedonia on January 1. the most 194  Early Music  May 2013 . for an Irish harp and extra strings: 104 daler . and about two weeks later the harpist Charles O’Reilly (‘Carolus Oralii’).e. his Royal Majesty’s lutenist. 140 daler which he has given to a harp-player and a dance-master whom at that place [i. hence owing Dowland money. then for the board of the mentioned John Dowland and the aforementioned harp player and dance master which they have spent on the travel from England to this kingdom: 100 daler . who ornamented the instruments with the king’s monogram. All three remained in England for the winter. lute strings and a golden cord for the king’s lute.26 In the following summer.oxfordjournals. receiving contracts. the recently employed harpist and dancer had registered with the authorities. the new employees and the diplomat probably travelled together. an Irish harp and some additional strings—he was also instructed to contract a dancer and a harpist for one year.

one of which was from Dowland’s wife. Downloaded from http://em. daughter of Czar Borís Godunóv.40 The English copyist has also omitted some phrases and even rephrased sentences. Cecil’s envoy Lesieur—initially employed by Francis Walsingham as a diplomat mainly dealing with north European matters and the Hanseatic towns—wrote again to Dowland enclosing a packet of letters (illus. including Duke Hans as well as musicians and trumpeters.. Perhaps Lesieur’s letter to Dowland was intercepted or Dowland decided to hand it over to Jonas Charisius. The negotiations slowly turned into hot air: the Danish government briefly discussed the results at the beginning of 1603. so after a month of discussions. Octobre I  wrote vnto yow an aunswear vppon your lre vnto me of the 12.39 That the addressee seems unimportant in that context is implied by the copyist writing merely ‘Mr. Dowland was encouraged and lured into agreeing. meetings suspended and they good & certain matter[. depending on how we understand the term today. therffore take no haste to send him awaye but w.33 So.] I  send this messengier of purpose to returne me yo[ur] aunswear you shall heere of him at mr.38 No more was heard of the Bremen conference.. when Sandon had already received part of his salary and pension through Dowland.3).32 The progress was a failure and many. D | The 16. Dowland. in any wyse hearken to it and aduertisse me of it when yow haue any certainitie theirof for ye tyme & place[. D’.likely being the festivities in connection with sending the king’s younger brother Duke Hans to Russia. also one for monsr. Robert Cecil appointed Lesieur as secretary to the English delegation. In wich I sent Iow one from Early Music  May 2013  195 . During summer 1602 it was finally agreed to try and settle some of the issues at a conference that was to take place in Bremen. That the letter was considered important by the Danish authorities is evident. a recess was drawn up. 2014 And the transcription reads: Mr. on 26 November. as a copy of it was placed in the official files on the Bremen negotiations.]37 Dowland was being asked to procure information on what was happening in Denmark at the time and report on the discussions taking place in the king’s council on the unsuccessful negotiations. The 16. On 16 October. Whether one might term this ‘spying’ is an open question. then I gaue yow direction. In October. Sandon and O’Reilly retired (‘aftakket’) from service. Antoyne Waillant (a frencheman the kings Architecte & Ingenier. I  sent yow one from your wyffe. the Danes wished to depart. He explains that it may be the king will shortly call a Parlament. Thus Lesieur writes Mr. Lesieur wrote again to the lutenist in Copenhagen. The transcription was evidently carried out by an English person as the spelling does not follow Lesieur’s in all instances but indicates a person well acquainted with the English language. not even bothering to write Dowland’s name in full. starting in late September. who replied to the letter. Oct. I doubt not but yow haue receiued my said ltres in at University of Macedonia on January 1. Robert Brighowse in Elsenore. he also told Dowland—as he had already said in the previous letter—that in order to contact Lesieur he should send correspondence to Ruloff Pieterson. At the beginning of December. his accounts were settled and two weeks later O’Reilly received his final cheque through Dowland and left the court. and later the English delegation sent a messenger to Copenhagen to receive the prepared table of customs fees and a declaration of the Danish council’s understanding of free trade and fishing rights. I writhe vnto yow an answear vppon your Lettres vnto me the 12.sties seruice’.35 At the same time Dowland wrote to Lesieur.) and one from my selffe to mr. Robert since the one-year contract terminated in September where he was to marry Xenia. realizing its possible consequences.36 The negotiations were awkward and failed to make any significant progress.oxfordjournals. in August 1602. apparently seeking information on what the king and his counsellors were planning. Septembre.34 As the political disputes between the two countries slowly worsened—though diplomatic delegations had met on neutral ground in early spring 1602—the problems were turning dangerously into a Gordian knot. Secretary of the German Chancellery. Septemb: I doubt not but you haue receiued my said lettre. a merchant in Lubeck whose network the English administration often employed.. for Lesieur writes: I will see yow repaid . therffore I  pray satisfie me very particularly of what yow shall think worthie my knoledge for her ma.

