Strengthening the humanity and dignity of people in crisis through knowledge and practice
Strengthening the humanity and dignity of people in crisis through knowledge and practice
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I. Executive Summary 4
II. Introduction 7
III. Generation-Sets, Age-Classes and Passage of Power 15
IV. Livelihood Systems and Strategies 19
V. Food Security 35
VI. Education and Health 44
VII. Marriage in Karamoja 51
VIII. Armed Raiding 55
IX. Disarmament Campaigns and Cordon and Search Operations 63
X. Conclusions 73
XI. Recommendations 78
References Cited 83
Funding and support for this research was provided by UNICEF/Uganda, the Association of
(IDRC), and the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA). The authors are also
grateful to colleagues who provided written comments on the preliminary draft of the re-
port, including Fraser Bell, Andy Catley, Filippo Ciantia, Jeremy England, Elizabeth Evenson,
James Feeney, Hussein Golicha, Longole James, Rachel Locke, Alix Loriston, Simon Nangiro,
Ochieng Charles Wilfred, Holly Welcome Radice, Paul Ronan and Andrew Timpson. Numer-
ous people also gave feedback at briefings conducted in Kampala, Moroto, Washington, and
New York and these insights and additions were extremely helpful in finalizing the report.
We also wish to thank our colleagues at the Feinstein International Center at Tufts University
for supporting this work, organizing travel, briefings and finances and finalizing the report,
including Beth O’Leary, Rosa Pendenza, Anita Robbins, Emily Torres, Peter Walker, and An-
drew Whitacre. We thank Tim Morris for assisting with editing. We thank Scott Ronchini, as
always. We wish to thank our research team in Karamoja for their hard work. Lastly, we wish
to express our gratitude to the households and communities that welcomed our team and the
This report primarily draws on information from likely to be more food insecure than those with larger,
fieldwork conducted from 2005-2007 throughout Kar- healthier and better protected herds. The balance be-
amoja and in neighboring districts of Uganda, Sudan tween animals and agricultural production is critical to
and Kenya. We interviewed over 900 individuals and maintaining food security. Reliance on cultivation in-
carried out direct and participant observation in man- creases when animals are lost through raids.
yattas (the social, cultural, political, and economic unit A dual settlement system has traditionally allowed
for an extended family or several families), kraals (mo- for the mitigation of vulnerability. Manyattas are semi-
bile cattle camps/fortified cattle enclosures) and town permanent homesteads inhabited by men, women,
centers throughout Karamoja. We focused on the gen- children and the elderly, and are usually near areas used
der and generational dimensions of Karamojong liveli- for cultivation. The kraals are mobile or semi-mobile
hood and human security systems and strategies. We livestock camps, and are inhabited by a shifting popula-
offer detailed information for those seeking to better tion of adolescent males and females, women, men (in-
understand the underlying causes of, as well as the ef- cluding male elders) and children.
fects of insecurity on civilian lives and livelihoods. We In previous generations, a group would follow the
used gender and generational perspectives and human same approximate migration pattern each year, with
security and livelihoods frameworks in the collection variations based on water and pasture conditions. Regu-
and analysis of the data. We hope the report may in- lar movement patterns, however, became curtailed with
form the policies and programs of the Government of the increase of cross-border and internal raids in the
Uganda (GoU), the United Nations, donors, and inter- 1970s. Insecurity brought tighter borders and strained
national NGOs. relationships among groups within and adjacent to Kar-
amoja. Loss of lives and destruction of livelihoods have
…………. become a pattern of life. When the overall number of
animals within a community declines to a certain point,
Life in the Karamoja region of northeastern Uganda the dual system of manyattas and kraals starts to break
is harsh and defined by periodic and extended droughts, down. Shared access to grasslands and watering holes
sporadic and often brutal violence, cyclical cattle raid- has decreased. Groups who often clash are separated by
ing and chronic food insecurity. Home to just under a swathes of no-man’s land. A number of prime grazing
million people, the Karamoja region is the poorest in areas remain inaccessible due to insecurity. Manyattas
Uganda. Low and highly uneven annual rainfall mean that were once scattered are now closer together, home
that the most common livelihoods strategy is to com- to larger populations, and often located closer to towns,
bine limited wet-season cultivation with semi-nomadic trading centers or Ugandan military bases.
pastoralism. Local communities rely on access to mar-
kets to sell natural resources or animals, to purchase
food, to acquire inputs for agricultural production to Traditional Authority
purchase veterinary medicines, to seek casual labor,
and to access heath and other basic services. Raiding, Power is traditionally invested in an age-set and
theft, ambushes and poor road infrastructure affect the decisions made collectively at sacred assemblies. Ini-
availability and price of grains and other essential com- tiation is an event of primary importance to male Kar-
modities. amojong and marks the passage to adulthood. Only two
For most populations in Karamoja, food security is generation-sets can exist simultaneously—elder males
determined by access to and availability of animal pro- in power and the junior generation-set which will even-
tein and grains. Cultivated vegetables, wild fruits and tually assume power. There is no set formula or time-
wild greens supplement the diet. Communities with frame for the passing of power. The last handover was
fewer animals, those that are more prone to animal dis- in the late 1950s. Remaining members of the senior
eases, and those that are more susceptible to raids are generation set are well-advanced in years, but have yet
There is too much blood being spilled on the land. The first source of data comes from the team’s field-
The rituals are not performed as they should be. The work, interviews and observations from 2005-2007 on
government approaches us and our children with issues of insecurity, disarmament, and the weapons
violence; they do not know our lives. The insecurity trade in Karamoja, and includes data from 457 indi-
is finishing the animals and the young men. Perhaps viduals. In Uganda, this fieldwork was conducted in
Akujů has left us for now to finish ourselves. Karamoja in the districts of Abim, Kaabong, Kotido,
Moroto and Nakapiripirit, as well as in the neighboring
Study Rationale and Methods districts of Kitgum, Lira and Katakwi. Fieldwork was
also conducted in Toposaland in South Sudan.
Relatively little in-depth material has been published The second source is from interviews and observa-
concerning the current human security and livelihood tions conducted during fieldwork in December 2006
strategies of the Karamojong people who occupy the and March 2007 with traditional elders (always men),
semi-arid and sparsely populated northeast of Uganda. young men, women, young women, boys and girls of
Following discussions with UNICEF in June of 2006, a the Bokora, Matheniko, Tepeth and Pokot groups in
team from the Feinstein International Center at Tufts Moroto, as well as from interviews with key informants.
University built on its ongoing work in the region and During this phase of the research 425 individuals were
designed a project to gather detailed and specific infor- interviewed.
mation on livelihoods and human security of groups The third source is through interviews and obser-
within Moroto district. The fieldwork included visits vations at the Kobulin and Nakiriomet (Lomorotoit)
and interviews with the Bokora, Matheniko, Tepeth resettlement sites in early March 2007. We visited
and Pokot. These four groups were selected in order to these locations shortly after the relocation of some
1) provide in-depth information on different livelihood 670 women, men and children from Kampala to Mo-
strategies and human security issues, and 2) capture roto. At the time, these sites housed approximately 350
a range of livelihood, human security and protection people who had opted not to return to their original
strategies and systems within central Karamoja. communities elsewhere in the region. At Kobulin, we
Dr. Darlington Akabwai, Ms. Priscillar Ateyo, Dr. interviewed young people who had returned with fam-
Dyan Mazurana, Ms. Elizabeth Stites and four Karamo- ily members, unaccompanied young people, women
jong colleagues who remain anonymous are respon- and men of varying ages, and several of the personnel
sible for the data collection and analysis presented in working at the Kobulin site. At the Nakiriomet resettle-
this report. The data and analysis we present are drawn ment site we talked to young people, a few women and
from three primary sources, which include key infor- men, and several elders from the surrounding area who
mant interviews, in-depth interviews and focus group were present to view the possible relocation sites. We
discussions with 921 individuals. These interviews and also interviewed social workers and representatives of
direct and participant observations were carried out in community-based organizations involved in the reset-
manyattas and their corresponding satellite kraals, as tlement process. At Kobulin and Nakiriomet, we inter-
well as in town centers. viewed 39 individuals.
Throughout the fieldwork, we sought to document
Interview with key informant #2, December 11, 2006.
We had initially planned to conduct the work in northern
and analyze:
Karamoja with the Jie, Dodoth and Nyangiya, but were un-
able to access these areas in late 2006 due to the forced disar-
mament activities being carried out by the Ugandan govern- Specific findings from this portion of the work are detailed
ment and military and the resulting insecurity. in Elizabeth Stites, Dyan Mazurana and Darlington Akabwai,
This anonymity is in response to security concerns regard- Out-migration, Return and Resettlement in Karamoja, Ugan-
ing the potential sensitivity of some of the findings in this da: The case of Kobulin, Bokora County ,Medford, MA,
report. Feinstein International Center, Tufts University, June 2007.
The name for the Karimojong’s and Jie’s sacred as- shrines set aside for this purpose, and only certain el-
sembly is akiriket and is closely associated with Akujů, ders are qualified to handle matters of the akiriket.
their God. The akiriket assemblies represent the ac- In contrast to the formal akiriket, ekokwa gatherings
tive political, social and religious organization of the are informal and held daily by male elders at the man-
groups. As Ben Knighton, a widely-published scholar yattas and kraals. Ekokwa are much less reverent than
of the Karamojong, explains: akiriket, and deal with issues of daily management.
News and information are shared, disputes are brought
Akiriket provides a living record. First its full mem- forward (and potentially settled), and day-to-day affairs
bers are men. They are not there merely to exclude of the group and conditions in the area are discussed.
women from power in a society, nor even as represen- These gatherings are ideally held in the shade of a large
tatives of their families or clans. They are there as a acacia tree. Any respected elder can officiate at ekokwa,
summation of society before Akujů [their God] and, and this is the forum where most decisions are made.
under His guidance, to take responsibility for that The ekokwa consist of male elders, but women may
society and act on its behalf for its common welfare. present their problems or requests at these fora as well.