org/ at University of Macedonia on January 1. 2o. 2014 3  Letter (page 2 of 3) from Stephen Lesieur to John Dowland dated 2 December 1602 (DK-Kk. Copenhagen) 196  Early Music  May 2013 . nks 1350.oxfordjournals.5) (by kind permission of The Royal Library.Downloaded from http://em. læg nr.

2014 Early Music  May 2013  197 . the English trumpeters on board the two boats which had brought the delegation to Copenhagen received 100 daler from the king. The spelling habits of the copyist are not essential in this context. Queen Elizabeth died in March 1603. James I  ‘apoynted therlle of Ruttland to goe Ambasodor to the King of Denmarke. The correspondence between the lutenist and the diplomat was not out of the ordinary and appears to have been a common procedure with Dowland.41 If Lesieur had thought that his request might cause trouble for the English government or Dowland. and preparations were made for the festivities which were to take place during that summer. It was indeed common practice for governments to obtain information about a country’s political situation. army.. The letter from Lesieur may have played a crucial part in Dowland’s discredit at the Danish court. perhaps encouraged by the Earl of Rutland to settle the account.43 On the day that the Earl of Rutland departed. geography.Antoine Vaillant. Christian Friis and Henrik Below. and on the following day Dowland received part of his salary in advance. Christian IV signed the list and Dowland forwarded it to the book-keeper. who did invite our King to be godfather to a sonne Wch God haith sent the queene of Denmarke’. Perhaps the counsellors realized the danger of having Dowland so close to the inner circles of government when Elizabeth’s envoys were approaching him with furtive requests for information on decision-making in the king’s council. By February 1603. Is it possible that Dowland asked the English visitors to intervene on his behalf in order that he would be reimbursed? The king had personally signed Dowland’s list of expenses of 16 July. for from now on the account books seldom give his title as ‘His Royal Majesty’s Lutenist’. revealing that he had obtained permission to travel to London ‘on private business’. This information was apparently not relevant for the authorities. 125 daler for the period 18 May–18 August. and since most musicians were capable readers and writers of it.oxfordjournals. what is interesting is the fact that the mention of Dowland’s wife has been left out in the transcription. Christian IV accepted the Order of the Garter at Elsinore on 14 July.42 Following the event. However. Then I gaue yow direction. Dowland must have annoyed his employers. when he had engaged Sandon and O’Reilly. A  couple of months later Christian IV’s second son was born. either because it had nothing to do with the political situation or because the request for information was of a private nature. 16 July. Numerous pocket-books were published on the subject. Lesieur’s other letters have not survived. who arrived in London on 24 or 25 July where they presented a gratuity to some trumpeters. he is merely addressed as ‘Lutenist’ or ‘Master’.45 Dowland may indeed have joined the party together with two Danish envoys. The political situation and the dispute between England and Denmark is most likely the reason why this letter has survived in both its original form and in a contemporary transcript. and Lesieur’s promise to Dowland concerning a possible reward came to at University of Macedonia on January 1. suggesting that he took a particular interest in the list. Lesieur’s postscript mentioning Elizabeth’s health and the Earl of Tyrone is also absent. ports and statistics—information that was available to anyone visiting the country. important members of its society as well as its economy. they were of course also valuable for the transmission of sensitive information.. implying that they did not contain important information from the viewpoint of the Danish authorities. Some 17th-century authors even argued that music could be employed as a code. the situation changed entirely and Dowland could not actively promote himself or have others do so for a much-coveted position at the new English court without creating at least a disapproving grunt from the Danish king or a refusal from James or Anne. sister to Christian IV. Secret information would normally be written in code and often hidden. and one from my selff to mr: Robbert Flower. information-gathering was not necessarily clandestine. With the accession of King James I and Queen Anne. Dowland’s manuscript to his Third and Last Booke of Songs or Ayres had been registered in London. They Downloaded from http://em. it seems more likely that he would have encoded the letter. and Dowland was finally reimbursed for expenses (217 daler in all) sustained on his travel nearly two years earlier.44 Dowland had spent around 800 daler (about £400) fulfilling his list of obligations in England—an enormous sum. It is curious that it was during the festivities when the king was receiving the Order of the Garter that Dowland received his payment and was finally compensated.

48 the second section matching the seven planets has at its centre the King of Denmarks Galiard. if not the king personally. King James and Queen Anne withdrew to Winchester.51 The dedication of the whole volume to Queen Elizabeth—who. for Dowland had been away on private business longer than agreed: It depends on his Majesty’s gracious pleasure whether his Majesty will be pleased to grant him the said at University of Macedonia on January 1. Hans Nielsen. in view of the fact that he has travelled to England on his own business and remained there for a long while. During the spring of 1604.continued to Hampton Court where they enjoyed a performance of vocal music for which six singers were given 12 daler. when he approached the royal book-keeper who attended to business while the king and his council were away. On 3 May 1604. nevertheless presides over the whole collection (or universe). During the spring of 1605 the king laid plans for the teaching of ‘the little boys and girls’ to play various instruments. sponsored by the king. Here Dowland gained access to the royal couple and presented his new volume of music. who is the leader of the nine muses on Mount Parnassus. Lachrimae. which was characterized as being ‘corrupt and inconstant. also known as the ‘Battle Galliard’. longer than his Royal Majesty had granted him leave of absence. below Christian IV—suggests that Dowland was originally lobbying for a position at the English court.54 Perhaps he wished to use Nielsen’s abilities now that he had hired him and had two lutenists in his employment. then the administration in Copenhagen. each guarding a source of inspiration— an allegory Dowland also hints at in the dedication when he says that Christian IV is ‘the only Patron and Sun-shine of my else vnhappie Fortunes’. and with the notorious pirate and enemy of Denmark in an even inferior position. Dowland employs allegories associated with Elizabeth and merely transfers them to the new queen. and that Anne was simply a necessary substitute after the unfortunate death of Elizabeth in early 1603: in the Lachrimae. or give satisfaction to his Royal Majesty in other ways’. Dowland arrived some time before 10 July.53 It is obvious that Dowland’s long absence had at least annoyed. Nor did he find it necessary to nurse his Danish associates with publications: his books of ayres clearly address an English audience and were dedicated to English patrons. The book-keeper states somewhat reluctantly that Dowland’s return is accepted and that he is given his salary on condition that the king approves it and wishes to keep him in his service when he returns. the King of Denmarks Galiard is the only piece he thought worth dedicating to his patron.50 The centre of this realm is of course the infamous English pirate.55 This odd 198  Early Music  May 2013 . enveloped in darkness and ignorance’. Dowland was evidently concentrating his energy on maintaining his English network. as was Lachrimae.. Keeping in mind Lesieur’s promise of a reward if Dowland succeeded in obtaining the desired information. or seaven teares figured in seaven passionate pavans. the king decided to hire a new lutenist.47 The overall structure of the 21 pieces indicates a conscious arrangement which seems to reflect the popular notion of the universe as the relation between macro. supports this interpretation. who had only recently returned from Italy where he had been studying in Venice. Christian IV began preparing for a journey to Norway in order to hold council meetings there. and in April he paid Brade for ‘four lutes as well as several different kinds of lute strings’ to be given to the children. Anne. There are signs suggesting that the original dedicatee of the Lachrimae was Elizabeth. who by capturing Danish vessels created much frustration in the Danish government and was one of the original causes of the problems between Denmark and England. where they stayed for three weeks. It should also be noted that throughout the eight years that Dowland was employed in Denmark.52 Nielsen may have accompanied the king on the progress in place of the absent Dowland. corresponding to Apollo (the sun). 2014 The final phrase notes that if the king will not grant even a part of his previous wage then Dowland must ‘do future service . as Dowland had still not arrived. Downloaded from http://em.and microcosm: thus the first set consisting of the seven pavans corresponds to the super-celestial sphere above the planets. Yet there is an interesting entry dated 9 July remarking that the king has made Dowland an ‘advance payment with a view to his future service’. though the King of Denmark (‘battle galliard’) is the centre of the volume.oxfordjournals. captain Digory Piper..46 Due to the plague raging in London.49 The third section is the lowest and most inferior realm. the terrestrial world. which he dedicated to Queen Anne.