Secondly, the men are strictly ranked in order of se- Power is invested in an age-class, never in an indi- 15
niority. Uninitiated men have no proper voice in the vidual. And, while one man may hold sway one day in
assembly and have a status relative to it similar to an akiriket or an ekokwa, decisions are made collective-
that of women, as ngikaracuna (they of the apron) or ly and a different man may have influence at the next
boys (ngidyain). The initiates are divided twice, into gathering. When initiated, the members of an age-class
generation-sets and into age-sets contained within are given a specific name by the elders that will identify
the generation-sets, but all initiates have an equal the age-class for the collective life of its members. The
right to speak in the assembly, even if different voices elders select the name of an animal or, less commonly, a
carry different weight… Initiations are only held in plant or geological feature, to give to the age-class when
good years, and any planned for years that turn out the group is roughly 18 years of age. However, elders
to be bad are stopped. will often wait to initiate a group until they are signifi-
cantly older, as discussed below.
The akiriket are formal and ritualized meetings and Each generation-set is compromised of up to five
cover a range of ritual activities of communities in re- age-classes. Only two generation-sets can exist simul-
lation with Akujů. The akiriket are held in particular taneously—the senior generation-set, which consists of
the elders in power at a given time, and the junior gen-
eration-set, which will eventually assume power. A man
cannot be in the same generation-set as his father. At
Akujů is the supreme deity of the groups in the Karamo-
present, the senior generation-set in Karamoja is known
jong cluster, although the exact name for the deity differs in
as the Mountains (Ngimoru) and the junior generation-
the Tepeth, Pokot and Teso groups. (The word akuj refers to
set is the Gazelles (Ngigetei). The current age-classes for
a god or spirit.) He resides above the earth and is invisible
the Karimojong males (Matheniko, Bokora and Pian)
but is known to the elders and they can communicate with
him. If he wishes, Akujů can answer the prayers of the el-
ders. Akujů has the ability to bless the people in all aspects Interview with key informant #1, April 24, 2007.
of their lives— social, political, economic, cultural—and can The word ekokwa was borrowed by the Karamojong
intervene to protect people or remove any threats. The will from the Pokot and these meetings are also known as eki-
of Akujů often presents itself in the intestines of sacrificed tongikiliok.
animals to the diviners or seeks (male seers are emuron; fe- See See P.H. Gulliver, “The Age Set Organization of the
male seers are amuron), as well as to some elders, Knighton, Jie Tribe”, The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Insti-
op. cit. tute of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. 83, No. 2, (July-Dec.
Ibid. pp. 134-135. 1953), pp. 147-168; Ben Knighton, op. cit., p. 136
Feinstein International Center December 2007 • Angering Akujů: Survival and Suffering in Karamoja
Table 1. Karimojong Age-Classes
are laid out below, with the generation-set name in bold ditionally mirrored those of their husbands, and wom-
followed by the names of the age-classes (Table 1). en wear the same metal or marking emblem as their
Generation-sets and age-classes are identified by men, thus making it very clear which generation-set the
16 their name and chosen form of metal and body orna- sons should join.
mentation, with the generation-set identification pass- The symbolic, ritual and real passing of power oc-
ing from grandfather to grandson. Age-classes may curs when the senior generation-set of male elders
choose their own physical identification, such as a promotes the junior generation-set in a succession
specific tattoo pattern, type of earrings, or scarification ceremony. There are no set formulae or timeframes for
pattern, and they maintain these for life. this process. The promotion is meant to occur when all
There is disagreement in the literature on the cur- age-classes within a generation-set have been “open” for
rent structure and relevance of the age-class system a number of years, meaning that all males within that
for women. The system of age-classes for women tra- generation-set who are of an appropriate age will have
ditionally mirrored that of the men, but Sandra Gray’s had an opportunity to be initiated into an age-class
research shows that the last women’s age-class was initi- within that generation-set. The junior generation-set
ated in the 1940s and that this system has since fallen will perform certain acts to show allegiance and re-
into disuse. This was also the impression of three of our spect for the senior generation-set, and will tell them
key informants, both male and female. Ben Knighton, they are receiving pressure from their own sons to be
on the other hand, says that the female age-class system initiated and begin making requests for the transfer of
is still functioning. Clearly, even if the female age-class power. The senior generation-set, however, may refuse
system is continuing the system of hierarchy has much to relinquish power, for, once they promote the junior
less weight or meaning for women than it does for men. generation-set, the elders will no longer be the deci-
It is known that the structure of female age-classes was sion-makers for politico-religious affairs.10 This may
traditionally parallel to that of the males. When a male continue even when there are not enough elders living
age-class opened and was formally named, parallel to perform the rituals. As Knighton explains:
age-classes also opened for women. Like men, the age-
classes of women had distinct names. However, while
the initiation for men requires the spearing of oxen, for See Knighton op. cit., pp. 252-253 for a detailed discus-
women, a marriage with cattle was the central facet of sion on the ceremonies for the initiation of women.
initiation. Women’s generation-sets and age-classes tra- Those on the cusp may then fall into the following genera-
Interview with key informant #1 and #2, March 14, 2007. tion-set and age-set. See Gulliver, op. cit.
Sandra Gray, “A Memory of Loss: Ecological Politics, 10 For a complete discussion of age-classes and generation-
Local History, and the Evolution of Karimojong Violence” sets within the Karamojong see Knighton op. cit., especially
Human Organization 59 (4) Winter 2000: 401-418. Interview chapter six. Also see Neville Dyson-Hudson, Karimojong
with key informants #1, #2 and #3, March 14, 2007. Politics, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1966.
The last time power passed from one generation-set A number of male informants, who were in their
to the next was in 1956-1958.12 The Mountains genera- late middle age in 1998-1999, complained that they
tion-set took the position of the senior generation-set were nothing more than “rats” (ngidoi), or uniniti-
and became the official elders and leaders of the Kar- ated men, without a formal identity in the traditional
amojong, opening up a new generation-set (called the power structure of Karimojong society.14
Gazelles) and a new series of age-classes. These genera-
tion-sets have occupied the senior and junior position Knighton, referencing Dyson-Hudson, is careful to
for the intervening fifty years, with no hand-over of point out that reluctance to hand over power, delayed
power in the interim. This delay in handing over power succession ceremonies, and resulting tensions between
from one generation-set to the next is unprecedented. generations—all culminating in a ‘period of crisis’—is
There is, however, always reluctance on the part of the an historical pattern, not a once-off occurrence. The ju-
senior male generation-set to relinquish control. This nior age-class is eventually promoted and a new genera-
failure to cede power can cause crises among the groups tion-set opens up into which their sons can be initiated.
and tensions between the generations, resulting in a When this happens, the former ‘trouble-makers’ con-
pattern that appears to closely replicate the situation of form to the established patterns of allocated roles and
today: re-emphasize the hierarchy of the age-class system.15
Currently, the groups in Karamoja are experiencing 17
When the senior generation-set becomes few in num- the ‘crises’ that Knighton discusses, as the junior gen-
ber and incapacitated, owing to the natural death of eration-set yearns to take power and the senior genera-
their peers, the culture regularly enters a period of tion-set refuses to relinquish its hold on control. The
crisis. Older uninitiated men drift into raiding, as the senior generation-set is now very old, and many of its
only means whereby they can increase their standing members have died, while others are infirm. However,
in the community. The junior generation of initiated the lack of clear leadership combined with failed har-
men, which itself contains men older than the most vests, droughts, and increasingly violent military con-
junior age-set of the senior generation, is itching for frontations with the Ugandan security forces means that
power. They will show, short of revolution, various very few ceremonies and initiations have taken place, as
displays indicating that power should now be handed major ceremonies should occur in times of peace and
over to them, while some rituals fall into abeyance prosperity. The frustration of the uninitiated continues
for lack of elders, and men move their herds totally as this group advances in age and their own sons reach
independently.13 adulthood. The events described by Knighton—an up-
surge in raiding by the uninitiated and heightened ten-
The failure to hand over power to the next genera- sions among the generations—have contributed to the
tion-set results in a large number of men who cannot instability that has been occurring in the region for the
be initiated, as a man cannot belong to the same gen- past two decades.
eration-set as his father. This is best illustrated with an The causes for the delay in succession are multi-
example: say a man was born in 1940 and initiated into faceted. On the one hand—as discussed by Knigh-
the Gazelle generation in the late 1950s, and shortly ton—there is always a period of tension as the power
thereafter began a family. Today the man is approaching of the senior generation-set begins to wane and the
70 years of age and has many children, including male juniors push to take control. Those in power are reluc-
11 Knighton, op. cit. p. 136.
tant to let go, and the younger generation experiences
12 There is debate over the precise date—usually given as
increased pressure from their sons and begins to lose
1957—because the Pian carried out a separate ceremony, faith in the leadership abilities of their elders. Looking
breaking from the rest of the Karamojong groups. Sandra beyond standard inter-generational power struggles,
Gray, “A Memory of Loss: Ecological Politics, Local History, the ceremonies for succession are meant to take place
and the Evolution of Karimojong Violence” Human Organi- 14 Gray, A Memory of Loss, 408. See also Walker, op. cit.,
zation 59 (4) Winter 2000: 401-418. p. 20.
13 Knighton, op. cit. p. 114. 15 N. Dyson-Hudson, Karimojong Politics, 199.
See Walker, op. cit. for analysis of the anti-pastoral nature This paragraph is drawn from discussions in Moroto town
of the federal government’s policies towards Karamoja. in early November 2007.
See Tonny Oyana, A Preliminary Report on Uganda’s Sylvia Tamale, When Hens Begin to Crow: Gender and
2006 Elections, Southern Illinois University, accessed at Parliamentary Politics in Uganda (Boulder, CO: Westview,
www.geog.siu.edu/people/oyana/Examples/ 1999), p 69. Only the members of the LC I are directly elect-
GIS_Analysis_Visualization_Uganda’s_2006_ ed by local residents; LC II-V members are appointed by an
Election.pdf electoral college comprised of councilors from the level im-
Human Rights Watch, op. cit. p. 18. mediately below.
Feinstein International Center December 2007 • Angering Akujů: Survival and Suffering in Karamoja
more!” The result is the development of a fragmented a sharp decline in food security. Age and gender affect
and inefficient system of power. The LCs are thought to the vulnerability of individuals, with some groups more
disrespect the authority of the elders; the elders do not vulnerable to death from preventable illness (children
afford the LCs the authority that they feel is their due. under five and pregnant women), some more likely to
While clearly there are variations based on personality die in armed cattle raiding or theft (male youth), and
and group relations from one area to the next, respon- some exposed to greater risks when moving through
dents in Moroto spoke of an underlying tension that the bush to collect natural resources or traveling to and
exacerbates conflict and hinders peace efforts. from manyattas and kraals (young women).