he released both Dowland and Brade from service. dismissing only two musicians in order to save money seems somewhat ineffective and (2). the authors of which he sent gratuities. not only as a lutenist but also as an agent. who had been studying in Italy and later was apprenticed to Borchgrevinck. Both entries are very detailed in comparison to many other dismissals occurring regularly throughout the year. it is tempting to conclude that his employment as the king’s lutenist played a minor role in comparison to other obligations. Since the relationship had become more amicable with the accession of King James I.64 Dowland might have been encouraged to accept the post as lutenist at the Danish court in 1598 as an intermediary between the English and Danish governments in order to facilitate the flow of information during the serious disputes between the two countries. Hans Borckratz. (1) in the overall picture. Looking at Dowland’s musical production.62 Whether there is a connection is an open question.600 daler.oxfordjournals. messenger and procurer of goods such as instruments. It is clear that Dowland preferred to cultivate his English connections rather than trying Downloaded from http://em. The boy’s name. due to his close connection with Cecil’s envoy Lesieur. it is remarkable that he did not dedicate a single collection of music to his employer: all three books of ayres. There are indeed many examples of the king receiving personal copies and dedications. dedications were both public statements and visible praises of the dedicatees and ultimately also an expression of self-appraisal.56 Apparently this did not take place in September. too. Looking at the amount of time he spent travelling. a couple of weeks after he had returned.63 A  musician who could read and write in addition to speaking several languages would be employable in many different contexts. it is clear that an overwhelming number of musicians were employed on similar terms. was to be handed over to Dowland in September. and it seems only natural that his employer would utilize those abilities. for which he was to receive 100 daler. are deliberately related to England and patrons or possible patrons there.66 The fact that works of art were commodities used to earn a living should not be underrated. Conclusion Dowland had a whole range of assignments while he was employed in Denmark. 2014 Early Music  May 2013  199 . is not mentioned in the account books but only in the letter of introduction.65 Dedications were an integral part of the patron–client relationship and important for maintaining a network. not only at the Danish court but also in Germany (and most likely throughout Europe).60 at University of Macedonia on January 1. There is no indication in the surviving documents as to the reason for Dowland’s and Brade’s discharge. was sent abroad on business peripheral to his duties as chapel master. to Dowland’s and Brade’s 820 daler). implying that they were ‘released from duty’ rather than ‘having received [their] dismissal’. Considering this in an early 17th-century context. in that case it seems rather curious that in 1607 he would employ two Italian musicians who were even more expensive (1. for the boy received an introduction dated 10 October which he was to present to Dowland. It was also around this time that Christian IV started planning his well-known summer journey to visit his sister and brother-in-law in England. which clearly address an English-speaking audience. perhaps Dowland’s position as a mediator had become more or less redundant or perhaps. Thus Praetorius mentions that he had so many other duties that he did not have time to compose music – he. It seems implausible that Christian IV would not have accepted a dedication and in return paid a handsome gift. But perhaps there is a subtle hint in the use of the phrase ‘førløffuidt aff thiennestenn’ rather than ‘bekommet sinn Affskeed’. In order to preserve the interest of patrons.59 It has been argued that the king was forced to cut expenses and that he therefore dismissed the two English musicians on grounds of cost. It seems that Brade might have found employment at the court of Gottorff.57 During December 1605 and until early February 1606. the Danish authorities doubted Dowland’s loyalty to his employer. the king was on a short military campaign in Germany.58 Dowland’s accounts were settled on 10 March—on the same day as the king and his counsellors met for their quadrennial council meeting. and Lachrimae.61 It seems more likely that they were joining the service of a court somewhere in Germany on the king’s recommendation. which ordered Dowland to teach and provide board and instruction. consultant.comment is explained when it is noted that one of the boys.