The economic environment is also a determinant
in the nature and success of livelihood strategies. The
economy in Moroto district has little diversification, Manyattas, Kraals and
with few economic opportunities beyond animal hus- Population Shifts
bandry and a limited number of small business in the
district headquarters and trading centers. Financial The size and demographic composition of a kraal
services are limited, unskilled labor is mostly casually population differs by group, season and climatic condi-
employed as manual workers (unloading lorries, for tions. According to Matheniko and Bokora elders, the
instance), and the exploitation and sale of natural re- population of manyattas may decrease by as much as
sources (firewood, charcoal, and wooden crafts) is the one-third in a regular dry season when people move to
main form of petty employment, particularly for wom- kraals. Some kraals, however, exist on a more perma-
en. There is virtually no industry or manufacturing in nent basis. The Pokot have retained their pastoral life-
the five districts of the region. Most raw commodi- style to a greater degree than the neighboring groups,
ties (such as quarried stone) are transported to other and most Pokot move with their cattle throughout the
regions of Uganda for processing. Outside observers year, settling to plant in manyattas along the Kenya-
point to the absence of a “pro-investment or pro-busi- Uganda border only when the conditions appear fa-
ness” environment, and informants within the district vorable.10 Pokot women who move back to the border
20 speak of the pervasive problem of corruption, graft and area to cultivate stay in small makeshift huts near the
nepotism that hamper free market exchange and dis- fields, and the average area for cultivation is reportedly
courage outsider investors. Local politicians and district smaller than for other groups, at an average of only 0.5
officials are alleged to demand kick-backs. The lack of acres/household.11
infrastructure, problems of physical access, low levels Pokot women explained that the majority of their
of human capital, and relative lack of financial services community was with the kraal, with only those who
stand as further obstacles to investment and economic were too elderly to make the trip—and a few adoles-
development in Karamoja. cents as care-givers—remaining at the manyattas. In
Vulnerability in Karamoja is largely a function of cli- the case of harvest failure early in the wet season, or
mate, violence, animal health and demographics. There in cases of erratic rainfall or severe drought, everyone,
are variations in climate and levels of violence from one including the Pokot elderly, will move to the kraals. In
year to the next, and the experiences of groups change such cases, youth carry the elderly on stretchers made
relative to each other based on cattle wealth, animal of wood and hides.12 According to the Tepeth, the ma-
health, political alliances and defensive strength (i.e., if
a group has the ability to prevent attack). Susceptibility Interview with Matheniko elders, Rupa sub-county, De-
to communal violence in the form of raids is a key fac- cember 2-3, 2006; interview with Bokora elders, Lopei sub-
tor in determining vulnerability, and the degree of risk county, December 9-10, 2006.
may rise or fall depending on the size of livestock herds, 10 “The Pokot are the least differentiated group in Karamoja
number of armed males, relations with neighbors, and and their pastoral practices are still close to nomadic patterns
with whole families moving with herds in search of newer
interaction with the security forces. Animal health has
pastures.” Charles Emunyu Ocan, Pastoral Crisis in North-
a pronounced effect on vulnerability, and the spread of
Eastern Uganda: The Changing Significance of Cattle Raids,
livestock disease can bring rapid impoverishment and
Kampala, Centre for Basic Research, Working Paper 21, June
Discussant in meetings at Mount Moroto Hotel, November 1992, p.7.
8, 2007. 11 Institute of Policy Research and Analysis (IPRA), Agro-
Moroto is used as a specific example here, but these ob- pastoral Livelihood in the Greater Horn of Africa: Assess-
servations hold true in large part for all of the other districts ment of the Food Security in Karamoja, a report organized
in Karamoja. and funded by the World Food Program Kampala, Uganda,
Interviews with UN officials, Kampala, November 2007; IPRA, January 2006, p.3.
interviews with local officials, December 2006 and March 12 Interview with Tepeth and Pokot girls, Katikekile sub-
2007; interviews with key informants throughout the course county, March 13, 2007; Interview with Tepeth and Pokot
of the study. women, Katikekile sub-county, March 13, 2007.
34
http://www.fure-agricultures.org/pastoral-
ism_debate.html, accessed November 2, 2007.
In the past, we had days of much sorghum, we had ity, rainfall patterns, insecurity, micro-climates, animal
peace, we could move around in this area, we had health, herd size, location, access to markets, market
animals at home. The insecurity now is spoiling ev- prices and availability of goods on the market. Many of
erything. We could deal with the famine if it weren’t these factors influence each other, and all are prone to
for the insecurity. fluctuation over time.
One of the most important factors in food security
‑Interview with Matheniko women, Rupa sub- in Karamoja is the viability and size of animal herds.
county, December 3, 2006. Communities that have fewer animals, are prone to
animal diseases, or are susceptible to regular raids are
For most populations in Karamoja, food security is likely to be more food insecure than those with larger,
determined by access to and availability of animal pro- healthier and better protected herds. The dual system
tein and grains. Cultivated vegetables, wild fruits and of manyattas and kraals starts to break down when the
wild greens supplement the diet, but with a high degree total number of animals within a community declines
of variation by season and location. Animal protein is to a certain point, as there are not enough animals and
available from own-herds, and access is determined by associated herders to maintain the cattle camps. The 35
gender, generation and location (i.e., at the manyatta or dual system helps to smooth consumption among the
the kraal). Wealth in the form of animal ownership also population and across the seasons, and the disruption
influences access to animal products. Grains are avail- of this system has negative consequences on food se-
able either from own-production or from the markets, curity. Furthermore, rotation in the kraal system pro-
and access is determined by harvest yields, access to vides animals with access to fresh pasture and water,
market centers, and access to goods—derived primar- and without this mobility they are less likely to produce
ily through natural resource exploitation—that can be milk and to be in good health. The lack of rotation to
transported to markets and sold or exchanged in order different grazing areas also contributes to overgrazing
to acquire grains. Access to cash (through, for instance,
casual labor, remittances and seasonal out-migration
for labor) also affects the level of food security within
a household.
This section begins with a discussion of food secu- evant, with the understanding that these communities are in
rity at the community and household level, with com- flux in regards to make-up and location. The kraals form a
parative analysis of the different groups studied pro- sort of mobile community—operating almost like a large
vided where relevant. Food security at the household household—and food is much more communal in the kraals,
level includes information on access to food by gender which gives further import to understanding community-lev-
and generation. Lastly, the links between manyattas and el factors. Furthermore, we observed important differences
in food security status at the community level in our work. A
kraals in regard to food security are discussed in detail,
variety of important external and internal factors shape these
including how these links serve to mitigate vulnerabil-
differences—including interaction with other groups, experi-
ity within communities.
ences of violence and insecurity, extent of disarmament, and
access to education. We feel that it is illustrative to show how
Food Security: Communities these community-level factors relate to food security.
Although animal ownership is by specific individual, the
A variety of factors affect food security at the com- presence of healthy animals within a community allows for
munity level within Karamoja, including seasonal- consumption-smoothing for community members beyond the
Households are the most common unit of analysis when immediate household that owns the animals.
discussing food security. However, the mobility of groups Interview with key informant #1, April 24, 2007. The ways
and individuals within agro-pastoral populations in Karamoja in which the dual system helps to smooth food security among
makes a discussion of ‘community’-level food security rel- inhabitants is discussed in more detail later in this section.
Feinstein International Center December 2007 • Angering Akujů: Survival and Suffering in Karamoja
and erosion, which can lead to longer-term problems Physical Insecurity and Food Security
for communities. Insecurity is a major stress on the food security
Drought is the major stress for the ecosystems of communities within Karamoja. Insecurity in Kar-
and residents across the Karamoja Cluster. Single year amoja is manifest in armed livestock raids and smaller
droughts occur every three to four years, and multi- scale livestock thefts, resulting in asset loss, destruction
year droughts occur approximately every ten years. of property, personal injury, death, sexual assault, and
Erratic weather patterns are common: the 2006/2007 cyclical revenge attacks.10 Ambushes on vehicles affect
dry season, for instance, was characterized by irregular trade, access to trading centers, market prices and di-
rains, while other years might have nearly continuous versity of available goods. Wealth in Karamoja is syn-
rains, as occurred in 1961. The effects of droughts can onymous with animal ownership and the loss of ani-
be severe, but research in Turkana in the 1980s indi- mals in raids has a significant impact upon the ability
cates that human and animal populations are relatively of households and communities to cope with stress. Di-
stable over time. Livestock numbers recovered relatively rect impacts upon productive capacity occur through
quickly even in the face of severe losses, such as the 50- loss of oxen as draft power (for communities which
70% decrease in livestock numbers in parts of Turkana use ox plows), destruction of granaries, and uprooting
during the severe drought and famine of 1979-80. of crops and trampling of fields during raids. Insecu-
Differences in rainfall patterns result in variations rity may also hinder the movement of food and animal
in crops planted, with decreased crop diversity in ar- products between manyattas and kraals.
eas with less consistent rainfall. In Rupa sub-county Cattle raids and thefts are the primary and most
in Matheniko county, for example, the main crops are protracted sources of insecurity in Karamoja. However,
maize and sorghum. Much greater diversity exists in disarmament campaigns undertaken by the GoU and
parts of Iriiri sub-county in neighboring Bokora, where UPDF also cause insecurity which can disrupt liveli-
maize and sorghum are supplemented by millet, beans, hood systems and affect food security. Some of these
groundnuts, simsim (sesame), sunflower, vegetables, effects may be short term, such as the reported move-
yams, sweet potatoes, cowpeas, rice, and cassava, ment of 3,000 Pokot from Karita sub-county (Nakapi-
36 among others. This diversity in Bokora also relates to ripirit district) into Kenya in August 2007 in the wake
the proximity to Teso and the resulting greater avail- of disarmament exercises. This particular incident re-
ability of seeds and cuttings, as well as the experience sulted in at least one death and several injuries, as well
and influence brought to the area by Teso traders and as the alleged killing of over 170 cattle.11 The sudden
Bokora who have worked in Teso and returned to Kar- displacement would have disrupted the kraal systems,
amoja. interrupted livestock rotations, and halted any cultiva-
tion that may have been underway in the 2007 season,
but was unlikely to have long-lasting detrimental effects
on the livelihood system of the highly mobile Pokot. In
contrast, the 2000/2001 disarmament of the Bokora
See the discussion in Walker, op. cit. on the effects of per- paved the way for substantial loss of livestock because
manent water points – designed to stop migration—on over- inadequate external protection left the Bokora open to
grazing. repeated attacks by other armed groups.12
Ellis and Swift, op. cit. p. 453. Prolonged periods of heightened insecurity often
The year 1961 is called Ekarukaiputipu or Lolibakipi in result in the displacement and reconfiguration of settle-
Karamoja, referring respectively to the immense of amount ments. People relocate their manyattas for improved
of mud and the green color of the landscape. In neighboring protection, move into towns, or leave for a new area.
Turkana, 1961 is referred to as “the year in which God for- Research in Iriiri town showed that people shift their
got where he placed the key for locking up the rains.” Elders garden plots closer to the manyattas in response to in-
remember the prolonged rains of 1961 as bringing an abun-
security, but these areas are often less fertile and repeat-
dance of milk and plenty of sorghum that grew in successive
ed farming in one area leads to the degradation of soils,
harvests. 1978 and 1988 were also years of heavy rains. In-
increased risk of pests and diseases and reductions in
terview with Matheniko elders, Rupa sub-county, March 10,
crop yields.13 Conflict between groups also reduces ac-
2007; interview with key informant #1, April 24, 2007; in-
terview with male Bokora elders, Matany sub-county, March Ibid. viii.
9, 2007. 10 The difference between raids and thefts is discussed in
Ellis and Swift, op. cit,, 455. The rapid recovery was in- more detail in the section on raiding.
fluenced, in part, by the fast reproduction rates of small rumi- 11 Yasiin Mugerwa, “Disarmament: 3000 K’jong flee to Ke-
nants and the fact that many people took their animals out of nya,” Daily Monitor (Kampala), August 13, 2007.
the district during the drought and brought the animals back 12 See Stites, Mazurana, and Akabwai, op. cit.
after the situation had improved. 13 Institute of Policy Research and Analysis (IPRA), op. cit.,
Institute of Policy Research and Analysis op. cit. p.4. 6.
Feinstein International Center December 2007 • Angering Akujů: Survival and Suffering in Karamoja
the areas where we worked. In a number of our study the underlying factors in deciding to send children to
sites, people reported that they had been promised that school. For example, we worked in two Tepeth com-
ABEK was coming to their area, but that either this had munities on Mount Moroto. In the first location, the
not yet happened or, in one instance, the teacher quit leaders of the community had encouraged parents to
after just a few weeks and was never replaced. In anoth- send their children to school. A number of families in
er instance, a group of Matheniko youth in Rupa sub- the extended area (a series of manyattas) had sent both
county had constructed a shelter for the lessons they their boys and girls to the local formal school. Respon-
anticipated after being told that ABEK would be in their dents explained that their leaders felt that schooling
area shortly. Months had passed since they had finished was important because it would help produce people
the shelter with no follow-up, and they were growing with knowledge about animal medicines and health, as
increasingly disillusioned. well as health care for people. It was noteworthy that
Some stakeholders have voiced concerns regarding these same leaders also reject raiding and are encourag-
the creation of a two-tiered education system in the re- ing people to increase herds through animal husbandry
gion. They would prefer to see efforts and resources go and marriage of daughters.10
toward making the standard country-wide UPE system The second Tepeth community also appeared to
more accessible and appropriate for children within have relatively high school attendance, and there was
Karamoja. It is acknowledged, however, that ABEK an ABEK program less than ten minutes from the man-
does provide good lessons regarding the possible trans- yatta. Mothers in this second location place little value
formation of UPE, including mobile classrooms, greater on education itself, but like the program because the
interaction with communities, and a relevant thematic children are being fed. However, school feeding alone
curriculum. To be successful, the longer-term goals of is not enough to keep children in school if the family’s
the ABEK system need clarification. Is this a temporary food situation becomes dire, as discussed in more detail
bridging program for children in remote and margin- below.
alized communities, or is this the alternate model of The findings from the Tepeth communities could be
education for Karamoja? In the short to medium term, said to indicate that groups with stronger pastoral live-
ABEK requires better supervision, regular monitor- lihoods are better able to send their children to school, 45
ing, and a clear understanding on the part of parents, as they are able to sell animals to cover expenses.11 Al-
local officials and policy makers as to the relationship ternatively, we could argue that it is the influence of the
between ABEK and the mainstream schools and how elders that matters the most, and that the Tepeth had
children will make this transition. children in school because the elders saw a value in ed-
ucation. While there is merit and certainly some truth
Access to Education by Study Group in both of these arguments, the increased emphasis on
Many of the families we interviewed in Karamoja education among the Bokora population would appear
were not sending their children to either ABEK facilities to contradict both these points, as the pastoral liveli-
or formal schools. Lack of participation in education hoods of the Bokora are in disarray and their elders are
was particularly widespread in the Matheniko com- considered to have little authority. Hence it is useful to
munities, even though many households had access to examine the Bokora’s relationship with education, and
Moroto town. In contrast, Tepeth and Bokora commu- in the process examine the role of WFP school feeding.
nities had children in school in greater numbers. The Attitudes towards education among the Bokora
range of responses from these communities illustrates people are said to have shifted following the increase
in violence in the region in the 1970s and 1980s. A key
Interview with Matheniko youth, Rupa sub-county, De- informant referred to the “hammering of the Bokora by
cember 2, 2006. the Matheniko and Jie” as “grace in disguise,” as the loss
Meeting with United Nations officials, Kampala, Novem-
of cattle and associated way of life encouraged Bokora
ber 9, 2007.
communities to turn to other livelihood options.12 As
The recent EFSA survey by WFP/Uganda includes find-
discussed elsewhere, one of the main aspects of this has
ings on the correlation between education and food security
been out-migration, which has brought both positive
and is disaggregated by group. The data show a positive cor-
relation between adult literary and levels of food security, but 10 Interview with Tepeth female youth, Katikekile sub-
no correlation between children’s enrollment in school and county, March 12, 2007; Interview with Tepeth women, Ka-
food security. Households that are food security or moderate- tikekile sub-county, March 12, 2007; Interview with Tepeth
ly food secure are more likely to have their children enrolled elders, Katikekile sub-county, March 12, 2007.
in secondary school. Although data are not provided for the 11 Although UPE did away with school fees for primary
Tepeth (included in the Matheniko sample), the levels of edu- school, families still must cover the cost of books, uniforms
cation, enrollment and literary are all higher for the Bokora (in some locations), and to do without the wages or labor lost
than for the Matheniko. WFP, “Emergency Food Security As- in sending their children to school.
sessment, Karamoja Region,” 2007. 12 Interview with key informant #1, April 24, 2007.
50
“Marriage with Cattle” through the exchange of cattle. Both male and female
youth aspire to marry with cattle and see this as a criti-
Marriage in Karamoja involves the exchange of cat- cal rite of passage in their lives.
tle as a bride price payment from the man to the family Female virginity is not necessary for marriage (or
and clan of the woman. These marriages are considered even particularly prized) and many young women
official and a couple is “married with cattle” when the have several suitors that they may be sexually involved
bride price has been paid in full, although payments with prior to taking a husband. Males may also court
may be spread over many years. Being married with and be sexually involved with a number of females at
cattle brings specific benefits to the man, woman and a time, and this continues after marriage in the form
children. For a man, the rituals of initiation and mar- of polygamy. (Women are expected to be faithful after
riage bestow full recognition as an adult member of his marriage.) The ability of a suitor to pay bride price is an
clan and bestow the ability to participate in decision important aspect in selecting a husband, and the man
making within the manyatta and kraal. A man who has who appears most likely to come up with the full pay-
not married with cattle does not enjoy these benefits, ment in a timely fashion is most likely the man whom
and will hold a place of less importance within his age- the young woman will marry. 51
class. A young woman is expected to be monogamous af-
A woman who is married with cattle becomes an ter the first portion of bride price in cattle has been paid
official member of the man’s clan, and only then is she to the woman’s clan. At this point the suitor is accepted
considered a full and active member of the communi- by the young woman’s family as a serious candidate.
ty. The rights and protections of the man’s clan are ex- Any children born from this relationship remain part
tended to a woman and her children following official of the woman’s clan until the complete bride price is
marriage. This is particularly important if her husband paid, and the man must add an additional payment for
dies, as a woman will have rights to her husband’s prop- each child (whom the woman’s clan is ‘losing’). How-
erty—including his cattle—only if they were officially ever, the man has no official claim upon the woman or
married. The man’s clan is also obligated to care for the her children until bride price is paid in full, and a man’s
woman upon her husband’s death, often in the form of role as prime suitor (and his claim to the children) can
remarriage within the clan (discussed below). Any chil- be forfeited if it does not appear that he will be able to
dren born to the couple after the bride price has been come up with the full amount. Another man may offer
paid are automatically a part of the man’s clan. This clan the bride price for the woman and her children, and
is responsible for the children if something happens the woman and her family may decide that this is the
to the parents. Clan members are expected to help the better offer.
parents if they cannot meet the needs of their children Traditionally, a young woman remains in the home
(for example, a clan might be asked to help pay medical of her mother until bride price has been paid in full,
bills). Importantly, the official clan will receive the bride
To illustrate, in all our interviews with Matheniko, Pokot
price when a girl marries: if the parents of the girl were
and Tepeth youth, one of the traits of a good Karamojong boy
never married with cattle, the bride price goes to the
or girl was one who would eventually be married with cattle.
natal clan of the mother and not to the father’s clan.
Knighton, op. cit.
The ultimate receipt of bride price for their daughters Interview with key informant #1, March 14, 2007 and May
is a further incentive for men to sanction their unions 4, 2007; Interview with Matheniko women, Rupa sub-county,
Knighton, op. cit. December 3, 2006; Interview with Tepeth women, Katikekile
Interview with key informant #2, March 14, 2007. sub-county, December 6, 2006; interview with Bokora youth,
Interview with Matheniko women, Rupa sub-county, De- Matany sub-county, December 9, 2006.
cember 3, 2006; Interview with Bokora woman, Lopei sub-country, De-
Interview with Evelyn Ilukol, IRC Moroto, December 5, cember 9, 2006.