The Journal of Modern History. Samling 718. More recently discovered sources are dealt with in P. Among his most recent publications are a complete critical edition and translation of Robert Fludd’s De templo musicae (1618) and the first critical edition of Scheibe’s Passion Cantata of 1768.209–14. and has written extensively on topics ranging from the critical editing of music. Unfortunately. P. pp. as it is possible that he was employed by agreement with both Danish and English officials. and A.30–1. B. That Dowland’s focus was on England did not—at least at first—worry the Danish king and authorities.33–49. Musiken ved Christian IVs Hof (Copenhagen. 2009).1–27. Journal of the Lute Society of America. pp. pp. Macray. The Lute. 19. p. ‘Michael Praetorius’s connections to the Danish court’. pp. the archives holding the musical collections among others things were engulfed by devastating fires during the 18th century. Hauge. 49. he would need to tend to his patrons. i (1929). ‘A Dowland miscellany’. 2011). British Library. Copenhagen (hereafter DK-Ra). It is noticeable. proving the king’s satisfaction with his work. M. 5  The Royal Archives. Add. Downloaded from http://em. ‘“Confirmatio fratrum per manuum appostionem”: listen over medlemmer af Collegium vicariorum perpetuorum in ecclesia Roskildensi 1552–1668 i Det Kongelige Bibliotek: Ny kgl. and J. ‘Report of the Deputy-Keeper of Public Records for the year 1883’. Spohr (Hildesheim. D. x (1977). Ward. pp. Poulton. Kongsted.oxfordjournals. During his first years of employment he was a highly trusted servant: the enormous sums of money that he handled prove that they must have found him absolutely reliable and knew that he would not abscond as Norcombe did. 2014 Peter Hauge is a senior researcher at the Danish Centre for Music Publication at The Royal Library in Copenhagen. l (2011).. at pp. p. Spohr. Elizabeth’s death in early 1603 meant a complete change in Dowland’s hopes: in order to return to England and obtain a position there. University of Copenhagen. some of the English reports and complaints are in London. P. ‘Rentemesterregnskaber. that during his final years of employment Dowland had annoyed Christian IV—the most likely cause being the correspondence which the lutenist held with Lesieur and later also the long absence from court occurring in 1604–5. 8  DK-Ra. 1892). xlii (2003). 2/1982). to John Dowland. John Dowland (London. 3  See E. Hammerich. app.. og dens musikhistoriske betydning’. see also W. 4  Hauge ‘Michael Praetorius’s connections to the Danish court’. Noldus (Leyden. music and philosophy of the Renaissance. f. ‘How chances it they travel’. ‘England and Denmark in the later days of Queen Elizabeth’. Cheyney. pp. p. 11  O. Speciel Del. xli (2001).602–9. in Double agents: cultural and political brokerage in early modern Europe. The 45th annual report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records (London. See also Hauge. Keblusek and B. 1885). S. Fund og Forskning. He also received several gifts. 9  All figures rely on A. but see Ward. no. M. 19–9–1598). ‘A Dowland miscellany’. agent—and spy?’. Ms. Afd. Rode-Breymann and A. Spohr. Tillæg: Gesandtregnskaber. 7  The Chapel Royal was also in the process of being reorganized in 1598 due to the accession of Christian IV. pp.605–6. Though many documents have appeared in modern transcriptions. fol. Hauge. TKUA. ed. Musiken. Moe. and even repeated as recently as in Spohr..99. ‘Arild Huitfeldts og Christian Barnekows Regnskab’. 48152. ‘How chances it they travel’ Englische Musiker in Dänemark und Norddeutschland 1579–1630 (Wiesbaden. Hauge. Fund og Forskning. Udg. however. pp.212. at University of Macedonia on January 1. 2010). ‘Musikkulturel trafik i København og Rostock: Musikerrekruttering og repertoirefornyelse i første halvdel af 1600-tallet’ (PhD diss. 18–11–1598. ‘How chances it they travel’. 1597–1629: Forskellige Gesandtregnskaber. pp.51–67.38. 6 Spohr.1–27. 2 maintain his employer’s attention and interest: he knew that at some stage he was going to return to England and therefore needed to keep his English network alive. 200  Early Music  May 2013 . in Michael Praetorius—Vermittler europäischer Musiktraditionen um 1600. 2011). 1599–1600’. 10 Hammerich. p. for example.23r (London. 1  See. Hauge.2. V. destroying large parts of the collections.193–212. at pp. with higher salaries for musicians and more foreign musicians employed. ‘Dowland in Denmark 1598–1606: a rediscovered document’. all references in the present article are to the original material. D.1.9–39.134. ‘Dowland in Denmark’. Johann Adolph Scheibe and Carl Nielsen. 7. See also P. ‘How chances it they travel’. infuriating the king.22. review of A. ‘John Dowland’s employment at the royal Danish court: musician.

1600–1601’. Protestant musicians did too. conventiones. Ms.’ The Batemans were probably brothers and related to Robert Bateman. pp.41. pp. Sammeledis som er Opgangen till fortering. See also Cristoffer Zettzinskj’s contract which includes a similar phrasing on the duties. ‘Rentemesterregnskab. 1599–1600’. haffuer bestillidt och Antagen. 1600. with summary in Poulton. 19  DK-Ra.90–1. ff.]. haffuer schenckett och forehret till affthoeg – xxx dr. ‘Rentemesterregnskab. 25  Second Booke of Songs or Ayres (London. Och paa hiembreigsen der fraa. in Double agents. 30  DK-Ra. 1600. 21  DK-Ra. Smith. perioden indtil 1676. till Lunden vdj Engellannd. and Mark Bateman who was also a trumpeter. paa regenschaff. ‘Stocker’) was also involved with English musicians employed at the Danish court. 1602–1603’. 1600–1601’. der wdj Engelland. p. Saa och till Mester Johannes Dowlandt Konn: M[aietts]: Lutenist. 22  London. 