2006. Interview with key informant #1 and #3, March 14, 2007.
Feinstein International Center December 2007 • Angering Akujů: Survival and Suffering in Karamoja
at which point she moves to the manyatta of her hus- of the larger clan). These discrepancies mean that some
band. In practice, many couples are cohabitating with- respondents may have told us the number of cattle re-
out being officially married through the exchange of quired by a specific clan as opposed to an average num-
cattle. Some respondents lamented this trend and felt ber. Variations in the size of bride price are also based
that this was a notable and negative shift within soci- on who is reporting: a youth eager to prove his man-
ety, whereas others accepted the situation as unavoid- liness may report a higher bride price. Likewise, high
able due to the difficulties of raising bride price, the bride prices might be reported by men and women who
burden a woman with children places on her maternal are not in official marriages so as to justify the existence
clan, and the realties of modern life. Young women who of their unofficial union. In other instances, low bride
are not married with cattle but who move to the man’s prices might be reported by those placing the onus on
manyatta (including those that have children born of the young men for failure to engage in official marriage.
these relations) have a low status within the clan of their Key informants reported that the average bride price in
de facto husband, and were described as ‘concubines’ Karamoja is between 40 and 50 head of cattle.14
in several interviews. In their low status position they On their own, most young men are not able (or
are subject to the will and orders of women who are in expected) to raise the number of cattle required for
official unions, even if they are older than these women. bride price. The man’s clan is expected to contribute
Women who are not married with cattle do not have the cattle required for his first wife; the bride price
as strong a voice in matters that pertain to women in payments for any subsequent wives are his responsibil-
the manyattas.10 Of note, women who are not in offi- ity.15 They therefore ask their fathers, male relatives and
cial marriages are traditionally not buried when they male friends for contributions of cattle and, in return,
die, and their surviving relatives do not perform ritual promise to repay this debt from their future herds. In
mourning or carry out other rituals for the dead. 11 The particular, young men may ask their fathers for cattle
influence of the church has changed this in some areas, given to the family as bride price for their sisters; this is
and members of a Christian congregation will usually an important source of cattle for young men hoping to
be given a burial.12 marry.16 However, some of our informants complained
52 that their fathers are using cattle collected from their
daughters’ bride price to themselves marry additional
Bride Price (and younger) wives. The respondents said that this
practice is more prevalent than in the past. Both men
Over the course of our interviews, respondents re- and women said that this pattern can create problems
ported a wide range in the number of cattle required for and tensions in the family, as the men have difficulty in
bride price, from 10 to 150 cattle.13 There are a variety of supporting multiple wives and children, and the sons
reasons for this. Bride prices differ based on the size of grow resentful that there are no cattle left for their own
the clan of the woman, with a larger clan requiring more marriages.17
cattle for marriage. (Cattle are distributed to members The role of raided cattle in bride price payment re-
of the woman’s immediate family as well as members mains open to debate and requires more investigation.
One hypothesis is that the pressure to marry with cattle
10 Interview with Tepeth women, December 6, 2006; Inter- in order to be recognized as an adult member of soci-
view with key informant #1, interview with Matheniko female ety pushes young men to raid cattle to meet bride price
youth and woman, Rupa sub-county, December 8, 2006; obligations. Key informants and several female respon-
11 Knighton, op. cit.; Interview with key informant #1, dents said that the pressure to acquire cattle quickly—
March 14, 2007; Interview with Matheniko women and fe- if, for instance, a man had children with a woman and
male youth, Rupa sub-county, March 10, 2007. Burials and knew that other suitors may be near to raising the bride
associated mourning rituals are reserved for young men who price—might prompt a man into raiding to secure the
are distinguished in battle and for men and women who are
married with cattle. Other corpses, including those of chil-
dren, are left in the open for the animals and sun to dispose
of. 14 Written correspondence with key informant #1, Septem-
12 Written correspondence with key informant #1, Septem- ber 29, 2007.
ber 29, 2007. 15 ibid.
13 Other animals, especially goats, may also be included in 16 Interview with Tepeth women, December 6, 2006; Inter-
bride price. Cash is also becoming a more common element view with Matheniko women and female youth, Rupa sub-
of bride price payments, particularly if the couple has links to county, March 10, 2007; Interview with Tepeth women, Ka-
towns through relatives or salaried jobs, and also if the couple tikekile sub-county, March 12, 2007.
is educated. The inclusion of cash is much less common in 17 Interview with key informant #1, March 14, 2007; Inter-
rural areas. Interview with Evelyn Ilukol, IRC Moroto, De- view with Matheniko women, Rupa sub-county, December
cember 5, 2006. 6, 2006.
Armed cattle raiding and associated violence have There was an important shift in the nature and im-
a clear and pronounced impact upon the security and pact of raiding in Karamoja in the 1970s. The tradition-
livelihoods of respondents in the study population. al Karimojong alliance of the Pian, Moroto and Bokora
Even when incidents of raids are low, the fear of attack collapsed in the first half of the decade. Several years of
is pervasive and was discussed in all locations. This cli- poor harvests exacerbated tensions over access to natu-
mate of danger and fear has a profound impact upon ral resources, and small scale thefts, retaliatory attacks
people’s lives and livelihoods and is the most serious and raids—never before sanctioned against other Kari-
problem facing populations in Karamoja today. The mojong groups—increased. The Matheniko cemented
data we present here does not attempt to quantify the their friendship with the Turkana in the late 1970s, cre-
violence or the experiences of the populations, but to ating a formidable force in the eastern part of the region
examine and analyze several important shifts that are and across the border with Kenya. These events set the
apparent in the nature and practice of armed raiding stage for what many remember as a turning point in
over time and the way in which these shifts have affect- the violence in the region—the raiding of the Moroto
ed the livelihoods and human security of people within barracks by the Matheniko (with help from the Tur-
Karamoja. kana) after the fall of the Idi Amin in 1979. The raid- 55
Cattle rustling or raiding has gone on for genera- ers made off with an estimated 12,000 weapons (mostly
tions among pastoral groups throughout the Karamoja automatic G3s) and large amounts of ammunition. Jie
Cluster. Traditionally, and to some extent today, raided in Kotido raided a smaller armory at roughly the same
cattle were used to redistribute wealth and food in times time. In 1980, the Karamoja region was hit by a serious
of scarcity, acquire bride price, and to form alliances drought and famine, and the strong and newly-armed
with other families, manyattas and tribes. Major shifts groups (namely the Matheniko and the Jie) turned
in power, governments and armies in Uganda, the rela- on the Bokora and the Dodoth (who had not gained
tively unimpeded acquisition of weapons and ammu- weapons from Amin’s barracks) and stripped them of
nition throughout Karamoja, periods of repeated and nearly all their cattle. This widespread plunder spread
prolonged drought, the spread of livestock diseases— throughout Karamoja and into neighboring districts,
among other significant factors—have influenced and exacerbating the effects of the severe drought. The loss
shaped practices of raiding and have been discussed in of livestock, out-migration of herds, inability to plant
depth by a number of authors. Historically and today, crops due to the drought and insecurity, and cessation
raiding has caused tensions between the Karamojong of trade due to the threat of attack on vehicles resulted
and their neighbors, as well as within Karamoja itself, in rising food insecurity, and by early 1980 people be-
and these tensions have a direct impact upon livelihood gan to run out of food. The Great Famine, called Akoro,
systems. had begun. An estimated 50,000 people would die be-
fore the famine’s end.
Knighton op. cit.; Kennedy Agade Mkutu, “Small arms and See Gray, op. cit.. The Matheniko-Turkana alliance was
light weapons among pastoral groups in the Kenya-Uganda particularly notable because it was the first time that a tribal
Area,” African Affairs 106, no. 102 , 2006, pp. 47-70. group had aligned with an external and traditional enemy
See Akabwai and Ateyo op. cit., Knighton op. cit.; Mus- against an internal neighbor.
tafa Mirzeler and Crawford Young, “Pastoral Politics in the Walker, op. cit., p.18.
Northeast Periphery in Uganda: AK-47 as Change Agent” Mirzeler and Young, op. cit. p. 416.
The Journal of Modern African Studies 38, no. 3 2000, p. The Jie and the Dodoth were traditional enemies.
416; Gray op. cit.; Nene Mburu (2001) The Proliferation of Gray, op. cit., p. 409; D.J. Alnwick, “The 1980 Famine in
Guns and Rustling in Karamoja and Turkana Districts: the Karamoja,” in Crisis in Uganda: The Breakdown of Health
Case for Appropriate Disarmament Strategies, Peace Studies Services, ed. Cole P. Dodge and Paul D. Wiebe, Oxford, Per-
Journal, available at www.peacestudiesjournal.org. gamon Press, 1985. p.133.
uk/docs/Guns.pdf ; Mkutu op. cit.; Walker op. cit. Walker, op. cit., p. 13.
Feinstein International Center December 2007 • Angering Akujů: Survival and Suffering in Karamoja
Raids by Karamojong groups had devastating im- though peace agreements can last for decades, alliances
pacts in neighboring districts throughout the 1980s. To among the Karamojong groups and with neighboring
illustrate, prior to the mid-1980s, the rural agro-pasto- groups are in constant flux and no group remains per-
ral populations and economies of neighboring Lango manently free of the threat of raids or attack.12
and Acholiland were relatively strong. The Acholi and
Langi people had approximately 685,000 head of cattle
in 1980 according to statistics from the Ministry of An- Spears and “Family Guns”
imal Industry. Cattle were a form of savings, a means
to send children to school, a way to offset crop failure Traditionally, the Karamojong used spears for hunt-
or pay for medical costs, and were used as bride price. ing and raiding. Traders first introduced firearms into
In 1986, the government of Milton Obote fell and the the area in the second half of the nineteenth century,
National Resistance Movement (NRM) came to power. and guns began to gradually replace spears as a more
The Acholi troops loyal to Obote fled into Sudan, leav- lethal weapon for hunting and raiding.13 But guns were
ing the northern region largely undefended, while at expensive and few families owned even a single firearm.
the same time the NRM was consolidating power in the Only wealthier families could afford a firearm for use by
south and central regions of the country. Seeing that the their elder sons to protect the livestock while herding.
NRM was making no moves to protect the Lango and The weapon was referred to as a ‘family gun’ and no
Acholi regions, the Karamojong swept into the region action could be taken with that weapon without the ap-
with a large number of men and weapons, and repeat- proval of the father and mother. Elders and seers were
edly plundered the local communities throughout the involved in decisions regarding raids on other groups.14
latter half the 1980s. They stole nearly all the cattle, Many Karamojong continued to use spears regularly
causing estimated herd sizes to drop to 72,000 by 1989 until firearms became more widely available, beginning
in Acholiland and Lango.10 Neither the NRM nor its in the 1960s.
army intervened to stop the Karamojong raids.11 By the 1970s, automatic weapons began to flow into
the region from traders in the extended Karamoja Clus-
56 ter. The supply of firearms continued largely unabated
Changes in Armed Raiding and from different sources over the next three decades.
The abandonment of Idi Amin’s armories in Moroto in
While a number of authors have discussed the role 1979 and the subsequent looting in Moroto and Kotido
of weapons in the practice of raiding, our report looks by the Matheniko and Jie; lesser looting of barracks and
at several important shifts that have occurred in the police posts by the Sor, Jie, Pian and Bokora; attacks on
practice of armed raiding among the Karamojong. The military convoys by the Bokora; the war between the
most notable shifts are the replacement of spears with government of Sudan (GoS) and Sudanese People’s Lib-
firearms, the waning of the role of ‘family guns’ in the eration Army (SPLA) and the arming of various pasto-
face of increased access to weapons and ammunition, ral groups by both sides; the provision of weapons to
changes in rules and practices of raiding, changes in the pastoral groups in Uganda in an effort to counter rebel
composition and timing of raiding parties, shifts in the uprisings in Teso and Acholi; and a growing regional
role of elders in sanctioning raids, and the emergence of weapons trade with markets in Sudan, Kenya, Uganda,
a crisis of authority with the lack of succession of power and Ethiopia combined to result in a massive influx of
from the senior generation-set to the junior generation- weapons into the region.15 The total number of firearms
set. Furthermore, it is important to keep in mind that al- in Karamoja and in southern Sudan increased further
with the cessation of overt hostilities in southern Su-
Ocan, op. cit., p. 23. dan in 2005. There were an estimated 40,000 to 100,000
10 Ocan ibid., p. 23. The estimates from 1989 are drawn
firearms in Karamoja at the start of the first major dis-
from district veterinary officers. During the period 1980 to
armament campaign in 2000,16 and prior to the start of
1989, cattle numbers in Karamoja increased by an estimated
disarmament nearly every adult male carried a weapon
692,000 head of cattle. To note, however, the total numbers
in public. Guns were again widely visible throughout
of cattle in the combined districts of northern, eastern and
northeastern Uganda decreased by an estimated 356,000 over 12 Knighton, op. cit.
the decade. Ocan posits that this overall decline is due to ani- 13 Mirzeler and Young, op. cit., p. 411.
mal diseases, trade and internal raids. In our analysis, herds 14 Akabwai and Ateyo, op. cit. Many of these firearms were
were also likely to be moved across international border for rifles (called lomichir (ngamichira; pl), meaning “one bul-
protection. let”), as opposed to the automatic and more deadly G3s and
11 Robert Gersony, The Anguish of Northern Uganda: Re- AK-47s popular today.
sults of a field-based assessment of the civil conflicts in north- 15 Akabwai and Ateyo op. cit. ; Ochan op. cit. ; Mkutu op.
ern Uganda,” submitted to the USAID Mission, Kampala, cit.; Mirzeler and Young op. cit.
August 1997, 32; Mkutu op. cit.; Mazurana et al. op. cit. 16 Walker, op. cit. , p.18.
But they are happy that there are now more cattle.
The youth pick a big bull and slaughter it to make
the elders happy and then they are very satisfied and
happy about the new cows.60
Raids, Militias and Calls for Lango and Acholi areas. These forces had provided a
Disarmament (1960s-2000) degree of protection against cattle raiders from Kar-
amoja. With the loss of these protective elements Kar-
As we have seen, while armed raiding has histori- amojong raiders soon depleted nearly all of the cattle
cally been part of the pastoral economy of Karamoja from these border areas.
and a plague upon its neighbors, beginning in the 1970s In a number of interviews conducted for this report
cattle raiding became increasingly violent and deadly. and as documented in other studies, respondents ac-
Between the years 1983 and 1994 the Karamojong in cused the GoU of facilitating the raiding in this period.
Uganda experienced levels of violence unmatched in Accusations made against the government range from
their remembered histories or the colonial period. The an intentional uneven disbanding of local militias to
marked rise in violence in this period does not mean the disarmament of communities that took up weapons
that violent raids were not a long-standing problem: to prevent more raiding to playing an active role and
for years, weaker clans within Karamoja and among directly benefiting from the raids. Many interviewees
neighboring ethnic groups had petitioned the British alleged that vehicles belonging to NRM ministers and
colonial powers and later the state of Uganda to take government officials (and bearing government plates) 63
action against armed raiding. Communities created were seen loading and transporting stolen livestock.
various militias and self-defense units in an attempt to Raiding among ethnic groups within Karamoja
deal with armed raiding, with varying success. was reportedly down during the period of heightened
In the late 1970s and early 1980s a number of factors attacks on the neighboring districts in the late 1980s,
coalesced to intensify cattle rustling by various ethnic although rainy season violence still flared when the cat-
groups within Karamoja. Most notably this included tle were brought back into the region. Key informants
serious drought and resulting high levels of food inse- explained that it was when all animals were nearly de-
curity, which led to increased raiding as a survival strat- pleted from Teso, Lango and Acholiland, that the raid-
egy; the collapse of the Amin regime and the wholesale ing within Karamoja intensified.
looting of the army barracks in Moroto; the use of those The 1990s brought continuing brutality and violence
looted automatic weapons to facilitate even deadlier by Karamojong raiders in both the Karamoja districts
cattle raiding; the collapse of relations among the Kari- and neighboring areas. By the early 1990s, communi-
mojong (Matheniko, Bokora and Pian); and increased ties within and adjacent to Karamoja were once again
insecurity which resulted in local people not planting raising militias for protection. These militias were called
their fields, leading in part to the famine of 1980-81. the “vigilantes” and were trained by the GoU army to
Eastern Uganda has been home to a series of civil help protect against raiding. The vigilante fighters were
defense forces since the country’s independence in all male and used their own weapons. Women were
1962. In the period 1986-1989, the government took recruited into the vigilantes to gather intelligence but
steps to disband militia forces in Teso, Bagisu, Sebei,
For example, in that same time period, over 90% of cattle
See for example, Margie Buchanan-Smith and Jeremy from Acholiland were raided which had severe economic and
Lind, Armed violence and poverty in Northern Kenya, Uni- cultural impacts.
versity of Bradford, UK, 2005; Dyan Mazurana, Darlington Akabwai, Priscillar Ateyo,
See Gray, op. cit. Clement Ochan, and Frank Olyet, In Search of Security: A
See Mirzeler and Young, op. cit. Regional Analysis of Armed Conflict in Northern Uganda,
See Alnwick, op. cit., p. 127-144; R.J. Beillik and L. Hen- Eastern Uganda and South Sudan Feinstein International
derson. “Mortality, Nutritional Status and Diet During the Famine Center, Tufts University, Medford, November 2005.
Famine in Karamoja, Uganda, 1980”, Lancet 11. p. 1330- Allegations relating to the GoU participation in the loot-
1333. 1981. ing were made in numerous interviews in Teso, Lango and
See Akabwai and Ateyo for a description of the rise of civil Acholiland conducted from January through September
defense forces. 2005.
Feinstein International Center December 2007 • Angering Akujů: Survival and Suffering in Karamoja
did not fight. The vigilantes were charged with protect- velopment actors fear reaching Moroto because of the
ing the cattle of their villages from raiders. This could insecurity in the district.14
include moving with the cattle herders into temporary
camps, as well as pursuing and killing armed bandits. Notably, a number of recent studies have shown that
The vigilantes allegedly received support in food and when pastoral areas are able to achieve a stable peace,
clothing from non-governmental organizations. coupled with well-planned development, these negative
In 1996, the vigilantes were (rather reluctantly) trends can be reversed.15
brought by President Museveni under the control of the The GoU’s approach to addressing the problems of
UPDF. The total force numbered approximately 8,000 armed raiding and associated violence in Karamoja has
men (all women were expelled when the force came been based upon a targeted removal of weapons. While
under UPDF control). By most accounts this group ini- weapons are certainly a problem in the region, the prev-
tially performed well and security increased in the re- alence of firearms is just one symptom of the broader
gion.10 However, the vigilantes soon began taking sides underlying issues. Initiatives that seek to build security
in the internal cattle raiding and the groups eventually by removing weapons fail to address the root causes of
had to be disbanded.11 the insecurity and to safe-guard against the factors that
As discussed in the previous section, armed raid- have led populations to arm themselves. As a result, the
ing has significantly impacted northeastern Uganda on forced disarmament processes introduced since 2000
multiple levels, including deepening poverty through have ultimately brought about an increase in violence
the loss of assets and destruction of livelihoods; in- and led to the active rearming of communities.
creased mortality; a resultant rise in the number of
female-headed households;12 increased displacement
within Karamoja and in neighboring areas; food inse- 2001-2002 Disarmament
curity and reduced nutritional levels; reduced trade due
to road banditry and lack of infrastructure; and the dis- In December 2001 the government launched a dis-
ruption and closure of health and educational facilities armament exercise in Karamoja, with the President
64 and corresponding reduction in health and education himself participating in the disarmament in Bokora
levels. National and international humanitarian and County. This disarmament exercise was divided into
development agencies have had little presence in Kar- two phases: voluntary and forceful disarmament. Lead-
amoja over the past three decades, due in part to reluc- ing up to the voluntary portion of the process, the gov-
tance to engage in a region plagued by crime, banditry ernment consulted a wide range of stakeholders and
and insecurity.13 A senior government official in Mo- partners that were to design the framework and par-
roto summarized some of these problems and trends: ticipate in the disarmament. Stakeholders included the
UPDF, members of parliament (MPs) from Karamoja,
The guns in Moroto have cleared many lives including local government authorities, international and nation-
the children and officers working in the area. People al NGOs, civil society organizations, and Karamojong
have lost property, food and other [goods] when the university students. An NGO, Action for Development
warriors don’t find animals in the homesteads. De- of Local Communities (ADOL), conducted research at
the grassroots level to find out how pastoralists viewed
the forthcoming disarmament exercise. ADOL then
shared the perceptions of the targeted communities in
workshops with the government and stakeholders. In-
See Mkutu op. cit. formants from stakeholder organizations reported that
10 See M. Quam, “Creating Peace in an Armed Society: this forum was important and useful, as it provided an
Karamoja, Uganda, 1996”, African Studies Quarterly vol. 1, opportunity to dialogue with and advise the govern-
No. 1, 1997.
ment.