17  It should be emphasized that it was not only Catholics who might receive such contracts (for example. See also M. Udg. Afd. ff. som hannum till dis behouff. ‘Miss.365–80. his Royal Majesty’s ship trumpeter. Noldus. och eenn Dandzsmester.245–7. och huor som heldst hanns Maiettzs. Downloaded from http://em.. 19. Udg. Udg. which he immediately shall again deliver to the two trumpeters by the names of Thomas Knodd and Edward Laurence. Och nu igienn erre bleffeunn forløffuidt aff thiennestenn. 20  John Stokes (‘Stackjen’. Taking Danish spelling habits into consideration the most likely name seems to be Maynard or perhaps more likely Mynor.379. in 1648). Afd. Udg. 16–7–1603: ‘effter Maijtts: eigenne Naadigste befalling. 24–9–1602.oxfordjournals. 29–7–1600: ‘Konn: Maiettz: haffuer Naadigst bestilled och Ahntagenn Johann Meinertt. Paa Haanden. see also request sent to Venice. and which his Royal Majesty has graciously given and presented them as pension: 30 daler’ [21–11–[1600] tillstelledt och offueranndtwordett Johann Bagster. p. TKIA. as it is referred to in the first entry of the book-keeper’s account on Dowland. Dowling. TKUA. Afd. pp. and J. til Brede Rantzau’. ‘Musikulturel trafik i København og Rostock’. 21–11–1600. 7. 2003). ‘Rentemesterregnskaber. ‘Rentemesterregnskab. 48152. ‘Stackiss’. f. 23. Foedera.379r. that is. ‘Musikulturel trafik i København og Rostock’. ‘Rentemesterregnskab. Och samme Penninge igienn Wdgiffuen till dee 5. ‘Rentemesterregnskab. ‘Latina’ (1600–15). Huilcke for:ne penninge. Alm. Afd. see Moe. On similar but later contracts. 7. hans Høstrue. V. 1611). widere end dee xxx dllr. 14  DK-Ra. eenn Harpslager.360r . ‘Rentemesterregnskaber’. med for:ne 5. 16  DK-Ra. see B. wdj Julii maanid nest forledenn. the composer of The XII Wonders of the World (London. hannum lader tillsige og beffale’. 1600–1601’. ‘Rentemesterregnskab. 1603–1604’. Hannd dersammestedzs. Afd. som hannd Paa Hogbemelte Konn: Maietts: Weignne igien skal forrette och Wdgiffue til Johan Stockis och Mester Lamb Lunden wdj Engeland. [In left margin: jrexxx Dllr. 1600). 13  There has been some discussion as to whether Johan Meinert was John Mynors or John Maynard. 9. herinnd wdj Rigett igien. Udg. Del.. 21–11–1600. effter hans Offuergiffne och Vnnderschreffne Registers formelding. 1600–1601’. a violist and composer who seems to have been working on the continent. ‘Sjællandske Tegnelser. 27  Thus Borchgrevinck received a small portrait on 4 August 1601. 23  Bagster was of English origin since he signed his name as ‘John Baxter’. Thomas East and music publishing in Renaissance England (Oxford. pp. with whom he was in contact. 18  On merchants of art and agency. ‘Patenten’. Sanderson. 30–11–1600. Afd. 24–9–1602. thus also proving that unlike many of his fellow trumpeters employed at the court he could read and write. 16–10–1600: ‘Samme Dag [i. Och schall hannd stedtze Whare paa med hanns Musica vdj Høigbemeldte Konn: Maiettzs: Gemacher. dallr Som hannd haffuer giffuen. The Library. ‘Sjællandske Register’. Konngl: M: Luttennist. Først – jre xl. Som hand paa høigbemeldte Konngl: Maijtts: veigenne. 29–10–1599. the new chapel master. without an ‘s’ at the end. Afd.47v–48r. som hand strax fraa siegh Igjen schall leffwerre till de tuinnde trommetere Weed naffnn Thommas Knod och Edward Lorenntzs. besides Dowland. effter Konngl: Maijtts: Naadigste befalling. British Library. Udg. DK-Ra. 4–8–1601. Trommetter.]. och ellers vdj Kierckenn. pp. Rymer and R.41. ‘Sjællandske Tegnelser. ‘Musikulturel trafik i København og Rostock’. 28  DK-Ra.26. see DK-Ra. 5. derudj Engelland. 1600–1601. Som Kongl: Maiett: dennum naad. f. who recently were employed in service and now again have been relieved from duty. wdj nerwerrendis at University of Macedonia on January 1. Kgl. see DK-Ra. f. som hand effter Konn: Maietts: Naadigste befalling.440–1.161–91. Igengiffuenn och fornøigedt Johannes Dowlannd. aff Konn: Maietts: eegid Cammers. schifftrommetter. Afd. John Dowland. 1615). DK-Ra. 26  ‘21–11–1600: remitted and paid to John Baxter. er bleffuen tillstillid och offuerantwordett. ‘A spider in its web: agent and artist Michel le Blon and his northern European network’. 19. pp. DK-Ra. Add. xvi. Matts.193v–194r. 5. aff sinne eigenne Pendinge vnderdanigst Haffde fortragt och vdgiffuen. wdj nerwerrendis Aar. 17. see Moe. vdj hanns Maijtts: thienneste. Udg. Fontana. 1596–1602. haffuer bestellid och Anthagen Wdj Konn: Maietts: tienneste. 1602–1603’. Engelske Trommetter. Stokes was also requested to find the best viol player in England (August 1599). ‘Stockis’. hand haffde Laannt och optagen aff dennum der Wdj Enngelland. ‘The printing of John Dowland’s “Second Booke of Songs or Ayres”’.e. 2014 Early Music  May 2013  201 . see also Moe. 1600–1601’. shiffsleige och ellers Anden Nodtrufft och behouff. 15  A contract existed. p. et cujusque generis acta publica (London. Som Nyeligen vore bleffuen Anthagen vdj Tjennesten.12  Moe. xii (1932). ‘Musikulturel trafik i København og Rostock’. 16 October 1600] dllr Antuordett Johann Bagster Konn: Maietts: Schifftrommetter. for enn Sannger vdj hanns Maiettzs: Cantorie. literæ. 7. 29  T. L. 24  DK-Ra. Udg.41–2. 1 (Indtil 1676).