11 For a more detailed discussion on the rise of militias in
The international NGOs and civil society groups,
the area, see Akabwai and Ateyo, op. cit.
including churches, reportedly presented the view to
12 As discussed in the section on marriage in Karamoja,
the government that firearms should not be singled out
many widows are remarried to their brothers-in-law after
the death of a husband. In many instances, however, these
as the main problem in Karamoja.16 They stressed that
women are joining a polygamous household and may not re- the underlying problems exacerbating insecurity were
ceive adequate support for themselves or their children from the lack of governance, the absence of law and order,
the new husbands, resulting in many de facto female-headed 14 Interview with senior government official, Moroto dis-
households. trict, May 16, 2005.
13 In 2007 international presence in Karamoja significantly 15 See for example Buchanan-Smith and Lind, op. cit.
increased with OCHA, OHCHR and UNICEF all opening of- 16 Interview with the Ugandan Joint Christian Council,
fices. Kampala, 21 March, 2005.
Feinstein International Center December 2007 • Angering Akujů: Survival and Suffering in Karamoja
and the failure of the government to provide develop- ing material, clearly identifying them as those who had
ment in the region. Furthermore, these organizations disarmed.21
highlighted the fact that many Karamojong were hold- Compounding the problem of uneven disarma-
ing weapons to protect themselves due to the extremely ment was the failure of the government and military to
low capacity of the police to provide protection or secu- adequately protect the communities that had given up
rity. Sensitization and mobilization of the Karamojong their weapons. The government had promised security
community to accept a voluntary and peaceful handing to local communities, but the Presidential Assistant on
over of the firearms and an increase in state-provided Karamoja Disarmament later admitted that only 145
security was the main strategy the stakeholders advised police officers were present in the region during the
the Ugandan government and military to adopt.17 campaign.22 The national government had said that 146
In the eyes of some stakeholders and observers, local defense forces (militias) would be stationed in
the build-up to the 2001-2002 disarmament exercise each county when weapons were surrendered, but the
showed that the Ugandan government was willing to number was reduced to 60 and some counties had even
listen to the views of both local communities and con- fewer.23
cerned parties. Many felt that the government was The lack of even and simultaneous disarmament
demonstrating positive political will in its engagement throughout Karamoja was a key factor in the overall
at various levels, and this in turn attracted support for collapse of the exercise. Certain groups, such as the Bo-
the disarmament program from the donor community. kora and the Dodoth, handed in their firearms in large
The government gave Karamojong communities numbers, whereas others retained their weapons. At-
two months (until February 15, 2002) to turn over tacks against the unarmed and unprotected groups were
weapons voluntarily. Extensive community sensitiza- reportedly swift and devastating, resulting in the loss of
tion occurred in this period, and incentives—including many assets—from livestock to sauce pans—and deaths
ox-plows, food, and building materials—were offered and injuries, particularly of men who tried to defend
to those who handed in weapons.18 An estimated 10,000 their animals and property. Seeing the repercussions of
firearms were surrendered during this time,19 and many handing in weapons, the remainder of the communities
communities were reportedly optimistic that the gov- in Karamoja refused to disarm and all voluntary disar- 65
ernment was going to protect people against internal mament came to a grinding halt. Facing opposition, the
and external raiding. When the deadline for voluntary security forces used increasingly forceful tactics against
disarmament was reached, however, the government civilians. Witnesses throughout Karamoja reported that
shifted to disarmament by force, employing ‘cordon soldiers harassed women, beat people, forced people to
and search’ tactics. Allegations of human rights abuses perform physical acts as punishment, and stripped el-
quickly followed.20 ders naked and forced them to sit in the direct sun.
From the perspective of Karamojong communi- A more systemic problem in the 2001-2002 disar-
ties, members of civil society and the humanitarian mament campaign was the failure to take into account
community, one of the most serious problems with the the underlying causes of the violence in the region and
2001-2002 campaign was the uneven and uncoordinat- the reasons why populations were armed. These causes
ed nature of the disarmament. This was mentioned by included—among others—lack of state protection, lack
all informants. Communities who gave up firearms or of law and order, lack of justice systems, commercial-
were disarmed were often attacked—sometimes with- ization of raiding, loss of livelihoods due to restrictions
in a matter of days—by stronger groups that had not upon cross-border movement, and underdevelopment
disarmed. In fact, some of the incentives for voluntary of the region on the part of the state. Sufficient mea-
surrender of weapons increased vulnerability to attack. sures were not put in place to address these issues, and
For example, people were given corrugated steel roof- in a number of cases, deadly violence and raiding actu-
ally increased among the groups.
21 The receipt of ox-plows was also reportedly a problem in
some areas, as the Pokot are outraged to see oxen shackled
17 ibid. to plows, which they consider enslavement and extreme cru-
18 There were some allegations of corruption in the distri- elty to animals. When they encountered such oxen, in some
bution of the incentives, with claims that some people who cases they killed the owners and ‘freed’ the oxen. Interview
had not disarmed received cash and corrugated iron sheets. with James Feeney, United Nations World Food Program, 4
In particular, informants alleged that person who helped the December 2006, Moroto. Ox-plows are, of course, used with-
UPDF gain entry into communities were rewarded with cash out incident in many other areas and the need for plows was
and other benefits. frequently raised by respondents.
19 Office of the Prime Minister, “KIDDP,” pp 7-9; Mkutu, 22 Interview with the Presidential Assistant on Karamoja
op. cit., pp. 30-31. Disarmament, Kampala Uganda, 19 April 2005.
20 Human Rights Watch, op. cit., p 24. 23 ibid.
Feinstein International Center December 2007 • Angering Akujů: Survival and Suffering in Karamoja
human populations eventually have eroded some of improving access to these food sources will also help to
this trust, but it is important to acknowledge the mutu- bolster food security at the household level.
ally beneficial aspects of these relationships and to seek The findings from this study indicate the importance
long-term solutions to this current impasse. of the links between manyattas and kraals in maintain-
Security, human security and livelihoods are inter- ing food security. Not only food and animal products
twined in Karamoja. Livelihood outcomes will result in but also people—including some of the most vulner-
greater prosperity and livelihood strategies will be more able members of society—move between the two types
sustainable in a secure environment. Improved security of settlements as a means of managing both food and
will allow for the pursuit of pastoral livelihoods, as well human security, as this movement enables vulnerable
as greater diversification into other livelihood activities women and children to move to more food secure areas
following an increase in development and economic in times of stress. The balance between manyattas and
investment in the region. Human security will also kraals requires that people are able to move with their
improve with greater physical security as the constant animals to areas of fresh pasture and adequate water.
threat and fear of arbitrary violence, revenge attacks, When this mobility does not, or cannot, happen (due to
and the destruction of livelihood assets decreases. constraints on mobility or lack of adequate protection
Support to livelihoods in Karamoja should empha- for animals, for instance), animals are less healthy and
size bolstering the pastoral economy through the ex- hence the human population depending on them suf-
pansion of trade, improved access to towns, veterinary fers. This in turn affects the food security status of all
interventions for improved animal health, and bet- individuals in the community.
ter physical security through state presence (i.e., well The community members who carry food and in-
trained and equipped police forces and justice systems). formation back and forth between manyattas and kraals
An improved economic and investment environment is are often girls and young women. While there are some
also critical to improving livelihood opportunities in risks inherent in this journey, it was not reported that
Karamoja. Local and national policies should be adjust- this activity resulted in any greater danger than any
ed to promote development in the region. These policies other livelihood task performed regularly by women
74 might include tax incentives, an improved regulatory and girls, such as collecting natural resources and mov-
environment, investment in physical infrastructure and ing to and from towns and trading centers.
the expansion and maintenance of electrical services.
Long-term and widespread development and economic
investment will help diversify livelihood strategies, ab- Education
sorbing people who are not interested in or not able to
pursue more strictly pastoral livelihoods. The necessary Many Karamojong adults and children place little
level of development will require a major commitment value on formal education and lack an understanding
on the part of the national government and adequate as to what actually occurs in a school. We hypothesize
and sustained support to district and local government that if the curriculum were to be more tailored to pas-
offices. The thorny issues of corruption and account- toral realities, including technical training aimed at
ability at national, district and local levels will have to building skills in animal husbandry, veterinary care,
be addressed in this process if the benefits are to reach midwifery, health care and water management, then
the populations on the ground. perhaps the Karamojong would find schooling some-
thing worth investing in for their children. Technical
Food Security training courses for adults in these subjects would also
provide an outlet for the many youth who have lost cat-
Understanding and improving food security in Kar- tle to raids and are currently largely idle in many areas.
amoja requires a multi-sectoral approach. Food securi- Such courses could include a basic literacy and numer-
ty includes access and availability to food, but also links acy component. Curricula in classrooms of all types
closely to animal health, as healthy animals produce and levels (primary, secondary and technical training)
more milk, can be bled in the dry season, and are more should be geared towards helping children and young
likely to reproduce. WFP data shows that the more people gain knowledge about and pride in themselves
food secure households generally have more animals; as pastoralists. Because of the poor quality of education
these households are not only wealthier, but also have in the region, bridging courses are also needed to help
greater reliance on own-production and can smooth young people from Karamoja qualify for national train-
consumption and weather shocks through the sale of an ing schools. These are likely to be particularly valuable
animal when necessary. Purchased food items, particu- in math and science.
larly grains, form an important part of the diet of many Many children who do attend school start late, i.e.,
households during at least some part of the year, and older than the standard start age of six years. Children
are then pulled out of school early in their adolescent
Recommendations are made to the relevant bodies • Acknowledge that populations in urban areas
of the Government of Uganda, donor governments, the are growing and respond with appropriate programs,
United Nations, NGOs, and community-based organi- all the while recognizing that the majority of the popu-
zations working in Uganda, as well as traditional leaders lation is rural and cannot support themselves over time
within Karamoja. Although we direct our comments to through a sedentary lifestyle.
all relevant actors, we stress that the GoU bears primary
responsibility for peace, security, law and order, justice • Help to re-establish positive and non-violent
and development in the Karamoja region and for pro- links between pastoral groups in Karamoja and their
tecting and upholding the rights of the Karamojong stock associates in the districts bordering Karamoja.
people, wherever they may choose to live in Uganda.