ff. 7. Møller (Copenhagen.209.429–36. 41  Hauge. Copenhagen.. er bleffuen kortidt och Affregnit. TKUA. paa denne Affregning haffuer till kommidt. ‘Dowland’s tears. 1603–1604’. her vdj Konngl: Maijtts: Rente Cammer. pp. 10–7–1604: ‘hannd haffuer werridt forreigsedt till Englland. England AII. Alm. which includes numerous letters to King James and the negotiations and planning of Rutland’s visit. s. the Marquis of Salisbury’ (London. It is tempting to suggest that piece no. Saa och for Luten Strennge. Dowland: Lachrimae. 42  London.9– 36. ‘John Dowland’s employment’. Semper Dowland semper dolens (‘Always Dowland. Danske Magazin. Lachrimæ. 4–11–1601. and D. ff. 1826). ‘Forskellige Gesandtregnskaber’. pp. 44  DK-Ra. 47  For further references and a detailed study of Lachrimae. Afd. The letter has an appended abstract in Danish and the most difficult words are translated into Latin or Danish in the margins. ‘Rentemesterregnskab. iv Rk. pp. TKUA. 31–10–1602. 43  DK-Ra. 1602–1603’.aff derris tillkommende Lønn och Besolding. pp. or the art of concealing the art’. always pain’) is thus appropriately under the influence of Saturn and closely linked with the concept of melancholy. 24–9–1602. according to which ‘Lord Ambassadour . Udg. p. Udg. 9–1–1602. British Library. Duke Hans left for Russia on 1 August 1602. ‘John Dowland’s employment’.163–4. Afd.oxfordjournals. giffuedt for eenn Deell Engelske Handsker. TKUA. som kaldis. see P.193–5.29–31. Rørdam. 6–2–1602. See also Hauge. 4 (1878). Udg. xxix (2001). Aspects of “Lachrimæ”’. see Hauge. ‘Dowland’s seven tears. p. Hannd paa Konngl: Maijtts: weigenne. pp. Stowe 150.d. viii. where Thomas Ferrers mentions that the queen employed him ‘in a matter of Materiales or Alchemy.. ‘Om den dansk-engelske forbindelse i Christian IV. 39  DK-Ra. paa reigsen. For Rackete Strennge – xv dall. for eenn Irisch Harpe. f. 34  DK-Ra. ‘Report of the DeputyKeeper’. breve nr.s tid’. læg 5.147.73–193. 13. 1604– 1605’. Hannd Haffuer Indkiøfft. 15–8–1601. sampt for: Harpeslager. 37  Letter to Dowland: DK-Kk. 9. alt offuerføre. and certainly not the king—were able to read and write English. Fra Arkiv og Museum.’ Udg.36–74. pp. der till Lunden vdj Engelland. ‘Sjællandske Tegnelser. Alm. Dansk Årbog for Musikforskning. 19. 49  John Dowland. xvi. ‘Dowland in Denmark’.. och Dandzsmester. till Konngl: Maijtts: och hanns Maijtts: kierre Elske: Gemahell Høigborne førstinde Dronning Anna Catherina – Lxxij dr. nks 1305. 2 (1932). ‘Sivert Grubbes Dagbog’. and is mentioned several times in documents in connection with Scots and Englishmen. i. Udg. er bleffuenn erlaugdt och Affbetallidt. Digory Piper caused so much frustration that Frederick II wrote to Elizabeth Downloaded from http://em. 35 Rymer. 20.44–75. Pinto.. som ochsaa med dennum. Haffde Optagenn. til Brede Rantzau’. There is an account in John Nichols. Afd. effter Hoesliggende hanns der paa Offuergiffuenne Register och forteignelßis formelding som aff Konngl: Maijtts: sielffued Naadigst. Del (Indtil 1676). ‘Rentemesterregnskab. 33  Historisk Calender. 1602–1603’. L. pp. ‘Rentemesterregnskab. Afd.. A letter in English. 1–5–1601. thus correspondence between the English and Danish courts was always in Latin or French or Italian. pp. Musiken. for eenn kiste med Fioler – jre ij daller. Fr. p. and Hammerich. 14. Dedication. som Hannum nu. 1602–1603’. 36  See also. 20. f.1. Glarbo.17. i. pp. H.s og Jakob I.188. pp. 24–8–1602. xxxvii (1997). Udg. der fraa Engelland her Innd vdj Riigedt till Konngl: Maijtts: Dißligest. Item. or seaven teares (London. 1597–1629. for an interpretation of the position of the seven pavans. pp.113–14. Hauge. Saa hannum. som forbemeldt er ijre xvij Dr. som paa for: kiste er opgangen. Afd. 2. 51  Some of the other pirates were Blackadder and Thomas Clarick. Del 1 (Indtil 1676). 40  Very few in the Danish administration—if any at all. See also TKUA. 2o. set sayle for England on 19 July’. Musiken.–’ 31  DK-Ra.. 32  See Hammerich. 8. omkring Konngl: Maijtts: Lutte – iij dallr.29.15–36. dett Mellsingsche Companej – ijre Lxxxix dallr. pp. ‘Rentemesterregnskab. The at University of Macedonia on January 1. p. for: Johann Doulannd. 