Pastoralism depends on mobility of animals and
humans. This movement enables the most productive
Livelihoods use of available pasture and water while also allowing
areas time to recover. To this end it is vital to:
78 Support to livelihoods in Karamoja requires invest-
ment in pastoralism, infrastructure, social services, • Support conflict negotiation and mitigation
trade, law and order, and justice and moving away from activities across ethnic and district borders to minimize
policies that seek to destroy or erode the traditional attacks and improve relations between groups and ac-
livelihood base. To this end, policy-makers and donors cess to natural resources.
should:
• Support peace initiatives among a range of de-
• Recognize that sedentarization is not a viable mographic groups, including women and youth.
option in a region characterized by a shifting and fragile
ecosystem. Recognize that pastoralism and agro-pasto- • Encourage local district officials to allow
ralism are the most appropriate livelihood strategies for movement for trade and grazing across district and na-
the majority of people living in this environment. tional borders.
• Commit to and fund long-term infrastructure • Increase surveillance and reporting of live-
development in the region. Projects should be designed stock diseases through community-based animal health
through community dialogue (with men and women workers to prevent spread of viruses.
of different ages) regarding priorities, expectations and
urgent needs. Development initiatives should use local • Evaluate existing boreholes, dams and im-
labor and rely on local expertise. proved watering points in or near manyattas and kraals
and do so through community participation.
• Invest in and expand the network of social
services, including basic health facilities, mobile clinics, • Rehabilitate those facilities that support pasto-
primary and secondary schools, agriculture extension ral livelihoods and strategies of animal mobility, but not
programs, financial services and technology infrastruc- in order to promote increased sedentarization.
ture.
Feinstein International Center December 2007 • Angering Akujů: Survival and Suffering in Karamoja
• Train and facilitate community-based animal from one year to the next. Some respondents in Bokora
health workers (CAHWs) selected from the beneficiary explained that they picked up important techniques for
communities. Both males and females should be in- growing a wider variety of drought resistant crops from
cluded in the training program, and refresher courses their neighbors in Teso. Expanding access to this in-
given at regular intervals. CAHWs should be split be- formation and crop varieties, where relevant based on
tween manyattas and kraals and should move with ani- growing conditions, may help to increase crop diversi-
mal herds. fication and yields. There is a need to:
Erratic rainfall patterns and variations in soil condi- • ensure continuation and expansion of school-
tions and climate create a range of growing conditions feeding programs in all primary schools;
across the Karamoja region. Crop cultivation is more
productive in some areas than others and this varies • seek to better understand drop-out factors in
specific areas;
See, for instance, B. Admassu et al, “Impact assessment
of a community-based animal health project in Dollo Ado
• implement programs to retain students be-
and Dollo Bay districts, southern Ethiopia” Tropical Animal
yond the early years: scaling up of school-feeding is
Health and Production, vol 37 (1) January 2005: 33-48; A.
likely to be a part of this;
Catley et al, “Para-veterinary professionals and the develop-
ment of quality, self-sustaining community-based services,”
Rev Sci Tech, vol 23 (1), April 2004: 225-52; JC Rubyogo et • consider expanding take-home rations to in-
al, “Sustainability of a privatized community-based animal clude boys, as we found minimal gender variation in
health worker system in Mwingi District, Kenya” Tropical school enrollment;
Animal Health and Production, vol 37 (4), May 2005: 253-
66; R. Allport, “The use of community-based animal health • seek to expand ABEK outreach and to pro-
workers to strengthen disease surveillance in Tanzania,” Rev vide updates and information to communities who
Sci Tech, vol 24 (3), Dec 2005; 921-32.
• ensure that ABEK facilitators are trained and • improve access to basic health care in trading
facilitated throughout their work, and that schedules centers throughout Karamoja through inputs in train-
are maintained for the start of programs. ABEK is not ing, basic infrastructure, housing for medical staff;
a substitute for properly managed and adapted primary
education, and the GoU should work to develop and • provide basic medical training to community
strengthen the school system in Karamoja in a way that health workers who are nominated and selected by their
incorporates on-going lessons learned from ABEK. community;
• conduct awareness campaigns in rural areas • train multiple health workers of varying ages
on the value of education and ensure they are led by in each location and stipulate that one health worker
people who can answer questions in a non-judgmental should be with the kraal at all times;
non-discriminatory manner;
• improve access to quality basic medications in
• ensure that uniforms are not compulsory in trading centers throughout Karamoja;
any schools in Karamoja, as this negates Karamojong
children’s right to cultural expression; • conduct health and hygiene trainings through-
out Karamoja in both manyattas and kraals;
• ensure that school curricula use concepts that
are relevant to Karamojong children and portray the • conduct an assessment to better understand
many positive aspects of pastoral communities; local perceptions of health care and interactions with
the health care system, including the interaction with
• recognize that forcefully removing Karamo- traditional versus modern medicine;
80 jong children from their families and placing them in
boarding schools violates the rights of children and • train skilled attendants within communities
their families, and that similar practices have met with to assist with labor and births. In communities where
devastating long-term consequences in every country a traditional birth attendant exists, work to bring this
where such measures have been attempted; person up to level of skilled attendant.
• create technical training programs relevant • identify and train community health workers
to pastoral livelihoods aimed at adults and youth: this and enable them to work in manyattas and kraals, in-
might include animal husbandry, animal health, wa- cluding traveling with kraal populations. In areas where
ter management, drought-resistant farming, business community health workers do not exist, provide mobile
skills, midwifery, and basic human health; clinics for vaccination and dispersal of basic medica-
tions. Ensure that these clinics travel to both manyattas
• encourage parents to enroll children in school and kraals on a regular basis.
at the appropriate age, i.e., six years.
• ensure traditional leaders work with health of-
• enable traditional leaders to work with educa- ficers to gain safe passage to kraals and manyattas and
tion officials to learn more about and promote the mer- to promote younger men and women into health care
its of education for both boys and girls. training as a means to improve the overall health of the
population.
• create incentives for teachers, particularly
According to the World Health Organization, a “skilled
Karamojong teachers, to live and work in the area.
attendant” is “an accredited health professional—such as
a midwife, doctor or nurse—who has been educated and
• create national bridging programs for children
trained to proficiency in the skills needed to manage normal
from Karamoja to assist with entry into professional (uncomplicated) pregnancies, childbirth and the immedi-
schools such as nursing academies. ate postnatal period, and in the identification, management
and referral of complications in women and newborns”
(World Health Organization, 2004). See WHO, “Proportion
Health of births attended by a skilled attendant—2007 updates,”
available at http://www.who.int/reproductive-
Health facilities in Karamoja are inadequate for the health/global_monitoring/skilled_attendant_
needs of the population and investment is needed in atbirth2007.pdf.
• Investigate the role of local officials and poli- • There is a need for coordinated disarmament
ticians in facilitating and profiting from commercial exercises amongst the various ethnic groups.
raiding.
• Adequate protection measures should be put
• Work with traditional leaders to enable the in place for groups that have been disarmed, including
transfer of power from the senior-generation set to the protection of remaining livestock.
junior-generation set: this would help curtail raiding as
a means for gaining status among men within the ju- • If livestock are to be housed with security per-
nior-generation set. sonnel, the army and/or police need to take responsibil- 81
ity for protecting the people (including women, chil-
• Ensure engagement of traditional leaders in dren and infants) who will accompany these animals.
efforts to forge peaceful alliances with neighboring
groups and increase efforts to curtail armed raiding by • Security personnel need to have plans in
males under their control. place for animal migration. Decisions regarding animal
movement should be taken only through collaboration
• Implement regional efforts, potentially under with kraal and manyatta leaders.
the leadership of IGAD, to combat the regional weap-
ons trade. • For persons detained during disarmament
exercises, all sites of detention should be gazetted and
• Increase collaboration and coordination open to inspection at any time by the Ugandan Human
among law enforcement officers in the region to help Rights Commission and the ICRC.
facilitate the pursuit and return of stolen animals across
international borders. • Trained and well-resourced police should be
introduced in greater numbers in Karamoja. The UPDF
should act in support of police operations (including
Disarmament disarmament and detention) only under special cir-
cumstances and only with full transparency.
Voluntary disarmament should be supported with
significantly increased law and order presence and pro- • Traditional leaders should work together with
tection for pastoral populations throughout Karamoja. the GoU and UPDF to ensure the safety and security of
In conjunction, there is a need to develop infrastruc- their populations and the voluntary turning in of weap-
ture and support basic human and livestock services ons.
that uphold pastoral livelihoods. Disarmament efforts
should also be regional in scope, as the Karamojong are • Learn from examples of good relations be-
surrounded by well-armed tribes in Kenya and Sudan. tween manyatta and kraal leaders and the UPDF of the
kind noted in this report. Such good relations could be
• Disarmament, primarily the responsibility of strengthened in ways that ease tensions and assist in
the national government, should follow, not precede, voluntary disarmament and improved road security.
development in an area.
Admassu, B. et al. “Impact assessment of a community- De Waal, A. “Making Sense of Darfur: Is Climate
based animal health project in Dollo Ado and Dollo Bay Change the Culprit for Darfur?” Posted on the discus-
districts, southern Ethiopia.” Tropical Animal Health sion board of the Social Science Research Council on
and Production, vol 37 (1) January 2005: 33-48. June 25, 2007.
Akabwai, D. and P. Ateyo. The Scramble for Cattle, Pow- Dyson-Hudson, N. Karimojong Politics. Oxford, Clar-
er and Guns in Karamoja. Medford, MA: Feinstein In- endon Press, 1966.
ternational Center, Tufts University, 2007.
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