46  DK-Ra. ‘Miss. see. 50  Hauge.a2r. p. now shelved in the Royal Archives. Holman. 1601–1602. Afd. effter som forschreffuid staar – vre vj dallr. Hauge. ‘Dr Jonas Charisius Gesandtskabspapirer’. Robert Bryghus or Robbert Bridhouse owned a house in Elsinore. 11–10–1602. Speciel Del. pp. ‘Dowland’s seven tears’. aff Konngl: Maijtts: effter dennd Leijlighied. ‘Latina’ (1600–15). Foedera. 48  See Holman. 1899). and DK-Ra. Tillæg: Gesandtregnskaber.12. ser.8. for example. fraa Engellannd her vdj Riigedt – jre dallr. vdj hans eigenn Werffue. 17–7–1602. Some of the words have even been mistranslated. The progresses of James I (London. er vederschreffuen. ‘John Dowland’s employment’. bought of one Roloffe Petersen of Lubeck’. dernest.195–6.76. and ‘Rentemesterregnskab. Engelstoft and J. 23. For other possible interpretations. 8–7– 1601. 16–7–1603.36–60. for huis fortering. paid tax. 1814). Emod huilcken forschreffuenne. see P. 2014 202  Early Music  May 2013 .). no. pp. sig. 20–4–1602. ed. for example.1–27. ‘Rentemesterregnskab. ‘Calendar of the manuscripts of the most hon. Och xx dall til Omkostening. och bestillinng’ (‘he has been travelling to England on his own business and work’). 38  Macray. Haffuer giordt. Dowland: Lachrimae (1604) (Cambridge. paa wechsell – Aff eenn deell Engelske kiøbmand. which does not agree with the Danish documents. Ms.58ff. Saa Hanns gandsche vdgifft beløffuer. ‘Dowland in Denmark’.206–11. her aff hanns Maijtts: Rente Cammer. 14–11–1601. hanns vdgifft.8r–12v. see H. see Hauge. 1999). 1602–1603’.379r. och eenn Guldsnor. clearly reveals that they had great difficulty in reading and understanding English. med Strennge der till – jre iiij dallr. b. 45  See quotation above. Historical Manuscripts Commission.

1. p. Udg. Afd. reproduced in Spohr. 66  K.29. P. 1605–1606’. 8½ x 11" Approximately 1000 illustrations. D. Udg. 67. knew German. Afd. ‘Michael Praetorius’s connections’. Cheyney. pp.2 no. 64  Dowland was able to read Latin and was most likely able to understand German.63. nr. 19. in ‘Cui dono lepidum novum libellum?’ dedicating Latin works and motets in the sixteenth century. ‘Rentemesterregnskab.15. DK-Ra. W. Downloaded from http://em. Afd. 55  DK-Ra. f. nr. 9–7–1606. and Joella F. 60 Spohr. Udg. Afd. ‘Rentemesterregnskab.11.54–93. p. 57  DK-Ra. Bossuyt et al. SD www. 10–7–1604. p. 1604–1605’. MS Thott 1941. ‘Rentemesterregnskab. Volume 1: Instruments of the Single Harmonic Series Hardcover. 10–10–1605. 10–10–1610. 19. 29–10–1604. 56  DK-Ra. ed. ‘How chances it they travel’. 16.39–41. f. app. E. I. Afd. see his entry in the Liber amicorum of Johannes Jessen. over 800 photographs in full color Includes DVD with musical examples ISBN: 978-0-9848269-0-2 (book) ISBN: 978-0-9848269-1-9 (DVD) Available Spring 2012 $120 US National Music Museum University of South Dakota Vermillion. 4o. Utley Collection by Sabine Katharina Klaus The National Music Museum is pleased to announce the publication of the first of five volumes in this series. p. 358 pages. ‘Reciprocal authorisation: the function of dedications and dedicatory prefaces in the 15th and 16th century “artes antiquitatis”’. see also Nichols. Early Music  May 2013  203 . 58 Spohr. The progresses of James at University of Macedonia on January 1. 2008). 59  See. (Leuven. 15–10–1605.65.25–6. English and French. ‘Michael Praetorius’s connections’.nmmusd. William Brade’s son. 10–10–1605. 1610–1611’. 62  Numerous accounts of the visit were published around that time. 63  Hauge. ‘Rentemesterregnskab. 19. 61  See the above discussion of salaries.62. 19. 53  DK-Ra. pp. ii. register. 54  DK-Ra. Thomas Cuttings’s dismissal in 1609. Afd.oxfordjournals. Macray.40–2. DK-Kk. f. ‘Sjællandske Tegnelser’.65. 52  DK-Ra. 1604–1605’. ‘England and Denmark’. 1605–1606’. 2014 Trumpets and other High Brass A History Inspired by the Joe R. ‘Report of the Deputy-Keeper’. ‘Rentemesterregnskab. 1605–12. Udg. ‘How chances it they travel’. for example. pp.46. 1604–1605’. ‘Sjællandske Tegnelser’. 15–4–1605. pp. p. 22. Enenkel.15. ‘How chances it they travel’. The lutenist Steffen Brade.complaining and seeking recompense. Udg. 65  Hauge. 1605–12. Udg. ‘Rentemesterregnskab.